Name among those who are in Communion with the Church That though that Bishop never Espoused any Heretical Opinions yet he hath rendered himself blame-worthy by receiving Hereticks into his Communion That 〈◊〉 having been condemned by the Council of Chalcedon Timotheus and Petrus who were of the â—â—me Judgment with that Heretick ought to be looked upon as subject to the same Coâ—… as also all those that are united with them so that it is not sufficient for Eupheâ—… to conâ—… 〈◊〉 and to declare himself Orthodox unless be condemn them who are of the same Sentiments or coâ—â—â—unicate with them That without this he can never come to a 〈◊〉 Reconciliation with him Euphemius had told him in his Letter That he was very ready to 〈◊〉 him in this Matter but he could not do it without offending the People of Constantinople and therefore desired him to send such Persons as he thought best of Whereupon Gelasius answers him That it is the Peoples Duty to follow their Pastor and the Pastor's to Govern his People and if his Flock 〈◊〉 not his Voice It will give less heed to another Pastor whom it suspects Lastly He cites him before the Tribunal of Jesus Christ where he says it will be known whether he be in the fault or no in so acting This is the Sum of Gelasius's first Letter The second is a Circular Letter to the Bishop of Illyria which contains a Profession or Declaration of his Doctrine wherein he condemns the Errors of the Eutychians and establisheth the Distinction of the two Natures He also tells them How joyful he was to see them follow the Sentence passed against Acacius by his Predecessor and pronounce Anathema against that Bishop The third is another Circular Letter to the Bishop of Dardania in which he exhorts them to condemn the Eutychians and all that communicate with them They satisfie him in their answer which goes before this Letter In the fourth Letter directed to Faustus the Ambassador of Theodoricus at Constantinople he complains of the Obstinacy of the Greeks in the business of Acacius and because they desired him to pardon him he says That he could not pardon a Man who died out of the Communion of the Church nor absolve him from his Excommunication after his Death because he had no Precedent for such an Action And whereas Euphemius had said That Acacius could not be condemned by the Bishop of Rome only he answers That having been condemned by the Authority of the Council of Chalcedon and his Predecessor having done no more but put the Decree of that Council in Execution he could not disallow of his Condemnation because it was not only permitted to the Bishop of the Holy Apostolick See but also to all Bishops to withdraw themselves from their Communion who embrace an Heresie condemned by the Church That it is to no purpose to object the Canons since the very Canons themselves refer the Examinations of the Appeals of all Churches to the Holy See so that there can be no Appeal from his Judgment That Timotheus Peter of Antioch Paul and several other Bishops had been condemned by the Authority of the Holy See only with the Approbation of Acacius himself who executed the Sentences against them Lastly He accuses the Greeks who alledged the Canons in defence of their Carriage of breaking the Canons and maintains That Acacius hath transgressed them in many Particulars The fifth Letter to Honorius a Bishop in Dalmatia was written by Gelasius about the News which he had heard That the Heresie of Pelagius was sprung up again in Dalmatia He exhorts that Bishop to oppose it vigorously This Admonition much surprized him and he could not but discover it to the Pope who answers him in his sixth Letter That he ought not to find fault with his Pastoral Care and Vigilance The seventh Letter is directed to the Bishop of Picenum Gelasius wrote it against an * Seneca Senex delirus Old Man who revived the Errors of Pelagius by teaching That there was no Original Sin That Children that die Unbaptized are not damned And that Man may be happy avoid Sin and do good without Grace which is bestowed on him for his Merits sake Gelasius having confuted these Errors at large accuseth this Priest also for permitting the Monks to dwell with the Consecrated Virgins and much condemns him for it For saith he if the Mind of those who have no converse with Women is often troubled with unclean thoughts what a deep Impression will the presence of Women make upon the Minds of them who see them continually Wherefore he forbids this abuse and threatens to punish those who shall hereafter tolerate it This Letter is dated Nov. 1. 493. The eighth Letter of Gelasius is addressed to the Emperour * Who succeeded Zeno. Anastasius After he hath excused himself for not writing to him before and declared what Zeal and Affection he hath to serve him he exhorts him to follow the Judgment of the Holy See by causing the Memory of Acacius to be condemned In this Letter there are many other things remarkable but nothing more than what he says concerning the Distinction between the Priesthood and the Royal Authority There are two sorts of Power saith he which exercise a Sovereignty over all the World the Sacred Authority of the Bishops and the Authority of Kings The Charge of Bishops is so much the greater because they must give an Account at the Day of Judgment of the Actions of Kings You know Sir that although you are Supreme and your Dignity excels all others yet you are obliged to submit your selves to the Authority of those that Minister about Holy Things That you require of them the Principles of your Salvation and ought to follow the Rules which they prescribe for the receiving of the Sacraments and disposing Ecclesiastical Matters For if the Bishops being perswaded that God hath given you a Sovereign Power over Things Temporal yield Obedience to your Civil Laws without opposing your Power in Temporal Matters with how great Reverence ought you to be subject in Spiritual Things to those who are set apart for the Distribution of the Holy Sacraments And if all the Faithful ought to submit themselves in general to all the Bishops which discharge their Office well with how much greater Reason ought they to yield to the Bishop of the Holy See whom God hath made the * First in Order Dignity not in Power or Sovereignty First among the Bishops and the Church hath always acknowledged him for such The ninth Letter to the Bishop of Lucania Samnium and Sicily contains many necessary Rules for the Ministers of the Church The Wars and Troubles of Italy had brought the Churches of that Country to such a miserable Condition that many of them had no Ministers in so much that they were forced to pass by the ordinary Forms and dispense with the strict Observation of the Canons But lest they should abuse
who thought that by his refusal he had offended them that had chosen him he answers in the first place That none ought to be afraid of offending Men when they cannot any other ways avoid it but by offending God 2. He shews that he was so far from disgracing them by his Denial that he pretended on the contrary that he obliged them very much by not exposing them to the reproaches to which they might otherwise have been subject and the false reports which might have been raised against them Is it not certain says he that had I accepted the Bishoprick then those that love to caluminate might have suspected and spoken many things not only of me but also of my Electours They would have said for example that they had respect to Riches or were blinded with the Luster of Birth or won by my Flatteries I know not whether they would not have dared to say that I had bribed them with Money But thanks be to God I took from them all these occasions of Evil-speaking and they can no more tax me with Flattery than they can accuse these good Men of being corrupted For why should he that bestowed Money or used Flattery to get an Office suffer another to take it when he might have it himself Again what might not have been said by detracting Men after my coming to the Office Could I have made Apologies sufficient to answer their Accusations Though all my Actions had been without reproach had they found no pretence to blacken me But now they have none for I have delivered those that might have chosen me from all imputations No complaints will be made of them It will not be said publickly They have entrusted young Fools with the highest and most considerable Offices they have exposed God's Flock to all sorts of Corruption Christianity is now made a jest of and they delight to render it ridiculous Now the mouth of iniquity must be stopped For if Calumniatours do thus complain of You addressing himself to Basil you will let them see that a man's Wisdom is not to be judged of by the Number of his Years nor old Age measured with Gray-hairs and that not young Men but Neophytes are to be excluded from Ecclesiastical Dignities Thus he concludes the second Book To defend himself against such as accused him of refusing the Bishoprick out of pride he says that it is not to be presumed that any Man could refuse so eminent a Dignity out of Vanity and that such as are of that opinion must needs be despisers of that high Office To undeceive them he speaks of the Priesthood in these Terms Though the Priesthood is exercised upon Earth yet it ought to be reckoned amongst heavenly Goods since neither Man nor Angel nor Archangel nor any created Power but the Holy Ghost himself established that sacred Order and made men think that they exercised a Ministry of Angels in a mortal Body Wherefore whosoever is raised up to the Priesthood ought to be as pure as if he were already in Heaven among those blessed Spirits When you see our Lord placed and offered upon the Altar The Bishop celebrating the Sacrifice and praying for the whole People dyed and made red with his precious Blood do you think that you are amongst Men and upon Earth Do you not believe your selves to be taken up into Heaven for that moment And do you not put off the thoughts of the flesh Do you not behold heavenly things with a pure Spirit and a naked Soul O Miracle O Bounty of God! He that is above with his Father suffers himself to be touched by the hands of all in this moment and gives himself to be held and embraced by those that desire it Afterwards he compares the Divine Mysteries to Elias his Sacrifice which caused Fire to come down from Heaven to consume the Victims He saith that the Bishop in like manner causeth by his Prayers not Fire from Heaven but the Holy Ghost to descend upon the Altar Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood because of the Power which they have to consecrate the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ he discourses of their Power of binding and loosing Sinners which is not less honourable nor less usefull to the Salvation of Men. For saith he living as yet upon the Earth they dispose of the things of Heaven and they have received a Power which God would give neither to Angels nor to Archangels having said unto Men and not to them What you shall bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth shall be loosed in Heaven Temporal Princes have a power to bind but that is the Body only whereas Episcopal Power bindeth the Soul and reacheth unto Heaven because God ratifieth above what the Bishops do here below and the Master confirmeth the Sentence of his Servants This Power is as much above the Temporal as Heaven is nobler than the Earth and the Soul than the Body It were madness to despise a Power without which we could hope for no Salvation nor the possession of the promised Goods For if none can enter into the Kingdom of Heaven unless he be first regenerated with Water and the Holy Ghost And if he that eateth not the Flesh of the Lord and drinketh not his Blood is deprived of Eternal Life And if it be these holy Hands I mean by the hands of Bishops that all these things are done How can either the Fire of Hell be avoided or the Crowns prepared for us in Heaven be obtained without their help They and only they are intrusted by God with these spiritual Births and that regeneration which is wrought by Baptism By them we put on Christ we are united to the Son of God and become Members of his sacred Body Bishops do not judge of the Leprosie of the Body as the Priests did under the old Law they judge of that of the Soul and they do not onely enquire whether Souls be purified but they have power also to purify them Wherefore those that despise them commit a much greater Crime and are worthy of a much severer Chastisement than Dathan and his Companions Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood he discovers the Dangers that attend this Office on all sides He compares a Bishop that has the Care of a Diocess with a Pilot that hath the Charge of a Ship But a Bishop saith he is more agitated with Cares than the Sea with Winds and Storms The first Rock he meets with is vain Glory Anger Peevishness Envy Quarrelling Calumnies Accusations Lying Hypocrisies Treachery and precipitate Violence against the Innocent joy to see those that serve the Church neglect their Duty and sorrow to see them discharge it worthily love of Praise desire of Honour which is one of the most pernicious passions of the Soul Discourses where pleasure is more looked after than the profit of the Hearers servile Flatteries base Complacency Contempt of the
this Observation that the Body of Christ is upon Earth as often as he pleases that nothing but an ill Disposition of the Mind can make the Body incapable of receiving it so that tho' any part of Christ's Body should come out of his Mouth unknown to him one ought not therefore to think him irreligious or that he despised the Body of our Saviour nor think that his Body went to any place where God would not have it that our Saviour's Body quickens our Souls or rather is the Life of our Souls and therefore we do not take its Life away tho' we part with it To conclude he says 'T is needless to enquire whether our Saviour's Body after it is received with an upright Intention be invisibly raised up into Heaven or kept in our Body till its Burial whether it be exhaled into the Air or issues out of the Body with the Blood or through the Pores the Lord saying that whatever comes into the Mouth goes down into the Belly and from thence into the Draught but the chief thing that we ought to mind is that we do not receive it Judas-like with a treacherous Heart that we do not â—light it but distinguish it as we ought from common Food Thus Amalarius propounds the Question without deciding it and does not declare his Opinion in the Matter Heribaldus Bishop of Auxerre having propounded the same Question to Rabanus Archbishop of Rabanus's Opinion upon the Question of Stercoranism Mentz the Archbishop returned him this Answer As to your Question concerning the Eucharist Whether being consumed and voided out of the Body as other sorts of Food are it re-assumes the Nature it had before its Consecration upon the Altar This Question says he seems to me superfluous because our Saviour himself says in the Gospel That wharever comes into the Mouth goes down into the Belly and from thence into the Draught The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Saviour is made of Things visible and corporeal but it works Sanctification and the invisible Salvation both of the Body and Soul There is no ground to think that what is digested in the Stomach should return into its former state a Thing avouched by no Man as yet Here Rabanus supposes that the Species of Bread and Wine in the Eucharist are under the same Laws and Contingencies with our common Food and that they do not re-assume their proper Nature which they had before the Consecration For it is plain that he does not speak of our Saviour's Body but of the outward Species of Bread and Wine Some Authors that were more scrupulous fansied this Opinion unsuitable to the Dignity of the The Sentiment of a nameless Author upon the Question of Stercoranism Mystery and that it was more decent to think either that the Species are annihilated or that they have a perpetual Being or else are changed into Flesh and Blood and not into Humours or Excrements to be voided 'T is the Opinion of an anonymous Author quoted by Erigerus under the Character of a certain Learned Man whose Work is inserted in the second Volume of Dacherius's Spicilegium This Author distinguishes two Things in the Eucharist viz. the invisible Body of our Saviour which is spiritual Food to the Soul and the outward Food which nourishes the Body And telling us what becomes of this he opposes two contrary Places of Scripture one of our Saviour teaching us that whatever goes into the Mouth goes down into the Belly and thence into the Draught and the other of the Apostle that makes a great Difference betwixt the Eucharist and other sorts of Food The first Place makes no Exception at all of the Sacrament but the second teaches us to distinguish it from our usual Food That indeed it is eaten and swallowed down in the same manner as our usual Food putting it into our Mouths and conveying it down into the Belly but when 't is come thither none but the Lord knows how he disposes of it For we know says he that it may be consumed by a spiritual Power that it may be kept for ever from Corruption because God may do what he pleases with his Sacrament But God forbid it should be subject to be conveyed into the Draught or capable of being digested corrupted or consumed by Heat or altered by any other Cause c. Erigerus makes a more strong Opposition against the Opinion of Rabanus and says 't was a scandalous Erigerus's Opinion upon the Questiâ—n of Scercoranism Thing for Heribaldus to propose such a Question to him but more scandalous for Rabanus to have minded it and most scandalous to have solved it as he has done He declares himself against him assirming that the Symbols of Bread and Wine are not voided out of our Bodies nor changed into useless Humours or Excrements but into our Flesh and Blood to be raised again from the Dead Guitmondus was of the same Opinion with Erigerus affirming That though a Man may be nourished Guirmondus and Algerus their Opinion upon the Question of Stercoranism by the Species of the Eucharist yet no part of it is turned into Excrements That they are never putrify'd corrupted or any way alter'd whatever they seem to be either to try the Faith of the Elect or to punish the Neglect of those who keep 'em too long That no Vermin can gnaw 'em no Beast eat them and if such a thing happen the Sacrament is by Miracle convey'd to some other place Now to obviate this Objection That if a Priest should Consecrate one great Loaf or several Loaves a Man might live upon it and shall void his Excrements in the usual manner he declares that in this case the Sacrament is also miraculously convey'd away and an Unconsecrated Loaf substituted in the room of it by the Angels or by the Evil Spirits to cheat the Hereticks Algerus speaks much to the same purpose and holds That the Species do not come out of our Bodies by Excrements but are annihilated He utterly denies that Excrements can arise from the Species eaten and will not allow 'em to be corrupted or putrefy'd burnt or alter'd in the least though they seem so to be Lastly He taxes the Greeks with an Erroncous Belief The Greeks Opinion as to Stercoranism That the Eucharist is liable to the same Laws and Contingencies with other sorts of Food because they say That the Fast ordained by the Church is broken by the Communion and calls 'em therefore by the Infamous Name of Stercoranists Which Accusation he got from Cardinal Humbertus who lays the same Thing to the charge of Nicetas Pectoratus But he fathers upon him that Opinion as a consequence of his Assertion that the Fast was broken by the Eucharist and not as a Doctrine formally asserted by him The Truth is there is nothing of that in the Writings of Nicetas who blaming the Latins for Celebrating the Mass in Lent upon other days than
Care in sending Galleys for the Defence of the Territory of Rome against the Saracens for his restoring to the Church of Rome S. Sergius his Monastery in the Neighbourhood of Constantinople and lastly for having restored Bulgaria to the See of Rome He prays him to continue his Good Will to that See and adds at the end of the Letter That he allows of the Acts of the Council at Constantinople for the Restauration of Photius but if his Legates had any way trespassed upon his Orders he disowns all such Actings and declares them void This Letter bore date August the Thirteenth 880. He also Congratulated Photius upon his Restauration for which he told him he was obliged to Pope John disowns what his Legates had done the Holy See but blamed him for refusing to make a Publick Acknowledgment of his Fault and beg the Council's Pardon He enjoyns him to submit himself and be faithful to the Holy See and ends his Letter with the same Clause contained in that to the Emperour Which shews that he was not as yet fully informed of all those Things the Legates had consented to And indeed when he understood how they had been surprised he went up to the Choire of his Church from whence he fulminated his Excommunication against all Persons that should not receive the Condemnation of Photius and having Deposed his Legates he sent Marinus who had been twice already Legate in the East to Repair the Mischief done by the late Legates Marinus being arrived at Constantinople did strenuously maintain what had been done under Pope Nicholas and in the Eighth Council against Photius refusing to consent to the Abrogation of the Acts of that Council The Emperour incensed at his Presumption in Disannulling what the other had Ratified caused him to be cast into Prison and having kept him there the space of Thirty days thinking that Mortification would make him change his Mind he sent him back to Rome where his Constancy was soon required For Pope John dying in the beginning of the year 882 he was Chosen to be his next Successor on the First of February Being raised to that High Station the first Thing that he did was to Condemn Photius again The following Popes are against the Restauration of Photius to declare void all the Episcopal Functions he had took upon him and to Abrogate all the Acts of the False Council of Photius His Pontificate having lasted but one year and odd days he had for his Successor Adrian the Third of that Name to whom Basilius the Emperour made present Applications to get him to own Photius But this Pope on the contrary did openly declare against him and Confirmed what his Predecessor had done Basilius provoked by this Denial Writ Adrian a Letter full of Invectives against the Bishops of Rome but chiefly against Marinus affirming That he could not legally be Chosen Bishop of Rome because of his being Bishop of another Church This Letter was deliver'd to Pope Stephen the Vth who succeeded Adrian in 885. Stephen made a Sober but Smart Answer to the Emperour in which he tells him That he wonders how he could Write in so violent a Style to his Predecessor for he could not be ignorant that the Sacerdotal Dignity was not any way subject to the Regal Power That though the Emperour represented Christ upon Earth 't is onely in respect to Civil and Temporal Things And that as God has given him a Supream Power over the Things of this World so has he given by St. Peter to his Successors a Supream Authority over Spiritual Things That it was the Emperour's part to destroy with the Sword the Impiety and Barbarity of Tyrants to doe Justice to his Subjects to make Laws and to have Armies both by Sea and Land but that the Care of Christ's Flock is committed to the High-Priests a Dignity as much above that of Kings as Heavenly Things are above Spiritual He exhorts him to follow the Pope's Decrees and to respect their Dignity He charges with Blasphemy all that have offer'd to Calumniate his Predecessor Marinus and sharply rebukes him for his giving credit to such Calumnies He asks him By whom he was Constituted a Judge of the Holy High-Priests And how he knows that Marinus was not a Bishop He excuses his being Translated by several Instances Moreover he affirms That the Pope is not liable to any Man's Judgment and says That Pope Sylvester caused a Declaration of it to be made by his Legates in the Nicene Council A Fact that cannot be proved He justifies all the Proceedings of Marinus and his Predecessors against Photius exhorts the Emperour to put him out of his See and to fill his Place by another Patriarch He complains of the ill usage Marinus had at his Court. Lastly He commends the Emperour for designing one of his Sons for the Sacerdotal Office and requires his Assistance for the defence of Rome and all Italy both by Sea and Land against the Descents and Inrodes of the Barbarians This Letter came to Constantinople after Basilius's Decease and was delivered to his Son Leo Photius turned out again who succeeded him in 886. This Prince was an Enemy to Photius upon a Jealousie he had that Photius had made use of Santarabenus to put him out of his Father's favour who had forced him to a private Life Glad therefore of this Opportunity at his Accession to the Imperial Throne to be revenged of his Enemies he presently turn'd out Photius and banished him into a Monastery in Armenia caused Santarabenus's Eyes to be put out sent him into Exile to Athens and caused Stephen his own Brother to be chosen Patriarch of Constantinople Which Election was approved of by Stylianus Bishop of Neocaesarea and by the other Bishops that were Photius's Adversaries who in their own Names and the Names of the Clergy of Constantinople together with the Abbots and Monks of the Empire sent a Letter to Pope Stephen In which having related all that had passed from the beginning in Photius's Case and how Leo the Emperour had no sooner ascended the Throne of his Father but he presently turn'd him out and by that means delivered them from the Miseries they groaned under for not submitting to him they earnestly entreat him to pardon those who had held Communion with Photius a second time by which Indulgence he would save a world of people proving that it had been practised by the Church upon several Occasions However they acquaint him that they would not suffer the Bishops of Photius's Faction to perform any Sacerdotal Functions whatever Permission they pretended to have from the Holy See till they had a certain Account of the Pope's pleasure in it â—nd that the rest who had submitted to Photius and were compelled to do it were the more excusaâ—le The Emperour writ also to the Pope but only acquainted him by his Letters that Photius had withdrawn himself of his own accord and had embraced a private
of Inventions printed at Paris in 1499. with his Book for the Clergy and his Treatise Intituled The Phantastick in which he makes a Defence for himself and confutes the title which some had given him of a Phantastical Person written in 1311. His Book of Proverbs printed at Paris in 1516. A Commentary upon the First Chapter of the Gospel of S. John printed at Amiens in 1511. A Disputation which he had with Homerius a Sarazen in 1308. printed at Valentia in 1510. The Disputation of Five Learned Men written in the Year 1294. printed at the same place in 1520. His Questions upon the Four Books of the Sentences Composed in 1298. printed at Lyons 1491. and at Palermo in 1507. with the Questions of Mr. Thomas d'Arras resolved according to Art A Treatise of the Immaculate Conception printed at Brussels The Tree of Knowledge printed at Lyons in 1514. and 1515. and several other Philosophical Works printed at other places For as for those Treatises Of the Invocation of Daemons Of the Secrets of Nature and other Books of Chymistry printed in several places they are very Wicked Books which are none of Raimundus Lullus's but of Raimundus de Tarraga a Converted Jew which contain in them many Errors and manifest Follies Out of the Works of Raimundus Lullus Nicholas Eymericus hath Extracted an Hundred Erroneous Propositions which he Presented to Pope Gregory XI that they might be Condemned with all his Works That Pope caused them to be Examined and at last Condemned but Peter King of Arragon wrote to his Holiness to revoke his Sentence and desired him by a Letter dated Jan. 7. 1377. to send the Examination of the Books of Raimundus Lullus immediately but it had no effect As to the Errors which are imputed to him by Eymericus we must own that several of the Propositions which he hath recited may be defended but some of them are unsufferable that the Method of Raimundus Lullus and his way of reasoning is no way helpful to the Knowledge of things and that by his Principles an Error may be maintained as well as the Truth John of Friburg Sirnamed Runsick a Monk of the Order of the Friars-Preachers and Bishop John of Friburg Bishop of Osmo of Osmo in Hungary the most able Preacher of his Time and so Pathetick that having preach'd at Bolen against Usury he made the People drive out all the Usurers of the Town He flourished in the beginning of this Age and died in the Year 1314. after he had left his Bishoprick and was retired into a Convent of his own Order He made a Summ for Preachers printed at Ruthingia in 1487. A grand Summ for Confessors divided into Four Parts printed at Lyons in 1518. A Gloss upon the Summs of Raimundus de Pennaforti which is joined with the Impression of the former Summ at Rome in 1603. The Author of the Bibliotheca Praedicatorum i. e. the Collection of the Authors of the Order of the Friars-Preachers makes mention of a Commentary of this Author upon the Books of the Sentences and Glosses upon the Decrees and some other of his Writings but they are none of them Publick Aegidius Romanus or Giles of Rome of the House of Columnâ a Monk of the Order of the Aegidius Romanus Archbishop of Bourges Hermites of S. Augustine Studied at Paris under Thomas Aquinas whose Doctrines he always held and defended He was made the Master of Philip the Fair and taught Philosophy and Divinity in the University of Paris In the Year 1292. he was constituted General of his Order and promoted in the Year 1294. by Pope Boniface to the Archbishoprick of Bourges by the consent of Philip the Fair. Some say he was made a Cardinal in 1315. but it is a false Opinion He died Decemb. 22. 1316. He had made several Books in Philosophy and Divinity which got him the Name of Doctor Fundatissimus the most Well-grounded Doctor The Books of his which are in Print are A Question about the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Powers composed in 1304. upon the occasion of the Difference between King Philip the Fair and Pope Boniface containing Six Articles in which he shews 1. That God hath established both those Powers 2. That they are distinct and several 3. That God in re-establishing the Spiritual Power hath not given him any Temporal Dominion 4. That the Temporal Power is not Subject to the Spiritual but only in Spiritual Causes 5. That the King of France holds his Kingdom of none but God and has no other Superior He next Answers the Objections brought against this Doctrine This Treatise is in the Second Tome of Goldastus's Monarchia p. 95. The Defence of S. Thomas's Books against the Correctory of William de la Maze printed at Venice in 1601. and 1624. A Treatise upon the Four Books of the Sentences printed at Basil in 1513. A Commentary upon the First Book of the Sentences printed at Venice in 1571. Some Questions upon the Second Book of the Sentences printed in the same City in 1581. Certain Questions upon the Third Book of the Sentences printed at Rome in 1623. A Treatise of the Being Essence Knowledge and Motion of Angels printed at Venice in 1598. A Tract of Original Sin printed at Oxford in 1479. A Treatise of the Subject of Divinity and some other small Tracts printed at Venice in 1501. A Comment upon the Six days Work of the Creation printed at Venice in 1521. Three Books of the Government of Princes made in favour of Philip the Fair printed at Rome 1482. and at Venice 1598. Bellarmine makes also mention of these following Treatises written by the same Author as if they were printed Nineteen Lectures upon the Song of Songs A Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans An Exposition upon the Chapters Firmiter Marthae A Treatise of the Body of Jesus Christ or certain Theorems upon the Sacrament of the Altar A Treatise of the Distinction of the Articles of Faith A Writing of the Renunciation of the Pope Another Writing Composed upon the Occasion of a Clerk not worthily promoted to the Office of a Subdeacon A Question viz. Whether Kings can dispose of the Goods of their Kingdoms A Treatise against persons Exempt A Writing concerning the Influence of God upon the Blessed Another of the Praises of the Divine Wisdom A Treatise of the Defect of the Evil of Fault A Tract of Predestination Of Prescience Paradise and Hell There is also mention made of all these Works by Trithemius and besides of a Commentary upon the Epistles of S. Paul A Treatise of the Office of the Mass an Abridgment of Divinity and divers Sermons but we have not come to the sight of any of them I pass over his Philosophical Tracts both Printed and MSS. which are very numerous for he Commented upon all the Books of Aristotle and several other Books The Works upon the Lord's Prayer and the Angel's Salutation of Mary belong not to Giles of Rome but some
same Year by the same Pope to the Bishoprick of Pamiez hath made Postills upon all the Historical Books of the Bible which are found in the Library of Mr. Colbert Cod. 114 115 116 117 118. He lived till after the Year 1342. Petrus Alverniensis or Peter of Auvergne a Canon of the Church of Paris Composed a Summ Pet. de Auvergne of Quodlibetical Questions about 1320. 'T is in Mr. Colbert's Library Cod. 963. Vitalis è Furno a Native of Bazas in Guienne a Grey-Friar was employed by Pope Clement Vitalis è Furno V. to Examine the Errors of John Oliva and made Cardinal of the Title of S. Martin in 1312. John XXII gave him the Title of the Bishoprick of Albania after the Death of the Cardinal of Aux which happened in 1320. He maintained in the Consistory in the Year 1322. against the Judgment of the Pope That it was not Heretical to assert That neither Jesus Christ nor his Apostles had nothing of their own but lived in Common and was so bold as to declare that it was an Heresie to hold the contrary but the Pope being very much enraged against him he begged Pardon and retracted his Assertion He died 1327. He hath left us a Book called Speculum Morale or a Moral Looking-glass upon the Scripture which puts a Mystical Sence upon almost all Passages both of the Old and New Testament This Work was Composed by this Author in 1305. and printed at Lyons in 1513. and at Venice in 1514. and 1600. where also the Comments of this Author upon the Proverbs of Solomon upon the Four Gospels and the Revelation are printed The Treatise upon the Preservation of Health and the Cures of Diseases printed in his name at Mayence in 1531. belong to an Author of greater Antiquity who lived in the time of Bola King of Hungary of whom he speaks as Mr. Baluzius has already observed They who have written of the Authors of the Order of S. Francis do make mention of some other Works of this Author in MS. and among others his Commentaries upon the Sentences which are said to be in the Vatican Library Marinus Sanutus or Sanudo Sirnamed Torsellus from an Instrument so called of which he Marinus Sanutus was the Inventor a Native of Rivoalti a Town under the States of Venice after he had spent his Youth in an Expedition to the Holy Land Composed a Work to which he gave the Title The Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross in which he undertakes to prescribe a Way how the Christians may recover the Holy Land divided into Three Books In the First Book he shews That the way to weaken the Infidels is to hold no Trade nor Commerce with them In the Second he shews How they must be Attacqued in what Places and with what Forces In the Third he gives an History of the Holy Land and the Expedition of the Christians thither that he may instruct them in such Methods as may Succeed in the Conquest of it by avoiding the Faults of the one and imitating the Conduct of the other Sanutus presented this Work in the Year 1312. to Pope John XXII with Geographical Tables and dedicated it to the Kings of France England and Sicily Exhorting them to undertake the Conquest of the Holy Land He hath also written several Letters upon the same Subject to the Princes Cardinals and Prelates which are printed at the End of his Work published by Bogarsius in his Collection Intituled Gesta Dei per Francos the Acts of God done by the French printed at Hanover in 1611. Alexander de S. Elpidio a City of Italy near Rome was chosen in 1312. General of the Order Alexander de S. Elpidio of Augustine-Hermites and made in the Year 1325. Archbishop of Ravenna Composed by the Order of Pope John XXII a Treatise about the Jurisdiction of the Empire and Authority of the Pope divided into two Books and printed at Lyons in 1498. and at Ariminum in 1624. It is said That there are some MS. Treatises of the same Author and among others a Treatise of Evangelical Poverty and the Unity of the Church with some Commentaries upon Aristotle's Works preserved in the Library of the Augustine-Friars at Bononia by Josephus Pamphilus in Chron. Erem p. 46. Alvarus Pelagius a Native of Galecia in Spain Dr. of Law in the University of Bononia entred Alvarus Pelagius into the Order of Grey-Friars in 1304. when he had studied Divinity at Pisa and afterward at Paris under Joannes Scotus He was made by Pope John XXII about the Year 1330. Apostolick Penitentiary and afterwards honoured with the Dignity of Bishop of Coronna in Achaia and lastly made Bishop of Silves in Portugal He defended John XXII against Michael de Caesenas We have an excellent Treatise composed by him called Planctus Ecclesiae i. e. The Churches Complaints dedicated to Petrus Gomesius General of his own Order which he finished at Compostella in 1340. and has been printed at Ulm in 1474. at Lyons 1517. and at Venice in 1560. A Summ of Divinity printed at Ulm in 1474. A MS. Treatise which is found in the Vatican Library and in Mr. Colbert's Cod. 2071. Intituled Collyrium Fidei contra Haereses i. e. A Salve to preserve the Faith against Heresies A long Discourse of the Vision of Souls made before Pope John XXII in which he defends the Judgment of that Pope It is in MS. in the Library of the Grey-Friars at Toledo Trithemius makes mention of a Treatise of this Author Intituled The Mirrour of Kings and an Apology divided into Four Books The Treatise of Alvarus Pelagius De planctu Ecclesiae is divided into two Books In the First he treats of the State of the Church its Foundation Jurisdiction Power and Sanctity the Pope and Cardinals Authority In it he maintains as well the Temporal as Spiritual Soveraignty of the Pope That none can Appeal from his Judgment That he has none that can Judge him upon Earth That he has two Swords That he is above Emperors and Kings and may depose them He also in it treats of the Pope's dispensing Power the Authority of his Legates Ecclesiastical Censures and the Power of Bishops Duty of Kings Qualities of the Church and particularly its Unity Of Schism and Schismaticks The Second Book contains many Passionate Declamations against the Disorders and Unruliness of the Members of the Church of all Degrees and the means to remedy them In it he also treats of the Obligation of Bishops to Residence of Simony of such Faults as the Popes may be guilty of of their Obligations and Duties as also of the Cardinals Patriarchs and Bishops He describes the Vices into which they commonly fall and spares not the Abbots and Monks From the Clergy he passes to the Laity and having run through all Estates and Employments Conditions Ages and Sexes he discovers their Sins to which they are Subject and opposes the Errors of the Begards In it also
he debates the question about the Poverty of Jesus Christ and his Apostles and endeavours to reconcile the Decretal Exiit with the Opinion of John XXII and proves that it is not Heretical to assert that Jesus Christ and his Apostles had not any Dominion either in common or particular to themselves nor any property nor any right of Use but the more actual usage of them Upon this Subject he enlarges with the respect to the Franciscans and the Questions debated in Pope John XXII's time but defends his Constitutions notwithstanding affirming That it belongs to the Pope to explain the Rule He after speaks of the other Virtues of the Monks as their Obedience Humility Charity Silence and the Opposite Vices and ends this Work with an Explication of the Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit William Ockam born in a Village of the same Name in the County of Surrey in England a Grey-Friar and Sirnamed The Singular Doctor was the Head or Leader of the Sect of William Ockam Schoolmen called Nominals because they did not multiply things according to the difference of their Names but attempted to know and explain the Proprieties of terms He flourished in the University of Paris in the beginning of this Age and made a Work of the Ecclesiastical and Secular Power in the defence of Philip the Fair against Boniface VIII He after fell in with a Party of his own Order who maintained that Jesus Christ had nothing in Proper nor in Common and was one of the great Adversaries of John XXII who Condemned him to Silence under the Penalty of Excommunication but in the issue he declared himself openly for the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria and for the Anti-Pope Petrus Corbarius and wrote against John XXII who Excommunicated him in 1330. whereupon he left France and went to Lewis of Bavaria who received him favourably He finished his Life in that Court and wrote always in his defence It is said that he used to speak to the Emperor thus O Prince defend me with thy Sword and I will defend thee with my Pen. He died at Munick April 10. 1347. His Works were never Collected into one Body but printed severally They are of Three Sorts 1. Works of Philosophy 2. Treatises of School-Divinity 3. Books of Controversie His Philosophical Books are his Exposition upon Logick printed at Bononia in 1496. A Sum of Logick printed at Venice in 1508. and 1591. and at Oxford 1675. His great Summ of Logick printed at Venice in 1532. His Questions upon the Eight Books of Aristotle's Physicks printed at Strasburg in 1491. and 1506. His Natural Philosophy or an Abridgment of a Summ taken out of the Books of Physick printed at Venice in 1606. and at Rome in 1637. His Works of School-Divinity are his Questions upon the Four Books of Sentences printed at Lyons in 1495. his Centiloquium containing the whole Science of Speculative Divinity in a Hundred Conclusions printed in the next Year in the same place A Commentary upon the first Book of the Sentences printed in 1483. Seven Quodlibetical Questions with a Treatise upon the Sacrament of the Altar or of the Body of Jesus Christ printed at Paris in 1487. and 1513. at Strasburg in 1491. and at Venice in 1516. and at Paris 1487. and 1513. His Books of Controversie against the Popes Boniface VIII and John XXII are put together by Goldastus into his Collection Intituled Monarchia The First is about the Ecclesiastical and Secular Power in the form of a Dialogue between a Soldier and a Clergyman in it he confutes the pretended Claim of Pope Boniface VIII to a Superiority over the Temporal Affairs of Kings This Treatise was printed before at Paris in 1598. The Second is a Treatise containing a Resolution to Eight Questions about the Ecclesiastical and Secular Power In it he discusses these following Questions I. Whether the Supream Spiritual Power and the Supream Temporal Power may meet in the same Subject and whether the Pope hath them both He recites the Reasons and Answers on both sides and at last concludes That although both these Powers may meet in the same Man yet it is not at all fit that they should meet in him and that the Pope hath only a Spiritual Jurisdiction II. Whether the Lay-Power hath any thing proper to it which is immediately derived from God and whether it depends on the Pope He treats of this Question in the same manner as the former and gives us to understand that the true Opinion is this That Kings depend immediately on God and not on the Pope as far as concerns their Temporal Power III. Whether the Pope and the Church of Rome have by the appointment of Jesus Christ a Power to give a Temporal Jurisdiction to the Emperor and Kings and whether they hold it from him He recites the Reasons on both sides but manifestly shews what Opinion he was of IV. Whether the Election of a King of the Romans or of the Emperor entitles to a Supream Power and whether it depends upon the Ceremony of Unction used at the Coronation He treats of the Distinction between the King of the Romans and the Emperor of the Right of Charles the Great to the Empire and of the Right of his Successors as well to the Empire as Kingdom of France of the Right of Election and concludes that the Electors in choosing a King of the Romans which he looks upon as not differing from the Emperor confer on him a Right to Govern the Empire V. Whether in those Kingdoms where there is a Succession established the Unction performed by the Clergy gives any Temporal Authority VI. Whether Kings are Subject to them that Crown them VII Whether a King who shall suffer himself to be Crowned by any other Bishop than him to whom it belongs of Right loses his Title of King and his Regal Authority VIII Whether the Canonical Election of the Princes Electors gives the King of the Romans a Right to any other than the Hereditary Countries He treats of all these Questions after such a manner that though he does not plainly lay down his own Judgment yet he shews where the Truth lies In the end of his Treatise he relates the Errors of which John XXII was accused as well concerning the Poverty of Jesus Christ and his Apostles as about the Vision of God His Third Work is a large Treatise in the form of a Dialogue divided into several Books in which he examines the Questions controverted in his time between John XXII and his Adversaries in the same Method as in his former Treatise In the First Book he inquires whether it belongs to Divines or Canonists to judge of Heresies and Catholick Truths In the Second he lays down what is Heresie and what Catholick Truth In it also he Treats of several Curious Questions concerning the Principles of Faith and the Condemnation of Heresies by Councils and Popes In the Third he Examines who are Judges of Heresies and shews
that none but such as are obstinate in their Error are to be treated as Hereticks and so adds what are the Conditions necessary to repute a Man an Heretick In the Fourth Book also he treats of the same Question and prescribes the means to convince a Man of Obstinacy In the Fifth he shews who may fall into Heresie and particularly whether the Pope or College of Cardinals may err In it also he treats of the Primacy of the Church of Rome and of the Infallibility of a General Council and of the whole Church In the Sixth he treats of the Punishment of Hereticks and particularly of a Pope who is either Suspected or Convicted of Heresie the Method of Proceeding against him the Judges which he may have upon Earth and the Penalties which may be inflicted on him He also considers what share Lay-Princes have in the Decisions and Executions of such Judgments as concern the Faith In the Seventh he treats of such as give Credit to Hereticks who defend and protect them and particularly of such as follow an Heretical Pope who obey him and maintain his Heretical Doctrines and Communicate with him After he has explained these Questions in the First Part of this Dialogue he opposes in the Second the pretended Heresie of John XXII concerning the Vision of God and confutes the Reasons brought to excuse him The Third Part is divided into two Treatises The First is about the Authority of the Pope and the Second about that of the Emperor In the First Book he inquires how far the Pope's Power extends it self and whether he hath any Temporal Authority In the Second he examines whether it be convenient for all Christians to be Subject to One Head and the State of the Church to be Monarchical Whether there may be several Supream Bishops or Independant Patriarchs In the Third Book he inquires what that Authority is to which Men must yield a Belief under pain of Damnation In it he handles many Curious Questions concerning the Authority of Scripture General Councils Popes and Fathers in Matters of Faith In the Fourth he discourses of the Supremacy of S. Peter viz. Whether Jesus Christ made him the Head and Prince of the Apostles and whether he had Power over them It is easie to discern that he is for the Affirmative In his Second Treatise which is concerning the Power of the Emperor he examines in the First Book Whether it is convenient that all the World should be Subject to one Prince how far the Authority of the Emperor extends whether it depends upon the Pope or God only whether the Empire may be Translated Divided or Separated In the Second he treats of the Emperor's Authority in things Temporal declares the difference between the Spiritual Power of the Pope and that of the Emperor and shews how far the Power of this latter extends In the last Books he discourses of the Emperor's Power over the Persons of Churchmen and Revenues of the Church He inquires whether the Right of choosing a Pope belongs to him or the Romans whether these last may incroach upon him if the Emperor be the Pope's Judge and have Authority over him He had promised in the Preface to the Third Part of that Work Seven other Treatises The First concerning the behaviour of John XXII whether he died an Heretick or Orthodox Person The Second of the Life of Lewis of Bavaria to shew whether he were a Lawful Emperor or no. The Third of the Carriage of Benedict XII whom several Acknowledged to be Pope The Fourth of the Life of Friar Michael Caesena The Fifth of the behaviour of Friar Gerhard Odonis whom some reputed the Lawful General of the Grey-Friars The Sixth of the demeanour of William Ockam And the last of the Conduct of the Princes Bishops and other Christians who had adhered to favoured and maintained those of whom he had spoken These Treatises 't is not certain whether they were ever finished by Ockam or whether they are lost But we have two Treatises more of this Author 's against John XXII The one Intituled An Abridgment of the Errors of Pope John XXII as well in respect to the Poverty of Jesus Christ and his Apostles as about the Vision of God the Trinity and Power of God in which he answers the Reasons brought to excuse that Pope and accuses Benedict XII to have been a Favourer of the Heresies of John XXII and to have broached a New One in forbidding that when any Question is brought to the Pope to choose either the Negative or the Affirmative Part before the Pope has decided it The other is a large Work Intituled Ninety Days because he spent so much time in Composing it in which he confutes word by word the Four Decretals of John XXII Quia Vir reprobus Ad conditorem Cum inter and Quia quorundam Lastly There is also another Treatise of Ockam's Composed upon the Occasion of the Divorce of Margaret Dutchess of Carinthia and the Son of the King of Bohemia in which he explains the Right of the Emperor and Princes in Matrimonial Causes All these Books of Controversie are found as we have observed in the First and Second Tome of the Monarchy of Goldastus and have been printed severally at Lyons in 1496. There is in the Library of M. Colbert a MS. Treatise of Ockam's against Benedict XII divided into Seven Books and a Letter to the General Chapter of the Grey-Friars met in 1334. at Assisi Marsilius Patavinus or Marsilius of Padua Sirnamed Menandrinus a famous Lawyer of his Marsilius Patavinus time stoutly defended the Party of the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria against the Pope and about the Year 1324. Composed a large Work upon that Subject Intituled A Defender of the Peace against the Jurisdiction usurped by the Pope of Rome dedicated to the Emperor It is divided into Three Parts In the First he settles the Civil and Temporal Authority and Jurisdiction its Extent and Bounds In the Second he shews the Nature of the Ecclesiastical Power what is its Extent and what are the Effects of it and how it differs from the Civil Authority In it he maintains That the Church properly speaking hath no Compulsive Authority or Jurisdiction That all the Apostles were equal in Power That all Bishops and Ecclesiastical Ministers have their Power immediately from God That all Bishops have Power to decide Matters of Faith That a General Council is the Supream Judge of the Church and that the Government of the Church belongs to that That the Bishop of Rome is not the Head of other Bishops nor has any Primacy above them That he is the first in a Council and has Power to execute its Rules and Decrees In it he also shews wherein the Popes have exceeded their Authority and Power as well in Spiritual as Temporal Things and answers the Objections that may be made against that Doctrine and the Passages of the Fathers usually against it In the last Part
they were compatible and might be united in one Subject That the Temporal Power is Subject to the Spiritual That the Clergy have both which he endeavours to prove by the Old Testament and New by Natural Ecclesiastical and Civil Law by Custom and by the Privileges granted by the Kings of France to the Clergy of his Realm Upon the Second part of the Text Honour the King he said That truly to Honour the King was to advise him not to attempt any thing against his Conscience and that would bring a general Odium upon himself by engaging him to make void what his Predecessors had done Secondly That it was not to honour him to put him upon any thing that would lessen his Power by perswading him That his Predecessors had no Power or Right to grant those Privileges Thirdly It was not to honour the King to advise him to do any thing contrary to his Reputation Conscience or Oath which he had taken to preserve the Privileges and Liberties of the Church He concludes with a Supplication to the King That it would please the King to confirm their Just and Canonical Privileges to recall the Attempts made to the contrary at their Complaint and Request and to preserve the Church of France in its Franchises Liberties and Customs And as to the Articles proposed Some of them they were obliged to maintain because otherwise they should lose and weaken all their Ecclesiastical Power But the others contained nothing but certain Abuses which they could not believe their Officers had been guilty of and which they would neither approve nor tolerate The next Friday which was Dec. 29. the King being in his Palace with his Counsellors and Barons Peter Bertrandus Bishop of Autun delivered his Speech having taken for his Text these words in Genesis Let not the Lord be Angry if I speak and these other words of Scripture Lord thou art our present Refuge And having proved That it is the Duty of Kings to be the Protectors of the Church he answers Peter de Cūguieres yet with a Protestation that he did it only to instruct the King and not to answer as in Judgment He maintains That the Jurisdiction in Civil causes belongs to the Clergy both by Divine and Humane Right and that Kings had bestowed that Privilege on the Church and the rather because the Church had granted Kings several Spiritual Revenues Then he answers to the Articles propounded and says That they are of Three sorts Some concerned the perpetual Rights of the Church and belong to it by Right and Custom which it justly used and they were ready to defend it Others contained several Abuses and Errors which they would not endure and were ready to correct if they were really used The last Sort were partly just and partly unjust Then he makes some Remarks upon the 66 Articles propounded by Peter Cuguieres and maintains the greatest part of them Lastly The Bishop presented a Petition in which they requested a Confirmation of their Privileges and a Revocation of all that had been done and attempted to the contrary The Assembly being met on the 8th day at the Castle of S. Vincents before the King Peter de Cuguieres answered the Bishops in the Name of his Majesty in a Discourse which had for the Text these words of Jesus Christ I give you Peace I am with you fear not and told the Bishops That the King's intention was not to deprive the Church or Bishops of the Rights and Privileges which they could claim by Right or any Reasonable Custom but he proved that they had no right to Judge in Civil causes and in the Conclusion adds in the Name of the King That if any one would inform the King of the Custom and Use he was ready to hearken to them Bertrand replied and says in his Reply That the King's Answer was very general and prayed his Majesty to explain himself further He was answer'd in the King's Name That his intention was not to oppose the Customs of the Church which were made appear by good Authority The next Sunday the Bishops being come to the King at the Castle of S. Vincents The Archbishop of Bourges said to them That the King had declared That they should fear nothing for they should lose nothing during his Reign but he would maintain them in all their Rights and Customs The King owned that he had made such a Declaration and the Bishops thanked him by the Mouth of the Archbishop of Sens who humbly represented to his Majesty That he had published many things Prejudicial to the Jurisdiction of the Clergy which they prayed his Majesty to revoke The King answered them himself That they were not done by his Order and that he would not retifie them The Archbishop of Sens added That the Bishops would reform some Abuses which the Laiety had complained of provided that the King and others would be content Lastly He besought his Majesty to comfort them with a Clear Answer Peter de Cuguieres answered That the King was resolved so to do provided That the Bishops would correct and reform whatever he desired and that the King would give them time to do it till Christmass but if they did not in that time work the Reformation Agreed on he would use such a Remedy himself as should be approved by God and the People and with this Answer he sent away the Bishops but they were not satisfied with it Some affirm That the Clergy continued their Enterprizes and thereupon he put out an Edict in favour of the Secular Judges But however that be it is certain That from that time the Clergy lost the Temporal Jurisdiction which they exercised and which they had extended so far that they determined almost all Causes upon the account of Sin or Swearing as you may see in the Articles propounded and maintained by the Prelates in that Conference The false Opinion defended then by the Bishops was at that time abandoned That the Temporal Jurisdiction belonged by Divine Right to the Clergy Bertrandus made also another Treatise upon this Subject Intituled Of the Original and Use of Jurisdictions or of the Spiritual and Temporal Power in which he handles and determines these following Questions I. Whether the Secular Power by which the People is governed as to their Temporal Rights is from God II. Whether there ought to be any other Power or Jurisdiction for the good of the People III. Whether these two Powers may meet in One Person IV. Whether Spiritual Power is Superior to the Temporal or the Temporal to the Spiritual He answers the first Question thus That the Power of governing the People cometh from God as to the Right but not as to the obtaining or use of it because it is by the Law and according to the Order of God that there is any such Power but as to the manner of coming to it it is not by Divine Right but is often Unjust and Kings do also abuse their
Power As to the Second he says That besides the Secular Power whose end is the Moral and Civil good there is a Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Power to govern the People in order to Everlasting Life As to the Third It is evident that these two Powers may meet in the same Subject and that they did actually meet in the Priests of the Old and New Law but the difficulty is to know whether the Ecclesiastical Power or Jurisdiction extends it self to that which belongs to the Temporal Jurisdiction of which sort are the personal and mixt Actions of the Laiety either in its own Nature or by Usage or by Custom That the Ecclesiastical Power in its own Nature extends it self over all Persons which are Subject to it as Christians That the Pope hath this Jurisdiction over all Christians and other Prelates in their Diocesses in such sort nevertheless that the Pope may exempt certain Persons from it and that it extends also to all personal Actions as far as they may be sinful and consequently that Ecclesiastical Judges may take Cognisance of them as well as Lay. Nevertheless although the Church hath this Right yet it hath not always made use of it either to avoid Scandal or to prevent Mens Thoughts that it seeks its own Interest or lastly because of the Opposition of Tyrants But in France ever since the Kings have become Christians it hath always peaceably enjoyed that Right That as to Causes Real the Church hath determined them by Custom or a Privilege granted by Princes His Answer to the last Question is That the Spiritual ought to rule over the Temporal alledging for his Proof Pope Boniface's Decretal Unam Sanctam And lastly Endeavours to answer some Objections which are brought against it All the false Reasonings which are in that Treatise proceed from hence that the Author distinguishes well between the two Powers but does not determine in what manner each Jurisdiction ought to Act its Power and End It is true that all Men as Christians are subject to a Spiritual Jurisdiction and that all their Actions as they are Virtues or Vices are to be regulated and ordered by the Spiritual Power but it is not true that it therefore can exercise a Temporal Jurisdiction over all Men and their Actions nor force them by Temporal Punishments or a Deprivation of their Estates It can only use Threats and Punishments purely Spiritual instruct Men admonish them injoyn them and forbid them under the Pain of Excommunication Deposition c. and not under the Penalty of Deprivation of Goods Corporal Punishments c. and consequently it hath not a Jurisdiction to decide Controversies in relation to things Temporal and it doth not belong to it to judge in Foro exteriori The first of these Treatises of Bertrandus hath been printed alone at Paris in 1495. and is found also in the Second Tome of Goldastus's Monarchies The others among the Treatises of Law printed at Venice in 1584. They are both in the last Bibliotheca Patrum printed at Lyons Tome 26. WILLIAM de RUBION a Grey-Friar hath Composed some Disputations upon the Sentences William de Rubion Guido de Montrocher printed at Paris in 1518. Some hold that he flourished about the Year 1333. GUIDO de MONTROCHER a French Divine hath Composed an Instruction for Curates about 1333. dedicated to Raymund Bishop of Valence printed at Venice in 1491. and a Treatise of the manner of celebrating the Mass printed at the same place in 1570. MONALDUS a Grey-Friar is the Author of a Summ of Cases of Conscience called Golden Monaldus printed at Lyons in 1518. He must not be confounded with two others of the same Name one of whom was Martyr'd March 22. 1288. by the Sarazens at Arzenga and the other was Archbishop of Beneventum who died Decemb. 11. about the beginning of the Age. This of whom we are speaking was not Archbishop of Beneventum and died Novemb. 9. 1332. Trithemius says That he also Composed some Questions upon the Books of the Sentences and some Sermons which are in MS. in the Vatican Library LUDOLPHUS or LANDOLPHUS the Saxon after he had passed almost Thirty Years in the Order Ludolphus of Friars-Preachers became a Carthusian in the Monastery of Cologne and was afterward made a Carthusian Prior at Strasburg about 1330. He Composed the Life of Jesus Christ out of the Four Evangelists and other Ecclesiastical Authors with Commentaries and Prayers upon every Chapter which have been printed at Strasburg in 1483. at Paris in 1509. at Venice in 1536 1564. 1572 1578. and with the Lives of S. Ann S. Joachim and the Virgin at Paris in 1589. He also has made a Commentary upon the Psalms according to the Spiritual Sense taken out of S. Jerom S. Austin Peter Lombard and Casnodorus printed at Paris in 1506. and 1528. at Venice in 1521. and at Lyons 1540. WILLIAM de MONTLEDUN Abbot of Monstierneuf in Poictiers a famous Lawyer in his time William de Montledun flourished in the University of Tholouse in the Papacy of Benedict XII and Composed divers Books of Canon Law A Sacramentary which is in MS. in Mr. Colbert's Library Cod. 349. Lectures upon the Sixth Book of the Decretals cited by Rusaeus and Probus and augmented by Blaisus the Golden Doctor of Tholouse which are in the Library of the Cathedral Church at Cambray An Apparatus to the Constitutions of Clement V. cited by Rusaeus and Aufrerius which are in the Libraries of the Monasteries of S. Serguis and S. Albinus at Anger 's and an Apparatus upon the Extravagants of John XXII cited also by Rusaeus and Probus which is in the Library of the Monastery of S. Albinus at Anger 's and Mr. Colbert as also his Treatise upon the Clementines which has been printed several times in the Repetitions of the Canon Law A Treatise of Cardinals cited by Aegidius Magister which is observed by Mr. Baluzius in his Addition to Chap. 4. of the Sixth Book of the Concord of Mr. de Marca and in his Notes upon the Lives of the Popes at Avignon SIMON BORASTON an Englishman who flourished about 1336. Composed several Works which Simon Boraston are found in the Libraries in England and among others Of the Unity and Order of the Church A Work of the Order of Judgment and some other Treatises of Philosophy BARTHOLOMAEUS de S. CONCORDIA a Native of Pisa a City in Italy a Preaching Friar Composed Bartholomaeus de S. Concordiâ about the Year 1338. A Summ of Cases of Conscience printed with his Sermons upon Lent at Lyons 1519. We must not confound him with Bartholomaeus Urbin a Scholar of Augustin Tryumphus an Hermite of the Order of S. Austin who was made Bishop of Urbin in 1343. and died in 1350. after he had finished the Milleloquium begun by Augustin Tryumphus printed at Lyons in 1555. and Composed the Milleloquium of S. Ambrose printed at Lyons also at the same time This last was
Secondly Because the Church can set Bounds to the Power of the Pope which the Pope cannot do to the Power of the Church Thirdly Because the Church comprehends all the Ecclesiastical Powers even that of the Pope Fourthly Because the Church can make Laws to oblige the Pope and reform him whereas the Pope cannot judge the whole Church nor set any Bounds to its Power As to the Effects of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Gerson says That the last Penalty that the Church can inflict is Penal Excommunication and that it has no Right to make use of any Corporal Punishment but by the Concession of Princes wherefore he does not approve that so many Censures have been us'd for maintaining this Jurisdiction He treats in the fifth Consideration of the Power of Jurisdiction in the Internal Court which is Exercis'd over those that voluntarily submit to it by enlightening and perfecting them with Instructions and the Administration of Sacraments and Purifying them by Baptism and by Penance After he has Establish'd these Principles he applies them in the following Considerations The Ecclesiastical Power consider'd in it self is unvariable and continues the same from the beginning of the Church unto the end and comprehends all the different Powers even the Authority of the Pope The same Power consider'd respectively in its particular Subjects is variable since the Subjects are chang'd by Natural or Civil Deaths by Deposition Renunciation c. The Pope himself may voluntarily resign the Pontificat or be Depos'd The Power which respects the Institution of Ministers has very much varied in the Church and the Ambitious Desires of Men has caus'd so great Confusions about it that 't is difficult to distinguish what is in it of Jesus Christ's Institution from that which is of Human appointment The History of the Popes of General Councils and the Decretals of the Pope plainly discover this variety But we ought to consider the many Processes about Benefices which busie the Court of Rome the Collations and Seals of the Pope the Annates and an infinite number of Practices by which the Pope would usurp the Institutions the Rights the Offices and the Benefices of all the Churches they ought to remember That God has not given them a Power but to Edification they have a Right to reform Abuses to watch over the whole Church to turn out Intruders to advance the Humble and Poor without Prayers or Presents The Ecclesiastical Power consider'd according to its Usage and Exercise is variable for tho' it be the Institution of Jesus Christ yet the Use and Exercise of it is convey'd from some Men to others according to the various Necessities of the Church The Plenitude of this Power is subjecttively in the Pope only supposing that he be Ordain'd which was given by Jesus Christ to St. Peter for him and his Successors But the Church and Princes have granted them Rights which they had not by the Institution of Jesus Christ and the General Councils could make Laws which the Pope could not destroy but only by dispensing in cafe of necessity or apparent advantage because Human Laws can never be made so general but they will admit of some Exception and Interpretation Gerson there gives Excellent Rules about Dispensation After this he proceeds to the Authority of the Church and a General Council which he proves to be the Sovereign Authority in the Church and to have Right to exercise the Pontifical Jurisdiction and also to take care of it for a time tho' they cannot abolish it for ever The twelfth Consideration is about the Power of the Pope with respect to Temporal Revenues He says That he has no Power to dispose of the Revenues of Clergy-men and much less of those of Lay-men altho' the Government Direction and Regulation of these Revenus belong to him He owns That these Doctrins are contrary to two opposite Errors whereof one is That the Ecclesiasticks ought not to have Temporal Revenues that if they have any they are only Alms which are not due and which they ought not to enjoy but to live in the Poverty of Jesus Christ the other is That the Pope is the Sovereign Lord of Temporals as well as Spirituals That all Kings receive their Power from him or at least that he is absolute Lord of the Ecclesiastical Revenues and that he can dispose of them according to his Will without being guilty of Simony and without admitting any Appeal from his Judgment He concludes from all these Considerations That the Power of the Pope is much Superior to all other Power Ecclesiastical and Temporal but that the Power of the Church and a General Council is more extensive and large not only for its Infallibility but for the Right it has to Reform the Church in its Head and Members and to decide as the last resort the Causes of Faith He defines a General Council a Congregation made in any place by a Lawful Authority of all the Hierarchical Orders of the Catholick Church from which none of the Faithful are excluded who has a mind to be heard in order to the Management of what concerns the Government of the Church in Faith and Manners It belongs to the Pope to call them together except in three Cases in which the Congregation of a Council may be made without the Pope The first is If the Pope be naturally dead civilly or canonically if he be Depos'd Distracted or a Prisoner in any place where he cannot be address'd unto The second is If being requir'd to call a Council he does obstinately refuse to do it The third is If a General Council being Lawfully Assembled appoint the time and place of a subsequent Council The Prelats that ought to be present at a Council are those of the first Order viz. Archbishops and Bishops who succeed the Apostles and Prelats of the second Order who are Successors to the 72 Disciples Both the one and the other have a Definitive Voice in the Council other Persons have only a Consultative Voice By the Prelats of the second Order are understood the Parish-Priests but this cannot be extended to the Regulars who Exercise no Hierarchical Functions but by Privilege The thirteenth Consideration contains the Definition and Division of the differen sorts of Laws of Jurisdiction and Government This Treatise of Gerson was written and repeated in the Council of Constance 1417. The second Work of the same first Part is a Discourse spoken at the same Council in 1415. upon occasion of the Processions that were made for the happy Voyage of the King of the Romans to Peter de Luna wherein he explains the Progress which the Council made towards Peace by removing the Obstacles which hindred the Extirpation of the Schism and Heresie and the Reformation of Manners In it he confirms the Authority of the Council above the Pope in Matters of Faith and as to the Reformation of Manners The third Treatise is Entitled de Auferibilitate Papae ab Ecclesia the
whereof one respects the Blood of Jesus Christ of which many pretend to have a Relick and in what sense Jesus Christ may be called Bread As to the First He determines that Jesus Christ being Glorified did take up with him all his own Blood and that there is no Remains of it on Earth and that the greatest part of the Miracles which are reported about the Apparition of the Blood of Jesus Christ are the Frauds and Impostures of Covetous Men. In the Second He maintains that Jesus Christ may be called Bread but neither in the one nor the other does he depart from the Doctrin of the Church about the Transubstantiation of the Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ. At the same time Peter of Dresden being driven out of his own Country came to Prague and perswaded Jacobelle of Misnia a Priest of the Chappel of St. Michael to preach up the Re-establishment of the Communion under the Species of Wine The Hussites embrac'd this Opinion and began to Preach that the use of the Cup was necessary to the Laity and that the Sacrament should be Administred under both kinds Sbinko seeing this Disorder implor'd the help of Wenceslaus but when this Prince did not afford any Cure to these Novelties the Archbishop had recourse to Sigismund King of Hungary who promis'd him that he would come quickly into Bohemia to set in order the Affairs of the Church in that Kingdom but before he could make this Journey Sbinko died in Hungary Wenceslaus Advanc'd to his Place an Ignorant Man Covetous and Negligent Nam'd Albicus who never troubled himself about his Church nor took any care to oppose the Hussites but suffer'd them to continue their Sermons The Bulls of John XXIII Publish'd at Prague in 1412. against Laodislaus King of Naples by which the Pope order'd a Croisade for making War with this Prince and granted Indulgences to all those who should go to this War furnish'd ample Matter to John Huss who was now return'd to Prague who Declaim'd against the Indulgences the Croisades and Confuted these Bulls The Populace being animated by his Discourses began to publish that John XXIII was Antichrist the Magistrates having caused some of the most Seditious to be apprehended the Common People put themselves in Arms to deliver them and the Magistrates had much ado to pacifie them by promising that no hurt should be done to the Prisoners But they were so far from keeping their word that they order'd them to be secretly Executed in the Judgment-Hall and the Blood which ran out from the place of Execution discovering the Massacre of these Men to the Common People they took Arms again carried off by force the Bodies of those who were put to death Interr'd them Honourably in the Church of Bethlehem and look'd upon them as Martyrs The Magistrates having a mind to publish their Reasons why they opposed the Doctrin of the Hussites call'd together many Doctors of Divinity at Prague who drew up a Censure of Forty Five Propositions of Wicklef and put a Preface before it wherein they assert the Authority of the Pope the Cardinals and the Church of Rome and accuse the Hussites of Faction It was about this time that John Huss wrote a great many Books and Discourses against the Censure of these Doctors whom he calls Praetorians He maintains some of the Articles which they had Condemn'd viz. Those which concern'd the Liberty of Preaching the Power of Secular Princes over the Revenues of Ecclesiasticks the voluntary payment of Tithes and the forfeiture which Spiritual and Temporal Lords make of their Power when they live in Mortal Sin He wrote a Great Treatise about the Church to confute the Preface of that Censure wherein he maintains that the Church consists only of those who are predestinate That Jesus Chist is the Head and Foundation of it That the Pope and Cardinals are only Members of it and that the other Prelates are Successors to the Apostles as well as they That none is oblig'd to obey them but when they Command what is agreeable to the Law of God and not in things that are evil or indifferent That an Excommunication which is groundless does not bind at all He answers also particularly the Writings of Stephen Paletz of Stanislaus Zuoima and of Eight other Doctors who had written against the Censure and caus'd a Writing to be fix'd up upon the Church of Bethlehem wherein he accuses the Clergy of Six Errors First Of believing that the Priest by saying Mass becomes the Creator of his Creator Second Of saying that we ought to believe in the Virgin in a Pope and in the Saints Third That the Priests can when they will and when it pleases them remit the pain and guilt of Sin Fourth That every one must obey his Superiors whether they Command what is just or unjust Fifth That every Excommunication just or unjust binds the Excommunicate Sixth About Simony He wrote two particular Pieces against the second of these pretended Errors wherein he confesses that we must believe the Church and the Saints but maintains that it cannot be said that we must believe in the Church as 't is said that we must believe in God which was never affirm'd by any Catholick He insinuates in one of these two Pieces that Confession to a Priest is not necessary He wrote also at the same time three thick Volumes against the Clergy the 1st Entituled The Anatomy of the Members of Antichrist the 2d Of the Kingdom of the People and the Life and Manners of Antichrist the 3d Of the Abomination of Priests and Carnal Monks in the Church of Jesus Christ and some other Tracts against Traditions about the Unity of the Church Evangelical perfection the Mystery of Iniquity and the Discovery of Antichrist His heat and passion transport him against the Clergy in all these Pieces and the same Principles and Errors are found in them The Council of Constance being now appointed the Pope and Emperor Invited John Huss to come thither and give an account of his Doctrin and that he might do it with all freedom John Huss goes to the Council of Constance the Emperor granted him a safe Conduct whereby he gave him leave to come freely to the Council and return from it again John Huss before his Departure out of Pâ—ague caus'd some Placarts to be fix'd upon the Gates of the Churches in that City wherein he declares that he went to the Council to answer all the Accusations that were made against him and that he was ready to appear at the Court of Conrad Archbishop of Prague to hear all those who had any thing to say against him and to justifie his Innocence He demanded also of the Bishop of Nazaret the Inquisitor whether he had any thing to propose against him from whom he received a favourable Testimony but when he presented himself at the Court of the Archbishop who had called an Assembly against him he
Oppression of the Poor Wherefore Constantine says wisely in this Edict That it was just the Rich should maintain the heavy Expences of the State and that the Poor should be fed with the Riches of the Church We have this Law in the Theodosian Code B. XVI Tit. 2. l. 6. Besides this there is also another Edict publish'd in the Month of July in consequence of the former altho' it bears the Names of the Consuls for the Year 320 which forbids the disturbing of those that had taken Holy Orders before the preceeding Law was publish'd and commands at the same time that such as had taken Orders since its publication on purpose to avoid the publick Taxes should be remov'd from the Clergy and sent back into the World and left liable to publick Taxes This Edict is related in the same place B. III. After all by another Edict of the first of September the same Year 326 it is ordain'd That Clergy-men who were Hereticks and Schismaticks should not enjoy this Privilege of Exemption but should be subject to Taxes and Impositions This Edict is in the Justinian Code B. I. Tit. de Heret and in the Theodosian He treats the Novatians with more moderation than the other Hereticks permitting them by an Edict of the Month of September in the same Year 326 to keep their Churches their Coemeteries and the Goods which they had purchas'd after their Separation from the Church In the Code of Theodosius Tit. 5. B. II. In the Year 330 he publish'd an Edict against the Hereticks in which he forbids their Assemblies It is related in Euseb. B. III. of the Life of Constantine Ch. 63 c. There is in the Theodosian Code another Edict of the same Year in favour of the Clergy that were accus'd or evil treated by Hereticks The Laws concerning the Jews are the last which Constantine made in the favour of the Christian Religion By an Edict September 27th 330 He grants to the Patriarchs of the Jews i. e. to those that presided in their Assemblies Exemption from the publick Taxes He renews the same favour by another Edict December 1st in the Year following It is probable that he granted these favours to the Jews for no other reason but because they Worship the same God with the Christians and to leave them some kind of Consolation as he says in one of his Laws because their's was once the only true Religion For at the same time he made very severe Laws against the Jews that should purchase or detain Christian Slaves and condemn'd those to death that circumcis'd them There are many other Laws in the Theodosian Code upon this Subject of the Years 330 331 and 336. I do not place among the Number of Constantine's Edicts the Donation which bears his Name in which he is suppos'd to give to the Bishop of Rome and his Successors the Soveraignty of the City of Rome and of the Provinces of the Western Empire because this Act has so many signs of Forgery that 't is impossible it can be attributed to Constantine I shall here subjoin some of those Reasons which clearly prove that it is an Impostor 1. Not one of the Ancients mentions this pretended Liberality of Constantine to the Church But who can believe that Eusebius and all the other Ancient Historians who have exactly describ'd all the Benefits of this Emperour to Christians and especially to the Bishops should pass over in silence one so considerable as this of the Western Empire to the Bishop of Rome 2. Not one of the Popes who mention the Benefits of Kings and Emperours to the See of Rome or who dâ—â—â—nd their Temporal Patriâ—ony did ever alledge this pretended Donation tho' it had been very much for their Advantage so to do 3. The Date of this Act is false for it bears the Names of the Consuls Constantine for the fourth time and Gallicaâ—â—s Now Constantine in his fourth Consulship had not Gallicaâ—â—s but Licinius for his Collegue And this Consulship answers to the Year 315 at which time Constantine was not baptiz'd even in the Opinion of those that believe he was baptiz'd at Rome by St. Sylvester and yet mention is made of his Baptism in this Edict of Donation We must add to this Argument another Error in Chronology Byzantium is there call'd Constantinople tho' it had not that Name till Ten Years or thereabouts after the Date of this Edict 4. The Stile of it is barbarous and very different from that of the Genuine Edicts of Constantine It is full of new Modes of speaking the Expressions are affected and the Terms such as were never us'd in any publick Acts till after the time of Constantine 5. Who can believe that Constantine should give the City of Rome all the Provinces and Cities of the West that is to say one half of his Empire to the Bishop of Rome and that this should never be known till the Eleventh Age of the Church 6. There are infinite Numbers of Falsities and Absurdities in this Edict which demonstrate that it was compos'd by an ignorant Impostor take some of them as follows In it the Pope is permitted to wear a Crown of Gold like that of Kings and Emperours whereas in those times Kings and Emperours did not wear a Crown at all but a Diadem The Fabulous History of Constantine's Baptism by Sylvester and the miraculous Cure of his Leprosy is reported there as a thing Certain There are reckon'd up in this Edict five Patriarchal Churches and that of Constantinople is put in the second place whereas it had not this Honour till a long time after And yet it is suppos'd That Sylvester had already acknowledg'd it for a Patriarchal See These Falfities and many others that occur in this Edict do plainly prove That it is a Forgery In short to destroy entirely this pretended Edict it is sufficient to observe That while Constantine liv'd and a long time after his Death the City of Rome and the Empire of the West were always subject to the Power of the Emperours That the Popes themselves acknowledg'd them as their Sovereigns without pretending that the City of Rome or Italy or any part of the Western Empire belong'd to them That all the Temporal Power they have obtain'd since is owing to King Pepin and the Emperour Charlemaigne The Account of this deserves a little Digression which will not be tedious to the Reader and will not carry us too far from our present Subject 'T is certain that the City of Rome Italy and all the other Provinces of the Western Empire were under the Power of Constantine and the Emperours that succeeded him History informs us That they were absolute Masters of it That they sent Governours thither That the City of Rome depended upon their Laws upon their Power and the Magistrates whom they should appoint That they made such Changes there as they pleas'd In a word That they were no less Masters of it than of all the
Pepin had given him and all the Estates which the Roman Church had possess'd in Italy In consideration of which Benefits Adrian as Head of the Roman Republick granted him with the consent of the People of Rome the Title of Patricius and gave him the Sovereignty over the City and all the Republick of Rome insomuch that all the People and even the Bishop himself took an Oath of Allegiance to him After this Charles wanted nothing but the Title of Emperour which he received in the Year 800 being then Proclaim'd Emperour by the People of Rome and afterwards Consecrated and Crown'd by the Pope When Charles had gotten the Title of Emperour he regulated all the Affairs of Italy he permitted the Lombards to live peaceably under his Dominion he gave the Name of Romania to the ancient Exarchate and shar'd Italy with the Greek Emperour on condition that all which was on this side Naples should belong to him and that the City of Naples and all that was on the other side of it should continue in the Greek Emperour's Power From this time the Successors of Charles were Kings of Italy and Sovereigns of Rome though the Popes were Temporal Lords of the Cities that anciently belong'd to the Exarchate of Ravenna and some others Ludovicus Pius the Son of Charlemaigne sent Bernard to Rome to allay the Dissentions that were risen there After the Death of this Bernard Lotharius comes to Rome with an Army to punish some Rebels and ordains That for the future the Magistrates of Rome should be created by the Emperours But Charles the Bald parted with this Noble Right and Surrendred up to the Romans the Sovereign Power restoring them if I may so say to their ancient Liberty In the mean while the Popes begun to lay by little and little the Foundations of their Sovereign Dominion For although the Sovereign Power did as yet remain in the Body of the People who created the Magistrates in Rome and the Neighbouring Cities nevertheless the Popes who were now grown Rich and Powerful us'd all their Endeavours to make themselves Sovereigns and that the shadow of Sovereignty should only remain in the People Yet the Romans had two Consuls one Praetor and one Governor of the City whom they chose and oftentimes cast off the Yoke which the Popes would impose upon them which was the Cause of those cruel Wars that happen'd between the Popes the Principal Citizens of Rome and the Emperours of Germany But at last the Popes got the better on 't and remain'd sole Masters and Sovereigns of Rome and the Countries about it All that we have said concerning the Foundation and Growth of the Pope's Power plainly shews that the Settlement of their Empire is not owing to Constantine but to the Kings of France and by consequence that the Edict of Donation that bears the Name of Constantine is wholly Supposititious but it is not so easie to find out who was the Author of this false Monument and upon what Motives he Forg'd it 'T is certain that it is more ancient than Hincmar since that Bishop cites it in his Third Ep. Ch. 13. and Isidore * Mercator has put it in his Collection It is also alledg'd by Pope Leo the Ninth in his Epistle to Michael Cerularius and St. Anselm Ivo Carnutensis and Gratian have inserted it into their Collections To conclude Balsamon a Greek Author has related a part of it in Greek in his Commentaries upon Photius's Nomocanon Baronius and those that blindly follow his Conjectures have suspected the Greeks of this Forgery pretending that they forg'd this Monument to establish the Antiquity of the Patriarchate of Constantinople by affirming that the Church of Rome ows its Grandeur to the Emperour Constantine But besides that 't is no ways probable that the Greeks should forge an Act contrary to their own pretended Right over Italy this Edict is found cited by the Latines 200 Years before it was known to the Greeks Morinus believes that it was written by John a Deacon of the Church of Rome who liv'd in the Year 963 But that cannot be since it was cited before that time by Hincmar Monsieur de Marca maintains That the Popes fram'd this Monument with the consent of the French Kings That they might oppose it against the Greek Emperours who demanded back again the Exarchate of Ravenna as belonging to them But what probability is there that the Popes and French Kings should have recourse to this Forgery which might easily be discover'd having much better Reasons to alledge to the Greeks why the Exarchate of Ravenna did not belong to them Some have attributed this false Monument to the Author of the Collection of Isidore a notorious Forger of such kind of Pieces and this Conjecture is more probable than the rest but neither is it certain and therefore it is better to suspend our Judgment about this Matter than to build it upon Conjectures that have so little solidity Besides the Greek Fragments of this Edict recited by Balsamon 't is said there are Four Greek Manuscripts of the whole Edict in the Vatican Library The Latin Editions of it do not altogether agree for Isidore's is different from that which is found in the ancient Manuscript of Justellus One Bartholomew Picernas boasts that he made a new Translation of it from a Greek Manuscript in the Vatican Library which he printed with a Dedication to Pope Julius the Second But he has done nothing but corrected the ancient Latin Edition A Priest of Deventer has also printed this Edition at Cologne in the Year 1535. The Differences of all these Editions are to be seen in Father Labbe's First Volume of the Councils It seems more probable to me That the Greek was taken out of the Latin than that the Latin was translated from the Greek However it be this Monument has neither Authority nor Usefulness JUVENCUS HItherto we have not met with any Poet among the Christian Writers Here is a very excellent one who flourish'd under the Reign of Constantine he was call'd C. Vectius Aquilinus Juvencus Juvencus and was descended of one of the Noblest Families in Spain St. Jerom assures us that he was a Priest and that 's all that he tells us of his Life He compos'd a Poem about the Year 329 divided into Four Books wherein he describes the Life of Christ in Hexameter Verse without wandring from the Text of the Four Evangelists St. Jerom also testifies That he wrote some Books in Hexameter Verse about Mysteries and 't is said That he compos'd some Hymns of which St. Jerom says not a Word But 't is probable enough that one who had so fertile a Vein in Poetry as he had wrote several other Books However that be we have now only Four Books of the History of the Gospel under his Name In the Exordium of this Poem he says That if the Verses of those who have publish'd the Actions of mortal Men which they adorn'd
to please Men but God only That he lov'd Goodness for Goodness sake without any prospect of worldly Interest At last He addresses his Speech to all Estates of Men and makes this brave Remonstrance to them You Kings of the Earth have a respect for your Crown consider the Excellency of Power which is entrusted with you All the World is subject to your Empire but the Heavenly things are above you 't is God only who governs them Be you as Gods with respect to your Subjects make your Empire to consist in this and not in Gold in Silver and in Arms. You Great Men of the Age who possess the most considerable Offices in the State be not lifted up because of your Power look not upon things Temporal as if they were Eternal Be you Faithful to the Emperours but above all things be Faithful to God You that are Persons of Quality make your Manners answerable to your Nobility You Wise Men you Philosophers you Orators How can you pretend to Wisdom and Eloquence if you do not Adore him who is the Author and Fountain both of the one and the other You that love Riches hearken to the Prophet who Admonishes you not to trust to the abundance of your Riches know that you rely upon a frail thing You that spend your time in Diversions mortify your selves by refraining from some things assist your Sick Brother with that which you have too much of In short All you that are Citizens of this Second City of the World which hardly yields to the First Govern your selves after such a manner that you may be the First in Vertue and not in Debauchery and Licentiousness This Discourse was spoken some time after Theodosius and the People had forc'd St. Gregory Nazianzen to ascend the Episcopal Throne of Constantinople at the End of the Year 380. The following Discourse was spoken after Maximus had enveavour'd to render himself Master of the Episcopal See of Constantinople St. Gregory had retir'd for some time into the Country to refresh himself When he return'd being certainly inform'd of all that was done against him in his Absence he made a Discourse to his People against this Philosopher And First in the Exordium of his Discourse he declar'd the Joy he had upon his Return to his Flock from which he had been separated and then he falls very severely upon Maximus and shews that he was unworthy of the Episcopal Throne which he aspir'd to Afterwards he draws a Portraiture of a True Philosopher to set it against that which he had made of Maximus and describes the several Offices of all Conditions He returns to his Subject again by saying That he fear'd not his Enemies in the least For what will they do to me says he How will they provoke me They say that I am Ignorant I know no other Wisdom but the Fear of God and the keeping of his Commandments They blame me for Poverty alas would to God that I could even part with that little which I possess They force me away from my Bishoprick but did I ever think it a Happiness to be a Bishop They will take from me one of the Chief Sees and one of the principal Churches in the World But is it not at this time a piece of Prudence to shun great Dignities since upon their Account all Churches are embroil'd and overthrown and upon their Account the whole Earth is divided Alas Would to God adds he that there were no places of Dignity in the Church no Precedencies no Tyrannical Prerogatives and that none would distinguish us but by our Vertue But at present what Mischiefs do the Disputes about Prerogatives and Place bring upon the Church How many People are destroy'd for these Contests I speak not only of the Laity but even of the Bishops What more will they do unto me They will hinder me from approaching to the Altars But I know another Altar whereof this is but a Figure which can neither be demolish'd nor broken Will they drive me away from my House Will they hinder me from diverting my self Will they alieniate my Friends from me I have no other House but that which the Piety of another Shunamite offer'd me As to what concerns Pleasures all the Evil that I wish to those that design Evil to me is That they may enjoy no other Pleasures than what I take As for my Friends I have some that will not forsake me even tho' they should be ill intreated upon my Account There are others whose Pride I have endur'd for a long time Peter has deny'd me and it may be has not yet bewail'd his Fault He concludes with deploring the Misery of his Church The 29th Sermon begins with a Declamation against those who thrust themselves into places of Governing the People and Preaching the Word of God without being capable Afterwards he explains the Mystery of the most Holy Trinity very exactly Above all things he recommends to them that Christians should hold to the Simplicity of Faith without endeavouring to fathom and comprehend its Mysteries This Sermon was preach'd at Constantinople The 30th Sermon is about the Election of Eulalius Bishop of Doaza This Discourse is short and contains nothing Remarkable It was spoken about the Year 372. In the 31st Discourse having spoken of the Mystery of the Incarnation he explains the Answer of Jesus Christ to the Pharisees in Ch. 19. of St. Matthew's Gospel concerning Divorce He says upon this place That Jesus Christ condemns the Custom which permits Husbands to forsake their Wives and does not permit Wives to forsake their Husbands because in the Sight of God there is no Inequality between the Man and the Woman He observes That a Bill of Divorce permitted Husbands to send away their Wives for all sorts of Reasons but that Jesus Christ did not permit it except only in case of Adultery He says That Marriage is commendable when the Parties are contracted with a design of having Children but he preferrs Virginity to Marriage He explains in what Sence 't is said That all Persons are not capable of embracing Celebacy Tho' he owns the Free-will of Man yet he confesses that God must give a Will to do Good and enable us to obtain the Victory He occasionally rejects the Opinion of Origen concerning the Pre-existence of Souls Lastly He exhorts his Auditors not only to preserve the Purity of Faith as well as of their Bodies but also to Contribute according to their Power to the Establishment of Sound Doctrine He addresses himself chiefly to the Emperour and tells him That if he thought that he did great Service to God by hindering Murders Adulteries and Robberies by his Edicts he might yet do him greater Service by making an Edict in Favour of the Catholick Faith This Discourse was in the Year 380. The 41st Discourse is an Oration which he made to the Bishops of the Council of Constantinople in the Year 382. Where after he has made his Apology
and many others against the Bishops who conferr Ordinations for Money l. 1. 26 29. and others which we have cited in speaking of Symony Against proud and covetous Bishops and who make not a good use of the Revenues of the Church l. 1. 38 44 57 215. Against their lording and tyrannical Humour l. 2. 208 209. He describes the excellency of the Priesthood l. 2. 200. and preferrs it before the temporal Government because Bishops govern the Soul whereas Princes have Power only over the Body He speaks in several places of the necessary Qualifications of a Bishop and of the difficulty that there is in discharging that Ministry well l. 1. 104 151. l. 3. 216 259. l. 4. 213. 145. He admonishes those that desire to be Bishops that they ought to purifie themselves before they undertake to purifie others l. 2. 65. He thinks That there are two Things absolutely necessary for a Bishop Eloquence and Holiness of Life that if these two go not together 't is impossible that a Bishop should do any good in his Place l. 1. 44. l. 2. 235. l. 3. 259. That Gravity and a Constancy in his Actions ought also to be joyned with these two Vertues l. 1. 319. l. 2. 290. But S. Isidore did not only use such Admonitions and Reproofs towards his own Bishop and Clergy to amend them but also he dealt in the same manner with S. Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria in writing to him about the Troubles that happened at the Council of Ephesus He accuses him for acting too rashly and fiercely and tells him that many of those who were assembled at Ephesus boldly asserted That he sought more to be avenged of his Enemy than settle the Orthodox Truth He is say they a true Nephew of Theophilus he hath the same Spirit and Behaviour and as this last thundered out his Fury against the Blessed John his Nephew hath done the same altho' there be a great deal of difference between the Persons accused l. 1. 310. He wrote to him after the same fashion in another Letter The Examples of Holy Scripture saith he create in me such an horror as obliges me to write to you For whether I look upon my self as your Father as you call me I am afraid least if I do not admonish you I should be punished as the High-Priest Eli was for having not reproved his Sons But if I consider my self rather as your Son upon the Account of S. Mark whom you represent the punishment of Jonathan who was slain because he did not hinder his Father from consulting the Witch of Endor is a Warning to me Wherefore to avoid my own and your Condemnation I am obliged to admonish you to lay aside the Disputes now on foot and not engage the Church of Christ in a particular and domestick Quarrel and so raise a perpetual Schism in the Church under the pretence of Religion l. 1. 370. It was the Grief that S. Isidore had to see the Orthodox Bishops divided among themselves that made him speak thus He imagined that S. Cyril's Rashness was the Cause of it He thought that he sought to revenge an old Quarrel And it appears likewise that he suspected him not to have a thorough-sound Opinion about the Incarnation l. 1. 323. But afterwards being better informed he approved his Doctrine and exhorted him to continue stedfast in it and not contradict himself as it appears by Letter 324. l. 1. S. Isidore wrote not only to S. Cyril to endeavour a Pacification between the Bishops of the Council of Ephesus but thought himself obliged to write to the Emperor Theodosius He advised him to go himself to Ephesus to appease the Troubles and admonishes him Not to espouse the Animosities of either Side nor suffer his own Officers to intermeddle with Matters of Doctrine l. 1. 311. Thus did S. Isidore without leaving his Retirement engage himself in the greatest Affairs of the Church and joyned with the Prayers which he made to God for the Peace of his Church the most effectual Counsels and Advice So that he was none of those Monks who were contented to bewail their own Sins and pray to God for others in secret and who remain in perpetual Silence without concerning themselves with what happens or having any Commerce with other Men. He found out a way to joyn the Love of Solitude with the Knowledge of what happens in the World Piety and Silence with Charitable Advice and Admonitions Mental Recollection with a continual Observation of other's Actions And to speak in one Word all the Exercises of a Monastick Life with the Care and Vigilance of a Pastor There were no Persons of whatsoever State and Condition they were but he gave them Advice and Instructions about their Employments and Duties We have already seen after what manner he gave them to Bishops and Ecclesiastical Persons let us now take a view of some of them which he gives to the Laity Advice to Kings If you will obtain the Eternal and Incorruptible Kingdom which God will give to those who govern well here below as a Reward you must make use of your Power with Moderation and Goodness and liberally dispense your Riches to the Poor for 't is not a Prince's Power that saves him but his Justice Goodness and Piety He cannot avoid being counted an Idolater if he unjustly hoards up his Temporal Riches without distributing them to the Poor l. 1. 35. to Theodosius Advice to Magistrates and Governours They ought to think with themselves That the Time of exercising their Offices is short That Life it self is not of long continuance That the Rewards or Torments of another World are Eternal That they ought to Administer Justice freely to all the World use their Authority with gentleness and give no Man a just Ground of Complaint l. 1. 31 47 48 133 165 191 208 290. Advice to Courtiers Not to misuse the Favour of their Prince but to employ it for the Good and Safety of the People and to imitate Daniel l. 1. 36 47 48. Advice to Soldiers Not to take too much upon them to do no Violence nor Injustice c. l. 1. 40 78 297 327. Advice to Subjects Jesus Christ submitted himself to the Laws of the Emperours and paid Tribute to teach us Obedience to Kings and not to exempt our selves from paying their Dues upon the Pretence of Poverty l. 1. 206 408. Advice to Women If they would be commended as Judith Susanna or S. Thecla they must imitate the Vertues of those Illustrious Women l. 1. 187. That Christian Women should modestly apparel themselves and that they should not use the Adornings and Finery of the Women of the World Upon this occasion he relates a remarkable Story of a Young Woman who coming into the Sight of a Young Man who was extreamly in Love with her cured him of that fond Passion by presenting her self before him with her Heir cropp'd and her Head covered with Ashes l. 2. 53 145. He
pure may present themselves before God Clean and Unclean Beasts are the subject of some Allegoties These are the subject of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Books Lastly The Obligations and Sacrifices of the Law are Types of the Spiritual Obligations which we ought to offer to God and the solemn Festivals of the Jews denote to us the Celestial Rewards This is the subject of the Two last Books It is easy to judge by what we have said how mystical a Work this is and how full of allegorical and unusual Explications He must needs have an inexhaustible Fund of them to furnish out Seventeen Books so long as these are which are all-a-long carried on with continual Allegories His * Printed alone in Lat. at Paris in 1605. and in Greek and Latin by A. Schottus at Antwerp in 1618. Glaphyra upon the Pentateuch are not less full of Mystical Notions In them he referrs to Jesus Christ and his Church all that is said in the Pentateuch There is not any History Circumstance or Precept which he applies not to Jesus Christ or the New Testament These sorts of Commentaries are of little use for they help nothing towards the literal Explication they teach little Morality they prove no Doctrine all passes into Metaphysical Considerations and abstract Comparisons which are not proper either to convince Unbelievers or edify the Faithful The long Commentary upon Isaiah which is contained in the Second Tome is much more rational S. Cyril therein applies himself to the literal Sence of this Prophet and doth not digress so much from the Natural Sence to find out Jesus Christ because the Prophecy of Isaiah agrees more naturally to him This Commentary is divided into Six Parts The same Judgment may be given upon the Commentary upon the Twelve Prophets in which also he sets himself to the literal Explication so that there is a great deal of difference between the Commentaries of this Father upon the Prophets and his Writings upon the Pentateuch M. Simon doth not think so but having spoken of the Commentaries of this Father upon the Pentateuch as a Work purely allegorical he adds That he passes over in silence his Commentaries upon the Prophet Isaiah because this Father is very uniform in his Method But whosoever will give himself the trouble to read any Place of his Commentaries upon Genesis and Exodus and compare them with some other Place of his Commentary upon Isaiah or the Minor Prophets he will find in them a very considerable difference The Commentaries upon the Gospel of S. John which make up the Fourth Tome do explain also the Letter and Connexion of the Gospel but he now and then intermixes with it some Theological Questions And because those which concern the Trinity come in naturally in the Gospel of S. John he ordinarily treats of them in proving the Divinity Consubstantiality and Equality of the Son of God He also speaks of the Divinity of the Holy Spirit and observes that it proceeds from the Son and takes his Nature of the Son Sometimes he proves that the Law was Figurative and that Salvation and Grace are passed from the Jews to the Gentiles There is also a Chapter in it about Liberty and Man These are the principal Points he treats of This Commentary is very long and divided into Twelve Books We have only some Fragments of the Seventh and Eighth The Fifth and Sixth are not extant in this no more than in the preceeding Editions But Jodoâ—us Clictovaeus a Doctor of Paris who hath translated this Commentary of S. Cyril hath composed Four Books to supply those that are wanting which hath given occasion to some Authors to quote them as S. Cyril's It is true that they are almost all taken out of the ancient Fathers but 't was * But he affixed them to S. Cyril as the Fathers and not made by himself Clictovaeus that collected them not S. Cyril The Fifth Tome of S. Cyril's Works hath Two Parts which make Two Volumes The First contains his Thesaurus and Dialogues upon the Trinity and Incarnation and the Second is made up of his Homilies and Letters His Thesaurus is a Work upon the Trinity in which he lays down Thirty five Propositions about the Divinity and Consubstantiality of the Son and Holy Spirit which he proves exactly after the manner of the Schools by Texts of Scripture upheld and supported by Arguments and Syllogisms in Form which he uses to subdue the Arians and Eunomians and to retort upon them those Testimonies of Holy Scripture which they commonly alledged He propounds their Objections in the same manner and answers them with the like Subtilties Georgius Trapezuntius hath published a very imperfect Version or rather a Latin Abridgment of this Book in which he hath taken out changed and added several things and quite inverted the Order of S. Cyril But since Vulcanius Brugenâ—â—s hath made a faithful Translation which was published at Basil in 1576. There can be no doubt that this Work is S. Cyril's since Photius had read it and described it to be such as we have in the 136th Volume of his Bibliotheca S. Thomas often quotes a Passage in favour of the Court of Rome as being taken out of the Second Book of S. Cyril's Thesaurus which is not to be found entire in that Work But we need only to read it and we shall be satisfied that there was never any such nor ever could be found there This is the famous Passage as he cites it We must remain as Members in our Head in the Apostolick Throne of the Roman Bishops from whom we ought to request whatsoever is necessary to be believed and held having a particular Respect for him and enquiring of him about all Things because it belongs to him to reprove correct order dispose things loose in his stead who hath founded him and given him a fulness of Power him alone â—â—d not any other to whom all the Faithful are obliged by Divine Right to be subject and whom the Princes of the World should obey Who of all the Greek or Latin Fathers ever spake thus Who of them ever flattered the Bishop of Rome at this rate But how is it possible for it to enter into the Thesaurus of S. Cyril which is nothing else but a contexture of Texts and Arguments upon the Trinity What coherence hath our pretended Passage with that Subject What doth this Phrase mean That we may remain as Members in our Head which 〈◊〉 the Apostolick Throne of the Roman Bishops Did ever any Author speak any thing like it To whom doth he speak these Words And of whom are they spoken That we may remain Members c. Are they the Bishops of Aegypt that speak them Could it find a Place in a Theological Treatise of one Father only S. Thomas is the First that cited this Passage and we know with how much carelesness and with how little Judgment he quotes the Works of the Fathers It likewise
Men do is evil The light of Nature is not sufficient to believe Faith is the Gift of Grace it is Grace which increaseth it 't is Grace which preserves it Having laid down these Principles he gives Four Rules for the Explaining of such general Expressions of Holy Scripture as concern the Salvation of Men. 1. That the Holy Scripture speaking of the Good and Evil the Elect and Reprobate uses such general terms in speaking of these Two sorts of Persons as if it would comprehend all Men in particular under this Universal Expression 2. That the Scripture speaking of the Men of one and the same Nation useth such general terms altho' it intends to speak some time of the Elect and sometime of the Reprobate 3d. Rule That the Scripture speaks of Men of divers times as if they were the same Men and of the same time The 4th That the word All is often taken for all sorts of Persons of all Ages Sects and Countries and that it is in this sence that these words of the Apostle may be understood God will have all Men to be saved As to the general Prayers of the Church he observes that that 's the reason of Praying for all Men but that these Prayers are not heard with respect to every particular altho' they be with regard to others that the reason of this difference depends on the secret Judgments of God and that it cannot be said that it is the Merit of the Will which is the cause of this distinction That Grace is given to the Good and denied to Sinners That the Examples of Infants and of such Wicked Men as are Converted at the Hour of Death prove the contrary In fine That Grace is an Act of the Divine Liberality That we ought not to enquire into the Reason why God gives it to some and denies it to others Why he chooseth some and doth not choose others That this Question is unsearchable and that we ought not to have recourse to Free-will for the Explication of it After he hath rejected in the first Book that which was the subject of the Contest he finds out Three Truths which he Establishes in the Second 1. That God Wills that all Men should be Saved and come to the knowledge of the Truth 2. That we cannot come to that knowledge but by Grace and that Merits contribute nothing to it 3. That the Mind of Man cannot comprehend the Judgments of God Let us now see the Consequences which he draws from these Principles That we cannot give the Reason why he puts off the Calling of some and gives not his Special Grace to all those whom he Calls That all Men have had a part in the general Calling the Gentiles by Nature the Jews by the Law but they who have pleased God have been separated from others by Faith and Grace which altho' more rare and secret was not denied in the first times That at present 't is not equally disposed to all the World That those to whom it is given have not Merited it That he that hath received it must expect all his growth and proficiency from the same Grace That nevertheless Man doth Merit by persevering because he hath power to fall away That one convincing Proof That Men are beholding to God's Special Grace for their Conversion and not to their Natural Goodness is this That since the Flood God hath continually Called Men by Miracles Signs and Prophecies and that nevertheless no Man hath turned himself That on the contrary The Apostles have Converted all the World by their Preaching Were Men better in the times of the Apostles than before Nay Do we not know that Iniquity then was greater This is it that shews the Efficacy of Grace That when it is said That Jesus Christ Died for all Men i. e. for all Nations it was for that end that God had permitted that the Roman Empire was so very much enlarged that the Christian Religion might spread it self the more easily that it so happened and that Rome was become more Glorious by Religion than Temporal Power Amplior arce Religionis quam solio potestatis That all other Nations have been or will be Called every one in their time That in the Old Testament the Grace of Jesus Christ was hidden from the Gentiles and yet it is not a whit less true to say That God will have all Men to be Saved in all times But if God will have all Men Saved Why are so many Damned Our Author Answers 1. That that is a Question which depends upon the secret Judgments of God which are unsearchable to Men. 2. That all Men deserve Damnation upon the account of Original Sin 3. That no Man may complain that he Dies too soon because it is the property of Humane Nature ever since Adam sinned to be subject to Death 4. That God exempts from this general Misery those whom he pleaseth and that he by that means moderates the Punishment which all the Posterity of Adam have deserved That others cannot complain that God hath not delivered them out of a State of Damnation because he owes that Grace to no Man 5. That he hath imparted to all Men certain general Graces which consist as we have said in outward helps That Infants themselves are not deprived of it because God hath given them to their Parents who ought to be serviceable to them to procure them Salvation That it is true that beside this general Grace there is a special Grace both for the Adult and for Infants who are of the Number of the Elect but God owes it to no Man 6. That this special Grace doth not exclude the Will or consent of Man but produces it in him makes him to Will Believe and Love That it doth not nevertheless take away the changableness of the Will for if it did then no Man could fall That those that will and do come are called by this Grace and they that do not come resist it by their own Will That those that Perish are inexcusable and those that are Saved have no cause of boasting of their own Abilities 7. That in all times there have been general Graces for all the World and special for the Just That among these last some have more some less yet no Man may complain of the Mercy of God since he owes nothing to any Man Nor can we more reasonably complain of his Justice since all that Perish deserve Damnation 8. That the particular Election of some doth not render our Labour Prayers or Good-works needless because God hath ordained them from all Eternity because this Grace is given for Prayer and because Election is perfected by Prayer and Good-works 9. That it ought not to be said of any Man before he is Dead that he shall certainly be of the Number of the Elect and that we ought not to despair of any Man's Salvation because the more Holy may yield to Temptation and the greatest Sinners be Converted That
966. he came into France where he purchas'd Lands and bought the Abbeys of S. Amand of Aumont and of Alne in the last of which he dy'd in the year 972. This Bishop has compos'd several Treatises a great part whereof hath been recovered and publish'd by Father Dachery in the second Tome of his Spicelegium The first has a very fantastical Title 'T is entitul'd A Treatise of the Perpendiculars of Ratherius Bishop of Verona or the Vision of a Thief hang'd among several others It is dedicaed to Hubert Bishop of Parma and he therein reprehends that slight which the Clergy put upon the Canons The Work is divided into two parts In the first he complains that he had formerly been turn'd out by the Clergy of his own Church who could not endure that he should concern himself with the distribution of the Ecclesiastical Revenues of his own Diocess tho it was part of the Pastors Duty and who were not willing he should exercise himself in any other Function than that of consecrating the Chrism and of confirmation Being harass'd by their continual Rebellion he undertook in this Writing to shew that their Attempt was a manifest Contempt of the Canons and for the proof thereof he began by collecting those Canons which related to the Authority of Bishops and which granted to them the Administration of the Goods belonging to their own Churches Afterwards he made it appear by an Argumentation that Bishops not being only oblig'd to feed their Flocks spiritually but also corporally they had a right to take cognizance of the state and distribution of the Church Revenues so as to divide them among the Clergy according to justice and equity He shews that this equity had been perverted in the distribution which was made in the Church of Veronae because the most powerful ran away with the greatest share thereof and enrich'd themselves at other mens costs and that the Priests and Deacons kept all to themselves without parting with any to the rest of the Clergy He adds that these latter in whose behalf he spoke did not much concern themselves about it upon two accounts First because they were very glad they had this pretence to excuse themselves from doing the Church any service Secondly because they hop'd hereafter to have the same advantage Whereas they objected that the custom of the Church of Verona was quite contrary he maintains that they ought not to prefer an evil custom to the Intention of the Canons and to the Laws of the Church It was again objected to him that it was a reflection upon a Bishop to degrade himself so far as to distribute amongst the Clergy and to appoint each their Allowance of Corn of Wine and of Money He reply'd to this that it was not at all requisite that the Bishop should do this himself but that he might do it by his Priests and Deacons if he could find any among them whom he could trust which way was authoris'd by the example of the Apostles who made use of Deacons to distribute the Alms which were collected by their Order and by the practice of S. Sixtus who committed the distribution of the Treasures of the Church to S. Lawrence upon which he makes this remark that St. Lawrence speaking to S. Sixtus told him that he had disposd of his Treasures calling the Treasures of the Church the Treasures of the Bishops because the Bishop is as it were the Husband of the Church He proves the same things out of the Civil Laws which gave the Bishops a power of treating about the priviledges of the Church He afterwards invieghs against that general contempt which all sorts of Christians from the meanest Laick to the Pope himself cast upon the Canons and Laws of the Church and he with a great deal of heat declaims against the irregular Lives of the Ecclesiasticks of his time who made no scruple of violating the Canons openly in matters of moment as well as in small things He reproves very smartly and charges them with several Disorders which he describes in a plain and naked dress He speaks against those persons of Quality who were mark'd out for Church Preferments and advanc'd thereto by all manner of contrivances how unfit soever they were for such an employ He calls them Thieves false Shepherds whose blessing turn'd to a curse persons excommunicated by the Canons a thousand times over who render the Authority of Bishops contemptible and were the cause why men set so slight by their excommunications and absolutions In the Second part of his Treatise Ratherius more particularly falls upon the Immodesty of the Clergy which was at such a heighth in his time that one could scarce says he find a man fit to be ordained a Bishop or any Bishop fit to ordain others He takes notice that of all the Nations in Christendom the Italians were the persons who had the least regard for the Canons and the least esteem for the Clergy * This is likewise one great reason of that general Contempt which our modern Clergy labor under and which will in all succeeding Ages cast a scorn and 〈◊〉 reproach on all such irregular Clerks of what Church or Nation soever they be The reason he gives for it is that the Ecclesiasticks of their Country were the most irregular in their Conduct the most Immodest in their outward behaviour and the most remiss in the discharge of their Duty He reckons up several horrible Stories and charges them chiefly with an Infamous Converse with Women In the conclusion he gives them to understand that they had still place left for Repentance and earnestly exhorts them thereto This Work was compos'd by Ratherius some time after he was last re-established in his Bishoprick of Verona by the Emperor Otho about the year 962. The Second Treatise is intituled A Deliberative Determination made at Liege He there alleges forty reasons why he thought himself obliged neither formally nor tacitly to renounce the Government of his Flock nor to abandon it to those who had robb'd him of it These Reasons are strong and short and are of the Nature of Aphorisms In the conclusion he says that he formerly made use of them for the Bishoprick of Liege but that the Sixteen first were likewise applicable to that of Verona He ends with an Imprecation against those who persist to harass and disturb him This Work was written at that time when he sollicited his re-establishment in the Bishoprick of Verona The third Treatise is intituled Qualitatis conjectura cujusdam He therein exposes under an unknown Name all that his Enemies laid to his charge and how they construed all his actions in a wrong sense 'T is a continu'd piece of Rallery on their Spite and Malice and wrote about the end of his Life when he had taken up his resolution to retire for he therein observes that it was forty years ago since he began to aspire to Greatness and Authority without being ever able
Chancellor of England A. D. 1158. and obtain'd the Administration of the publick Affairs of the whole Kingdom At last he was nominated by the King to the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury in 1161. after the Death of Theobald and was ordain'd on Whit-sunday in the same Year This Prelate was no Election of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury sooner advanc'd to that high Station but he vigorously apply'd himself to the maintaining of the Interests and Liberties of the Church In the beginning of his Government he found means to wrest the Ecclesiastical Revenues out of the Hands of the Noble-men who had usurp'd them and persuaded the King to fill up the Episcopal Sees of Hereford and Worcester which had been vacant for a long time But it was difficult for him who had undertaken stifly to maintain the Rights of the Church to avoid falling out with his Prince about particular Interests upon which account he was oblig'd to resign the Office of Chancellor After that step he made a demand again with much resolution of the Revenues and Rights which he pretended to belong to the Church of Canterbury and which were in the possession of the King and of the Nobility He vehemently oppos'd the Outrages and Exactions with which the great Lords were wont to oppress the People and the Clergy He endeavour'd to abolish the Custom that was introduc'd in England of adjudging to Princes the Revenues of vacant Churches and of deferring to supply those Churches with Ministers in order to enjoy them longer and he asserted That Clergy-men guilty of Misdemeanours were not under the Jurisdiction of Civil Magistrates but that they ought to be brought before the Bishop to be degraded and condemned to Ecclesiastical Penalties without delivering them up to the Secular Power nevertheless if in process of time they committed new Crimes the Temporal Justice might then apprehend them because they were no longer to be look'd upon as Clergy-men The obstinate defence of the last Article chiefly caus'd Thomas to incur the King's displeasure The original of the Contests between the King of England and Thomas Becket and gave occasion to the Quarrel For a Canon of Bedford nam'd Philip Brock having abus'd one of the King's Officers before whom he was summon'd that Prince determin'd to bring him to condign Punishment The Arch-bishop suspended the Canon from his Ecclesiastical Functions and Benefice for several Years but the King not being satisfied with those proceedings requir'd that he might be put into the Hands of the Secular Justice Upon the Arch-bishop's refusal to do it the King held an Assembly of the Bishops of his Kingdom in the Abbey of Westminster where he made a Remonstrance that it was expedient for the publick Benefit that Clergy-men should be tryed by the Civil Magistrates and condemned to afflictive Punishments by reason that the scandal of Degradation did not at all move those whom the Sanctity of their Function could not restrain from the committing of Crimes Thomas who was at the Head of that Assembly after having debated with the other Bishops reply'd to the King That the Bishops could not relinquish a Right which was granted to them by Henry I. his Grand-Father and confirm d by the solemn promise of King Stephen and that they entreated his Majesty to call to Mind the Oath that he took on the Day of his Coronation to maintain the Church in its Liberty and Rights Whereupon the King demanded whether they were disposed to observe the Customs and Constitutions of his Kingdom 〈◊〉 Thomas reply'd that they were ready to do it provided their Rights were secur'd Salvo Ordine Suo and all the Prelates made the same Answer except the Bishop of Chichester nam'd Henry who chang'd the last Words and said that he would punctually observe those Customs King Henry was extremely incens'd at the restriction they put on their Promise after he had so often press'd them to no purpose to engage absolutely to observe the Customs of the Kingdom without any limitation and left the Assembly quite transported with Anger The next Day he sent to demand of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Grants for all the Governments that were conferr'd on him whilst he was Chancellor of England and speedily departed from London shewing evident marks of his high displeasure against the Bishops Insomuch that their dread of his Anger and of the ill effects that it might produce and the sollicitations which that Prince caus'd to be made induc'd many of them to yield to give satisfaction to his Majesty and these us'd their utmost endeavours to bring the others to the same Temper Thomas stood to his Resolution for a long time but being at last overcome by the frequent and pressing entreaties of the Prelates and of his best Friends he suffer'd himself to be prevail'd upon went to meet the King at Oxford and promis'd to observe the Customs of the Kingdom for the future without any manner of Restriction The King to render this Declaration more Authentick call'd an Assembly of the Bishops An Assembly at Clarendon and Noble-men of the Kingdom at Clarenden A. D. 1164. in which he oblig'd the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and the other Prelates to take an Oath that they would carefully observe the Customs of the Kingdom and at the same time caus'd a verbal Process to be drawn up containing the Articles of those Customs that were to be acknowledg'd by the Bishops and which were sixteen in Number The First imports That when any Contests arise between the Laity and Clergy about the presentation to Benefices they ought to be regulated in the King's Court The Second That the Revenues of Mannors depending on the King's Demeans cannot be made over to Churches without his Majesty's Concession The Third That the Clergy-men acqused or impeached by the King's Officers shall be oblig'd to repair to his Court to the and that enquiry may be made whether they ought to be tried there or whether they ought to be sent back to the Ecclesiastical Courts of Judicature and that being thus sent back the King 's Chief Justice shall depute a Person to be Witness of the Proceedings of that Court That if the Clergy-man be convicted or confess his Crime the Church cannot have a Right any longer to protect him The fourth Article declares That the Arch-bishops Bishops and the King 's other Subjects cannot depart the Kingdom without his Majesty's leave and in case it be granted they shall give him good assurance that they will not act contrary to his Interest The Fifth That excommunicated Persons shall not be obliged to give security for their continuing in the Country but only to stand to the Judgment of the Church when it shall be thought 〈◊〉 to grant them Absolution The Sixth That no other Informers or Witnesses shall be admitted against Laicks but such as are allow'd by the Laws The Seventh That all those who hold any Lands of the King or are of the number of his Officers cannot
condemned in the Fourteenth Century 112 The Sect of the Frerots or Shavelings Ibid The Errors of Petrus Joannes Oliva Ibid The Practices of the Spiritual Friars Ibid The Begards and Beguines Ibid Gerhardus Segarelli Ibid Dulcinus de Novaria Ibid Herman de Pongeloup Ibid Arnoldus de Villâ Novâ 113 The Lollards a German Sect Ibid Ceccus Asculanus Ibid The Errors of Eckard Ibid Marsilius of Padua 114 Propositions of John Mercourt Condemned by the Faculty of Divinity at Paris Ibid The Recantation of Nicholas Utricourt Ibid Of Doctor Simon Ibid Of Friar Guy Ibid Of Lewis a Divine Ibid Of John de Chaleur Ibid The Condemnation of the Errors of Dionysius Soulechat Ibid The Errors of Berthoul Rorbach 115 The foolish Opinions of Martin Gonsalvus Ibid Other Follies of Nicholas of Calabria Ibid The Visions of Jenovez Ibid The Opinions of John de Latona and Bonagette about the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper Ibid The Errors of Arnoldus Montanier Ibid Turlupins Ibid Errors condemned by Simon Langham Ibid CHAP. IX ECclesiastical Observations upon the Fourteenth Age 116 The Question of the Ecclesiastical Power above the Temporal Ibid The Effects of the Popes Residence at Avignon Ibid The Settlement of the First fruits of Benefices Ibid The Settlement of the Jubilee Ibid The Question of the Poverty of Christ and his Apostles Ibid The Question of the State of Souls after Death Ibid The Discipline of the Church about Benefices and beneficed Persons 117 Several Rules about the Manners and Practices of Clergymen Ibid Observations about the Monastick State Ibid Rules for Curates and Mendicant Friars about their Preaching and Administration of Sacraments 118 New Congregations settled in the Fourteenth Age Ibid The Titles of the Tables A Chronological Table of the Ecclesiastical History of the 14th Age of the Church A Chronological Table of the Ecclesiastical Authors and their Works A Chronological Table of the Councils held in the 14th Age and their Acts Letters Canons and Articles A Table of the Works of the Ecclesiastical Authors of the 14th Age disposed according to the Order of the Matters they treat on An Alphabetical Table of the Ecclesiastical Authors of the 14th Age. An Alphabetical Table of the Councils held in the 14th Age. A Table of the Principal Matters contained in this Volume An Alphabetical Table of the Ecclesiastical Authors of the Fourteenth Age of the Church A. ACindynus see Gregory Acindynus Adam Goddam or Woddam a Grey-Friar Page 71 Aito see Haito Albericus Rosatus or Roxiati a Lawyer 70 Albert de Bresse a Friar-Preacher 79 Albert of Padua an Augustine-Hermit 56 Albert of Strasburg 73 Alexander of Alexandria a Grey-Friar 79 Alexander de S. Elpidio Arch-bishop of Ravenna 57 Alphonsus Vargas Archbishop of Sevil 72 Alvarus Pelagius Bishop of Silves 57 c. Andrew of New-Castle a Friar-Preacher 49 Andronicus Senior the Greek Emperor 82 88 Anonymous or a Nameless Author 7 Antonius Andreas a Grey-Friar 55 Antonius de Butrio a Lawyer 77 Arnoldus Cescomes Archbishop of Tarragon 67 Arnoldus Terrena Sacrist of Perpignan 62 Astesanus a Grey-Friar 63 Augustine D'Ascoli an Augustine Hermit 75 Augustinus Triumphus of the same Order 56 B. BAldus or Ubaldus a Lawyer 78 Barlaam Bishop of Hieracium 83 84 to 87 Bartholomew Bishop of Urbin 67 Bartholomew a Grey-Friar 80 Bartholomew Albicius of the same Order 67 Bartholomew de S. Concordiâ a Friar-Preacher Ibid Bartholomew de Glanville a Grey-Friar 72 Benedict XI Pope 9 10 28. Benedict XII Pope 29 30 Benedict XIII Pope 38 c. to 47 Berengarius of Fridol Cardinal 55 Bernard Abbot of Mount-Cassin 70 Bernard Dapifer a Monk of Melch 72 Bernard Guidonis Bishop of Tuy and after of Lodeve 62 Bernardo de Parenzo a Friar-Preacher 80 Bertamus of the same Order 81 Bertrandus de Turre Cardinal 63 Bertrandus de Trille a Friar-Preacher 78 Blaisus Andernarius a Carmelite 82 Bonaventure of Padua a Carmelite 75 Boniface VIII Pope 1 c. 116 Boniface IX Pope 37 to 42 116 S. Bridget 72 73 118 C. CAllistus Patriarch of Constantinople 90 Cantacuzenus see John Cantacuzenus S. Catharine of Sienna 73 Clement V. Pope 10 c. to 21 26 28 118 Clement VI. Pope 30 31 Clement VII Pope 35 to 39 Clement of Florence a Servite 67 Conradus Canon of Ratisbonne 81 Conradus d'Altzey Ibid D. DAniel de Trevisi a Grey-Friar 67 Demetrius Cydonius a Greek 91 Dinus de Mugello a Lawyer 48 Dominicus Grenerius Bishop of Pamiez 57 Durandus of Champeigne a Grey-Friar 67 Durandus de S. Porciano Bishop of Meaux 28 48 63 E. EBerardus Archdeacon of Ratisbonne 49 Eckard a Friar-Preacher 79 113 Engelbert Abbot of Admont 49 F. FOrtanerius Vassalli Cardinal 80 Francis Martin a Carmelite 81 Franciscus Mayronius a Grey-Friar 62 Francis Petrarch a Lawyer 68 Franciscus Ximenius Bishop of Elne or Perpignan 77 Francis Zabarell Cardinal 78 G. GAllus Abbot of Konigsaal 72 Gerhard Bishop of Savonna 80 Gerhard de Bononia a Carmelite 79 Gerhard Groot or the Great a Canon-Regular 74 118 Gerhardus Odonis a Grey-Friar 69 Gerhard of Sienna an Augustine-Hermit 79 Gerhard of Zutphen a Canon-Regular 76 Giles Colonnior of Rome Arch-bishop of Bourges 54 Gregory XI Pope 32 Gregory XII Pope 43 to 47 Gregory Acindynus a Greek Monk 85 86 87 Gregorius Palamas Archbishop of Thessalonica 84 85 86 87 Gregorius Ariminensis an Augustine-Hermit Bishop of Ferrara 71 Guy Abbot of S. Denys 63 Guy d'Eureux a Preaching-Friar 75 Guy Bishop of Ferrara 79 Guy de Montrocher a French Divine 66 Guy de Terrenâ Bishop of Elne or Perpignan 62 H. HAito or Aito a Canon-Regular of the Premonstratenses 50 Henry a Monk of Rebdorfe 72 Henry Andernac a Carmelite 82 Henry de Palmâ or de Baume a Grey-Friar 78 Henry Boich a Lawyer 75 Henry de Carret Bishop of Lucca 57 Henry de Dolendorp a Carmelite 81 Henry D Erford a German 80 Henry Euta or Oyta a German 82 Henry de Kalkar a Carthusian 81 Henry Knighton a Canon-Regular 75 Henry Stero a Benedictin Monk of Altaich 49 Henry de Urimaria an Augustin Hermit 67 Herenus de Boy a Carmelite 79 Herman de Schilde an Augustin Hermit Ibid Harvaeus Natalis a Friar-Preacher 55 Hugolinus Malebranchius Bishop of Ariminum 72 Hugh de Prato a Friar-Preacher 56 I. JAcobus de Benedictis a Grey-Friar 51 Jacobus Cajetanus Cardinal 49 Jacobus Folquier an Augustine-Hermit 69 Jacobus Magnus of the same Order 74 Jacobus de Alta Villâ a Germ. 81 Jacobus de Lausannâ a Preaching Friar 56 Jacobus de Teramo Archdeacon of Aversa 75 Jacobus de Termes Abbot of Charlieu 55 Jacobus de Viterbo Archbishop of Naples 79 Idiota vid Raimondus Jordanus Innocent VI. Pope 31 c. Innocent VII Pope 42 c. John XXII Pope 21 c. to 29. 60 61 116. John Abbot of S. Bavon 82 John a Benedictin Monk of Castel 81 John d'Alier a
the following Articles 1. To revoke the Prohibition made to the Prelates of going to Rome 2. To own that the Pope has Soveraign Power to dispose of Benefices vacant in Curiâ or otherwise and that no Lay Person has right to confer them without his Leave 3. That the Pope has Power to send Legates and Nuncio's into all Places without asking Leave of any Person 4. That the Supreme Administration of the Churches-Revenues belongs to the Pope who alone has right to dispose thereof and require a part of them 5. That neither the King nor other Princes have any right to seize or possess themselves of the Goods and Rights of the Church nor to accuse the Clergy before them for Personal Actions nor for Real which are not held of them in Fiefe 6. To send a special Proctor to Rome to clear himself for burning of his Holiness's Bull to make him Satisfaction and to hear the Pope's Resolution which is to revoke all the Privileges granted by the Holy See to the Kings of France 7. Not to Abuse the Guardianship of Cathedral Churches that are Vacant by a right called abusively Regal to hinder any wast or wrong to the Revenues of Churches and to reserve all the Fruits to succeeding Prelates except the reasonable Charges of the keeping them 8. To restore to the Clergy the Spiritual Sword and permit them to make use of it notwithstanding all Privileges pretended by the King and his Officers 9. To let him understand that the change of the Coin which he hath now twice practised ruins his State and he is bound to Restitution The 10. and 11. To confess That the City of Lyons is no part of his Kingdom and to restore to the Church of that City and its Archbishop the Lands which belong to them by absolute Right 12. To signifie to the King that he satisfie the Holy See about all these Articles within a certain time if not that he will take order therein by proceeding against him Spiritually and Temporally The King made Answer to these Articles To the First That the Prohibition he had made The King's Answer to the Articles propounded by the Nuncio was not upon the account of the Clergy nor to injure the Church of Rome but with respect to the Rebellion of the Flemings and to provide against any Conspiracy which might be made in his Territories That his intent was not to hinder his Subjects from going to Rome and returning thence and that he will give Orders that the Goods of the Bishops offending which he had caused to be seized shall be restored To the Second That the Granting of Benefices belonged to him and that he injoyed it but as St. Lewis and his Predecessors had done time out of Mind To the Third That he hindred not the Popes Nuncio's and Legates from coming into his Kingdom if they were not suspected by him or if he had not some just reason to do it To the Fourth and Fifth That he design'd to do nothing but what is justified by Right and Custom and if his Officers exceed their Commission he is ready to punish them To the Sixth That the Bull was not burnt in Contempt but the Bishop of Laon and the Sheriffs of that City having a Suit depending before the Parliament and the Bishop having procured a Bull the Sheriffs complain'd of a Design to remove the Business into another Court whereupon the Parties were agreed not to make use of the Bull and burnt it as useless To the Seventh That he pretended to innovate nothing as to the Regale or right of Patronage but he enjoyed it as his Predecessors had done without wast or abuse and if his Officers committed any he would take order about it To the Ninth That he hinders not the Churchmen from using the Spiritual Sword in such case as belong to them To the Ninth That he made a change in the Coin upon Necessity and to be in a Condition to Defend the Kingdom as his Predecessors had done on like Occasions and that he had already eas'd the Complaints of his Subjects as to any ill Consequence that might attend it To the Tenth and Eleventh That he pities the Archbishop of Lyons and his Church for what they had suffered on the account of the Differences they have had with the People of that City and for what the Archbishop has suffer'd for refusing to take the Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty but 't is the Archbishop's Fault nevertheless he is ready to Debate this Matter and to make it appear clearly that the City of Lyons is part of his Kingdom and that he is not willing in any wise to invade the Rights of the Church In fine In answer to the Last he declares That his intent is to preserve and increase the Union which ever was between his Predecessors and the Holy See intreats the Pope to prosecute the same Design and not to cross him in the Enjoyment of his Liberties Franchises and Privileges adding That if his Holiness be not satisfied with these Answers he is ready to submit herein to the Judgment of the Earls of Britain and Burgundy whom even the Pope himself offer'd to take for Mediators The Pope was not at all satisfied with these Answers and not only shewed his resentment Bulls against the King by the Letters he wrote the 13th of April to the Earl of Alanson the Bishop of Auxerre and Cardinal of St. Marcellinus but he again commands this latter to give a fresh Summons to the Prelates of the Realm to appear at Rome within Three Months and sent him a Bull wherein he declared that the King had incurred the Penalty of Excommunication ordered the Nuncio to signifie it to him to declare all those Prelates and others of the Clergy Excommunicate who should Celebrate or Administer the Sacraments to him or in his Presence and to cite his Confessor to appear within Three Months before his Holiness The Nuncio having received these Bulls by the hand of Nicholas de Benefracto gave out Copies of them but this no sooner came to the Knowledge of the King but he gave Order to Arrest those that dispersed them the Nuncio not thinking his Person in Safety withdrew The Archdeacon of Constance and Benefracto were Arrested at Troyes and the King renewed the Order he had given and after Superseded to Seize the Goods of the Clergy who were out of the Kingdom On the 13th of June was held in the Castle of the Louvre an Assembly of the Prelates and The Assembly of the States in the Louvre Nobility in presence of the King in which Lewis Earl of Evreux Guy Earl of St. Paul John Earl of Dreux and William du Plessis made Complaint against Boniface accused him of Heresie and divers other Crimes which they engaged to prove by Oath upon the Evangelists in a full General Council and besought the King as Protector and Defender of the Church to call one The Prelates judging
Postill upon the Epistles and Gospels of the Year printed at Paris in 1509. and at Strasburg in 1513. and 1521. The two Dominicans called Joannes Parisiensis both Doctors and Professors of Divinity of John of Paris a Dominican the Faculty in Paris must be distinguished The former lived in the Thirteenth Age about the Year 1220. He was Sirnamed Pungens Asinum the Ass-pricker and is mentioned by Joannes de Salagnac speaking of the Authors of his Order who lived before the time of S. Thomas He Founded two Chapels to S. Eustathius and is meant in an Information made in 1221. as the Records of those times make it evident It is undoubtedly he that Composed the Commentary upon the Sentences of which Trithemius speaks The other John of Paris was not a Licentiate in Divinity till 1304. when he brought himself into a great deal of Trouble by asserting That Transubstantiation was not a Point of Faith and that the Real Presence of the Body of Christ in the Sacrament might be explained after another manner viz. By supposing that the Bread being united with the Word mediante corpore Christi becomes the Body of Christ or that the Change be made after some other manner This new Doctrine which had never been taught in the Schools of Paris before made a great Noise and was opposed by Three other Divines who maintained That Transubstantiation was an Article of Faith according to the Decretal in the Chapter Firmiter John of Paris nevertheless maintained his Opinion with great Resolution and not only wrote a Book to prove it but defended it several times before many Doctors and Batchelors of Divinity and more particularly before William D' Orillac Bishop of Paris who having examined that Doctrine and taken advice with Giles of Rome Archbishop of Bourges Bertrandus Bishop of Orleans William Bishop of Amiens and several other Doctors injoined Silence to Friar John of Paris under the Penalty of Excommunication and strictly forbid him to Teach or Preach any more in Paris John of Paris appealed from this Sentence to the Court of Rome and went to Pope Clement V. then at Bourdeaux who appointed him Judges but he died before the Matter was decided upon S. Maurice's Day Jan. 15. 1306. The Book which John of Paris wrote about Transubstantiation was Intituled The Determination of Friar John of Paris Preacher of the Manner how the Body of Jesus Christ is in the Sacrament of the Altar different from that which hath been commonly held in the Church 'T is nothing else but the very same Explication of his Opinion which he delivers to the Assembly of the Doctors of Divinity abovementioned It was found in MS. in the Library of S. Victor and has been often quoted about that Point by the Authors of the Reformed Religion It hath lately been published by Mr. D Allix entire with a large and learned Preface and printed at London in 1686. There is a Treatise concerning the Regal and Papal Power printed at Paris in the Year 1506. and in the Collection of Goldastus's Monarchia S. Rom. Imp. Tom. 2. p. 107. which bears the Name of John of Paris It was written upon the Account of the Difference between Pope Boniface VIII and Philip the Fair. This Author observes in his Preface that they who seek to avoid one Errour often fall into another and thereupon brings an Example from the Controversie which was between the Monks and Seculars concerning Confession and the Administration of the Sacraments The one saith he asserted That the Monks ought not to meddle with them at all because they renounced all Secular Affairs The other said That they properly belonged to them by their Order The Truth lies in the middle between these two Errors which is That it is not altogether unfit that they should do it although they have no right to it upon the account of their Order And much the same thing happens in this Question about the Spiritual and Temporal Power concerning which there are contrary Errors The first of them is the Error of the Waldenses who hold that Clergymen ought not to have any Power or Temporal Estates the other is something like the Opinion of Herod who thought that Jesus Christ was Born to be an Earthly King so these Men suppose that the Pope as Pope hath a Power in Temporal Things above Kings The True Opinion lies between these two Errours and is this That the Successors of the Apostles may exercise a Temporal Jurisdiction and enjoy Temporal Estates by the Allowance and Grant of Princes but it does not belong to them as the Vicars of Jesus Christ and Successors of the Apostle To prove this Proposition he shews 1. That the Regal Power is founded upon the Law of Nature and Law of Nations 2. That the Priesthood is a Spiritual Power given by Jesus Christ to his Church to Administer Sacraments 3. That 't is not Necessary that all the Kings upon Earth should depend upon one Person only as all the Ministers of the Church upon one Head 4. That the Regal Power was erected before the Priesthood in time but the Priesthood is before the Regal Power in Dignity 5. That the Pope has not the sole Jurisdiction over the Churches Revenues but they belong to Bodies and Societies which possess them and that the Pope can't dispose of them as he pleaseth nor deprive the Owners of them without a just Cause That he may much less dispose of the Goods of Laymen but only in case of urgent Necessity to use censures to oblige them to assist and help the Poor or the Church in their Needs 6. That he hath no Jurisdiction over the Temporal Goods of Laymen nor any Secular Power because Jesus Christ as Head of the Church had none himself nor did give any to his Apostles but all the Power that he has given to the Church is purely Spiritual yea even that which belongs to the Exterior Ecclesiastical Court which may concern it self only in Spiritual Causes That the Pope may indeed Excommunicate an Heretick King and inflict Ecclesiastical Censures on him but cannot depose him He Answers all the Objections that may be made to this Doctrine and at last shews that the Pope may be judged and may either resign or be deposed Besides these Treatises of John of Paris Mr. Baluzius assures us that there are in the Library of Mr. Colbert Cod. 3725. three Sermons preached by this Monk at Paris the one in Advent the other on the Second Sunday in Lent and the Third on the First Sunday after Easter Some Englishmen also tell us That there is in the Library at Oxford a MSS. which contains a Treatise which proves the Truth of the Christian Religion from the Testimony of the Heathens and some other Treatises about the Confessions of Monks Some also attribute to him a Book Intituled The Correction of the Doctrine of S. Thomas against William de la Mare printed under the Name of Aegidius Romanus or
he draws 42 Conclusions from the Principles laid down in the Two former Books of which these are some of the Principal 1. That only the Doctrine contained in the Divine and Canonical Scripture or that which is deduced from thence by the Interpretation of a General Council is true and necessary to believe in order to Salvation 2. That General Councils only can settle such Articles of Faith as oblige us to believe them as necessary to Salvation 3. That the Gospel does not appoint to Compel Men by Mulcts and Temporal Punishments to observe the Commandments of the Law of God 5. That no Mortal Man can dispense with the Commands of the Gospel and nothing but a General Council can forbid what the Gospel permits 7. That the Popes cannot Condemn to any Secular or Temporal Punishment 14 15. That Bishops as Bishops have not any compulsive Jurisdiction but it belongs to Princes only 16. That Bishops can't execute their Excommunications or Interdicts but by the Authority of the Magistrates 17. That all Bishops are equal by Divine Right 18. That Bishops may excommunicate the Bishop of Rome as well as he excommunicate them 19. That they cannot give a Dispensation to celebrate such Marriages as are forbidden by the Law of God and it belongs to Princes to dispense with such as are forbidden by Human Laws to Legitimate Children and make them capable not only to inherit but to be promoted to Ecclesiastical Orders 23. That it belongs to Princes to bestow Ecclesiastical Offices and Benefices 27. That Magistrates for the Publick Good may make use of the superfluous Revenues of the Church 29. That it belongs to them to allow or hinder the Erecting of Colleges or Monasteries 30. That it belongs to them only to Punish Hereticks with Temporal Punishments 32. That a General Council can Erect a Metropolis only 33. That it belongs to Princes to call a General Council 34 35 36. That none but a General Council or a Prince can appoint Fasts or new days of Abstinence canonize Saints or make Rules of general Discipline 38. That Evangelical Perfection requires a Poverty which consisteth in having no Moveables and enjoying Goods without Dominion and without a design of defending them or recovering them before a Secular Judge 39. That Maintenance and Provision is due to Bishops and Ministers of the Gospel but Men are not obliged to pay them Tythes if they have a Subsistence otherwise 41. That it belongs only to a Prince or a General Council to raise or depose the Bishop of Rome These Conclusions plainly demonstrate That Marsilius designing to defend the Rights of the Empire against the Attempts of the Popes fell into the Opposite Extream and that he rather wrote as a Lawyer than as a Divine although in the Second Part he quotes many excellent Passages of the Fathers Councils and Ecclesiastical Writers The same Author composed another Treatise after the former concerning the Translation of the Empire in which he gives us an History of the Ancient State of the Roman Empire the Translation of the Greek Empire to the French and of the French to the Germans and of the Institution of Electors and a Consultation about the Divorce of Jane the King of Bohemia's Daughter and Margaret Dutchess of Carinthia in which he proves the Right of a Prince about Marriages These three Treatises are inserted in the Second Tome of Goldastus's Monarchy and the first was printed by it self at Basil in 1522. and at Francfort in 1612. John XXII condemned this Treatise by an express Decree recited in Rainaldus He was also opposed by Alvarus Pelagius in his Book De Planctu Ecclesiae by Alexander de S. Elpidio by Peter de Palude and by Cardinal Turrecremata The same Question concerning the Supream Power of Kings was also debated in France under Charles V. and the Pretences by which the Popes endeavoured to raise themselves above the Temporal Jurisdiction of Kings mightily opposed Several other Treatises were made to defend the Soveraignty of Princes and to prove that the Pope's Power did not extend to Temporal Things We have two considerable Ones of them still extant The first is Radulphus de Praelles a Counsellor and Master of Requests to the French King Radulphus de Praelles who Composed a Treatise in Latin and after translated it into French by the said King's Order The Other is a larger Treatise in Latin Composed also by the Order of the same Prince Intituled Somnium Viridarij or the Dream of the Orchard in the form of a Dialogue between a Clergyman and a Soldier The Author of it conceals himself under the Name of Philotheus Achillinus a Counsellor of the King But some Attribute it to Philip Mazerius or De Mazeriis Philip Mazerius a Soldier who was heretofore a Chancellor of the Kingdom of Cyprus and after Secretary to Pope Gregory XI and last of all put himself into the Service of Charles V. from which he retired into the Monastery of Caelestines at Paris where he died These two Treatises are in the First Tome of the Monarchy of Goldastus The other was printed in French at Paris in 1491. and in Latin 1503. and with the Imprimatur of the Parliament in 1516. Radulphus de Praelles Composed another Treatise Intituled Rex Pacificus of which he makes mention and translated the Books of S. Austin De Civitate Dei into French printed at Abbeville in 1486. and at Paris in 1531. The Soldier Mazerius wrote also the Life of S. Thomas or Petrus Thomasius Archbishop of Crete published by Bollandus on Jan. 29. Ubertinus de Cassalis a Grey-Friar was one of the Chief of the Spiritual part of the Monks Ubertinus de Cassalis against the Community and maintained before Clement V. the Writings of Petrus Oliva He also Composed several Books in defence of that Party before and after the Council of Vienna of which one of them begins with these words Sanctitati Apostolicae i. e. To the Apostolick Holiness and the other with these words Super tribus sceleribus i. e. Concerning Three Wickednesses and the last which he Composed since the Council of Vienna with these words Nè imposterum i. e. Lest for the future He defended himself before Pope Clement V. and obtained a Bull of Absolution But he was accused anew by Friar Bonagratia under the Papacy of John XXII who assigned him for his Judge William Cardinal-Bishop of S. Sabina to whom the Friar presented a Writing in 1321. against the Behaviour and Writings of Ubertinus de Cassalis in which he quotes the Writings of which we have spoken In the Year 1322. Ubertinus being asked his Opinion by the Pope concerning the Poverty of Jesus Christ he answered in Writing That Jesus Christ and his Apostles as Heads of the Church had Goods to distribute to the Poor and Ministers of the Church but if they be considered as private Persons who attained and practised a Perfection in Religion
de Lyra. him the Hebrew Tongue but being converted he became a Monk in the Monastery of Grey-Friars at Verneuill in 1291. and having stayed some time there he went to Paris where he read Lectures several Years upon the Holy Scripture in the Great Covent of Cordeliers at Paris where he died Octob. 23. 1340. He made use of the Learning which he had gotten when he was a Jew to explain the Holy Scripture literally and made Postills upon all the Holy Books He began this Work in 1293. and ended it in 1330. In them he shews a great deal of Jewish Learning and makes a very good use of the Comments of the Rabbies and among others of Rabbi Solomon Isaac or Jarchi The first Edition of this Work was put out at Rome under the Papacy of Sixtus IV. in 1471. by the Care of John D' Allena It has been since printed at Basil in 1508. and at Lyons in 1529. But the most perfect Edition is that of Francis Feuardentius John Dadreus and James de Cuilly at Lyons in 1590. which they put out after they had compared it with the MSS. It is printed since in the Bible with Glosses at Doway in 1617. at Antwerp in 1634. and in the great Bible of Father Le Haye in 1660. He hath also Composed some Moral Comments upon the Holy Scripture which were printed at Venice in 1516. and in 1588. Large Postills or Explications upon the Gospels of all the Sundays in the Year We have also a Treatise of his concerning the Person that Administers and him that Receives the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper which has been printed in Germany without Date with a Work of S. Thomas upon the same Subject A Disputation against the Jews printed at Venice with his Commentaries A Book against a Jew who made use of the New Testament to oppose the Doctrine of Jesus Christ printed with the Edition of his Postills in 1529. Waddingus attributes to him a Writing of the Life and Actions of S. Francis but because no other Authors mention it I believe it is not his Trithemius makes mention of his Sermons and we meet with some Large Commentaries upon the Holy Scriptures in Libraries which bear his Name Some Authors say That he made some Comments upon the Books of the Sentences Some Quodlibetical Questions a Treatise upon the Beatifick Vision An Exposition upon the Ten Commandments and some other Works PETRUS BERTRANDUS a Native of Annonay in Vivarois the Son of Matthaeus Bertrand and Peter Bertrand Agnes the Empress after he had Professed the Civil Law with great Reputation in the Universities of Avignon Orleans and Paris was made in 1320. the Chancellor of Joanna Queen of France and Dutchess of Burgundy who made him Executor of her Will and a little time after was made Bishop of Nevers from whence he was translated in 1325. to the Bishoprick of Autun The Conference that he had in 1329. with Peter de Cuguieres in which he defended the Rights of the Church in the presence of Philip de Valois King of France got him Abundance of Reputation He was made Cardinal of the Title of S. Clement in 1331. by John XXII through the recommendation of the King and Queen of France He Founded the College of Autun at Paris in 1341. and died June 24. 1349. in the Priory of Monsault which he had built near Avignon He reduced into Writing the Acts of the Conference held in 1329. in the King's Presence between the Bishops of the Realm the Chief of whom was Roger then nominated to the Arch-bishoprick of Sens and Peter de Cuguieres the King's Advocate who spoke for the King's Officers and Judges about the extent of the Ecclesiastical and Civil Jurisdiction The occasion of this Conference were the Complaints which the Prelates Officials and all the Clergy made against the Judges and King's Officers and against the Barons pretending that they encroached upon their Jurisdiction The King to support them and maintain a good Intelligence among all his Subjects as well Ecclesiastick as Civil gave a Command by his Letters dated Sept. 1. as well to the Prelates as Barons of the Kingdom to meet at Paris upon the Octaves of the Feast of S. Andrew to propose whatever they had to alledge against one another that they might live orderly for the future The Archbishops of Bourges Ausche Rouen and Sens met accordingly together with the Bishops of Beauvais Chalons Laon Paris Noyon Chartres Coutances Angiers Poictiers Meaux Cambray S. Flour S. Brieu Chalon upon Saone and Autun The King being come also thither with his Council and some Barons Peter de Cuguieres Knight and Counsellor of State spoke for the Rights of the King taking for his Text these words Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's and to God the things that are Gods from whence he proved two things 1. That due Honour and Reverence ought to be paid to the King 2. That the Spiritual Authority ought to be separated from the Temporal of which the former belongs to the Prelates and the latter to the King and his Lords which he proved by several Reasons drawn from Fact and Right and in the end concludes That the Bishops ought to be contented with the Spiritual Power and the King ought to Protect them in Matters which are Subject to him This Discourse being finished he said in French That the intention of the King was to put himself in Possession of the Temporal Power and presented several Articles containing the Grievances and Attempts which he affirmed to be done by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm of France or their Officers against the Temporal Jurisdiction of the King Barons and other Lords The greatest part of these Articles respect the Encroachments which the Ecclesiastical Judges had made upon Civil Justice in taking upon them the Cognizance of Civil and Real Causes under divers Pretences and presuming to forbid the Lay-Judges The Prelates desired time to consider before they gave their Answer and obtained till Friday following when Roger the Archbishop of Sens Elect carried word to the King who was at the Castle of S. Vincent and after he had protested that what he was about to say was not with an intention to submit himself to the Judgment of the King but only to instruct his Majesty and the Conscience of his Attendants he took for his Text these words of the First Epistle of S. Peter Fear God Honour the King and shewed from them that Fear and Love was due unto God which engage Men to give Liberally to him to Honour him reverently and give him all his Dues Secondly That all Men are obliged to obey their Prelates and that the Kings of France who had honour'd them more than other Princes have been always most happy Thirdly That we must render to God what is really his and in this Point he opposed what Peter de Cuguieres had said of the two Jurisdictions maintaining that though they were distinguished yet
of Folly JANOVEZ of Majorca made a Book in which he undertook to The Visions of Janovez foretell that Antichrist should come at Whitsuntide in the Year 1360. That the Sacraments of the Church and the unbloody Sacrifice should then cease that the Christians who should have on them the Mark of Antichrist should never be converted but that Children Jews Saracens and Infidels should be converted after the Death of Antichrist The Opinion of JOHN de LATONA and d'Bonagetâ— of the Order of Grey-Friars is not so extravagant The Opinion of John de Latona about the Sacrament they erred by paying too much respect to the Sacrament in preaching that if a consecrated Host fell into a dirty place the Body of JESUS CHRIST would re-ascend to Heaven though the Elements remained and the Substance of Bread return'd that the same would happen if the Host were eaten by Rats or other Beasts and that the Body of JESUS CHRIST returned to Heaven while we were eating the Host and descended not into the Stomach We have Divines of the Ninth and Eleventh Centuries who were of the like Sentiments This Doctrine was also current in this Century in the Provinces of Saragoza and Tarragona but Pope Gregory XI having caused it to be enquired into by two Cardinals they ordered the Archbishops of these two Cities to forbid the Preaching of these Propositions on Pain of Excommunication The same Year ARNOLDUS de MONTANIER of the Order of Grey-Friars a Native of Puicerda The Errors of Arnold de Montanier in Catalonia who had already been informed against to Nicolas Roselli Inquisitor of the Faith continuing to publish his Errors was condemned by Eymericus and by Berengarius Bishop of Urgel and Arrested by order of Gregory XI He taught according to the report of Eymericus that JESUS CHRIST and the Apostles had nothing in peculiar nor yet in common that none of those that wear the Habit of St. Francis shall be Damn'd that St. Francis every Year went down to Purgatory and took thence them of his Order to conduct them to Paradise and in fine that the Order of St. Francis must last to Eternity This is a Chain of the Errors of the Spiritual Brethren condemned by John XXII The TURLUPINES who swarm'd about the close of this Century in Provence and Dauphine were The Turlupines so called for their infamous Practices for besides the Errors of the Begards they held That we ought not to be ashamed of the Parts which Nature has given us they went all naked and did in the presence of all People actions which Modesty teaches us to conceal Divers of them were Burnt at Paris and other places and Gregory XI exhorted Amadeus Duke of Savoy to lend a helping hand to the Inquisitors to extirpate them In England SIMON LANGHAM Archbishop of Canterbury gave Judgment at Lambeth in the Errors condemned by Simon Langham Year 1368. by the Advice of many Divines against Thirty erroneous Propositions taught in his Province which for the most part are resolved into this Principle That all Men even Infidels and Children dying without Baptism have a Vision of God before their Death and if they are willing then to be converted to God they shall be saved that thus Baptism is not necessary to Salvation that none are damn'd for Original Sin alone and that no Person shall be damned even for any Actual Sin if he refuses not to be converted having had the Vision of God the which is a Sin not to be forgiven for the atonement whereof even the Suffering of JESUS CHRIST is in-sufficient There are also some erroneous Propositions concerning other Matters such as these That the Father and the Son are finite and that only the Holy Ghost is Infinite that JESUS CHRIST the Virgin and all the Saints are yet Mortal that the Virgin and the Saints may yet Sin and be damn'd and that all the Devils may be saved Although Wickliffe appeared and taught these Errors in this Century we put off the treating of them to the following Age to the end we may at once give an History of them and their Condemnation CHAP. IX Ecclesiastical Observations on the Fourteenth Century WE will not dwell upon Scholastical Questions discussed by the Divines of this Age. It would The Question of the Ecclesiastical Poâ—er over Matters Temporal be an intolerable Task only to repeat all their Disputes We will only make some Observations upon the Questions of Consequence which have made a noise in the Church One of the Chief is that of the Power of the Pope and the Church over the Temporalties of Kings The Popes pretended to make a new Doctrine of it but in coveting too much they lost what they had Usurped Till then no Man had any Thoughts to examine their Right and they seemed thereupon to be put in possession The haughtiness wherewith they had a Mind to practise it over Philip the Fair and over Lewis of Bavaria made it plain of what consequence it was and induced Princes to search into the Matter Thence they discover'd the weakness of their Pretence and opposed it they recover'd out of their Error the Soveraignty of Princes was confirmed as to Temporals and the bounds of both Powers fixed They began to dispute with the Clergy the Right of which they were possess'd to exercise Temporal Jurisdiction and to take cognisance of many Civil Causes under colour of Excommunication an Oath and Sin They had a Mind likewise to invade the Privileges of the Clergy and the Revenues of the Church But they defended themselves stoutly and maintain'd their Jurisdiction and Immunities by a great number of Canons and Regulations wherein they used all the ways imaginable to maintain themselves in their Privileges nevertheless they own'd some Abuses of their Jurisdiction and applied Remedies thereto but notwithstanding all this they lost by degrees part of their Temporal Jurisdiction The Residence of the Popes and the Court of Rome at Avignon whatever may be suggested did The Effects of the residence of Popes at Avignon not lessen the Power of the Holy See The French Kings made no sinister use thereof to obtain favours of the Popes which might prove prejudicial to their Authority But as Monsieur Baluzius observes after Nicolas Clemangis the Italians brought into France the Debaucheries and Luxury of their Country Vices from which till then it had been wholly free The Court of Rome likewise introduced a way of litigious wrangling at Law The Popes levied the Tenths on the Clergy or else permitted the Kings to do it on divers Pretences The Schism which followed involved the Church in Troubles overthrew the Method observed in Elections and Collations of Benefices filled the Churches with mercenary Pastors obliged the Competitors to do many mean things with the Princes to be upheld to sell Benefices or bestow them on their Creatures and exorbitantly to levy the Tenths on the Clergy It is hard to determine which of the
consecrate or baptize 5. That when a Man is contrite as he ought to be his External Confession is useless 6. That there is no Foundation in the Gospel to believe that Jesus Christ established the Mass 7 That God is obliged to obey the Devil 8. That if the Pope is a Reprobate and a wicked Man and consequently a Member of the Devil he has no Power over the Faithful except perhaps by the Emperor 9. That we ought not to acknowledge any Pope since Urban VI. and that every Nation ought to live as the Greeks do according to their peculiar Laws 10. That it is contrary to the Holy Scripture that Ecclesiasticks should have Temporal Revenues The Propositions Erroneous are these 1st That a Prelat ought not to excommunicate any Person whom he does not know to be excommunicated by God 2. That he who excommunicates otherwise is a Heretick and excommunicates himself 3. That a Prelat who excommunicates a Clergy-man that appeals to the King or his Council is a Traytor to the King and Kingdom 4. That those who abstain from Preaching or Hearing the Word of God upon the Account of Excommunication from Men are indeed excommunicate and shall be treated as Traytors at the Tribunal of God 5. That a Priest or Deacon has Authority to preach the Word of God tho they have no Power from the Holy See or a Bishop 6. That those who are in Mortal Sin are no longer Bishops or Prelats nor so much as Temporal Lords 7. That Temporal Lords may take away the Temporal Revenues from Ecclesiasticks who live in a Custom of Sin and that private Persons may correct their Superiors when they commit a Sin 8. That Tithes are pure Alms That the Parishioners may detain them upon the account of the Sins of their Pastors and need not pay them but when they please 9. That private Prayers applied to a Person by the Ecclesiasticks or Regulars are no more to the Advantage of that Person than General Prayers 10. That those who enter into a particular Monastery render themselves more incapable of observing the Commands of God 11. That the Saints who instituted Regulars whether they be Mendicants or such as are endow'd did sin in making such a Foundation 12. That the Regulars who live in private Houses are not at all of the Christian Religion 13. That the Regulars are oblig'd to get their Livelihood by the Labour of their hands and not by begging 14. That those who give Alms to the Regulars who preach and who admit them are excommunicate These Propositions being censur'd in the Assembly held June 12st Mr. Nicholas Herford and Philip Rapington a Canon-Regular Professors of Divinity were summon'd to appear to give their Opinion about them After they had made a General Protestation that they would submit to the Decisions of the Church and obey the Archbishop of Canterbury they acknowledg'd that these Propositions were heretical and erroneous at least in some sense which they determin'd in their Declarations Thâ—se Restrictions did not please the Archbishop of Canterbury who requir'd of them a pure and simple Condemnation and caus'd tell them by the Doctors there present at the Assembly that the Answers of these Two Divines were insufficient heretical deceitful erroneous and malicious In pursuance of this Declaration he summon'd the accus'd to answer purely and simply and they being unwilling to do it off hand he gave them time till the 27th of the same Month. The like Admonition he gave to John Aisthon Master of Arts in Oxford who was also cited but he answered more insolently than the Two former The Acts of the Council do not inform us what these Divines did afterwards but there are some Historians who relate that Herford and Aisthon persisted in their Errors and that Rapington renounc'd them â—…d that Wicklef himself when he came to this Council made a Confession of Faith wherein he retracted his Errors and own'd the real Presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist Howsoever this be the Council condemn'd the Errors of Wicklef and his Disciples and obtained a Declaration of King Richard a Declaration against all those who should teach or preach this Doctrin wherein he permits the Archbishops and Bishops to cause them to be apprehended In pursuance of this Proclamation the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Prelats caus'd those among the Wicklefites to be seiz'd who publish'd new Doctrins or wrote for them with greater Warmth In the mean time Wicklef died a little while after at Lutterworth Dec. 31th in 1384 and left many Books behind him for the establishing of his Doctrin The chief of them is his Treatise entituled A Trialogue wrote in form of Dialogue between Alethia i. e. Truth Pseudis i. e. a Lye and Phronese i. e. Wisdom which is divided into 4 Books In the 1st he treats of God in the 2d of Men and Angels in the 3d of Vertues and Sins of The Trialogue of Wicklef Grace Liberty and the Incarnation of Jesus Christ 4. in the last of Signs or Sacraments and of the Four Ends of Man The principal Errors contain'd in these Books are as follow That God cannot but do but what he does that every thing which happens comes to pass by Necessity that God could not hinder the Sin of the â—irst Man nor pardon it without the Satisfaction of Jesus Christ and that it was impossible but the Son of God must be incarnate make Satisfaction and die That God acts by Necessity that he cannot hinder Sin that he can save none but those who are actually sav'd that he he wills Sin to bring good out of it As to the Sacraments he admits the number of Seven but he does not think that this Name agrees to them all universally i. e. according to the same Idea he denies Transubstantiation and the real Presence of the Body of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist and maintains that the Substance is really Bread and the Body of Jesus Christ sacramentally and figuratively he believes that Infants may be sav'd without the Baptism of Water and those that are damned suffer the Pain of Sense The Sacrament of Order is not univocally so with the other Sacraments 't is a Power and not a Sacrament He says That in the time of St. Paul and the Primitive Church there were but Two Orders he condemns the Riches and secular Power of the Ecclesiasticks and the Foundations which are made for Perpetuity He admits the Sacrament of Marriage to come under the general Idea of a Sacrament but he pretends that it is only made by the internal Consent of the Parties and that it were as good nay better to express it by Words de futuro than by Words de praesenti He believes that external Penance and the Confession which is made to a Priest are not necessary and that they may be left off he observes that Extreme-Unction has not much Foundation in Holy Scripture After this he declaims against the Institution of the
same An Addition to the Treatise of Schism by the same Propositions about the Extinction of the Schism by the same An Opposition made against the Substraction of Obedience to Benedict XIII A Treatise of the Corrupt State of the Church A Poem upon the same Subject by the same A Treatise of the Infallibility of a General Council by the same Letters about the Schism by the same A Treatise of John of Lignano in Defence of Urban VI. and others A Mirrour of the Pope and his Court by Paul an English Doctor A Treatise of the Priviledges of the Empire and of Investitures by Theodoric of Niem A Discourse of the Superiority of a Council of the Temporal Dominion of the Clergy of Preaching and Communion in both kinds by four Divines in the Council of Basil. A Treatise of Jordan Brice about the Validity of the Election of Eugenius IV. A Treatise of Monarchy by Anthony of Rosellis A Treatise of the Authority of a Council by St. John Capistran A Treatise of the Power of a Pope and a Council by Poggio A Treatise of Catholick Agreement by Nicolas of Cusa A Letter from the same Two Letters of Julian a Cardinal about the Dissolution of the Council of Basil. A Treatise of the Council of Basil by Panormitan A History of the Council of Basil by Aeneas Sylvius A Treatise of the Authority of the Roman Empire by the same A Treatise of the Seven States of the Church by James of Clusa Some Treatises of the same Person under the Name of James of Junterbunck A Sum about the Church and its Authority by Turrecremata A Collection of the Questions of St. Thomas Aquinas about the Power of the Pope The Works of Gregory of Heimburg and the Reply of Theodore Laelius about the Temporal Power of the Popes The Treatises of Denis the Carthusian about the Ecclesiastical Power A Treatise of the Power of the Pope by Simon of Harlem A Treatise of Ecclesiastical Power against Anthony of Rosellis by Henry Institor Some Censures of the Faculty of Theology at Paris against Gorel against Sarazin against Nicolas Quadrigaru against another Friar Minor against John Bartholomew against John Meunier against John D' Angeli about the Observation of Sunday Treatises of Canon Law A Commentary upon the Clementines and other Treatises of John of Lignano a Lawyer of Milan Commentaries upon the Decretals and the Clementines by Peter of Ancharano Commentaries upon three Books of the Decretals upon the sixth and the Clementines by John of Imola A Collection of the Constitutions of the Archbishop of Canterbury by William Lyndwood A Commentary upon the Decretals by John of Anagnia A Sum by Francis de la Place a Lawyer of Bologne A Treatise of Monarchy by Anthony of Rosellis Other Treatises of Law by the same The Treatises of St. John Capistran A Treaty of St. Antonin about Excommunication A Commentary upon the Decretals and the Clementines and some other Treatises by Panormitan A Commentary upon the Sixth by Alexander of Imola A Commentary upon the Decretals and other Treatises of Law by Felinus Sandaus A Commentary upon the 2d Book of the Decretals by Simon of Harlem Commentaries and Treatises upon the Holy Scripture Principles upon the Course of the Bible and the Gospel of St. Mark by Peter of Ailly Lectures of Gerson upon St. Mark A Moral Commentary upon the Lamentations of Jeremy by John Lattebur A Scrutiny of the Bible by Paul of Burgos Additions to the Postils of Nicolas Lyra upon the whole Bible by the same A Treasise of the Name of God by the same A Commentary of Alphonsus Tostatus upon the Holy Scripture Notes of Laurence Valla upon the New Testament The Incentives of Nicolas of Cusa a Cardinal Commentaries upon the Psalms and the Epistles of St. Paul by Cardinal John of Turrecremata A Concordance of the Bible by Henry Goricheme The Commentaries of Denis Rickel upon the whole Bible A Piece upon the Epistles of St. Paul by the same Mystical Commentaries upon the Psalms by James Perez An Exposition upon the Canticles by the same Seven Books upon Genesis and a Commentary upon the 15th Psalm by John Picus of Mirandula Some Treatises of Jerome Sabonarola A Commentary upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans by Marsilius Ficinus A Work upon the Bible entitled Quinquagesima by Anthony Nebrissensis Notes by the same Person upon the Lessons out of the Epistles and Prophets Treatises of Morality and Piety Divers Treatises by Peter of Ailly Maxims for all Estates by Gerson The Signs of the approaching Ruine of the World by the same The Defects of the Ecclesiasticks by the same The second part of Gerson's Treatise about the Incarnation concerning the Motions of Piety in those who receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist A Letter against John Rusbroek by the same A Letter of John of Schonâ—ove in Defence of Rusbroek and the Answer of Gerson to it Treatises about the Tryal of Spirits and Examination of Doctrines by Gerson A Letter to a Carthusian about Stability in his Condition and the Studies he ought to follow by the same A Treatise to distinguish true Visions from those that are false by the same A Tripartite Work by the same Some Treatises of the Difference between Mortal and Venial Sins of Confession and the Resolutions of divers Questions of Morality by the same Some Pieces about Mortal and Venial Sins and the Rebuke of our Neighbour by the same Of the Christian Instruction of Children by the same Treatises of Contracts and Simony by the same Letters of Piety by the same Of the Consolation of Theology by the same A Complaint about the Affair of John Petit by the same A Treatise of the Spiritual Life of the Soul by the same A Treatise of Mystical Divinity by the same A Treatise of the Impressions which Men receive from God Angels and Devils by the same Works of Piety by the same A Treatise of the Illumination of the Heart by the same Instructions to John Major concerning the Office of a Praeceptor to a Prince by the same A Letter against Lascivious Pictures by the same A Letter about the Miseries of the Church by the same A Centilogium of the Final Causes of the Works of God by the same Other Treatises of Morality and Piety by the same A Treatise of the Failing and Restoration of Justice by Clemangis A Treatise of Theological Studies by the same A Discourse upon the Parable of the Prodigal Son by the same A Treatise about the Advantages of Solitude by the same A Treatise of the Benefit of Adversity by the same Many Moral Letters by the same The Remedies of both Fortunes by Adrian the Carthufian Treatises and Letters by St. Vincent Ferrier Treatises of Piety by Nicolas D'Inkelspuel Moral Disticks entituled The Memorial of Roses by Peter of Rosenbeim The Works of John Nider A Sum of Cases of Conscience and an Interrogatory of Confessors by Nicolas Auximanus The
any but that of the Judges of the Provinces That if a Monk go from one Monastery to another his Possessions shall remain with the first Monastery That the Abbots ought not to receive the Monks of another Monastery That if a Monk enter into Orders he is forbidden to marry That the Bishop must choose an Abbot without respect to his Age but only to his Merit The sixth Novel is about the Qualifications which those Persons ought to have who are Ordained It contains That he who would be ordained Bishop should be of a good Life and good Reputation That he should be one that was never engaged in the Military Service of the Governours or the Palace That an ignorant Lay-man ought not to be promoted all on a sudden to this Dignity That he must be one who was never married but once and also one who was not espoused to a Widow that he must have been for some time a Monk or a Clergy-man that he must be one who did not purchase his Ordination That if any oppose his Ordination and make any Objection against him the Accusation shall be examined before he be Ordained That a Bishop cannot be longer then one year out of his Diocese upon any pretence for any Business whatsoever That none can come to Court unless he be permitted by his Metropolitan or if he be a Metropolitan by the Patriarch and that he cannot desire Audience of the Emperor unless he give an account to the Patriarch of Constantinople or to the Surrogates of the Diocese whereof he is of the occasion of his Journey That the same Precautions shall be observed proportionably in the Ordination of inferiour Clergy-men That such shall be chosen as are able Men of a good Life who have not been married but once who have no Concubine and are not espoused to a Widow-woman That Diaconesses shall be Ordained only of Virgins or of Widows who were never married but once and who have passed the fiftieth year of their Age. That if it happen that any younger are Ordained they shall enter into a Monastery That as to others they shall dwell alone or only with their Father their Son or their Brethren That 't is forbidden not only for Priests and Deacons but also to Sub-deacons and Readers to quit their Station under pain of serving in the Militia That there shall not be too great a number of Clergy-men The seventh Novel contains many Regulations for preventing the Alienations or Prejudicial Exchanges of the Possessions of the Church The eight grants to the Bishop of Justinianaea being the place of Justinian's Birth the title of Metropolitan and also of Archbishop or Exarch of the two Dacia's of the second Maesia of Dordania of the Province of Prevala of the second Macedonia and of the second Pannonia The vast number of useless Clergy-men was so great a charge to the Churches and People and it was so difficult to prevent it that Justinian was forced to make another Novel wherein he forbids to Ordain Clergy-men for the great Church in the room of those who die willing them to take of those who are supernumerary in the other Churches This Novel is the sixteenth The 22th is of Marriages There Justinian treats first of the Causes of the Dissolution of Marriages He distinguishes them into two sorts The first are those which he calls ex bona gratia because it is to be presumed that both Parties are willing 1. When one of the two who are joyned together makes a Vow of Chastity 2. When the Husband is impotent for the space of three years 3. When he is a Captive or absent for the space of five years without hearing any tidings of him but not when he is a Slave or condemned to the Mines or exiled and banish'd for ever 4. That nevertheless if a Woman be espoused who is found to be a Slave the Marriage shall be null for the future unless he was her Master who married her as a Free-woman in which case she shall continue free 5. Constantine had permitted a Woman whose Husband had been four years in the Wars without writing to her or giving her any Marks of his Affection to marry another Justinian repeals this Law and ordains that a Woman cannot marry again till the end of ten years and also till she has sollicited her Husband to return and presented her Petition to his Captain or his Colonel whereby it may be evident that he has no mind to return to his Wife These are the Causes of the Dissolution of Marriages which Justinian calls ex bona gratia The other Causes are those which are Rigorous As if a Man or a Woman are convicted of Adultery or Murder or Poisoning or Theft or Treason or Robbery or any other Crime and if it happen that the Woman is found guilty of these Crimes she shall continue five years without being capable of marrying again and also if it be she who convicts her Husband of them she shall at least continue one year before her second Marriage Justinian adds also three Causes for which Women may be Divorced If they make themselves Miscarry If they bathe with other Men If they speak of Marriage to others while their Husband is alive The other Titles of this Novel concerns Civil Effects The 40th Novel permits the Church of the Resurrection at Jerusalem to sell the Houses which it had in the City The 42th is the Edict against Anthimus Severus Peter and Zoaras related in the fifth Council The 43th grants to the great Church 1100 Shops free from Taxes and deprives all others of the same Priviledge The 46th is of the Alienation of the Possessions of the Church and of the Payment of Debts The 55th confirms the preceding and permits the Exchanges of Possessions and the long Leases of Lands among the Churches The 56th forbids to exact any thing for the Registring of Letters of Ordination but it allows to receive what had been the Custom to pay for it in the great Church In the 57th its Ordained That when Clergy-men quit the Church which they serve others shall be put in their places who shall enjoy the Revenues In it 't is forbidden that Founders should place Clergy-men in the Churches by their own Authority only they are allow'd the Right of presenting them to the Bishop The 58th forbids the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries in private Houses The 59th regulates Ecclesiastical Fees chiefly for Funerals The 65th contains a particular Order about the Revenues of the Churches of Mysia The 67th forbids to make Chappels without the Bishops ' leave It orders those who build them to furnish them with things necessary It forbids Bishops to forsake their Churches and regulates the manner of making Alienations of the Possessions of the Church The 76th is an Interpretation of the Law which forbids Monks to dispose of their Possessions in favour of those who were entred into a Religious House before this Law was publish'd The 77th
allows to Bishops the Knowledge and Decision of the Causes which concern Religious Men and Women The 81st exempts him from Paternal Power who is made a Bishop The 83d ordains That if any one has any Civil Affair with a Clergy-man he shall first apply himself to his Bishop That if the Bishop cannot be Judge of it either because of the nature of the Business or for some other Difficulty then he may apply himself to the Judges That if it be a Criminal Cause then the Civil Judges shall take Cognizance of it and if they judge the Party accus'd to be guilty then he shall be Degraded by his Bishop before he be Condemned by the Secular Judge That if it be an Ecclesiastical Fault which deserves only an Ecclesiastical Penalty the Cognizance of it shall belong to the Bishop only The 86th Empowers the Bishops to oblige the Judges to do Justice to Parties and also to judge them when the Judges are suspected The 111th grants the Prescription of forty years to Churches The 117th contains the Reasons for which a Divorce may be granted A Man may divorce his Wife if she has conspir'd against the State if she is convicted of Adultery if she has attempted her Husband's Life if she has dwelt or wash'd with Strangers against her Husband's will if she be present at Publick Sports in spite of him The Woman may also be parted from her Husband if he be a Criminal to the State if he has attempted her Life if he would have prostituted her if he cohabits with other Women after his Wife has admonish'd him to forsake their Company He forbids the Dissolution of Marriages which are made with the Consent of both Parties unless it be for a reasonable Cause as to preserve Chastity Justinian repeals here what he had Ordain'd concerning Persons who were in the Army and Ordains That it shall never be lawful for a Woman to marry again unless she has sufficient Proof or Witnesses whereby it may appear that her Husband is dead The 120th contains many Orders concerning the Revenues of the Church The 123th is one of those which contains most Regulations of Ecclesiastical Discipline The first concerns the Ordination of Bishops Justinian ordains That the Clergy and Great Men should choose three Persons after they have taken an Oath upon the Holy Gospels that they shall not make this Election with respect to any Promise or Gift or to favour their Friend That these three Persons must be capable and have the necessary Qualifications that they must at least be 35 years old That they may choose of those who are in Publick Offices Curialis aut Officialis provided they have been 15 years in a Monastery and even one of the Laity on condition that he shall not be ordain'd Bishop till he has been three years in Inferior Orders He allows That if three Persons cannot be found who have the necessary qualifications that they choose one or two of them He adds That it these to whom the Election belongs do not choose in six Months time he that has a Right to Ordain the Bishop may do it by choosing one Person who has the necessary qualifications When any of the Persons chosen is accus'd his Cause ought to be heard and 't is forbidden to Ordain him until he has purg'd himself from the Accusation T is forbidden to offer or give any thing for the Election or Ordination But a Bishop is allow'd to give his Estate or part of it to his Church 'T is allo allow'd to Patriarchs or Metropolitans to take a certain Sum of those who are Ordain'd provided it exceed not that which it is the Custom to give and that is here expresly set down The following Titles contain divers Priviledges of Bishops as deliverance from Bondage exemption from Tutelage and publick Offices discharging them from the Obligation to appear before Judges to make Oath and exempting them from the Jurisdiction of Secular Judges After which Bishops are forbidden to abandon their Churches 'T is ordain'd That Archbishops and Patriarchs shall hold Synods once or twice in a year As to what concerns the Clergy the Novel forbids to Ordain them unless they have studied and understand their Religion and be of a good Life They must have no Concubine nor Natural Children but they must be Virgins or such as are married only once to one Woman Those who are ordain'd Priests ought to be 30 years old the Deacons and Sub-deacons 23 the Clerks 18 and the Deaconesses 40 years old If any Person be accus'd who is design'd for the Clergy before he is Ordain'd he must be clear'd from this Accusation If he who is to be Ordain'd has not a Wife then before he is Ordain'd he must engage to live in Celibacy but he who Ordains a Deacon or Sub-deacon may permit him to marry after his Ordination That if a Priest or Deacon or Sub-deacon happen to espouse a Woman after his Ordination he is to be turn'd out from the Clergy That a Reader may marry but if he contract a second Marriage or espouse a Widow he cannot ascend to a higher Dignity among the Clergy 'T is forbidden to Ordain those as Clerks who are engag'd in Offices for the Publick Curialis aut Officialis at least unless they have been 15 years Monks That if any marry after they have been among the Clergy they shall return to their first Condition 'T is forbidden also to give any thing for Ordinations or Benefices If a Slave be Ordain'd with the consent of his Master he becomes free if it be without his Master's knowledge he may redeem him in a year but however this be if he be of the Clergy he shall be restor'd to his Master When any Person founds a Chappel and endows it with Revenues necessary for the Maintenance of the Clergy it is allow'd to Him and his Heirs to name the Clergy that shall serve in it and those whom he names ought to be Ordain'd if they be worthy and capable if not the Bishop may place there such as he shall judge more worthy Liberty is given to all Clergy-men to dispose of their Estates Penalties are appointed against all those who bear false witness 'T is order'd that those who have any business against a Clergy-man a Monk a Deaconess a Religious Man or Woman do first apply themselves to the Bishop who shall judge them if the Parties acquiesce in his Judgment it shall be put in execution if not the matter shall be examin'd before a Secular Judge If he confirms the Bishop's Sentence there shall lye no further Appeal but if his Sentence be different there shall be room for an Appeal If it be a Criminal Cause and the Bishop has been inform'd of it he shall Degrade the guilty Person and after that the Secular Judge shall Condemn him If a Civil Judge has been inform'd of it he shall communicate the Informations to the Bishop If the Informations be found just and the