p. 114. l. 3. dele the. l. 20. r. are l. 30. dele p. 115. l. 24. r. they p. 116. l. 19. r. of this mind l. ult dele ut p. 117. l. r. degrees p. 122. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 128. l. 6. r. Scythia p. 130. l. 26. r. These p. 132. l. 26. r. pam l. ult r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 133. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In marg p. 134. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 150. l. 12 dele 2. p. 147. l. 2. r. Christi REcensui Librum cui Titulus CLAVI TRABALES Imprimatur Tertio Nonas Sext. 1661. MA. FRANCK S. T. P. Reverendo in Christo Patri Episcopo Londinesi à Sacris Domesticis A SPEECH Delivered in the CASTLE-CHAMBER at DUBLIN 22. of November Anno 1622. At the Censuring of some Officers who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy By the late Lord Primate Usher then Bishop of Meath WHat the danger of the Law is for refusing this Oath hath been sufficiently opened by my Lords the Judges and the quality and quantity of that Offence hath been agravated to the full by those that have spoken after them The part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the Conscience touching the Truth and Equity of the matters contained in the Oath which I also have made choice the rather to insist upon because both the form of the Oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the Conscience as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof I do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience c. And the Persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence but only the simple Plea of Ignorance That this point therefore may be cleered and all needless Scruples removed out of mens minds Two maine Branches there be of this Oath which require special Consideration The one Positive acknowledging the Supremacy of the Government of these Realms in all Causes whatsoever to rest in the the Kings Highness only the other Negative renouncing all Jurisdictions and Authorities of any Forraigne Prince or Prelate within His Majesties Dominions For the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that Exhortation of St. Peter Submit your selves unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake whether it be unto the King as having the Preheminence or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well By this we are taught to respect the King not as the only Gove nor of his Dominions Simply for we see there be other Governors placed under him but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as him that excelleth and hath the preheminence over the rest that is to say according to the Tenure of the Oath as him that is the only Supream Governor of his Realms Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion that whatsoever Power is inetdent unto the King by vertue of his place must be acknowledged to be in him Supream there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveraignty as to have another Superior power to over-rule it Qui Rexest Regem Maxime non habeat In the second place we are to consider that God for the better setling of Piety and Honesty among men and the repressing of Prophaneness and other Vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth the one of the Keys committed to the Church the other of the Sword committed to the Civil Magistrate That of the Keys is ordained to work upon the Inner man having immediate Relation to the remitting or retaining of sins That of the Sword is appointed to work upon the outward man yielding Protection to the obedient and inflicting external punishment upon the Rebellious and Disobedient By the former the spiritual Officers of the Church of Christ are enabled to govern well to speak and exhort and rebuke with all authority to loose such as are penitent to commit others unto the Lords Prison until their amendment or to bind them over unto the Judgment of the great Day if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacie By the other Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them for the defence of such as do well and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil whether by death or banishment or confiscation of Goods or Imprisonment according to the quality of the offence When St. Peter that had the Keys committed unto him made bold to draw the Sword he was commanded to put it up as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withall and on the other side when Uzziah the King would venture upon the Execution of the Priests office it was said unto him It pertaineth not unto thee Uzziah to burn incense unto the Lord but to the Priests the Sons of Aaron that are consecrated to burn Incense Let this therefore be our second conclusion that the Power of the Sword and of the Keys are two distinct ordinances of God and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priests function then the Priest hath to intrude upon an◠part of the office of the Prince In the third place we are to observe that the power of the Civil Sword the Supreame managing whereof belongeth to the King alone is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only but is by Gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Things and Causes That as the Spiritual Rulers of the Church do exercise their kind of Government in bringing men unto obedience not of the duties of the first Table alone which concerneth Piety and the Religious Service which man is bound to perform unto his Creator But also of the second which respecteth moral honesty and the Offices that man doth owe unto man So the Civil Magistrate is to use his Authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table as well as against the Second that is to say as well in punishing of an Heretick or an Idolater or a Blasphemer as of a Thief or a Murtherer or a Traytor and in providing by all good means that such as live under his Government may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all Piety and Honesty And how soever by this means we make both Prince and Priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque Tabulae Keepers of both Gods Tables yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their Offices together for though the matter wherein their government is exercised may be the same yet is the form and manner of governing them alwayes different the one reaching to the outward man only the other to the Inward the one binding or loosing the soul the
Clavi Trabales OR NAILES FASTNED by some Great MASTERS of ASSEMBLYES Confirming The KINGS SUPREMACY The SUBJECTS Duty Church Government by BISHOPS The Particulars of which are as followeth I. Two Speeches of the late LORD PRIMATE USHERS The one of the Kings Supremacy The other of the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings Necessities II. His Judgment and Practice in Point of Loyalty Episcopacy Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England III. Mr. HOOKERS Judgment of the Kings Power in matters of Religion advancement of Bishops c. IV. Bishop ANDREWS of Church-Government c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said PRIMATE V. A Letter of Dr HADRIANUS SARAVIA of the like Subjects Unto which is added a Sermon of REGAL POVVER and the Novelty of the DOCTRINE of RESISTANCE Also a Preface by the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of LINCOLNE Published by Nicholas Bernard Doctor of Divinity and Rector of Whit-church in Shropshire Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret ut quid quam moliret adversus Regiam Majestatem ego tamen Deum 〈◊〉 ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem Bern. Ep. 170. ad Ludovicem Regem An. 11â—0 London Printed by R. Hodkginson and are to be sold by R. Marriot at his Shop in St. Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreet 1661. THE PREFACE THese two learned Speeches of the late Lord Primate Usher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together The one Of the Kings Supremacy may not only be instructive to those of the Church of Rome but to some of our own Communion who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgment of it The other Of the duty of Subjects to supply the Kings necessities was occasioned by the slowness in Ireland of contributing to the King for the maintenance of the Army continued there for their own defence the great imprudence of which parsimony we felt to our own loss not many years after wherein that distinction in point of Loyalty made between those descended of the antient English race though differing from us in point of Religion and those of the meer Irish which is there much enlarged may be now worthy of observation The whole Speech is full of Loyalty Prudence and Learning for which as he had his late Majesties of Blessed Memory gracious thanks so he had as little from others who were then as backward in assenting to the like Propositions here conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point Both these Speeches thus tending to the defence of Regal Power and the duty of Subjects hath in submission to the judgments of those whom I much reverence occasioned the putting forth a Sermon of mine upon the like Subject which I have the rather adventured so near this eminent Primate as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at Dublin anno 1642. when it was first delivered of which more is said in an Advertisement before it Hereupon I have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent Prelate not only of His Judgment in this Subject but in point of Episcopacy Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England from the various misapprehensions of such who being of different opinions the great respect given him by the one hath been a scandal to the other But by this impartial relation of his Judgment and Practice in each it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfyed as to unite in the exemplary observance of that Piety Loyalty Conformity and Humility found in him And whereas some do much appeal to that Accommodation of his in relation to Episcopacy wherein he was not single proposed Anno 1640. which then they did not hearken unto they are herein remembred what was that which caused it even the pressing violence of those times threatning the destruction of the whole with the sole end of it a pacification whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own Interest then for the tranquility of the Church like Jonas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the Tempest would be worthy of all our Imitations now The appeale here is from that Storm unto what his practice was in calme and peaceable times which if followed would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us The Fruite expected to be reaped from this declaration besides the satisfaction of mine own mind which was not at rest without it is the due honor of him for whose I am oblieged to sacrifice mine own That as he is admired abroad so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home And as the peace and unity of the Church was studied by him in his life time so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death And surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy would but now upon the sight of this writ after him the Arke of our Church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition and immediately rest upon firm ground Heretofore having an occasion to vindicate this most Learned Primate in point of Doctrine so unhappy often are persons of his eminency as after their deaths to be challenged Patrons to contrary partyes I had An. 1658. a Letter of Thanks from the late Reverend Bishop of Durham Bishop Morton in these wordes viz. I acknowledge hereby my obligation of Thankfulness to you not only for the book it self but especially for your pains in vindicating that admirable Saint of God and Starr primae magnitudinis in the Church of God the Primate of Armagh c. In which high esteem of the Primate the now Reverend Bish. of Durham succeeds him who hath often signified it in divers of his Letters which I receiued from Paris to that purpose Hereunto two other Treatises have been thought fit to be added mentioned in the foresaid vindication but then not intended to be published which the Eminent Primate had a hand in The one Mr. Hookers Judgment of Regal Power in Matters of Religion the advancement of Bishops and the Kings Exemption from censure c. Left out of the common copyes inlarged and confirmed by the Primate all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the Fathers being under his own hand are noted with this mark* The other a Treatise of the Form of Church Government before and after Christ c. The main aime of it is to shew that the Government of the Christian Church established by the Apostles under the New Testament was according to the pattern of that in the Old then which scarce any book in so little speaks so much for the preheminency of Episcopacy It first appeared Anno 1641. under the Title of the rude draughts of Bishop Andrews which though I was in doubt of by the contrary opinion of an
of a passage in John 6. 53. the opinion of the necessity of administring the Lords Supper to Infants had obtained in the christian church And that as it seemeth to supply in some sort the want of confirmation wherein the like Ceremony of annointing with the chrisme was used of which young children were not capable and which yet was in all reason to precede the receiving of the Lords Supper That opinion in time vanished as an Error and with it the practise of communicating Infants ceased But still the custom of giving them the chrisme continued as a kind of initial confirmation if I may so call it as if by it were conferred some degree of that grace which in their account is the proper effect of the Sacrament of confirmation to wit the grace of Spiritual Strength to fight against the Spiritual Enemie of the Soul the flesh the world and the Divel Now to prevent the imagination of any such efficacious vertue in the chrisme and to shew that by Baptisme alone which is sacramentum militare without the addition of the chrisme the person baptized receiveth all that benefite of grace and strength whatsoever it be which he should do if the chrisme were joyned with it for by Baptisme he is not only received into the church as a Member of Christ but matriculated also into the Militia as a Soldier of Christ it might very well be thought convenient laying aside the annointing with the chrisme per modum crucis cross-wise that the Minister as soon as he hath baptized the child should in express words signifie to the Congregation that he is now become the Soldier of Jesus Christ as well as a Member of his Church with the sign of the cross also used there withall as a significant ceremony in token that the person so baptized being now the Soldier of Christ should not be ashamed of his profession nor behave himself cowardly therein This is the substance of what the Learned Primate declared to us to be his Judgment concerning the use of this Ceremony and the place it hath in our Liturgy In the setting down whereof if for the Readers fuller satisfaction I have allowed my self a good liberty of enlargement either for the farther confirming or the better clearing of â—is opinion I hope none will therefore charge me to have misrepresented it having gone all along upon his grounds and perfectly to his sense This Story of what discourse we had with the Primate at that time as I had to others heretofore so I told very lately to the Reverend Doctor the Publisher of these Treatises who told me back again that himself had also heard him declare his opinion to the same effect as aforesaid and remembreth particularly which I here publish having the Doctors Warrant so to do that he so declared it in a publick Speech mentioned pag. 63. before a great Auditory at Drogheda in Ireland when he first confirmed children there I am unwilling having gone thus far already to weary the Reader or my Self with proceeding any farther nor indeed is it needful I should For since only by pride commeth contention Prov. 13. 10. if all men that pretend to be wise and honest would be humble and truly he that is not so is neither honest nor wise and make that their business which is certainly their Duty That is to say if they would study quietness more and Parties less bear a just reverence to Antiquity and to their betters allow as favorable a construction to things established as they are capable of suspect their own judgment wherein it differeth from the publick submit to reason and yield when they are convinced obey cheerfully where they may and where they dare not suffer without noise a little saying and writing would serve the turn But when men are once grown to this to make it their Glory to head or hold up a Party To study wayes how to evade when they are called to obey To resolve to erre because they have erred and to hold their conclusion in despite of all Premises To preferre their private opinions before wiser mens judgments and their reputation with the vulgar before Obedience to Superiors In a word to suffer themselves to be swayed with Passions Parties or Interests all the writing and saying in the World as to such men untill it shall please God to put their hearts into another Frame is to no more purpose then if a man should go about to fill a Seive with Water or to wash a Blackamore white When we have tried all the ways and conclusions we can we shall in the end find the best expedient for Peace and the best Service we can do the Church our Selves and our Brethren to be our constant and instant Prayers to Almighty God with our subservient Endeavors that he would give to every one of us a discerning judgment to see the Truth and a willing mind to embrace it conscience to do what we ought and Patience to suffer what wee must Humility to acknowledge our own and Charity to bear with other mens infirmities that so we may keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace and fulfil the Law of Christ which is the unfeigned hearty Wish of London Aug. 10. MDCLXI The unworthy Servant of JESUS CHRIST Ro. Lincoln The Contents of each Treatise I. Of the Oath of Supremacy THe distinct Power of the Sword and Keys That the Sword is not restrained to Temporal Causes only That there is a Civil Government in Causes Spiritual and a Spiritual Government in Causes Civil The Right Sense of the Oath Four Arguments against the Bishop of Romes Title to an universal Supremaey King James His gracious Thanks to the Primate for it II. Of the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings Necessities The Pretensions of Spain to the Kingdom of Ireland The Distinction in point of Loyalty between those of the ancient English Race and the meer Irish. The hatred shewn by the latter to the former in the Colledges abroad The moderating and answering Objections on both sides for and against the Contribution propounded Divers Records produced as presidents for it His Iudgment as a Divine in the â—ase not to be an Arbitrary Act but a matter of Duty and Conscience That the denying of the King what is necessary for the support of his Kingdom is no less a Robery of him then a Subtracting of Tithes and Oblations is called a Robbery of God by the Prophet III. Of the late Lord Primate Ushers Judgment and Practice 1. In point of Loyalty The Occasion of his writing of that book of the Power of the Prince c. His joy or sorrow according to the success of his Majesties affairs His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty 2. In point of Episcopacy His writing for it Exercise of the Iurisdiction of it The occasion and end of those Proposals concerning it An. 1641. His censure upon the Omission of the form
of words used by the Bishop in the Ordination of the Church of England His sufferings for it The right sense of that gradual superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter His confirmation of Books tending to the Preheminency of Episcopacy 3. Of the Liturgy His dayly observing of the Book of Common-prayer At Drogheda the Service sung upon Sundays before him as in Cathedrais of England His observing of the Ceremonies and causing them so to be His pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous His Constancy in the above-mentioned to the last The falsehood of some Pamphlets since his death Some specialties observed in him as to decency and Reverence in the Church at publick prayer c. 4. The Constitutions and Canons c. His subscription to the 3. Articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the Canons of England The severity put in with his own hand in the first Canon of Ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the Articles of England Observation of the annual Festivals Good-Friday c. Confirmation of Children Church Catechisme Canonical decency of Apparrel in the Clergie Consecration of Churches c. IV. Mr. Hookers Judgment confirmed by the Primate 1. The Kings power in matters of Religion 2. Of his Power in advancement of Bishops to their Rooms of Prelacy 3. The King exempt from Censure and other Iudicial power V. Bishop Andrews Judgment as it is conceived of Church Government before and after Christ c. confirmed and enlarged by the Primate In the Old Testament 1. Before the Law 2. Under Moses 3. Among the Priests 4. Under Joshua 5. Under David where is much added by the Primate 6. Under Nehemiah A Recapitulation of the whole c. with some new enlargements by the supposed Author answering the objections made against having the like government now and giving reasons why it may be now In the New Testament 1. In the time of our Sáviour 2. In the dayes of the Apostles and after Of Deacons Evangelists Priests and Bishops Of the persons executing those Offices Of the promiscuous use of their names The use of the Bishops office and the charge committed to him The choice of persons to their Callings VI. A Letter of Dr. Hadrianus de Saravia to the Island of Garnzay Of the first Reformation in the Island Subjection to Episcopal Iurisdiction Difference in the Case between them and France and the Low-Countries Their Synodicall meetings not justifiable The Kings Power in making of a Law Of Ordination otherwise then by Bishops Of the Scotch Reformation D. Hadr. Saravia with other learned mens Subscriptions to the Articles and Liturgy of the Church of England A Pamphlet printed under the name of the late Archbishop of Armagh coucerning the Liturgy and Church Government declared to be none of his As he hath been also injured and is still by another Book intituled a Method of Meditation or a Manual of Divine Duties which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. I did in his name declare to be none of his but falsly put upon him and have done so twice since his death yet is still reprinted and sold up and down as his to the great injury of him The late Lord Primate Ushers Iudgment of the signe of the Cross in Baptisme confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface VII The Contents of the Sermon Regal Power of Gods Ordination That of 1 Pet. 2. 13. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man c. Answered Sauls Election not by the People Difference in Religion quits not the due of Obedience The Novelty of the Doctrine of Resistance The Pharisies the first among the Iews The Arguments for it taken out of Bellarmine and the Jesuites which many other Writers of the Church of Rome do contradict The Antient Fathers Loyalty to the worst of Emperors 1. Constantly praying for them Tertullian c. 2. Not giving the least Offence in word or writing St. Hillary Nazianzen c. 3. Not stirring up the people in their own defence St. Augustines Commendation of the Christians under Julian Tertullians under Severus St. Ambrose Athanasius and others That Evasion viz. That the Christians then wanted Power to resist cleared out of Eusebius Tertullian St. Ambross Theodoret Rebellion always found the Ruine of the Actors The Speech of Rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up Armes against the Emperor A Conclusive Application An Animadvertisement SUch of the Bishops and Clergy as by Gods Mercy escaped with their Lives to Dublin in that Bloody Rebellion in Ireland Anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great though sad meeting to have somewhat like a Commencement in that University The Doctors part pro gradu was the Concio ad clerum The Text Rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the Epistle appointed for the day being the Tuesday after the Fourth Sunday after the Epiphany The day according to that account of the late Kings of Blessed Memory murder The Doctrine delivered was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed that he was forced to send a Copy to the L. Primate Usher who gave his approbation of it And upon the Thirtieth of Ianuary last 1660. the day of Humiliation for the abovesaid Murder it was preached in English at the Honorable Society of Grayes-Inn London The Intention was to have published it in that Language it had its first being but by the Printers Experiment of the slowness of the Sale in that as the better suiting with these other Tracts and that the Profit intended would be of a farther extent the latter was resolved of ERRATA PAge 24. line 29. read the. p. 25. l. 8. r. 2. marg l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 27. l. 3. r. him l. 4. thee p. 29. l. 19 r. thus p. 31. 10. Jehu p. 39. marg l. 1. r. Julianus l. 5. r iniquus p. 40. marg l. 27. r. fletibus l. 35. r. injuriam p. 45. marg l. 6. r. pontisicumque p. 43. l. 24. dele for marg l. 8. r. per regiam 52. l. 31. r. waited p. 56. l. 20. r. calls p. 60. l. 9. r. commendam p. 81. 6. r. consecratus l. 7. r. gratias p. 90. l. 9. r. scarce l. 10. r. inexcusablae p. 95. 11. r. Potiphera Job 1. 5. 42. 8. p. 96. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 97. 16. r. fisties l. pen. Merari l. ult after these r. the. p. 100. l. 14 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 101. l. 5. r. camp l. 15. r. Asher p. 102. l. 12. r. Further. p. 103. l. 9. r. Gibethon p. 105. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. l. 22. r. Gershon l. 23. r. Ethan l. ult 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 109. l. 12. r. Benaiah l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 112. l. 7. r. Governors of the. p. 113. l. 25. r. Priest
other laying hold on the body and the things belonging thereunto The one having speciall reference to the Judgment of the world to come the other respecting the present retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this Life That there is such a Civil Government as this in Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiasticall no man of Judgment can deny For must not Heresie for example be acknowledged to be a Cause meerly Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall and yet by what power is an Heretick put to death The Officers of the Church have no authority to take away the life of any man it must be done therefore per brachium seculare and consequently it must be yeelded without contradiction that the Tempor all Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his Civil Government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature Spiritual or Ecclesiasticall But here it will be said the words of the Oath being generall that the King is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries How may it appear that the power of the Civil Sword is only meant by that Government and that the power of the Keys is not comprebended therein I answer First that where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be the Governor of his own Dominions and Countries by common intendment this must needs be understood of a Civil-Government and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind Secondly I say That where an Ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an Oath it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministred Now in the case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority that no other thing is meant by the Government here mentioned but that of the Civil Sword only For in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Arch-Bishop and Bishops and the whole Clergie in the Convocaetion holden at London Anno 1562. Thus we read Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some standrous folkes to be offended we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of Gods word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen doth most plainly testifie but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their Charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubbornand evill doers If it be here objected that the Authority of the Convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the Exposition of that which was enacted in Parliament I answer that these Articles stand confirmed not only by the Royall assent of the Prince for the establishing of whose Supremacy the Oath was framed but also by a speciall Act of Parliament which is to be found among the Statutes in the thirteenth yeer of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the Law have full authority to expound the Law and they have sufficiently manifested that by the Supream Government given to the Prince they understand that kind of Government only which is exercised with the Civil Sword I conclude that nothing can be more plaine then this that without all scruple of conscience the Kings Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only Supream Governor of all his Highness Dominions and Countrys as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes as temporal and so have I cleered the first main branch of the Oath I come now unto the Second which is propounded negatively That no forreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm The Forreiner that challengeth this Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction over us is the Bishop of Rome And the Title whereby he claimeth the Power over us is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world because he is St. Peters Successor for sooth And indeed if St. Peter himself had been now alive I should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual Authority and Superiority within this Kingdom But so would I say also if St. Andrew St. Bartholomew St. Thomas or any of the other Apostles had been alive for I know that their Commission was very large to go into all the world and to preach the Gospel unto every Creature So that in what part of the world soever they lived they could not be said to be out of their charge their Apostleship being a kind of an Universal Bishoprick If therefore the Bishop of Rome can prove himself to be one of this Rank the Oath must be amended and we must acknowledge that he hath Ecclesiastical Authority within this Realm True it is that our Lawyers in their yearly Books by the name of the Apostle do usually designe the Pope But if they had examined his Title to that Apostleship as they would try an Ordinary mans Title to a Piece of Land they might easily have found a number of Flaws and main defects therein for first it would be enquired whether the Apostleship was not ordained by our Saviour Christ as a special Commission which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first Apostles For howsoever at their first entry into the Execution of this Commission we find that Matthias was admitted to the Apostleship in the Roome of Judas yet afterwards when James the Brother of John was slain by Herod we do not read that any other was substituted in his place Nay we know that the Apostles generally left no Successors in this kind Neither did any of the Bishops he of Rome only excepted that sate in those famous Churches wherein the Apostles exercised their Ministry challenge an Apostleship or an Universal Bishoprick by vertue of that succession It would Secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce to shew that one of the Company was to hold the Apostleship as it were in Fee for him and his Successors for ever and that the other Eleven should hold the same for Term of life only Thirdly if this State of perpetuity was to be cast upon one how came it to fall upon St. Peter rather then upon St. John who outlived all the rest of his Fellows and so as a Surviving Feoffee had the fairest Right to retain the same in himself and his Successors for ever Fourthly if that State were wholy setled upon St. Peter seeing the Romanists themselves acknowledge that he was Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome We require them to shew why so great an Inheritance as this should descend unto the younger Brother as it were by Borough-English rather than to the Elder according to the ordinary manner of
hearts of the better if not the greatest part of the people and sometimes Saul was as from God himself given up into his hands And he was not altogether a private Subject but was heir of the Crown after him being already annointed to it and none could have a better pretence Saul was now seeking his life and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud yet he would not lay his hands upon him what can be imagined to be the Cause but that it was against the doctrine then received Who knows not that Saul was become an absolute Tyrant which some think to be the sense of 1 Sam. 13. Saul reigned two yeers c. i. e. Quasi biennium tantum ut Rex reliquum temporis ut Tyrannus rejected by Samuel The Kingdome rent from him given to David yet ye never read of Samuel moving David to get possession by force of Armes he mourned for Saul but never stirred up any disturbance in the Kingdome against him but patiently expected Gods determination Optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it David had Saul his enemy in his hands might have securely slaine him without the blood of any others his servants and the opportunity moved him to it but the full remembrance of Gods commands to the contrary with-held him he drew back his hand and sword and whilest he reverenced the oyntment he spared his enemy and when he had compleated his loyalty revenged his death i. e. in the Amalekite We doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the Prince shall command against the Law of God and Nature but yet neither doe we say we may by force take up Armes against him he said well Scutum dandum est subditis non gladius The three children refused to obey the command of Nebuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden Image and Daniel Darius his Edict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him as a new erected Numen but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and callâ—d to suffer for it Elias withdrew himself from Jezebell and Ahabs bloody fury yet ye doe not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in Samaria by any secret Machinations against him but were all patiently passive and committed themselves to God that judgeth righteously When Peter drew his Sword against the present power though under the best defensive pretence yet was bid to put it up with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrell qui accipit gladium gladio peribit Rossaeus a Romanist hath indeed published a Book De justa Reipublicae in Principem haereticum potestate not blushing to a averre the contrary to what we have asserted viz. That the Israelites did often make insurrections against their Kings even of the stock of David and with Gods approbation but instanceth in none to any purpose 'T is true as he saith Atheliah was deposed but 't was from her usurpation Hezekiah shook off the yoak of the King of Assyria to the service of whom he had no just obligation The Judges before Samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the Israelites from their several servitudes Absolon was suppressed by the same way of Force he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his Fathers Crown but what are these instances to a lawful Prince or to such as are Subjects Some I find thus endeavoring to evade the Text by distinguishing between the Power and the Person as if this and the like were to be understood only de potestatein abstracto But certainly St. Peter applys it cleerly in coâ—creto to the Person of the King Regi quasi praecellenti Magistratibus ab eo missis as in the next Fear God honor the King Neither can that Speech of Davids be otherwise meant then of the Person of Saul God forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords annointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the Lord 'T is not the Power that is annointed but the Person who by it is resigned to the Power Again 't is very probable that St. Paul writing to the Romans in this expression here of Powers conformed himself to their Stile Who as Berclaius observes out of Pliny Suetonius and Tertullian do very frequently take the Abstract for the Concrete i. e. the Power for the Person armed with it There is another argumentation still in the mouths of many viz. That Princes receive their power from the people and so may be abridged accordingly by them But first let such know from whence they had this even from the Jesuites or the like for many other Authors of the Church of Rome are against it Alphonsus de Castro de potestate Leg. Paen. lib. 1. and Vasques lib. 1. controvers cap. 47. averre it and call all power Tyrannical that comes not by the people It was that which Pope Zachariah suggested to the French for deposing of Childerick their King That the people who constituted him may as well depose him the Prince is obnoxious to the people by whom he possesseth that Honor. Unto which agrees that of Augustinus Triumphus de Anchona who by the Sea of Rome hath the Title of Beatus given him That th Pope may depose the Emperor who can deny it for he that constitutes can depose whose practice in story hath been accordingly Henry the Fourth the Emperor and Childerick the Third the French King were by Pope Gregory the Seventh the latter of which was deposed as the Historian saith non pro suis iniquitatibus sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati as Carolus Crassus the Germans and Italians withdrew their obedience from him by the Papal approbation only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem though otherwise a most pious devout and vertuous Prince according to which is the Argument and Application of Brllarmine Constituens est prius constituto subditi vero constituunt Regesâ— Principes sunt propter populum ergo populus est nobilior But secondly t is of no force in it self The Pastor is for the good of the Flock The master of the family is for the welfare of it forma est propter actionem is therefore actio nobilior formâ Again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a Master and after a manner constitutes him over him What can he at pleasure withdraw himself again Again these men consider not of the Oath of God taken of Subjects to their King which Solomon mentions Eccles. 8 2. I councel thee to keep the Kings commandements and that because of tht Oath of God They have likewise but little esteem of St. Pauls Judgement in the Text viz. that the powers are of God and ordained of God That they bear the sword of the Lord and are his ministers And indeed few Kings have originally come to their Crowns by the people but most frequently as one observes invitis subdiâ—is Belli jure si hoc
authority in the outward government which disposeth the affairs of Religion so farre forth as the same are disposable by humane authority and to think them uncapable thereof only for that the said religion is everlastingly beneficiall to them that faithfully continue in it And even as little cause there is that being admitted thereunto amongst the Jews they should amongst the Christians of necessity be delivered from ever exercising any such power for the dignity and perfection which is in our Religion more then theirs It may be a question Whether the affairs of Christianity require more wit more study more knowledge of Divine things in him which shall order them then the Jewish Religion did For although we deny not the forme of external government together with all other Rites and Ceremonies to have been in more particular manner set down yet withall it must be considered also that even this very thing did in some respects make the burthen of their spiritual regiment the harder to be born by reason of infinite doubts and difficulties which the very obscurity and darkness of their Law did breed and which being not first decided the Law could not possibly have due execution Besides in as much as their Law did also dispose even of all kind of civill affairs their Clergy being the Interpretors of the whole Law sustained not only the same labour which Divines doe amongst us but even the burthen of our Lawyers too Nevertheless be it granted that more things do now require to be publickly deliberated and resolved upon with exacter judgment in matters divine then Kings for the most part have their personal inhability to judge in such sort as professors do letteth not but that their Regal authority may have the self same degree or sway which the Kings of Israel had in the affairs of their Religion to rule and command according to the manner of supreme Governors As for the sword wherewith God armed his Church of old if that were a reasonable cause why Kings might then have Dominion I see not but that it ministreth still as forcible an argument for the lawfulness and expedience of their continuance therein now As we digrade and excommunicate even so did the Church of the Jews both separate offendors from the Temple and depose the Clergie also from their rooms when cause required The other sword of corporall punishment is not by Christs own appointment in the hand of the Church of Christ as God did place it himself in the hands of the Jewish Church For why he knew that they whom he sent abroad to gather a people unto him only by perswasive means were to build up his Church even within the bosome of Kingdomes the chiefest Governors whereof would be open enemies unto it every where for the space of many years Wherefore such Commission for discipline he gave them as they might any where exercise in a quiet and peaceable manner the Subjects of no Common-wealth being touched in goods or person by virtue of that spirituall regiment whereunto Christian Religion embraced did make them subject Now when afterwards it came to pass that whole Kingdomes were made Christian I demand whither that authority served before for the furtherance of Religion may not as effectually serve to the maintenance of Christian Religion Christian Religion hath the sword of spiritual Discipline But doth that suffice The Jewish which had it also did nevertheless stand in need to be ayded with the power of the Civil sword The help whereof although when Christian Religion cannot have it must without it sustain it self as far as the other which it hath will serve notwithstanding where both may be had what forbiddeth the Church to enjoy the benefit of both Will any man deny that the Church doth need the rod of corporall punishment to keep her children in obedience withall Such a Law as Macabeus made amongst the Scots that he which continued an excommunicate two years together and reconciled not himself to the Church should forfeit all his goods and possessions Again the custom which many Christian Churches have to fly to the Civil Magistrate for coertion of those that will not otherwise be reformed these things are proof sufficient that even in Christian Religion the power wherewith Eeclesiastical persons were indued at the first unable to do of it self so much as when secular power doth strengthen it and that not by way of Ministry or Service but of predominancie such as the Kings of Israel in their time exercised over the Church of God Yea but the Church of God was then restrained more narrowly to one people and one king which now being spread throughout all Kingdoms it would be a cause of great dissimilitude in the exercise of Christian Religion if every King should be over the Affairs of the Church where he reigneth Supream Ruler Dissimilitude in great things is such a thing which draweth great inconvenience after it a thing which Christian Religion must always carefully prevent And the way to prevent it is not as some do imagine the yielding up of Supream Power over all Churches into one only Pastors hands but the framing of their government especially for matter of substance every wher according to one only Law to stand in no less force then the Law of Nations doth to be received in all Kingdoms all Soveraigne Rulers to be sworn no otherwise unto it then some are to maintain the Liberties Laws and received Customs of the Country where they reign This shall cause uniformity even under several Dominions without those woful inconveniencies whereunto the State of Christendom was subject heretofore through the Tyranny and Oppression of that one universal Nimrod who alone did all And till the christian world be driven to enter into the peaceable and true consultation about some such kind of general Law concerning those things of weight and moment wherein now we differ If one church hath not the same order which another hath let every Church keep as near as may be the order it should have and commend the just defence thereof unto God even as Judah did when it differed in the exercise of Religion from that form which Israel followed Concerning therefore the matter whereof we have hitherto spoken let it stand for our final conclusion that in a free christian State or Kingdom where one and the self same people are the church and the common-wealth God through christ directing that people to see it for good and weighty considerations expedient that their Soveraign Lord and Governor in causes Civil have also in Ecclesiastical Affairs a Supream Power Forasmuch as the Light of reason doth lead them unto it and against it Gods own revealed law hath nothing surely they do not in submitting themselves thereunto any other then that which a wise and religious people ought to do it was but a little over-flowing of wit in Thomas Aquinas so to play upon the words of Moses in the old and of
Peter in the new Testament as though because the one did term the Jews a Priestly Kingdom the other us a Kingly Priesthood Those two Substantives Kingdom and Priesthood should import that Judaisme did stand through the Kings Superiority over Priests christianity through the Priests Supream Authority over Kings Is it probable that Moses and Peter had herein so nice and curious conceits or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing namely that God doth glorifie and sanctifie his even with full perfection in both which thing St. John doth in plainer sort express saying that Christ hath made us both Kings and Priests Wherein it is from̄ the purpose altogether alledged that Constantine termeth church-Officers Overseers of things within the church himself of those without the church that Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governor of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical Causes unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged That Ambrose affirmeth Palaces to belong unto the Emperor but churches to the minister The Emperor to have Authority of the common walls of the city and not over holy things for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the Church debated in the Princes consistory but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning Church matters in a Civil Court he came not That Augustine witnesseth how the Emporor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause committed it unto the Bishops and was to crave pardon of the Bishops for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him he was being weary of them drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further then only unto the administration of Church Affairs or the determination of Strifes and Controversie rising about the matter of Religion It proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for Church-Officers to have the hearing of causes meerly Ecclesiasticall and not the Emperour himself in person to give sentence of them No one man can be sufficient for all things And therefore publick affairs are divided each kind in all well ordered States allotted unto such kind of persons as reason presumeth fittest to handle them Reason cannot presume Kings ordinarily so skilfull as to be personal Judges meet for the common hearing and determining of Church controversies But they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorized by such power as may cause them to take effect The principality of which power in making Laws whereupon all these things depend is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto Kings although not both in such sort but that still it is granted by the one that albeit Ecclesiastical Councels consisting of Church Officers did frame the Lawes whereby the Church affairs were ordered in ancient times yet no Canon no not of any Councel had the force of Law in the Church unless it were ratified and confirmed by the Emperour being Christian. Seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the Emperor to confirm the Ordinances which were made by the Ministers which is as much in effect to say that the Emperour had in Church Ordinances a voice negative and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of publick Ordinances Why are we condemned as giving more unto Kings then the Church did in those times we giving them no more but the supreme power which the Emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day any Christian King either doth ar possibly can use it over the Church The case is not like when such Assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other affairs of the Church and when they meet about the making Ecclesiasticall Lawes or Statutes For in the one they only are to advise in the other they are to decree The persons which are of the one the King doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withall them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of Law as having right to be thereunto called Finally the one are but themselves and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement the other represent the whole Clergie and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict Now the question is whether the Clergie alone so assembled ought to have the whole power of making Ecclesiasticall Laws or else consent of the Laity may thereunto be made necessarie and the Kings assent so necessary that his sole deniall may be of force to stay them from being Laws If they with whom we dispute were uniform strong and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons to whom the power of making Laws for the Church belongeth For they are sometimes very vehement in contention that from the greatest thing unto the least about the Church all must needs be immediatly from God to this they apply the patern of the ancient Tabernacle which God delivered unto Moses and was therein so exact that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it To this they also apply that strict and severe charge which God so often gave concerning his own Law Whatsoever I command you take heed you doe it thou shalt put nothing thereto thou shalt take nothing from it nothing whether it be great or smal Yet sometime bethinking themselves better they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principall things from God and that for other matters the Church hath sufficient authority to make Laws wherupon they now have made it a question what persons they are whose right it is to take order for the Churches affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite Laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in or else touching that which is to be done by the Church of God The Law of nature and the Law of God are sufficient for declaration in both what belongeth unto each man separately as his soule is the spouse of Christ yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully shew whatsoever God doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss But as a man liveth joyned with others in common society and belongeth unto the outward politique body of the Church albeit the said Law of Nature and of Scripture have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising which the Church having care of souls must take order for as need requireth hereby it cometh to pass that there is
and ever will be so great use even of humane Laws and Ordinances deducted by way of discourse as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto No man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of God for manner in divine service for order in Ecclesiastical proceedings about the Regiment of the Church there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have Laws made but the reason is not so plain wherefore humane Laws should appoint men what to believe Wherefore in this we must note two things First that in matter of opinion the Law doth not make that to be truth which before was not as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed Secondly that as opinions doe cleave to the understanding and are in heart asserted unto it is not in the power of any humane Law to command them because to prescribe what men shall think belongeth only unto God corde creditur ore fit confessio saith the Apostle As opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed so mans Law hath to determine of them It may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent or prohibit their contradiction to speciall articles wherein as there happily hath bin controversie what is true so the same were like to continue still not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls except Law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty which no man afterwards is to gain-say Wherefore as in regard of divine Lawes which the Church receiveth from God we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in Solomon Conserva fili mi praecepta patris tui My sonne keep thou thy fathers precepts Even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the Church it self makes we may add thereunto the words that follow Et ne dimittas legem matris tua And forsake not thou thy mothers Law It is undoubtedly a thing even naturall that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own Lawes And that this power should belong to the whole not to any certain part of a politique body though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action then the rest Which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all Lawes we see no cause why to think otherwise in lawes concerning the service of God which in all well-ordered States and Common-wealthes is the first thing that Law hath care to provide for When we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a Common-wealth we speak of that which must needs belong to the Church of God For if the Common-wealth be Christian if the people which are of it do publickly imbrace the true Religion this very thing doth make it the Church as hath been shewed so that unless the verity and purity of Religion doe take from them which imbrace it that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed Look what authority as touching Laws for Religion a Common-wealth hath simply Here this breaks off abruptly The Princes power in the advancement of Bishops unto the rooms of Prelacy TOuching the advancement of Prelats unto their rooms by the King Whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange that Prelates the Officers of Gods own Sanctuary then which nothing is more sacred should be made by persons secular there are that will not have Kings be altogether of the Laitie but to participate that sanctifyed power which God hath indued his Clergy with and that in such respect they are anointed with oyle A shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly we cannot say Kings do make but that they only do place Bishops for in a Bishop there are these three things to be considered The power whereby he is distinguished from other Pastors The special portion of the Clergy and the people over whom he is to exercise that Bishoplie Power and the place of his Seat or Throne together with the Profits Preheminencies Honors thereunto belonging The first every Bishop hath by consecration the second the Election invested him with the third he receiveth of the King alone Which consecration the King intermedleth not farther then only by his Letters to present such an elect Bishop as shall be consecrated Seeing therefore that none but Bishops do consecrate it followeth that none but they do give unto every Bishop his being The manner of uniting Bishops as heads unto the flock and Clergy under them hath often altered for if some be not deceived this thing was somtime done even without any election at all At the first saith he to whom the name of Ambrose is given the first created in the Colledg of Presbyters was still the Bishop he dying the next Senior did succeed him Sed quia coeperunt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus teneÌ„dos immutata est ratio prospiciente concilio ut non ordo sed merituÌ„ crearet episcopum multorum sacerdotum constitutum ne indignus temere usurparet esset multis scandalum In elections at the beginning the Clergy and the people both had to do although not both after one fort The people gave their Testimonie and shewed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen But the choice was wholy in the sacred Colledg of Presbyters hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the antient do commonly allude as when Pontius concerning St. Cyprians election saith he was chosen judicio Dei populifavore by the judgment of God and favor of the people the one branch alluding to the voices of the Ecclesiastical Senat which with religion sincerity chose him the other to the peoples affection who earnestly desired to have him chosen their Bishop Again Leo nulla ratio sinit ut inter Episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti No reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst Bishops whom neither Clergy hath elected nor Laitie coveted in like soâ—t Honorius Let him only be established Bishop in the Sea of Rome whom Divine Judgment and universal consent hath chosen That difference which is between the form of electing Bishops at this day with us and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the Kings of this Land do claim in furnishing the places where Bishops elected consecrated are to reside as Bishops for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous Princes of this Land have been at as well in erecting Episcopal Seas as also in endowing them with ample possessions sure of their religious magnificence and bounty we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honored with those Royall prerogatives taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy
much awrie and that in allowing of their Bishops every man favoured his own quality every ones desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men as of them which were like himself What man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults tragidies and schismes which were raised by occasion of the Clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place there was not any kind of practise though never so unhonest ot vile left unassaied whereby men might supplant their Competitors and the one side foil the other Sidonius speaking of a Bishoprick void in his time The decease of the former Bishop saith he was an alarm to such as would labour for the room Whereupon the people forthwith betaking them selves unto parts storm on each side few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man many who not only offer but enforce themselves All things light variable counterfeit What should I say I see not any thing plain and open but impudence only In the Church of Constantinople about the election of S. Chrysostome by reason that some strove mightily for him and some for Nectarius the troubles growing had not been small but that Aroadius the Emperor interposed himself even as at Rome the Emperor Valentinian whose forces were hardly able to establish Damasus Bishop and to compose the strife between him and his Competitor Urficinus about whose election the blood of 137 was already shed Where things did not break out into so manifest and open flames yet between them which obtained the place and such as before withstood their promotion that secret hart burning often grew which could not afterwards be easily slaked insomuch that Pontius doth note it as a rare point of vertue in Cyprian that whereas some were against his election he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget These and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we doe not feel Howbeit least the Church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force we are most humbly to crave at the hands of Soveraign Kings and Governors the highest Patrons which this Church of Christ hath on earth that it would please them to be advertised thus much Albeit these things which have been sometimes done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others and so the kind of Agents vary as occasions dayly growing shall require yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burthens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of publique action which burthens in this case Princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in Gods sight no lesse than the People and the Clergy when the power of electing their Prelates did rest fully and wholly in them A fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any whom desert of most holy life and the gift of divine wisedome did not commend a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal Pastors of God to continue void not to preserve the Church patrimony as good to each Successor as any Predecessor enjoy the same had been in them a most odious grievous fault Simply good and evil doe not loose their nature That which was is the one or the other whatsoever the subject of either be The faults mentioned are in Kings by so much greater for that in what Churches they exercise those Regalities whereof we do now intreat the same Churches they have received into their speciall care and custody with no lesse effectual obligation of conscience then the Tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupill whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep All power is given unto edification none to the overthrow and destruction of the Church Concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion thus much may suffice seeing that they with whom we contend doe not directly oppose themselves against regalities but only so far forth as generally they hold that no Church dignity should be granted without consent of the common People and that there ought not to be in the Church of Christ any Episcopall Rooms for Princes to use their Regalitie in Of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before As therefore the person of the King may for just consideration even where the cause is civil be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of Judgment and others under his authority be fit he unfit himself to judge so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for Kings to sit and give sentence in spiritual Courts where causes Ecclesiastical are usually debated can be no bar to that force and efficacie which their Sovereign power hath over those very Consistories and for which we hold without any exception that all Courts are the Kings All men are not for all things sufficient and therefore publick affairs being divided such persons must be authorised Judges in each kinde as common reason may presume to be most fit Which cannot of King 's and Princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly Ecclesiastical so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men We see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the Clergy alone and that Commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them as also between both these Jurisdictions and a third whereby the King hath a transcendent Authority and that in all causes over both Why this may not lawfully be granted unto him there is no reason A time there was when Kings were not capable of any such power as namely when they professed themselves open Adversaries unto Christ and christianity A time there followed when they being capable took sometimes more sometimes less to themselves as seem'd best in their own eyes because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined The Bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such Affairs saw very just cause of grief when the highest favoring Heresie withstood by the strength of Soveraign Authority religious proceedings whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable Power pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary namely that the Affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing Orders and Laws against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which Laws have given them unless men can show that there is in those Laws some manifest Iniquity or Injustice Whereas therefore against the force Judicial Imperial which Supream Authority hath it is
alledged how Constantine termeth Church Officers Overseers of things within the Church himself of all without the Church how Augustine witnesseth that the Emperor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause committed it unto the Bishops and was to crave pardon of the Bishops for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him he was being weary of them drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs how Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governors of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the Judgment of Ecclesiastical causes to whom Commonwealth matters only belonged how Ambrose affirmeth that Palaces belong unto the Emperor Churches to the Minister that the Emperor hath Authority over the Commonwealth of the City and not in holy things for which cause he never would yield to have the Causes of the Church debated in the Princes Consistory but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to Answer concerning Church Matters in a civil court he came not Besides these Testimonies of Antiquity which Mr. Cart. bringeth forth Doctor Stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose hath augmented the number of them by adding other of the like nature namely how Hosius the Bishop of Corduba answered the Emperor saying God hath committed to thee the Empire with those things that belong to the Church he hath put us in trust How Leontius Bishop of Tripolis also told theself same Emperor as much I wonder how thou which art called unto one thing takest upon thee to deal in another for being placed in Military and Politique Affairs in things that belong unto Bishops alone thou wilt bear rule We may by these Testimonies drawn from Antiquity if we list to consider them discern how requisite it is that Authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding For in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal Civil Magistrates Authority should be of how far it should reach and what order it should observe but Christian Emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable in those Affairs by this mean it cometh to pass that they in their practice varie and are not uniforme Vertuous Emperors such as Constantine the great was made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customes which had been used in the Church even when it lived under Infidels Constantine of reverence to Bishops and their spiritual authority rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do then was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise The order which had been before he ratifieth exhorting Bishops to look to the Church and promising that he would do the office of a Bishop over the Common-wealth Which very Constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spirituall causes but that sometimes he took as St. Augustine witnesseth even personall cognition of them Howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence I stand in doubt for if the other of whom St. Augustine elsewhere speaketh did in such sort judge surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done Otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated and deliver in the end his own opinion of them declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is But this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto it is a sentence of private perswasion and not of solemn jurisdiction albeit a King or an Emperour pronounce it Again on the contrary part when Governors infected with Heresie were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail They not respecting at all what was meet presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws customs as the Church had been wont to observe So that the one sort feared to doe even that which they might and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds So great odds between them whom before we mentioned and such as the younger Valentinian by whom St. Ambrose being commanded to yeild up one of the Churches under him unto the Arrians whereas they which were sent on his message alledged that the Emperour did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power the answer which the holy Bishop gave them was that the Church is the House of God and that those things which be Gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the Emperors will and pleasure his pallaces he might grant unto whomsoever A cause why many times Emperours did more by their absolute authority then could very well stand with reason was the over-great importunity of wicked Hereticks who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported In this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own Church much better settled then theirs was because our Laws have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power All decisions of things doubtfull and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of Law what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth It is neither permitted unto Prelate nor Prince to judge and determin at their own discretion but Law hath prescribed what both shall do What power the King hath he hath it by Law the bounds and limits of it are known The entire community giveth general order by Law how all things publickly are to be done and the King as the head thereof the highest in authority over all causeth according to the same Law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby The whole body politick maketh Lawes which Lawes give power unto the King and the King having bound himself to use according unto Law that power it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort There is no cause given unto any to make supplication as Hilary did that Civil Covernors to whom Common-wealth matters only belong may not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical causes If the cause be spiritual secular Courts doe not meddle with it we need not excuse our selves with Ambrose but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any Civill Judge in a matter which is not Civill so that we doe not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the
Sacrament Act 2. 42. As of the Oblations Acts 4. 35 The Ordination Acts 6. 6. The Government Acts 5. 3. But upon occasion of the Greeks complaint whose Widdows were not duly regarded in the daily ministration which was as well of the Sacrament as of the Oblations otherwise the Apostles would not have left out the mention of the Sacrament in Act. 6. 4. They transferred that part upon the 7. Deacons whom they ordained for distribution of the Sacrament not for Consecration * For that the Deacons dealt not only with alms 't is acknowledged by all the Primitive Church Justin Apolog. 2. Ignatius ad Heron. Tertull. de Baptismo Cyprian de Lapsis lib. 3. epist. 9. Chrysost. hom 83. in Matth. Hieron epist. 48. ad Sabinam contra Lucifer Ambr. Offic. lib. 1. c. 41. Greg. 4. 88. Concil Nicaen 1 Can. 14. 1 Tim. 3. 12. Of EVANGELISTS Upon occasion of the scattering of the Disciples by means of the persecution after the death of St. Stephen * grew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 8. 4. 11. 19. of which number St. Phillip is reckoned Acts 8. 21. and divers others Acts 11. 19 20. of whom Eusebius maketh mention lib. 3. cap. 37. and lib. 5. cap. 10. Upon these was transferred that part of the Apostles function which consisted in preaching from place to place Electio per sortes Acts 1. 10. Per populi suffragia Acts 6. 6. Per spiritum sanctum Act. 13. 2. Of PRIESTS When the Church was in some sort planted by the preaching of the Apostles Prophets and Evangelists that they might continually be watered and have a standing attendance the Apostles ordained them Priests by imposition of hands in every Church Acts 14. 23. 11. 30. 21. 18. And they made choice of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather then of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more in use with the Greeks because it includeth an Embassie and that chiefly of reconcilation which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed by St. Paul in 2 Cor. 5. 20. with Luke 14. 32. and thence they were called Presbyters Of BISHOPS Last of all that the Churches thus planted and watered might so continue the Apostles ordained Overseers to have a generall care over the Churches instead of themselves who had first had the same which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 15. 36. and containeth in it as a strengthening or establishing in that which is already well Acts 14. 22. 15. 41. Rev. 3. 2. so a rectifying or redressing if ought be defective or amiss Tit. 1. 5. These are called by the Apostles Acts 20. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Syrrian that is Episcopi by St. John Rev. 1. 20. the Angels of the Churches These were set over others both to rule and teach 1 Tim. 5. 17. 1 Pet. 5. 2. Upon these was transferred the chief part of the Apostolick function The Oversight of the Church The power of Commanding Correcting Ordaining The occasion which caused the Apostles to appoint Bishops besides the pattern set by Gods Ordinance in the time of the Law seemeth to have been Schisms such as were in the Churches of Rome Rom. 16. 17. Corinth 1 Cor. 1. 11. and 3. 3 4. Galatia Gall. 5. 12. Ephesus Eph. 4. 2 3. Phillippi Phil. 4. 2. Colossi Col. 3. 13. Thessalonica 2 Thess. 3. 11. The Hebrews Heb. 13. 9. James 3. 1. For which St. Cyprian S. Jerome and all the Fathers take the respect to one Governor to be an especiall remedy for which also see Calvin Instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. 8. 2. This power even in the Apostles time was necessary for God chargeth not his Church with superfluous burdens yet had they such graces as power of healing doing signes sundry languages c. that they of all other might seem best able to want it for by these graces they purchased both admiration and terrour sufficient for crediting of their bare word in the whole Church If necessary then in their times that were so furnished much more in the Ages ensuing when all these extraordinary graces ceased and no means but it to keep things in order So that were it not apparent to have been in the Apostles times yet the necessity of the times following destitute of these helps might enforce it Seeing then God hath no less care for the propagation and continuance of his Church then for the first settling or planting of it Eph. 4. 13. it must needs follow that the power was not personal in the Apostles as tyed to them only but a power given to the Church and in them for their times resident but not ending with them as temporary but common to the ages after and continuing to whom it was more needfull then to them to repress Schism and to remedy other abuses So that the very same power at this day remaineth in the Church and shall to the worlds end Of the PERSONS * that executed these Offices I. Albeit the Commission were generall over all Nations which was given to the XII yet was that generality only by permission not expresly mandatory Else should they have sinned that went not through all Nations Therefore how soever the Commission was to all Nations yet was it left to their discretion how and in what fort they would dispose themselves as the Holy Ghost should direct them Therefore that partition Gal. 2. 9. betwixt St. Peter and St. Paul was lawfull and good and no wayes derogatory to ite praedicate Goe teach all Nations Further the Ecclesiasticall History doth testifie that they parted the Coasts and Countries of the world among them by common advice and so sundred themselves Peter to Pontus Galatia Capadocia John to Asia Parthia Andrew to Cythia Pontus Euxinus Bizantium Phillip to Upper Asia unto Hierapolis Thomas to Jndia Persia and the Magi. Bartholomew to Armenia Lycaonia India citerior Mathew to Ethiopia Simeon to Mesopotamia Persia Egypt Afrique Britany Thaddeus to Arabia Jdumea Mesopotamia Matthias to Ethiopia Soc. 1. 15. 2. Again albeit their preaching was for the most ambulatory yet do the same Histories witness that having setled Religion and brought the Church to some stay towards their end they betook themselves to residence in some one place divers of them as St James at Jerusalem Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 1. Epiphan Haeres 66. Chrysost. in Act. 15. Hierom. Chrysost. in Acts 15. St. John at Ephesus Euseb. 3. 26. Tertul. lib. 4. contra Marcion Hierom. St. Peter first at Antioch and after at Rome Which places were more specially accounted their Sees and the Churches themselves after a more special manner were called Apostolick Sedes Apostolorum August in Epist. 42. Ecclesiae Apostolicae Tertullian 3. It is also plain that the Apostles * while they lived chose unto them as Helpers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 divers who were companions with them in their Journies ministred unto them and supplyed their absences in divers Churches when they were occasioned *
government under which we live I consider the state of England and that of the Islands and the dignity of Bishops and the condition of the other Ministers of the Church such as it is at this day In Scotland for the time present the State hath otherwise provided but not in England and therefore ye ought not to take example by them as though your State were like theirs I hear that your Governor hath taken order about Wills and appointed one to prove them But I cannot conceive how that may be done without Episcopal Jurisdiction conferred by the Bishop Your Governour I know hath power to present to the Bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the Bishop in his name Likewise the Governor as Patron of the Churches and Parishes of his Government upon the vacancy of any living ought to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the Office of a Pastour but the admission and induction of such a charge belongs to your Bishop and to no body else If I be well informed you observe nothing of all this which if it be so you 'l never be able to justifie it The example of the French Churches and of the Low-Countries doe you no good Your case is quite another They have Laws from their Soveraigns and particular places for themselves but all that you doe is contrary to the Laws and Ordinance of the King your Soveraign You hold Synodicall meetings wherein you make Statutes about the Government of the Church unto which you bind your selves and the rest that are naturall Subjects to the King wherein you unsensibly derogate from his authority The Synods of the Arch-bishops and Bishops together with the rest of the Clergy of this Realm dare not presume that which you doe nor attribute to their Canons and Statutes what you attribute to yours Yet the Assembly of Bishops and of their Clergie is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the Ministers of your Islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the Church their Decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tye unto them those of this Realm till the King yea in his own person have approved them and by Proclamation made them his There is no body in his Realm nor in any of his Dominions that hath power to enact Laws and Decrees but himself The Parliaments authority is great but without the Kings assent nothing takes the rigour of Law I know very vell that at the perswasion of the Ministers your Governours and others that were present to your Synods have subscribed and acknowledged your Synodicall Acts they did it even in my time but their power doth not stretch so far That may bring a greater prejudice to themselves then give force of Ecclesiasticall Law to your Decrees I doe not think that his Majesty being well informed will grant unto your Ministers or Governours of your Islands such authority They will be more pernicious to you then youthink You 'l alledge me I know your Priviledges but I dare boldly answer you that you never had any such priviledges I have read them and have the copies of them and they say that in matters Civil you shall be governed by the ancient Coustumier of Normandy and that you are not subject to the Statutes of the Parliament in such matters nor to the Subsidies other charges and impositions that are raised in England except which God forbid ever should come to pass the King were detained Prisoner by the Enemy In matters Ecclesiasticall you are freed from the Bishop of Constance and under that of Winchester yea even of old by the Popes authority and consent of the two Kings from whom also in part your neutrality in times of warre is approved excommunicating all such as would molest you Ye cannot shew concerning your priviledges but only what is renewed as often as there is a new King And for the Patent which you say you have procured from his Majesty for matters of Religion First it is in generall terms and without any clause derogating from the authority of your Bishops Secondly if it be questioned it may be told you that it was surreptitious and granted you before the King was well informed of the business To conclude you must understand that in matters of Religion the Kings Majesty will doe nothing without the counsell and advice of the Arch-bishop and your Bishop of Winchester wherefore you may doe well to insinuate your selves in their favour and conform your selves to them as we have done in the beginning You may reduce the Decrees of the Church of England and the use of the book of prayers to a good and Christian Discipline farre more solid and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestirre your selves I must addone word more which will be hard of digestion This is it that you may be upbraided that as many Ministers that are naturall of the Countrey being not made Ministers of the Church by your Bishop nor by his Demissories nor by any other according to the order of the English Church you are not true and lawfull Ministers Likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your Parishes from the Bishop nor from his Substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to doe ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of Souls which no body could give you but your Bishop that is in terms and words Evangelicall that you are not come into the Sheep-fold by the door but by elsewhere and that by the Ecclesiasiastical Laws you are excommunicants and Schismaticks I know well enough you do not regard such Laws and think that your Priviledges will exempt you from them wherein you greatly deceive your selves For a man may tell you who are yee that would have your Ecclesiastical Decrees made by Private Authority to have force of Laws and dare scorn and reject those of the English Church made by Publick Authority by farre honester men greater Scholars without comparison more learned and farre more in number then you are The Kings Majesty by his Royall authority hath approved them this Realm hath received them But what are your Synodall Decrees who be the Authors of them and who be they that have approved them 'T is winkt at and your ignorance is born with but think not that that which is born in you be any such thing as vertue Your Priviledges do not stretch so far as that you may make Ecclesiasticall Decrees Had it been so the Priests had retained Mass and Poperie In that you hold a contrary course to that of the English Church whereof you are and must be if you be Englishmen Members it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivence and indulgence of your Governors who have given too much credit to the French Ministers and partly in the beginning to the stubborness of the Papists of the Islands When your Governors shall have a liking to
Quod me um est i. e. sundum meum non refragarer si co pus petit occuâ—ram vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum nec altaria tenebâ— vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor ibid. q Bern Ep. 221. ad Ludon Reg. pro matre nostra Ecclesia Propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis non gladâ—s sed precibus flâ—ctibusque ad deum r Religioni quam profi ebatur putavit magis consenâ—a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare Apol. a Haec sola novitas ne dicam haeresiâ— nec dum in mundo emenserat Sigeb Chronol Ann. 1088. Object Necessitaâ—i magic quam vi tâ—â—â— valunâ—ati â—aâ—ctorum Patâ—um c. b Julianus Tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra Apostatam uti fas fuisses c Lib. 6 de regn c. 26. depoâ—est Papae d In Apol. Bâ—ll a n. 249. usque ad u. 267. Answer e Fere omâ—eâ— mortales â—unâ— denrum cultu reli to Christianorum genit c. Euseb. l b. 9. c. 9. f Apol. Exterâ—â—â—umus vestra omnia in pâ—cvimus urbes insulas caâ—â—ella mâ—â—nâ—ci pâ—a conciliaba la. castra ipsa decarias pâ—la ita sorum Se nalsâ—â— cui bello non 〈◊〉 non prem â—â— suissexiuâ— â—â—i tam 〈…〉 si nan apud discipliam nostram magis ctcid liâ—â—reâ— quam 〈…〉 g Theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cum multi militum qui exerâ—ore thus adoleverunt imposturis Juliani decepti peregiam discurrences non tantum manus sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur h lib. 5. de Pontifice c. 7. i Helmold histor Sclau cap. 28 29 30. lib. 1. Spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam haec ego iuravi Domino Henrico ut non nocerem et nec insidtarer gloriae ejus sed jussio Apostolica Poâ—tificamus mandatum me ad id deduâ—iâ— ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem Videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc viâ—lnus accepi Viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigaveâ—unt qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeierâ—ae damnationis Praesat Apol. Apol. Occasion of writing that Book of the Power of the Princes c. His Speech of the Oath of Supremacy His Speech of supplying the Kings Necessiries Mr. Hookers judgment of Regal Power confirmed by the Primate His sufferings for it His Prayers joy and sorrow according to the success of his Majesties affairs His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty His judgment His Practice The reduction of Episcopacy c. The occasion and end oft it Ordination of the Church of England Episcopal superiority over Presbyters As the Sun to the other Lights The dignity and power of the first-born Aâ— the distance beween the High-Priest and the other inferiour Priests His approbation of books tending to the preheminence of Episcopacy The Liturgy The Service Song The Ceremonies His reducing the scrupulous 〈…〉 The falshood of some Pamphlets put out in his name since his death Some particulars observed by him The Articles of Religion of England The Canons of Ireland 1614. taken out of Q. Eliz. Injunct and Can of Engl. The Common Prayer Book of Ordination His Subscription Canons of Ireland Anno 1634. taken out of those of England The Festivals Good Friday Confirmation of Children Catechism Apparrel of the Clergy Consecration of Churches * This is wanting in the common books of Mr. Hookers M. S. Cor. 3. 7 8. Ad. 2. Ad. 3. Exod. 19. 1 Pet. 2. * Thom. in cum locum Revel 1. 6. * This is also wanting in the common copy * Euseb. l. 4. de vit Constant. * Dib ad Const. * Lib. 5. Epi. 33. * Ep. 166. 162. T. C. l. 1. p 193. This is in the common copies That is in the copies which the Primate then saw but not in that which is now printed Of their power in making Ecclesisticall Laws What Laws may be made for the affairs of the Church to whom the power of making them appettaineth Deut. 12. 32 4. 2. Jos. 1. 7. * Tho. 2. quaest 1 c 8. artic 2. Prov. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archit de leâ—e justit * This is wanting in the common books of Mr Hooker's M. S. In vit Cypy Nulla ratio Dist. 63. * Ep. Honoâ— Imp. ad Bonif. Concil Tom. 1. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 H. 8. c. 20 * C. Nulluâ— Dist. 63. * Tom. 1. Concil * Onuph in Pelag 2. * â—Rea in Dist. 63. * Wâ—tthramuâ— Naumburgensis deinvestit Episcoporum per Imperat saciendâ * Cap. General de elect l. 6. * Adver Jovin l. 1. * L. 7. Epist 5. * Theod. lib. 5. cap. 27. * Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. * Marcel l. 15. * Socr. 2. c. 27. l. 4. c. 29. * Theod. l. 2. c. 15 16 17. * Sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. l. 6. c. 23. * In vit Cypr. * C. Sacrorum Canon dist 63. * C. Lectis Dist. 63. * This is in the common Copy of Mr. Hoâ—ke M. S. that is in the copies which the Primate then saw but not in the now printed ones * T. C. lib 3. Pag. 155. * Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 4. * Epist. 162. 166. * Lib. ad Constant * Lib. 5. Ep 33 * Inclusa desunt in vulâ—atis exemplâ— ib. * Doctrin â—iccip lib 5. Cont. 2 cap. 18. * Apud Athanos in Epist. ad solit vit agentes * Suid. in verb. Leontius * Epist. 68. * See the Stature of Edward 1. and Edward 2. and Nat. Bren. touching Prohibition See also in Bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. Est jurisdictio quaedaÌ„ ordinaria quaedam delegata quae pertinet ad Sacerdotium forum Ecclesiasticum sicut in causis spiritualibus spiritualitati annexis Est etiam alia jurisdictio ordinaria vel delegata quae pertinet ad Coronam dignitatem Regis ad Regnum in causis placitis rerum temporalium in soâ—o seculari Again Cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones diversae judices diversae causae debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare an sua sit jurisdictio ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam Again Non pertinet ad Regem injungere poenitentias nec ad judicem secularem Nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis aliis Ecclesiae proventionibus Again Non est laicus conveuiendus coravs judice Ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit debeat * None of all this which follows is to be found in the common coppy of Mr Hookers MS * Antiquit. l. 4. c. 8. 2 Sam. 2 3. Nehem. 11. 25. All this is writ with the Lord Primat Ushers own hand 2 Sam. 17. 24. 1 Of Priests 2 Of Levites 1 Chron. 24. vers 26. 27. * IBRI The AUTHOR in his review and emendations hath in this place made this Querie Seeing the Courses were but 24. why should IBRI 25. be reckoned Jedeiah was chief Quer. Whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his generall superintendency over the rest This Querie seems to be resolved by the PRIMATE and was the occasion of setting down the bove mentioned Genealogy * It seemeth the first of these Jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning as chief over them all in respect of his generall superintendency over the rest 3 Of Judges 4 of Officers 5 Of Singers 6. Of Porters Officers and Judges This answer I find ordered by the Author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy This also the Author hath added to be put unto the former answer Exod. 14. 27. Numb 33. 9. The supposed Author in his advertisments concerning this passage saith This I know not well what way to make more clear The supposed Author in his Advertisments put this out here saying This I thought might better make a chapter of it self See infra the last chapter of all Acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19. 2. 1. 16. 46 Acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13. Vid. Hierem. Epist. 4. ad rusticum c. 6. Et Epist. ad Evaâ— ium * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodorat a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Tim. 1. 6. This is added by the supposed Author There was one called Vox Hy berntae published in his name for the suppressing of which he had an Order from the House of Peâ—rs