to whom they had made themselves a kinde of voluntary slaves to him who justly challenged a natural dominion over them and secondly that that submission of theirs to their natural Prince is not to be considered as a new Concessiâ—n but as the Râ—cognition only of a former power In the next place I do not finde it to be contraâ—y to the usage of the primitive times I grant indeed that when the Church was under the command of the Heathen Emperorâ— the Clergy did assemble in their National and Provincial Synods of their own Authority which Councels being summoned by the Metropolitans and subscribed by the Clergy were of sufficient power to binde all good Christians who lived within the Verge of their Jurisdiction They could not else assemble upon any exigence of affaiâ—s but by such authority But it was otherwise when the Church came under the protection of Christian Princes all Emperors and Kings from Constantine the Great till the Pope carried all before him in the darker times accompting it one of the principal flowers as indeed it was which adorned their Dâ—adems I am not willing to beat â—n a common place But if you please to look into the Acts of ancient Councels you will finde that all the General Councels all which deserve to be so called if any of them do deserve it to have been summoned and confirmed by the Christian Emperors that the Câ—uncel of Arles was called and confirmed by the Emperor Constantine that of Sardis by Constans that of Lampsacus by Valentinian that of Aquiâ—eia by Theodosius that of Theâ—â—alâ—nica National or Provincial all by the Emperor Gratian that when the Western Empire fell into the hands of the French the Councels of Aâ—on Mentâ— Meldâ—n Wormes and Colen received both life and motion â—â—om Charles the Great and his Successors in that Empâ—re it being evident in the Records of the Gallican Church that the opening and confirming of all their Councels not only under the Caroline but under the Merovignean Family was alwaies by the power sometimes with the Presidence of their Kings and Princes as you may finde in the Collections of Lindebrogius and Sirmondus the Iesuite and finally that in Spain it self though now so much obnoxious to the Papal power the two at Bracara and the ten first holden at Toledo were summoned by the Writ and Mandate of the Kings thereof Or if you be not willing to take this pains I shall put you to a shorter and an easier search referring you for your better information in this particular to the learned Sermon preached by Bishop Andrewes at Hampton Court anno 1606. touching the Right and power of calling Assemblies or the right use of the Trumpets A Sermon preached purposely at that time and place for giving satisfaction in that point to Melvin and some leading men of the Scotish Puritans who of late times had arrogated to themselves an unlimited power of calling and constituting their Assemblies without the Kings consâ—nt and against his will As for the Vassallage which the Clergy are supposed to have drawn upon themselves by this Submission I see no fear or danger of it as long as the two Houses of Parliament are in like condition and that the Kings of England are so tender of their own Prerogative as not to suffer any one Body of the Subjects to give a Law unto the other without his consent That which is most insisted on for the proof hereof is the delegating of this power by King Henry the 8. to Sir Thomas Cromwell afterwards Earl of Essex and Lord high Chamberlain by the name of his Vicar General in Ecclesiastical matters who by that name pâ—esided in the Convocation anno 1536. and acted other things of like nature in the years next following And this especially his presiding in the Convocation is looked on both by Sanders and some Protestant Doctors not only as a great debasing of the English Clergie men very learned for those times but as deforme satis Spectacuâ—um a kâ—nde of Monstrosity in nature But certainly those men forget though I do not think my self bound to justifie all King Harrâ—es actions that in the Councell of Chaâ—â—â—don the Emperor apointed certain Noble-men to â—it as Judges whose names occurre in the first Action of that Councell The like we finde exemplified in the Ephesine Councell in which by the appointment of Theodâ—sius and Valentinian then Roman Empâ—rours Candidianus a Count Imperiall â—ate as Judge oâ— President who in the managing of that trust over acted any thing that Cromwell did or is objected to have been done by him as the Kings Commissioner For that he was to have the first place in those publick meetings as the Kings Commissioner or his Vicar-General which you will for I will neither trouble my self nor you with disputing Titles the very Scottish Presbyters the most rigid sticklers for their own pretended and but pretended Rights which the world affords do not stick to yeeld No vaâ—â—allage of the Clergy to be â—ound in this as little to be feared by their submission to the King as their Supreme Governour Thus Sir according to my promise and your expectation have I collected my Remembrances and represented them unto you in as good a fashion as my other troublesome affairs and the distractions of the time would give me leave and therein made you see 〈◊〉 my judgement fail not that neither our King or Parliaments have done more in matters which concern'd Religion and the Reformation of this Church then what hath formerly been done by the secular Powers in the best and happiest times of Christianity and consequently that the clamours of the Papists and Puritans both which have disturbed you are both false and groundlesse Which if it may be serviceable to your self or others whom the like doubts and prejudices have possessed or scrupled It is all I wish my studies and endevours aiming at no other end then to do all the service I can possibly to the Church of God to whose Graces and divine Protection you are most heartily commended in our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ By Sir Your most affectionate friend to serve you Peter Heylyn
was the greater and more numerous people Ten Tribes to two two of the ten the eldâ—st sons of their Father Iacob all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity there bâ—ing many errors and unâ—ound opinions condemned in the Councels of Gâ—ngra Aquilia Cartâ—age Milâ—vis and not a â—ew corâ—upâ—ions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of â—liberis Laodicâ—a Arles and others in the fourth Century of the Church without advising or consulâ—ing with the Râ—man Oracle or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful princiâ—ality then the others were No such regard had in those tiâ—es to the Church of Rome though the elder Sister but that another National Church might reform without her nor any such consideration had of the younger Sâ—sters that one should â—arry for another till they all agreed though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections Proceed we now a little â—urther and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the preâ—ended Head would not yeeld unto it or that the Members could not meet to consult about it Tâ—e whole Body of the Church was in ill condition every part unsound but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease because the Head I mean still the pretended Head would not be purged of some supeâ—flâ—ous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain dimnesse in the eye deafnâ—sse in the ear and in a word a general and sad distemper unto all the Members The Popâ— was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power the Court of Rome wallowing as in a course of prosperous fortunes in all volupâ—uousnesse and sensuality Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation wherâ—by they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure Of these corrupâ—ions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln S. Bernard Nicâ— de Clemangis anâ— other conscientious men in their several Countâ—eys 〈…〉 noted and informed against by Wicâ—lâ—sse Iohn 〈…〉 c. Buâ— they complained 〈…〉 who was resolvâ—d not to hear the voice of those 〈◊〉 câ—armed they never so wisâ—ly The Câ—urch mean while was in a very ill condiâ—iâ—n whâ—n he that should prescribe the cure was becoâ—e the siâ—knâ—sse Coâ—â—â—dering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent there was no râ—medy but that it must be made without it The Molten Calf modâ—lled by the Egyptian Apis and the Altar patteâ—ned from Damâ—sâ—us had made the Israelites in all probability aâ— great idolaters as their 〈◊〉 if the High priests that set them up might have haâ— their Wilâ— Nor had it been much better with the Chuâ—ch of CHRIST if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particulâ—r Churches because Liberius Pope of Rome supposing him to be the Head of the Church in gâ—neral had subscribed unto it and that no error and corruption could have been reformed which any of the Popes whose Graves I am very loâ—h to open had been guilty of but by their permission The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes then when it sâ—ffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors if it were not lawfâ—l for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation without resorting to the Pope who cannot every day be spoke with and may when spoken with be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie furthâ—r off And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassâ—dor when he communicâ—ted to the Pope his Maâ—â—ers purpose of Reforming the Gaâ—â—â—can Church by a National Councel Is said he Paris were on fire would you not count the Citizens either Fools or Mad-men if they should send so far as â—iber for some water to quench it the River of Sâ—ine running through the City and the Marno so near it 3. That the Church of England might lawfully prâ—ceed to a Reformation withâ—ut the help of a General Councel or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches But here you say it is objectâ—d that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it and that the Pope waâ— never like to yeeld unto it as the case then stood it ought to have been done by a General Councel according to the usage of the Primitive times I know indeed that General Councels such as are commonly so called are of excellent use and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did who ranked the â—our first General Câ—uncels with the four Evangelists nor am I oâ— opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners but that the business of the Church may be done without them Nay might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you as I think I may you would there finde it to be some part of my Belief that there never was and never can be such a thing as a General Councel truly and properly so called thâ—t is to say such a General Councel to which all the Bishops of the Church admiting none but such to the power of voâ—ing have bin or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies These which are commonly so called as those of Nice Constantâ—nople 〈◊〉 Chalâ—â—don were only of the 〈◊〉 of the Roman Eâ—pire Chriâ—tian Churches â—xisting at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdome of Persia which made up no small pâ—rt of the Church of Christ were neither present at them nor inviâ—â—d to them And yet not all the Pâ—elates nâ—ither of the Roman Empire nor some from â—very Province of it did attend that service those Councels only being the Assemblies of sâ—me Eastern Bishopâ— such as could most conveniently be drawn together few of the Wesâ—eâ—n Churches none at all in some having or list or leisure â—or so long a journey For in the so much celebraâ—â—d Councel of Nice there were but nine Bishops sâ—nt from France but two from Africk one alone from Spain none â—rom the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and out of Itâ—ly which â—ay nearest to it none
Ecclesiastical matters especially in constituting the new Assembly oâ— Divines and others And finally that you were heartily ashamed that being so often choaked with these Objections you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment nor plead Not guilty to the Bill Some other doubts you said you had relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some â—it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity or an itch of knowledge or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments but meâ—rly from an honest zeal to the Church of England whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life or whaâ—soever in this world could be dear unto you Adding withall that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in I should not only do good service to the Church it self but to many a wavering member of it whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions In fine that you desired also to be inâ—ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion which hapned in the Reignâ— of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Qâ—een Elizabeth what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists and whether the Houses or either of them have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature as some of late have ascribed unto them Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject as the times now are yet for your sake and for the Truths and for the honour of Parliaments which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny I shall undertake it premising first that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact aâ— they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established And for my method in this businesse I shall first lay down by way of preamble the form of calling of the Câ—nvocation of the Clergy here in England that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation In which I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion concluding with an Anâ—wer to all such Objections by what party soever they be made as are most mateâ—ial And in the canvassing of these points I doubt not but it will appear unto you that till these late busie and unfortunate Times in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons or in matters Doctrinall or in Translation of the Scriptures next that that litâ—le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one or not conform unto the other having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times did not act any thing in that kinde themselves but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity This is the sum of my design which I shall follow in the order before laid down assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together ANd in this we are first to know that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces when and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases either as Metropoliâ—ans and Primates in their several Provinces or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome but ordinarily and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri they did râ—strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings or the distresses of the Church did require it of them and when it was required of them the Writ or Prâ—cept of the King was in this form following Râ—x c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati Aâ—ostolicae sedis Lâ—gato salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis dâ—fâ—nsionem securitatem Eccleâ—ae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem â—onum publiâ—um defensionem Regni nostri subditorum nostrorum ejusdâ— m concernentibus Vobis in Fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis ponderatis universos singulâ—s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Priores 〈…〉 non exemptos nec non Archidiaconos Conventus Capitula Collegia totumque Clerum â—ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae ad câ—nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis Ad tractandum consentiendum concludâ—ndum super praemissis aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc siâ—ut nos statum Regni nostri ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso c. These are the very words oâ— the antient Writs and are still retained in these of later Times but that the Tiâ—le of Legatus sedis Apostâ—licae then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself and that there is no mention in them of Abbots Priors and Convenâ—s as being now not extant in the Church of England And in this Writ you may observe first that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical Assembly belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only the
like to him of York also within the Sphere or Verge of his Jurisdiction Secondly that the nominating of the time and place for this Assembly was left to the Arch Bishops pleasure as seemed best unto him though for the most part and with reference unto themselves the other Pâ—elates who were bound to attend the service of the King in Parliament they caused these Meetings to be held at the time and place at and to which the Parliament was or had been called by the Kings Authority Thirdly That from the word Convocari used in the Writ the Synodical meetings of the Clergy were named Convocations And fourthly That the Clergy thus assembled in Convocation had not only a power of treating on and consenting unto such things as should be there propounded on the Kings behalf but a power also of concluding or not concluding on the same as they saw occasion Not that they were restrained only to such points as the King propounded or were proposed in his behalf to their câ—nsideration bâ—t that they were to handle to his businesse with their own wherein they had full power when once met together In the next place we must behold what the Archbishop did in pursuance of the Kings command for calling of the Clergy of his Province to a Convâ—cation who on the receipt of the Kings Writ presently issued out his Mandate to the Bâ—shâ—p of London Dâ—an by his placâ— of the whole Colledge of Bishops of that Province â—equiring him immediately on the sight hereof and of the 〈…〉 and included in it to cite and summon all the Bishops and other Prelates Deans Arch-Deacons and capitular Bodies with the whole Clergy of that Province that they the said Bishops Deans Arch-Deacons in their own persons the Capitular Bodies by one Procurator and the Clergy of each Diocess by two do appear before him at the time and place by him appointed and that those Procurators should be furnished with sufficient powers by those which sent them not only to treat upon such points as 〈…〉 England and to give their counsel in the same sed ad consentiendum â—is quae ibidem ex comâ—unâ— delibeâ—aâ—ione ad honorem Dei Ecclesiae in praemissis contigerint concorditer ordinari but also to consent both in their own names and in the names of those who sent them unto all such things as by mature deliberation and consent should be there ordained Which Mandate being received by the Bishop of London the several Bishops cited accordingly and intimaâ—ion given by those Bishops uâ—to their Arch-Deacons for summoning the Clergy to make choice of their Procurators as also the Chapters or capitular Bodies to do the like The next work is to proceed to the choice of those Procurators Which choice being made the said Chapters under their common seals and the said Clergy in a publick Writing subscribed by them do bind themselves sub Hypotheca omnium bonorum suorum under the pawn and forfeiture of all their goods moveable and immoveable I speak the very words of these publick Instruments se ratum graâ—um accepâ—um habere quicquid dicti Procuratores sui nomine vice suis fecerint c. To stand to and perform whatsoever their said Procurators in their name and stead shall do determine and consent to The like is also done in the Province of York but that the Arch-B. thereof sends out the summons in his own name to the suffragan Bishâ—ps the Province being small and the Suffragans not above three in number Finally as the Convocations of the Clergy in their several Provinces were called by the Arch-Bishops only the Kings Writ thereunto requiring and authorizing so by the same powers were they also dissolved again when they had done the business they were called about or did desire to be dismissed to their own affairs At which time by special Writ or Mandates to the said Arch-Bishops expressing the calling and assembling of the Convocation by veâ—tue of the former Precâ—pt it is declared That on certain urgent causes and considerations moving his Majesty thereunto he thought fit with the advice of his privie Councel that the same should be again dissolved Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eandem praesentem Convocationem hac instanti die debito modâ— sine ulla dilatione dissolvatis sive dissolvi faciatis prout convenit and therefore did command them to dissolve it or cause the same to be dissolved in the accustomed manner without delay Which Writ received and not before the Convocation was dissolved accordingly and so it holds in Law and practise to this very day I have the longer staid on these publick Formes partly because not obvious unto every eye but specially to let you see by what Authority the Clergy are to be assembled in their Convocations and what it is which makes their Canons and Conclusions binding unto all those which send them thither or intrust them there Their calling by the Kings Authority makes their meeting lawful which else were liable to exceptions and disputes in Law and possibly might render them obnoxious to some grievous penalties and so would their continuance too after the writ was issued for their Dissolution As on the contrary their breaking or dissolving of their own accord would make them guilty of contempt and consequently subject to the Kings displeasure for being called by the Kings Writ they are to continue till dissolved by the Kings Writ also notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament with which sometimes it might be summoned And so it was resolved in terminis by the chief â—udges of the Realm and others of his Mâ—jesties Counsel learned May 10. anno 1640. at such time as the Convocations did continue sitting the Parliament being most unhappily dissolved on the Tuesday before subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seal Manchester then Lord privy Seal Littleton chief â—ustice of the Common-pleaâ— Banâ—es Atturney General Whitfield and Heath his Majesties Sergeants Authority enough for the poor Clergy to proceed on though much condemned and maligned for obedience to it Now as they have the Kings Authority not only for their Meeting but continuance also so also have they all the power of the whole National Clergy of England to make good whatsoever they conclude upon the Arch-Bishops Deans Arch-Deacons acting in their own capacities the Procurators in the naâ—e and by the power committed to them both by the Chapters or capitular Bodies and the Diocesâ—n Clergy of both Provinces And this they did by vertue of that power and trust alone without any ratification or confirmation from King of Parliament untill the 25 year of King Henry the 8. At which time they bound themselves by a Synodical Act whereof more hereafter not to enact promulge or â—xecute any Canons Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial in their Câ—nvocations for time coming unlesse the Kingâ— Highness by his Royal Assent command them to make promulge and execute the same accordingly Before this time
they acted absolutely in their Convocations of their own Authority the Kingâ— Assent neither concurring nor required and by this sole Authority which they had in themselves they did not only make Canons declare Heresie convict and censure persons suspected of Heresie in which the subjects of all sorts whose Votes were tacitely included in the suffrages of their Pastors spiâ—itual Fathers were concerned alike But also to conclude the Clergy whom they represented in the point of Property imposing on them what they pleased and levying it by Canons of their own enacting And they enjoyed this power to the very day in which they tendred the submission which before we spake of For by this self-authority if I may so call it they imposed and levied that great Subsidie of 120000 l. an infinite sum as the Standard of the Times then was granted unto King Henry the 8. anno 1530. to free them from the fear and danger of the Praemuniâ—i By this Benefit of the Chapter called Similiter in the old Provincial extended formerly to the University of Oxon only was made communicable the same year unto Cambridge also By this Crome Latimer Bilney and divers others were in the year next following impeached of Heresie By this the Will and Testament of William Tracie of Toddington was condemned as scandalous and heretical and his body taken up and burnt not many daies before the passing of the Act of Submission anno 1532. But this power being thought too great or inconsistent at least with the Kings Design touching his divorce the Clergy were reduced unto such a straight by the degrees and steps which you find in the following Section as to submit their power unto that of the King and to promise in verbo sacerdotii that they would do and enact nothing in their Convocations without his consent And to the gaining of this point he was pressed the rather in regard of a Remonstrance then presented to Him by the House of Commons in which they shewed themselves aggrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal Assent Which notwithstanding though this Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament yet being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof That which they did in former times of their self-authority in matters which concerned the Church without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them the same they did and might do in the Times succeeding the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament though sometimes that Authority was made use of also for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties to yeeld obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders Which being the true state of the present businesse it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable but then withall it makes it the more easily answered Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in â—Temporal Court may adde some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church but they take none from it Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome the whole Mass of Popery as it was received and setled hâ—â—e in Qu. Marios Reign would have a sorâ—y câ—utch â—o stand upon and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament Faith as the reformed Religion of the Church of England It is true indeed that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation being either call'd or summoned by the King in Parliament or by the Houses separately or 〈◊〉 without the King or had the Members of the same been nominated and impoâ—â—ered by the Hous alone and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lordâ— and Commons which being by the way the Case of this New Assembly I do not see how any thing which they agree on 〈…〉 the Clergy otherwise then imposed by a strong hand and against their priviledgeâ— Or finally had the conclusions or results thereof been oâ— no effect but as reported to 〈◊〉 confirmed in Parliament the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a câ—uâ—nny in calling the Religion which is now est bâ—ithâ—d by the name of a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gâ—spel But so it is not in the Câ—se which is now before us the said â—ubmissiâ—n notwithstâ—nding For being the Convocation is still called by the same Authority as before it was the Members of that Body 〈◊〉 stilâ— the sâ—me priviledge with the same freedom of debate and determination and which is more the Pâ—ocurdtors of the Clergy invested with the same power and trust which before they had there was no alteration made by the said 〈◊〉 in the whole constitution and composure of it but onely the addition of a greater and more excellent power Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation but either by the Clergy in their Convocations and in their Convocations rightly câ—lled and canonically constituted or with the councel and advice oâ— the Heads thereof in more private conferences the Parliaments of these Times contributing very little towards iâ— but acquieâ—cing in the Wiâ—dome of the Sovereign Prince and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers This is the Ground work or Foundâ—â—ion of the following building It is now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Election of the Pope and vesting the Supremacie in the Regal Crown 2 Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regall Crown ANd first beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament For in the Year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeeâ— their danger by a sum of money and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 lâ— to be paid by equal portions in the same Year following but the King would not so be satisfied unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England which though it was hard meat and would not easily down amongst them yet it passed at last For being throughly debated in a Synodical way both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation they did in fine agree upon this expression Cujus Ecclesiâ—e 〈…〉 To this they al consented and subscribed their hands and afterwards incorporated it into the publike Act or Instrument which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy for the redeeming of their errour and the grant
but two Priests appeared at all and those as Legatâ— from the Pope not authorised to represent the Italian Churches so that of 318 Bishops which were there assembled there were but twelve in all besides the Lâ—gats of the Pâ—pe for the Western Churches too great a disproporâ—ion to entitle it 〈◊〉 the name of General And yet this was more General then the rest that followed there being no Bishops of the Wâ—st at all in the second and third but the Popes themselves and in the 4 none but the Legats of the Pâ—pe to supply his place So that â—hese 〈◊〉 were called General not that they were so in themsâ—lves but that there was a greaâ—eâ— câ—ncâ—urse to them frâ—m the nâ—â—ghbouring Provinces then was oâ— had bâ—en to somâ— oâ—â—ers on the like occasions Which if it be enough to 〈◊〉 a General 〈◊〉 I sâ—e no 〈…〉 callâ—d so too summoned in the case of 〈…〉 the Patriarch at that time of that â—amous City For the condemning of whose Heresie there conveenâ—d not the Bishops of that Province only but the Paâ—riaâ—ch oâ—Hiâ—rusâ—lem the Bishâ—p of Caesarea in Palestine Bâ—zra in Arabia Tarsus in Ciliâ—â—a Caesarea in Cappadocia of Iconium in Lyâ—aâ—niâ— oâ—Neo-Caesareâ— in Pontus besides many others from all places of the 〈◊〉 rank and quâ—lity but of lesser fame not â—o say any thing 〈◊〉 Dionysius Pâ—triarch of Alexandâ—ia 〈◊〉 buâ— not 〈◊〉 in regard of sicknesse which dâ—fâ—ct he recompensâ—d 〈…〉 and intâ—rcourse or of Dionâ—sius Pope oâ—Rome so 〈◊〉 by the Puritan or 〈…〉 that he could not shine So that if the present of two of the fouâ— Patâ—iarchs and the inviâ—ing of the others with the Bishops of so many distant Nâ—tions as were there assembled â—uffice to make a General Councel the Councel of Antioch might as well havâ— the name of General as almost any of the rest which are so entituled But laying by thâ—se thoughts as too strong of thâ—Paradox and looking on a General Councel in the common notiâ—n â—or an Assembly of the Prelates of the East and West â—o which the four Patriarchs are invited and from which no Bishop is excluded that comes commissionated and instructed to atâ—â—nd the 〈◊〉 I cannot think them of such coâ—sequence to the Church of God but that it may proceed without them to a Reformation For certainly that saying of S. Auguâ—tine in his 4. Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians cap. 12. is â—xceeding true Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas necessarium fuerit Concilium plenarium occidentis orientis that very few Heresies have been crushed in such General Câ—uncels And so far we may say with the learned Cardinal that for seven Heresies suppressed in seven General Councelâ— though by hiâ— leave the seventh did not so much suppress as advance an Heresie an hundred have been quashed in National and Provincial Synods whether confirmed or not confirmed by the Pâ—pes authority we regard not here Some instances hereâ—f in the Synods of Aquileia Carthage Gangra Milevis we have seen before and might adde many others now did we think it necessary The Church had been in ill condition if it had been otherwise especially under the power of Heathen Emperors when such a confluence of the Prelates from all parts of the world would have been construed a Conspiracie against the State and drawn destruction on the Church and the Persons both Or granting that they might assemble without any such danger yet being great bodies moving slâ—wly and not without long time and many difficulties and disputes to be rightly constituted the Church would suffer more under such delay by the spreading of Heresie then receive benefit by their care to suppress the same Had the same course been taken at Alexandria for suppressing Arius as was before at Antioch for condemning Paulus we never had heard newes of the Councel of Nice the calling and assembling whereof took up so long time that Arianism was diffused over all the world before the Fathers met together and could not be suppressâ—d though it were condemned in many ages following after The plague of Heresie and leprosie of sin would quickly over-run the whole face of the Church if capable of no other cure then a General Councel The case of Arius and the universal spreading of his Heresie compared with the quick rooting out of so many others makes this clear enough To go a little further yet we will suppose a General Councel to be the best and safest Physick that the Church can take on all occasions of Epidemical distemper but then we must suppose it at such times and in such casâ—s only when it may conveniently be had For where it is not to be had or not had conveniently it will either prove to be no Physick or not worth the taking But so it was that at the time of the Reformation a General Councel could not conveniently be assembled and more then so it was impossible that any such Councel should assemble I mean a General Councel rightly called and constituted according to the Rulâ—â— laid down by our Controversors For first they say it must be called by such as have power to do it 2. That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches that so no Church nor people may plead ignorance of it 3. The Pope and the four chief Patriarchs must be present at it either in person or by Proxie And lastly that no Bishop is to be excluded if he be known to be a Bishop and not excommunicated According to which Rules it was impossible I say that any General Councel should be assembled at the time of the Reformation of the Church of England It was not then as when the greatest part of the Christian world waâ— under the command of the Roman Emperors whose Edict for a Genâ—ral Councelâ—ighâ— speedily be posted over all the Provinces The Messengers who should now be sent on such an errand unto the Countreys of the Turk the Persian the Tartarian and the great Mogul in which are many Christian Churches and more perhaps then in all the rest of the world besides would finde but sorry entertainment Nor was it then as when the four chief Patriarchs together with their Metropolitans and Suffragan Bishops were under the protection of the Christian Emperors and might without danger to themselves or unto their Churches obey the intimation and attend the service those Patriarchs with their Metropolitans and Suffragans both then and now languâ—shing under the tyranny and power of the Turk to whom so general a confluence of Christian Bishops must nâ—eds give matter of suspicion of just fears and jealousies and therefore not to be permitted as far as he can possibly hindâ—r it on good Reason of State For who knowes better theâ— themselveâ— how long and dangerous a war was raised against their Predecessors by the Western Christians for recovery of the Holy Land on a resolution taken up at the Councel of Cleâ—mont and that â—â—â—ing war against the Turks is
but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not hâ—re by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Auâ—hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in exâ—cution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire in which there had bâ—â—n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the Sâ—ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plâ—bisâ—ita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigâ—rem The like may be affirmâ—d of the Church of England immediately before and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head and by the Act of submission not long after follâ—wing they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successoâ—s By doâ—ng wherâ—of they did not only diâ—able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations or puâ—ting â—heir results into execution without his conâ—ent but put him into the actual pâ—ssession of that Authoriâ—y which properly beâ—onged to the supremacy or the supreme Head in as â—ull manner as 〈◊〉 the Pâ—pe of Rome or any dâ—lâ—gated by and under him did before enjoy it After which 〈◊〉 whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the Râ—formâ—tion as it had vertually the power of the Convocations so was it as effectual and goâ—d in law as if the Clergy in their Câ—nvocation particularly and in terminis had agreed upon it Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the Kâ—iâ—s and determine Heresies much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word â—nd administer the Sacramentâ— as the Papists â—alsly gave it out but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them to preserve peace between them on emergent differences to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God and finally to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations tending to Edification and increase of Piety And though in most of their proceedingâ— toward Reformation the Kiâ—gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them or could assâ—mble without any great trouble or inconvenience to advise witâ—all yet was there no necâ—ssity that all or the greatest partâ— of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to câ—ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire for the â—stâ—blishing of the matters which comâ—erned the Church or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were crâ—pt in amongst them Which being so and then withâ—â—l considering as we ought to do that there was nothing aâ—tered here in the state of Râ—ligion till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the Bâ—shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel 6 That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission and the pâ—wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority taking him for their Supreme Head and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves and drew a Vasâ—allage on these of the times succeeding inconsistent with their native Rights and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority and I conceive it stands with reason as well as point of State that it should be so For since the two Houses of Parliament though called by the Kings Writ can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject in their Civil Rights untill it be made good by the Royal Assent so neither is it â—it nor safe that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation nor conclude any thing therein nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded but as they are enabled by the Kings authority But then it is as true withall that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings by whose encouragement and example the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome And iâ— you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England which were not either originally promulgated or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 directing in their National or Provincial Synods And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself as before was shewn and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority which plainly manifests that the Act of Suâ—mission so much spoke of was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King from an usurped to a lawful power from one