at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâ—lâ—nd which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bâ—rgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâ—ance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâ—e to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
to fight gave the signal and fell upon them the Seamen were so dexterous that they got the wind of them in lesse then two hours there were above two thousand shot made and though the night came on yet the Fight ended not for the Duke perceiving nine of the greatest Ships retiring towards Rochel pursued them with such good successe that hee came up with them about day break and two others of their biggest Ships were not able to get off for want of water and so stuck on ground but long they did not so continue before they were taken It is true those of the Army who were got upon the Orelop and having killed all they met with the Souldiers who were in the Hold set fire to the Powder and blew up all above with such force that the Splinters of it were carried a quarter of a League off three of the Kings Ships were burned with it and above three hundred men lost amongst which were the Count of Vauvert the Sieur de Ville Neufeu and Veilon a Captain of Holland This accident did much take off from the content of the Victory yet it cannot be denied but that it was glorious enough for the happinesse of France in reducing the Rebels to that passe that they could not any more make any attempts by Sea Thus the rest of their Vessels which were of no great consequence retired some to Rochel and some into other places according as the Wind did drive them but never durst afterwards appear any more These things thus ended the Duke of Montmorancy landed at Oleron where he met with no resistance the Sieur de Soubize having withdrawn himself into England so that the whole Province was setled in quiet both by Sea and Land of all which his Majesty was very certainly informed who received the newes with much joy Politick Observation WHatever joys or delights Fortune insinuateth into those who revolt yet it is usually seen that all their designs end in ill success Experience hath made it often manifest that such Crimes seldome go unpunished and that Heaven hath used to sacrifice them to example They cannot more properly bee likened to any thing then to those high Mountains the points of whose Rocks seem to hreaten Heaven and which sending forth store of Clouds out of their Bosomes seem to obscure the light of the Sun though at last they are all dissipated by that fair Planet of the day who making those very same Clouds into Thunder-bolts causeth them to fall down upon them for to chastise their Insolency And is it not the same thing with Grandees who revolt and Rebell After they have made some attempts upon the Authority of their Soveraign are they not in fine ruined and brought into extremities by the Power of his Armes who takes occasion to crush them to peeces with that Power which they would have usurped themselves and did not of right belong unto them History abounds with exemplary Proofs of this Truth the many that are would spoil the design of quoting two or three onely But for the greater illustration of it I shall say thus much the injustice of a Cause is almost an infallible sign of an ill successe seeing Heaven doth commonly confound what Man hath wickedly built If at any time they shall become so powerfull as to secure themselves from the hazards of Battels yet they can never obtain a remission from Heaven They who attempt to grow great by unjust means will in fine meet their utter ruine God doth peradventure suffer them for the punishment of States to obtain advantages for some time but at last the violences which they Act fall upon themselves and they become a just subject for their Soveraigns Revenge The Arrival of Cardinal Barbirini in France as Legate from the Holy Chaire for the Affaires of the Valtoline WHilest the Fire of this Civil War was burning up of Languedoc The Cardinal Barbarini Legate from the Pope arrived in France and came to Marseille where he was received with great honour as also at Lyon according to the Orders sent by the King He came to Paris the one and twentieth of May and his Majesty caused his entrance to be made with the most Pomp that hath been seen for a person of his condition I shall not need insist on the relating that he is bound by the Laws of the Kingdome before he Officiate the Function of a Legate to present the Brief which the Pope hath given him for the imployment to the Parliament of Paris which is a Custome so ancient that I shall omit speaking any more of it but I shall observe that the Pope having ommitted in the Brief to give the King the Title of King of Navar which could not be denied to him without Injustice the Parliament refused to acknowledge it and obliged him not to make any further procedure in the businesse untill it were amended The Legate comming to Paris alighted at St. James de Haut-pas where the Clergy of the City the concourse of the Court and other Officers to the number of twelve thousand went to salute him and receive his Benediction After this the Prelates of Paris came to do their respects to him there was a little dispute in what habit they should appear before him the Legate desiring they should be in their Rockets and Camail covered over with a Mantlet as a mark that they had no power in his presence but the Prelates not being able to stoop to this Order by reason it was contrary to the Rules of the French Church it was concluded in the middle way between both to give some satisfaction to the Legate that they should go so habited to salute him and that they should accordingly accompany him in the Cavalcade to Nostre-Dame where being come they were to take off their Mantlets but all was done under a Proviso of saving their ancient right The King sent the Duke of Nemours the Sieur de Bonnevil the Introductor of Embassadours and several other Lords of great quality to receive him at his first arrival At night Monsieur the Kings Brother waited on him with a great number of Lords and saluted him with extraordinary respects and one his entrance accompanying him gave him the right hand The same day he had Audience from the King where nothing passed onely Complements but the next day he proposed what the Pope had given him in charge hee exhorted the King in general terms to Peace he urged his Majesty to restore things in the Valtoline to their former State as they were before the Army of the confederated Princes entred into it and beseeched him to grant a Cessation of Arms in Italy His Majesty answered to these three Propositions that he was ever inclined to Peace and that he would still be induced to it provided it were for the Publick safety and honourable for him and his Allies That as to what concerned the Valtoline the Treaty of Madrid made but a few years before
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâ—lteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
being agreed upon they were signed by them though the Sieur de Fargis had no power so to do The Sieur de Fargis conceiving he had dispatched a great affair presently sent away the Treaty to the King who was not a little surprised as also his Ministers to find a Treaty of peace concluded by his Ambassador who had no Authority for it nor had ever sent any word of advice about it His Majesty seemed by this precedure to be obliged to recall him and at his return to treat him according to his deserts but his prudence guiding him in it he would not presently conclude so to do but proposed the business to be debated by his Ministers Many were of opinion absolutely to reject this pretended Treaty not onely because the Form of it was ill but because it was likewise an offence to the Kings Allyes it being concluded without them and withall the haste and eagerness which appeared in the Spaniards was a manifest sign of their weakness which might not be passed by without taking some advantage of it But the Cardinal taking hold of the discourse told his Majesty that prudence did not so much tye men up to consider the Forms as the substances of things and withall told him that he thought it more proper to stand to the conditions of the Treatie then to dispute the manner of the Treatie and how the Sieur de Fargis had concluded it He confessed that those Termes which his Majesty had desired were not expressed with all the circumstances and limitations as was to be wished and yet he represented to him that it was no small matter to have obtained of the Spaniards the chief points which were demanded for they renounced the passages in the Valtoline they were contented the Soverainty should remaine in the Grisons and in conclusion he freely declared That to his apprehension it were not proper rashly to reject that Treaty for that the Spanish Ambassador had lately told the Marshal de Schomberg that in case there were any thing to be altered in point of form or if any of the Articles were too harsh it would be more proper to review and amend them then to neglect the reuniting of the two Crowns Then he informed his Majesty how that his taking up Arms was for the establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty and to preserve the passages of the Valtoline for France in excluding the Spaniards quite from them and that his Majesty obtayning both one and t'other he might both with advantage and reputation hearken to the peace That true it was his Allyes might complain of it but without any season if once those ends were obtained for which the league was made and withall the small successe of the Army in Italy made it apparent there was little to be got by it In short he beseeched his Majesty to weigh one thing of great consideration which was that Rochel not being yet reduced under his obedience it would be an easie matter for the Spaniards to stir up the Hugonots to revolt who finding themselves countenanced and supported by several Princes of the Court would divert one part of his Forces and would impede his sending of so many Forces as would be needfull on t'other side the Hils so that instead of expecting a good Issue of the wars in Italy there was great fear of many dangers in it The Prudence of this incomparable Minister urged so many strong reasons that they were impossible to be answered so that his Majesty resolved to lay hold on those advantages in the Treaty and to amend what should be thought fit in it To which purpose Orders were dispatched to the Sieur de Fargis with command to induce the Count d'Olivarez to agree to them and in case he should make and difficulty of it that he himself should presently take his leave and return home to give an accompt of his business The Sieur de Fargis having received them on the fifteenth of February addressed himself with all dilligence to repair the fault which he had committed and also in his letters to his Majesty testified a great deal of sorrow for it which however did not with hold him from running into a second for he concluded upon and signed another Treaty with the Count d'Olivarez somewhat better indeed then the former but not strictly conformable to his Orders and instructions so that sending them to his Majesty they would not be accepted of unlesse once more amended and also his Majesty that he might take away all suspition from the Marquis de Mirabel that he did approve of this manner of proceeding in his Ambassador he wished in a publique audience that Fargis had been but as discreet as he was that the first time he did a thing of his one brayn without any authority and that in the second he had not followed his Orders and Instructions for which he should exemplarily be punished But that in the mean time both himself the King of Spain did reape some benefit by his Folly in that they might both discover one anothers minds to be without gall and to be well enclined to peace of which that he might give an evident testimony he would send a Treaty to his Ambassador with the least alteration that could be and such a one as the King of Spain would not make any scruple to accept of The Treaty was drawn up and before it was dispatched the King gave one part of it to the Prince of Piedmont and to the Venetian Ambassador who both having several particular designs quite different from that of the league neither of them did approve of it either in substance or form and the Prince himself took his leave of the King to return into Piedmont The Marquis de Mirable was informed of their resentments who seeming to suspect an absolute breach pressed very earnestly for a quick dispatching of the Treaty away towards Spain in such manner and form as his Majesty desired it should be amended and gave great hopes that all things would be concluded in a happy end So the Treaty was sent away to the Sieur de Fargis who received it at Barcelona and as his own Interests as well as those of France did excite him to it so he played his part so dexterously with the Count d'Olivarez that it was soon after signed and concluded between them and antidated from the fifth of March at Mouson to evade any complaints of Cardinal Barbarini who had bin at Barcelona before the Treaty was signed and had no hand in it for fear onely of some great delayes which he might have raised because he had no other answer made him to those overtures of his for peace but onely complements and thanks assurances that the peace was concluded The chief Articles were That the Affairs of the Grisons and the Valtoline should be restored into the same state they were before the war in the year one thousand six hundred and seventeen preserving by this
means the Soverainty to the Grisons and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France in whose actual possession they then were that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline but only the Roman Catholique and Apostolique that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates all Catholiques either of the Grisons or the Valtolines That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons who should not however have any power to refuse the Ratification of them That all the Forts in the Valtoline should be restored into the Popes hands to be forth with rased and demollished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity to settle peace between such of their Allyes as had ingaged in the wars with them and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abbetting or assistance to the continuing of the war between them without having first used all fair means and wayes for the setling of a peaceable and friendly agreement Thus were all the grounds of difference between them ended and concluded to the great Happiness of Christendom though by away in it self extravagant enough and contrarie to all usual Forms Politique Observation IN all Treaties of great Importance It is more material to adhere to the substances then the formalities of conditions Formalities are indeed necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed and there is great reason to rest satisfied when that same end is once obtained What sence is there not to accept of that which is aymed at when occasion doeth present but to leave it off to the hazard of time and Fortune and all to finish it with certain Ceremonies which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing The end say the Philosophers hath this propertie That it terminateth all motion and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the center of the Earth the end which the Creator of Nature hath ascribed unto it So the Artificer when once he hath perfected his workmanship forbeareth any further labour about it and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or artificial do prefer rest before motion if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth Who knoweth not that Publique peace is the end of a wise Prince and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war and that he would never design war but only for the obtayning of a quiet sure rest The sick person would never have any recourse to the Phisitian if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war when there is an overture offered for accepting of an honorable and advantageous peace to do so were point blanck against the prescribed rule of Justice of which both art nature giveth us examples Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation in the same manner as the motions of nature and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained So the wisest Polititians doe lay by the considerations of all formalities when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to themselves The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace between France and Spain AS soon as the Treaty was concluded his Majesties next care was to induce his Allyes to ratifie it The Pope was first of all acquainted with it who was overjoyed at it and openly declared to the Sieur de Bâ—thune that he took no notice at all of the extraordinary manner had bin use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it only that he might rejoyce with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too for the Resolution which he had taken of sending six housand men to Pepeinheim for the guarding of the Fort of Rive assuring him that he had not done it but only to vindicate the injurie which had been done him by the Spaniards who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holiness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines as also in some sort to repell the injurie which had been offered to the Holy Chair when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensignes and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty for he heard at the same time from the Siâ—ur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness so the Sieur de Bethune satisfied him with it by representing to him with what respects the King his Master had treated him by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished All the Princes of Italy who were not entred into the league did testifie a great deal of joy at the news of the accomodation but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Veniee who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented for that the Treaty had been concluded without them though in reallity they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them to recompense by some extraordinary 〈◊〉 the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right The 〈◊〉 de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke His Instruction consisted of three particualrs The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson and to qualifie his resentments for that it had been done without him The second was to dispose him towards a cessation of Arms with those of Genoa and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration and lastly to treat with him concerning the interests of his house and withal to proffer him his Majesties assistance to raise him to the greatest point of glory that he could aime at Upon the first of these three points the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it had deprived his
perfection the design of uniting the Auseatique Towns and the Princes of Germany and accordingly his Majesty sent them Troops and Forces and such monies as he had ingaged to them as also to keep an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men upon the Frontiers of Campaign to ingage some part of the Emperours forces to stay in Alsatia by which means he might give the more advantage to those of the League who did in the revolution of the year make a great progresse by this means against the Emperours Armies It is the highest peece of Prudence to assault ones enemy by a third Person IF it is advantagious for the King to settle a Peace at home in his own Kingdome it will be no lesse needfull for him to drive on some War among his neighbouring Princes to the intent that they being forced to defend themselves might be so prevented from attempting any thing against France It is one of the best peeces of Policy for which Lewis the eleventh is commended in History for he knowing the designs which the English and the Duke of Bourgogne had contrived against him did raise them so many new broyls that he hrought them to an impossibility of executing their wicked intensions against him Above all this one means ought to be made use of when as a Soveraign doth once begin to grow so Potent by his Arms that he becomes terrible by reason of his Victories The safety of States doth consist in the equality of the neighbouring Princes and there is great reason of fear if any one of them shall grow to be too Potent for that Ambition which is natural to all Princes cannot well contain it self within bounds when it is once accompanied with Power It is the highest point of Wisedome to assault ones enemy by a third hand to raise a League against him in which one is not any thing concerned but onely to contribute some monies or send some Troops thither which may be as occasion serves disowned for is not this the way to obtain the end which a man doth propose without any great expence and without putting any thing in hazard or danger An Enemy is sometimes overcome by this way with more advantage then if the whole force of a State had been imployed against him at least he will by this means be so busied that he will not have any time to think of attempting any thing on his neighbours but rather how he may best defend himself and yet one is not all this while forced to break with him but preserveth Peace in his own Country one is at little or no charge and the Souldiers will be spent who under go many great inconveniences in strange Countries The Embassadour who is to negotiate such a Treaty after he hath resolved upon and set down this truth for the foundation of his good successe That Princes have no other motives in their designs then their own particular Interest is obliged to induce them to whom he is sent to have a good opinion in his Audiences and to represent all those things and reasons which may further and countenance the design which he would insinnuate and perswade them to He ought to let them know that the Peace in which a great Prince is left doth raise great suspicions and serves to no other end but onely to augment his Force and establish his Power that not long after he may attempt new designs That many Princes have in fine been ruined by being two great Lovers of the Sweets of Peace That it is much better to prevent an Enemy then to stay in expectation of him by which means he may be taken unprovided and consequently be the easilier ruined whereas staying for him will give the lesse abilities to our selves for our defences by letting him take what advantages he pleaseth against us That those who love quiet in an over great measure do never subsist long for it is to their enemies a most evident sign of little courage and lesse resolution to repulse any attempts which may be made upon them That nothing is more shamefull then a Peace which giveth way to our enemies to fortifie themselves for the commencing a War and that he who neglecteth first to fall on them when he hath reason on his side both but adde to their Insolences and Courages That a false glosse of Peace will at last deprave into a base and true servitude That after all it will be easie for them to vanquish and overcome their enemies if they will joyn and unite their Forces for by every ones contributing the to War they will have a greater power and with lesse charge then their enemies That it will be very honourable and glorious for them to have curbed his Ambition whose Arms begin to strike a terrour into all the World and by thus insinuating to them the glory utility and facility of the design they cannot but let themselves be perswaded to ingage in it with a great deal of readinesse and affection Combinations of divers Grandees of the Court against the King and State IT is as impossible long to keep France in quiet as to prevent the agitation of the Sea by Winds The humour of the French is full of Action and they are no sooner clear of one broyl or War but they are desirous of beginning another The Cardinal had used his utmost indeavour to settle the Kingdome in quiet but divers young Princes and Lords of the Court not able to relish the sweetnesse of such a Calm did still ingage it in some new Commotions Peace indeed did not so much grate upon their humours as the cause which gave it which was nothing else but the Authority with which his Majesty dispatched the Affairs of the Realm and the necessities which he layed upon them to live within the limits of their duties Now as they had much adoe to submit after they had many years lived in an intire licentiousnesse they resolved to employ all their indeavours to shake off the yoke The most expert amongst them acquainted the rest how the Cardinal was the man who had perswaded his Majesty to take this power into his own hands whence if followed that they layed their heads together and contrived how they might bring him into some disgrace or remove him by what means soever it were from the Stern As their design was extravagant so the wayes which they proposed to accomplish it were extreamly difficult They despaired of doing any good upon the Kings mind towards it for that he was too clear sighted not to be mindfull of those signal advantages which he had received from the sage advices of this great Minister and too too indulgent of his States good to deprive it of so prudent a supporter so that they concluded there remained onely 2 ways proper to attain their end The first was to put all things into confusion then to force the Scepter out of the Kings hand by which means they might bring
by the Treaty of Monpellier Fort Lewis ought to have been demollished but with all That they had made themselves unworthy of it by their refusal to execute several Articles of the Treaty and amongst others to establish the excercise of the Catholique Religion in their Citty as they had engaged to his Majesty and moreover that the Honest's men of the Citty the most sufficient and such as had most to loose having represented to his Majesty that in case the Fort were slighted They should be exposed to the mercy of the Rascality who would put a thousand outrages and affronts upon them he could not deny their so just a request Besides the sixth Article of Peace granted them in February last year did expresly say that his Majesty would not assent to the destroying of that Fort They were also told That being subjects of his Majesty they had no cause to complain of the Commissaries being there especially seeing one of them too was of their own Religion and that they had not been then there but for those delayes which were by them made in the execution of the Treaty As to the quartering of Troops about their City and the adjacent Isles it was answered That they had no reason at all to complain of it for that they gave the occasion by their daily mutenies by their slow proceedings in the demolishing of Fort Tadon and which they did so slightly too that it was an easie matter to repair it and that last of all those Troops living very civilly they enjoyed the self same liberty which his Majesties subjects did many other Town where there was a garison and that they could not think it strange his Majesty should so watch them who had so often revolted after several protestations of obedience to procure his pardon for their faults But nothing would satisfie them so that finding they could not procure their desiers they concluded to prosecute it with Arms and to form themselves into a Commonwealth Politique Observation JT is neither safe nor Just for a City born under a Regal power to shake off that obedience and become a Commonwealth The injustice of them who should attempt so to do cannot be defended seeing Kings are the Lively Images of the God head Livenants of his power and that he hath subjected people in such dependancies that no one but himself alone can revoke their Commission I advise thee saith the Wiseman to have a care of the Kings mouth and to keep the oath that thou hast sworn unto him beware that thou withdraw not thy self from his power or slight his commands for otherwise he will deal with thee as he listeth and no one can say unto him What doest thou And as this Procedure is very unjust so it is not safe for them who would ingage in it for that no Government is so bad as a Popular There is indeed a certain kind of apparent liberty which charmeth and worketh upon the Souls of them who do not under stand it but it is most sure that it is a liberty which exposeth a City to the greatest misfortunes that can befall to it All Kings propose Honour and the Publique good for the end of their Government knowing all their glory depends thereupon whereas in a Popular State every one proposeth his own particular advantage and by that he measureth the Weal Publique and then comes Honour in the very rear of all other thoughts Wise discreet Counsels are so little esteemed in Popular States that they cannot remedie any inconvenience though accompanied with a very little difficulty For though in State affairs most voyces ought to be considered yet it is not to be thought in point of number but the Prudence of them who Judge whereas admitting the people to be Master most voyces carrieth it clear from the rest though better grounded by far The Senate of Rome chose rather to allot Tribunes to the people by whose mouths they might deliver their opinion then to leave them in a Licentions power concluding that though the Authority of those Tribunes would be in some sort superlative yet that it would be much more supportable then that of the people that many headed beast which having no Judgment loveth change and mooveth more by impetuosity then reason This Beast nourisheth it self with a thousand vain hopes its designs are accompanied with fury when the danger is farthest off but soon looseth his courage when brought upon peril and as it hath but a small portion of abilities so it knoweth not who are men of understanding or who do them good service Whence it doeth ordinarily well reward such as do them ill service and ill reward such as do them good service Was it not heretofore seen that the Athenian banished Miltiades ordered him to pay a great fine and kept him in durance until he had paid it as a reward for having with ten thousand men saved their City from a dangerous siedge and beaten one hundred and ten thousand Persians by his good Conduct The like they did to Themistocles Aristâ—der Alcibiades and divers other Captains who had served them very eminently without any regard had to their services He that would esteem a Popular Authority ought not to know what it is And Agesilaus did wisely answer one who would have changed the Goverment of Parthia into a democracy when he advised him only to set up a Demoraty in his own Dominion which would discover to him the rashness and disorder of a Popular Government The Designs of the Duke of Rohan in Languedoc THe Duke of Rohan discontented for that he had made no advantage by the Peace at least to render himself the more considerable did not a little foment those Mutinies of the Rochelois to which end he under hand sowed divisions among the Consuls of the Chief Hugonot Towns in Languedoc and some he made for his own party that they might lead the people to rebel when ever he should hold up his finger but finding that his design did not absolutely take in those parts he resolved to accept of those proffers which the King of Great Britain had made to the Duke of Sonbize his Brother and the deputies of those of his party presently after the Treaty of Peace which had been then newly concluded about the end of the last year They could not away with the putting off the Treaty in execution as to many particular Articles which the discreerest men among them had perswaded them to agree unto They dispatched certain Deputies towards the King of England to beseech him that he would use his power and Authority with the King his Brother in Law to perswade him to demolish Fort St. Lewis which kept them in a wonderful subjection who being presented to him by the Duke de Sonbize who retired himself into England in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and five they were well received and had promises given them of a strong assistance Now the Duke of Rohan not
the people in their duty Monsieur the Cardinal spake to his Majesty and perswaded him to send the Sieur de Leon Councellour of State to Bourdeaux to indeavour their reconcilement and such a correspondency as might befit his Majesties affairs The ground of their difference was this the Duke of Espernon had caused the Edict of Peace granted by the King to the Hugonots to be proclaimed by the Jurats of the City before it had been registred in the Parliament Whereupon the Parliament had turned one Minuelle out of his Office of chief Jurat fining him 1500 Liures and ordered the rest to appear in Court and suffer such punishments as should be imposed upon them The Duke of Espernon would not put up the businesse but pulished an Ordinance to prohibit the execution of the Parliaments Arrest and confirmed Minuelle in his Office grounding himself upon certain pretensions in publication of Treaties of Peace The Parliament hereupon condemned the said Ordinance as an attempt contrary to the Kings Authority intrusted with him but the Duke of Espernon being not of an humour easily to submit to any others will then that of the Kings persisted to prohibit by another Ordinance the execution of the second Arrest The Parliament made a third so did he too to hinder Minuelle's displacing and that the Jurats should not assist at the publication of the Peace which was then made by the Parliaments Authority In sine an extream feud rise between them and the Parliament came to that point that they ceased to perform their Offices in the adjudging private causes yet not without taking care for all that concerned the Kings service This quarrel made a great noise in Guienne and had it continued untill the Hugonots next revolt they had doubtlesse taken advantage of it it being certain that every one lives as himself pleaseth when Magistrates are together by the ears in their particular quarrel The King finding of what consequence it might prove dispatched the Sieur de Leon to Bourdeaux to dispose the Duke to give the Parliament satisfaction and to continue the correspondence which they ought to hold together for the publick good The Sieur de Leon came thither and finding the Parliament resolute that the Duke should give them satisfaction for his fault could gain nothing more of the Duke then onely this that he would go to the Parliament and pay them some complements of honour and respect The Parliament was not contented with it so their accommodation was deferred till at last the news being come that the English Fleet was at Sea every one addressed himself to serve the King and to hinder their landing in Guienne And then the Cardinal de Sourdis Arch Bishop of Bourdeaux interposing between them perswaded the Parliament to be satisfied with those respects of honour and complements which the Duke of Espernon would pay unto them At last unto the Parliament he came and having complemented them with great civility they answered him in the like without the least mention of any thing past and thus this great storm was allayed Politique Observation JT is not dangerous sometimes for his Majesties service to permit Parliaments and Governours to fall out amongst themselves for they discovering one anothers defects by their division give occasion to redress them and withall each one feareth to offend that he may not give advantage to the other to impeach him It keepeth affairs in an equal ballance and produceth the same effects as a weight equally divided in two Scales which hindreth the over-ballancing of either part If they alwaies should continue in a strict intelligence each of them would do that without contradiction which best pleased himself and their Soveraign never the wiser Thus said Cato to them who thought the quarrel between Pompey and Caesar had ruined the Common-wealth It is true it did not a little contribute to that disorder which was then on foot but the friendship which had formerly been between them was the first and chief cause Their good intelligence gave Caesar means to grow the greater who afterwards finding it begin to break by the deceases of Pompey and Crassus their wives which served to preserve it there fell out great broyls between them concerning the Government Caesar being unwilling that Pompey should have more authority then himself and Pompey that Caeser should be his equall The Senate finding that divers Magistrates of Rome neglected their duties and that every thing went to decay chose Pompey sole Consul giving him an extraordinary Authority to ballance the power of the Magistrates and to redress those Delinquencies which they might or had committed Seneca with great reason compared this division among chief Magistrates to the Stones in a Vault which do so much conduce to the strengthening of it that the more weight is laid on it the stronger it bears it up whereas it would easily be broken if made of one stone alone In fine this little emulation is much conducing to the discovery of abuses to the looking more strictly into things and the keeping every one in his duty It is to be wished that Parliaments and Governours were firmly united toward his Majesties service and that there were no way but this for the well governing of a Province but it is not possible long to preserve that temperative in their authority no more then in the four humours of mans body and it is more expedient to search for means of advantage from their disorder then to study waies to settle them in an immutable intelligence One of the chief is when a Parliament pretends to assume too great an Authority to oppose the power of a Governour and if a Governor abuse his power to prevent him by the Authority of a Parliament And thus was it according to Tacitus that the Roman common people ballancing the Nobilities power did along while prefer their liberty Yet above all it would be necessary to hinder such dissentions from too much clashing and that the Parliament and Governours be not left alone to flie out into extremities from whence strange accidents might follow If heat or any other quality of mans body super-abound either death follows or at least great sicknesse and doubtlesse such contests hapning among Governours either in Kingdomes or Common wealths are sufficient to destroy them or at least breed great disorders amongst them The divisions which so often grew hot between the Roman people and the Senate caused great evils and when the quarrels of Marius and Sylla Pompey and Caesar did break out every one siding with some party took up Arms from whence followed strange murthers and Tragedies and the Peoples Liberty became inslaved to the Emperours Will. The King going from Paris towards Rochel falls sick at Villeroy after the first day of his setting out VVHilest these different affairs happened within the Kingdome the King was not ignorant of those great preparations made by the English to invade France The happy addresse wherewith Heaven had blessed
a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel and having assured the inhabitants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them if they would really confesse their faults and give him reason to beleeve that they would in future live within the bounds of their duty they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay at the Quarter de la Bergery where they were in conference full two hours with him after which every one guessed by their cheerfulnesse that they were very well contented they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two dayes after in the same place which was not denied them and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver themselves up to his Majesties mercy seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion the injoyment of their goods and withall the preservation of their Walls the Cardinal sent them back to the King whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear before his Majesty but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions as could have been desired His Majesty said to them you deserve to be severely punished but since God hath given you the grace to confesse your fault I pardon you your lives The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty But the Mayor and those of his party had onely pretended this Treaty to gain time that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications which otherwise would be levelled with the ground and at last having moulded them to their own temper all the Treaty vanished to smoke Nay their insolency was such that being confident during this intercourse of parley his Majesties Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did they had the boldnesse to send out a fire-ship about three in the morning amongst the Kings Vessels near the Bank which guarded the Passages and at the same time shot off divers great pieces but without any execution The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted caused the watch to be kept in as great strictnesse as ever so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fire-ship drew her aside into a place where she burned down without doing any hurt Politique Observation VIgilance is the savegard of Armies and he who commands a siedge is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besiedged in regard the wisest then attempt them when they are least suspected Negligence and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together and the least carefulnesses do often turn the scales in War Those campes which are garded with most circumspection are the most secure and he who is not alwayes in a way of defence puts himself into eminent danger That General who lets his forces sleep without good gard commits the care of them and their lives to fortune Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault for his Souldiers kept the same gard in peace and with the same stricttnesse as in War their arms being alwayes ready by them to fight At first it was woundred at but the reason he alledged was That a man may be never surprised he ought always to be in fear By this means after the shame of a rout he will not be forced to say I did not think there had been any thing to fear If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his gard more especially ought he to be so then when there are propositions of peace in treaty for one of the most usual wiles which great Captains use is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advantage Thus Pope Julius the second that he might gain time to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara amazed King Lewiâ—h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Arch-duke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace which they swore unto that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making necessary preparations for the assisting of his own party who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdome of Naples and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his designe for he could not afterwards be perswaded to ratifie the treaty Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust and he who so doth hath a double advantage by it first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extream miseries ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities especially after the English were returned was to turn out all the unnecessary mouthes they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank to passe a Barque laden with women which the Kings vessels then in gard did not perceive time enough to prevent but this was the onely time they could procure that advantage but on the contrary their insolency being come to the height they forced the Kings Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water and being got to Land fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greedinesse that it was easie to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine They had been fit objects with compassion had they been lesse insolent but as nothing except necessity it self could bring them to their duties so the Sieurs de Brisfac de Fourille and the other Captains of the gards when they lighted on them forced them back into he Town to augment the famine of the inhabitants This just severity was oftentimes used towards them by which means their miseries were such that having neither bread pulse nor any thing usually edible they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow such other things They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles and such other stuff as they could frie which they presently devoured as delicates They eat bread made of thistle-roots and their hunger not so satisfied turning into fury came to that passe that they eat dead
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ— who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâ—bes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
him lies the friendship of the Princes of the blood it being most certain that a good intelligence and correspondence with them is as advantagious to the State as a breach with them is unfortunate and ominous And as their greatest inclination is to command so one cannot more oblige them then by giving them imployment But one ought to be well assured and carefull of their truth and fidelity and that the stedfastnesse of their minds be not to be shaken by the dangerous suggestions of such as are about them who are alwaies sure of endeavouring to render themselves agreeable that they may instil into them more Ambition then they ought to have and induce them to revolt with the Army and those powers which are intrusted under their command Isocrates did well advise Nicocles never to prefer those of his blood to imployments untill he was extreamly well assured of them for that the desire of rule doth so much the more charm the kindred of a Prince by how much they are neerer related unto him as T. Livy very well observeth Blood hath no tie so strong â—hich ambition doth not oftentimes break when it finds it self with Arms in its hand They ought to be so much the lesse intrusted by how much they have lesse true affection or friendship as Plutarch hath verified by many examples in the life of Demetrius If a King be obliged for any just reason to confide his Armies into the hands of any Prince of the Blond I imagine he must follow the Prudence of Tiberius who when he sent Germanicus to command his Army into Syria he recalled Creticus Syllanus from the Government of that Province who was an intimate friend to Germanicus fearing lest their intelligence and correspondence might lend a helping hand to advance him into the power of Soveraignty and placed in his room Cneus Piso whose violent humour would make him oppose any designs of his if they should be contrary to the duty of his Office In a word a King ought to such a person to associate some one whose valour and fidelity may be able to counterpoise or ballance any enterprizes which hee may attempt The King came to Lion then to Grenoble where the Cardinal came to meet him THe King passed by Dijon that he might there give such orders as we have already said and thence came to Lyon but rested there a very little while for the great desire he had to be at Grenoble where he had directed the Cardinal to meet him as soon as the Passages of Italy were open The Cardinal was passionately desirous to be neer his Majesty to pay him his usual services and to ease him of the care and trouble of his estate and his Majesty was no lesse impatient to see the Cardinal as he testified by his extraordinary care and caresses with which he honoured him at his arrival and which were proofs not onely of the affection but of the extream tenderness which he had for him Politique Observation THe Passion of Love produceth the same effects in the Souls of great Kings as it doth in those of private persons It is that which carrieth their minds so naturally towards those whom they honour with their favours that they take a singular delight to see them alwaies neer them Alexander could not be without the sight of Hephestion And it is most sure that the greatest successes which Princes have be it in War be it in Peace are but lame and do nothing neer so much affect their minds with joy if they have not neer them some persons with whom they use to discourse with freedom and familiarity And what greater satisfaction or content can there be to a Prince then the Prudence of a couragious and faithfull Minister who he assuredly knows to have no Passion so great as that which tends to his honour and glory What an honour is it to have neer him a person to whom his Majesty may lay open his bosome and intrust with his grandest secrets without the least suspicion or doubt of his fidelity What a great satisfaction and content is it to have by one so noble a Genius whose discourses disburthen his cares whose councels facilitate his greatest State-difficulties whose vigilance secures him from dangers and whose courage conducts him to a happy successe in all his enterprises The happy succeess of the Treaty of Peace by the Cardinal Mazarini between the King and Duke of Savoy THe King no sooner arrived at Grenoble but Mazarini was ready to make propositions of Peace to his Majesty The Duke who till then had been deaf to all overtures how reasonable soever as well as the Marquesse Spinola caused word to be sent to his Majesty that if his Majesty would be pleased to restore him Pignerol he would accord to any Articles which should seem just The King who desired nothing more then Peace provided it were honourable and advantagious to his Allies received the message with much joy and thought fit that the Marshal of Crequy the Sieur of Chasteauneus de Bullion and Bauttillier should assemble with the Cardinals Bagni and Mazarini to prepare such Articles as might be for the contentment of all parties however he would not be obliged to quit his design of prosecuting the War untill the Treaty was intirely concluded and resolved on for his Majesty knew of what importance the restitution of Pignerol was without which they did not so much as name or speak of any accomodation Politique Observation SEeing Peace when it is certain is to be preferred before a doubtful victory that being in the hand of a Prince but this subject to the Laws of Fortune it is not prudence to refuse it in Treaties said Hannibal to Scipio in T. Livy But Thucydides teacheth us in his History that a Prince who would treat with his Enemy should not cease to prosecute the War in such manner as if there were no hope of an agreement otherwayes great Inconveniences might follow adding Thus did the Lacedemonians when they treated a Peace with the Atbâ—nians and Peace is then soonest made when both sides appear in the field with their Swords in their hands and an equal power following them for if either hath the least advantage he will be the more peremptory and demand the harder conditions in his Treaties as Caesar hath observed in his History of civil Wars The taking of Chambery from the Duke of Savoy HOwever the King assembled his Counsel to take advice whether it were not propper to prosecute the Victories of his Army and to make himself Master of all Savoy and so secure himself more and more of the Passes Many offered to his Majesties consideration that the Duke of Savoy and Marques Spinola would never hearken to any Peace but by necessity and to regain Pignerol having until that time refused to do it but upon dishonorable terms for his Majesty That there was little reason to trust him as to that of the Duke of Mantua for whose
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâ—ts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
frequently disowned by them These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men in matters of Propositions being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory and somtimes what they say is contradicted so that in fine themselves conclude themselves to have been deceived which is all the satisfaction to be had by them Politique Observation IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with Hereticks or Infidels either for their own defence or the preservation of their Allies in the possession of their just Rights The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines though Spanish The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another of what condition soever Those who doubt it would I send to the School of creatures void of reason who would make them ashamed of questioning it The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques when profitable or necessary may not justly be blamed Do we not see in holy Writ how the Patriarks and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example Did not Abraham ally himself with Abimâ—lâ—ch both for himself and his Successors as also with the Canaanites Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infidels excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom and did he not go to war with him The Macchabees though zealous in the observance of their Religion did yet confederate themselves with the Lacedemonians God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's and so blessed their alliance that they obtained vast riches by it nay he was likewise well contented that the Temple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels To pass by these examples of Antiquity let us descend to later times where seeking for proofs of this Truth we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians to be at peace with all men and not refusing his proper deâ—ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him by the assistance two hundred Archers and seventy Horsemen all Infidels What can be objected against this Reason It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours and it may not be doubted for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title especially when they are of advantage unto us as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samaritane and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded that alliances with Infidels and so with Heretiques are permitted to Princes and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty that they abuse it not The Affairs of Italy THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes But who will not admire that at the very same time his Majesty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy for the setling them in peace It is good to see the Sun after a long storm dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose clear up the Ayr command the Winds to be still to guâ—â—d the mountains and make his Rays shine in our Eyes but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled for the three years last past compel the Forces to retire into their Countries establish the Liberty of commerce and re-estate Italy Savoy Piedmont and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace Europ beheld all this about the end or this year at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of were agitated in France and which we come now to consider for the more orderly describing those things which hapned Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation The King having learn'd about the end of the last year by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon in which his Majesty was inform'd how the Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne commanded him to return to Vienna and asâ—ure him that he would contribute his utmost to effect it and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy whatever he had gotten in his Dominions although in his just possession by the Laws of War provided the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke His Majesty ingaged himself in this War only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace and consequently would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy provided that the Emperour the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy did the like relinquishing their designs which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes estaâ—e Whereupon they having resolved to leave him in quiet though the Spaniards did not speak very freely the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should obtain or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont but he easily condescended to suppress his own interest that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one or to trouble the peace of Christendom but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right Politique Observation DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a forraign War He ought to resolve to sit still when he shall have obtained his pretences for as Thucydides saith it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction and willingly submit to reason No War is just but that which is necessary and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded He who continues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy instead of glory acquireth hatred One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice was That he never undertook a War unlesse compelled by some important reason Xenophon saith that a wise Prince forbeareth what â—e can to make War though sometimes pressed unto it and that he is obliged to prefer Peace before War where his honour the interest of his State or Allies are not totally concerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of
hath solidly resolved and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him without receding from those fundamental propositions upon which the main chance is to be decided Irresolution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party but because it allays that vigour of spirit with which his advice ought to be accompanied and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent for experience hath evinced unto us that they who are only crafty do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies then Truth or Solidity Such ruine affairs by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains Secresie is a quality the more needfull in him because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body besides as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation he ought to have a Soul strong enough and wel adjusted to disguise his designs to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance for the most part behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths by reason he useth them so seldom In fine it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse both for the well deducing of his reasons as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation and which might render them as effectual as faintnesse renders them uselesse when they are therewith accompanied A Treaty of Peace at Querasque THe Deputies were no sooner arrived but the conference began yet not untill after the order of their sitting had been concluded It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place the Baron of Galas on his left hand the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas the President de Banies over against him and the Chancellour Guichardy at the lower end over against the Nuncio At first indeed and before the beginning of the Assembly there was some difference upon this score because the Baron de Galas and the Comte de la Rocque comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient did likewise pretend to take place of Galas they being too much concern'd in their Masers glory to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution which must have been if representing his person they should have given place to him of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas because he was only qualified as a Comissary pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries though not of his Embassadours In fine it was adjudged that for this once the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours To conclude they went publickly through the Town the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone in order to that which concern'd Italy for as to the rest the Most Christian King would never ratifie it his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions There were two chief causes of difficulty the first in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rent accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat for which the Town of Trin was left him and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes which did amount to that sum The second was about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat as also Savoy and Piedmont the contests of either party were hot and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat valuing the Crown at eight Florins in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him which was concluded by the Assembly as concerning the restitution of places it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished that each party should withdraw his forces and lastly that the places should be restored at the same time and that for assurance of the restitution hostages should interchangeably be given and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne neverthelesse it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons seeing the possession of them would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan it was concluded by a secret Article that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane should be delivered into the hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons allied with France and Savoy to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name untill such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted This general Treaty being concluded there were particular indeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects It was not long unconcluded because there was nothing of difficulty in it only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year These two Treaties being thus finished were signed to a general satisfaction of all except Monsieur de Mantua who was something troubled to pay the charge and the Comte de la Rocque who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever all the rest thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy which for three years last past had been the Theatre of Sorrow Politique Observation HAppy is the Prince who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars can at last settle it in Peace He will find this great Mistris of Arts to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles He will see Religion upon which as an Emperour once said dependeth all the good or bad fortune
Roche-Guyon and the Comtes de St Pol de Coussii de Brenni de Harcourt and de grand Pre. This is so usual that it will be needless to add any more The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque followed by that of Mire-Fleur ALthough all these places were restored yet the Spaniards whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy or to send the Emperours into Germany they stayed them whiles they could in Milan and thereabouts pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare to transport the rest into Naples Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July were on foot in September and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded Besides the King was certainly informed that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery by which it was nullified in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed although concluded in express terms that it should be given without any limitation Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty if they could but find any favourable opportunity seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty Neither was this the only Index of their minds the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach moreover the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier who were more careful of his money then papers left no cause of doubt to them who saw them of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur to such an height as should be irreconcilable that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them They likewise raised new Troops in Milan as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs and lastly they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize whereby he might be so disabled that they might with ease over-run his Country which being so and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty by other means then that of a Treaty Should he not have so done he had thrown away his charges in vain and the lives of so many French to no purpose This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies and to inform the Duke of Savoy that he himself was in no greater assurance them others considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him and how much discontented with his late proceedings On the other side the Cardinal represented to his Majesty that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy to obtain some one of his places which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy if occasion should draw them thither a third time His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just apprehended the importance of this advice so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient who was yet with the Duke of Savoy to desire him to put Pignerol Suze Avigliane or Savillan into his Majesties hands for some time that he might keep the Spaniards in aw and prevent them from making new attempts This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange but did not exasperate him as it happened for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy which if once effected all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes made him loath to part with a place of importance and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory by the defence of his Allies he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mireâ—leur upon the 19 of October and presently put in execution It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other since his bounty had restored him to those States of which the War raised by others had despoiled him Politique Observation THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch whose power can secure him from all misfortunes He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King secures in it his Crown and peace to his Subjects strikes a terrour into his enemies and makes them afraid of falling on him These advantages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm and imitate the wise Pilot who fearing a total shipwrack throws part of his goods into the Sea â—e cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times and he ought to think himself happy if by the losse of one Town he can secure the rest It is advantage enough for a Prince saith Augustus in Suetonius to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him One City indeed may
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâ—l will approâ—e of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâ—que it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâ—schal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justâ—nian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâ—esian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ— â—â—ntram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ— by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâ—urper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâ—ance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ—'d by a Tyâ—anical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
not only because they would no more esteem their conduct after they should fee them run on to so disadvantagious a resolution but the more in regard they did in such a conjuncture of time as would be very prejudicial to their neighbours especially those of Germany who finding themselves thereby dis-obliged could not for the future be so assisting to them as formerly they had been He beseeched them to remember that a State which injureth its Allies injureth it self and that in fine if after so many victories they should humonr the Spaniard in his passionate desire of the Treaty there could no other esteem be had of them but such as Caesar had of Pompey when he was well handled by him at Duras but not prosecuted who openly said Pompey knows not how to overcome This was the substance of most of the reasons no lesse judicious then powerfull which the Sieur de Charnace imployed at divers meetings had with the Ministers of Holland to prevent the Treaty so dextrously did he manage them so vigorously and with such addresse that he easily convinc'd the Prince of Orange who for some particular interest was indifferent well inclined thereunto and perswaded the Governours and Deputies of the States to confesse that there was no more to be thought but how to force the Spaniard by Arms to an absolute relinquishing his pretensions over their country in a Treaty of Peace wherein all the Princes their Allies should be included to oblige him the more firmly to observe the conditions thereof neither satisfied with this resolution he assured them according as he was commanded that they might the more readily take the field how the King would cause a succour of then or twelve thousand men to be sent unto them from the Swede who accordingly were conducted unto them about August by the Collonell Melander so that about the beginning of Spring the Prince of Orange besieged Rimberg and carried it and sent Count William of Nassau to the confines of Flanders to divert the Spaniard Politique Observation VVHatever terrour the horrour of Arms do naturally carry with them yet do I think that Peace ought not to be concluded but on four occasions The first is when there is a just ground to believe that it will carry things to an advantagious Peace for seeing War ought not to be undertaken but in order to the obtaining of a good Peace and that the end is ever to be preferred before the means it cannot be doubted but that Arms are to be layed by when there are any more likely means to obtain it The Olive Trees true Symbols of Peace bearing fruit use-full for mans life are doubtlesse more to be esteemed then Lawrels which only put forth unprofitable berries and the great advantages which are obtained by Peace are more to be esteemed then the greatest glory acquired to Wars I have formerly sufficiently proved this truth nor wil I longer dwel upon it The second is when the eexpences and incommodities of War do in force a Treaty There is not any courage which is not obliged to submit to the law of necessity and the impossibility of prosecuting an enterprize how just and glorious soever hath exempted the greatest Princes from any blame War ought not to be continued but to obtain Victory which when there is no likelihood of amidst the ruines of a Country it is then much more expedient to make a League then totally to fall The Gods themselves saith an Ancient do submit to necessity there is nothing stronger then it and the greatest vertue must stoop to it neither is any valour or prudence obliged to oppose it The third is when it may reasonably be hoped that the League will weaken the enemy whom at that time we despair to overcome and that either by sowing some division among them or by effeminating them by the discontinuation of their warlike exercise The wise Pilot doth not obstinately withstand the Tempest when he seeth his Vessel extreamly bruised but letting fall the Sails runneth into some shelter where he may ride at Anchor untill such time as the fury of the Winds be abated that he may put to Sea again Thus is it an effect of discretion to lay by the Sword for some time when an enemy is so potent that there is no likelihood of any thing but losse by the prosecution of the War The fourth is that a League ought to be concluded when it will afford the means of taking more advantage War is a kind of sicknesse in the State and as sick people are permitted to rest the better to recover their lost strength so I think it cannot but be commendable in a Prince to surcease the War for some time the better to refresh his forces to recruit them and to raise monies necessary to maintain them If on such occasions it be reasonable to conclude a Treaty it will then be very improper to conclude it when a Country is flourishing and raiseth more advantages by War then Peace Most certain it is that sometimes so it happens and Hannibal well knew it when seeing the Carthaginians weep upon the first demand of the Tribute granted to the Romans at the end of the second Punick War he reproached them as Livy observeth it Ye had much more reason quoth he to have weep'd when you were prohibited to War against strangers that was the would which killed you The Lacedemonians and the Romans were not ignorant of it it being upon this ground that they would never discontinue the use of Arms unlesse when Fortune designing the ruine of their Empires perswaded them to taste the sweets of Idlenesse which opening the door to delight and luxury might in a little time dul their courages and make them easily conquered by their enemies This if true among most States it is certainly much more apparent in relation to those who have received their Beings from War nor can be preserved but by War It were likewise great imprudence to make a League which might afford an enemy time to recruit Had King Perseus known the condition of the Romans he would have been more wary in concluding that Peace with them which he did as Livy recordeth which gave their Ambassadours accasion at their return to laugh at him for having suffered himself to be surprized by them for he had then ready all provisions necessary for the War of which the Romans were altogether unprovided so that concluding a League he gave them time to settle their affairs and take an advantage upon him besides all these considerations if a League doth not at least serve to obtain an happy peace it cannot but be esteemed for disadvantagious For what reason can there be to deprive ones self of power and to give a weakned enemy leave and leisure to re-inforce himself when there is not an assurance that it will end in a peace of use and profit So to proceed were some kind of blindnesse neither can any one so act unlesse
one as powerfull as himself who may raise advantages by it and peradventure to his prejudice The Embassie and Negotiation of the Sieur de Feuquieres to the Queen of Swede and the renewing the treaty of Alliance between the two Crowns THe Cardinal representing unto the King how the affairs of Germany were no lesse considerable the those of Holland his Majesty resolved to provide accordingly and made choice of the Sieur de Feuquieres to negotiate those concerns with the Allies of this Crown The experience this Gentleman had acquired in other considerable imployments rendred him no lesse deserving of this then the addresse and dispatch which he shewed in proving those Orders which were delivered unto him and it was the more needfull to make use of such a man as he was in this German affair in regard it concerned the curbing in of the House of Austria's Ambition who were become very powerfull by usurping the Protestant Princes States who were feared by their neighbours and would have been a terrour to France it self could the have prosecuted their advantages His Orders were chiefly three the first was to testifie to Christina Queen of Swede daughter and heir to the late King in the person of the Chancellor Oxenstern and all the Princes of the League of Leipsic what care his Majesty took in their interest the Passion he had to see them restored who had been despoiled of their Estates and how ready he was by assisting them to afford them the means of securing their late victories The second was to re-unite them and confirm them in the resolution of prosecuting the designs of the League by a new Treaty of Alliance And the third was to take such course for the management of the Wars that their Armies might want nothing but might be alwaies ready for action The Princes had resolv'd about the end of the last year to hold a Diet a Hailbron upon Nekar to conclude upon the affairs of the War by a common consent and there it was where the foundation of all was to be layed The Sieur de Feuquieres took Post the fifth of February that he might the sooner get thither but the Cardinal knowing such like Assemblies are commonly full of confusion unlesse each of them in particular be predisposed to reason perswaded his Majesty to send him to the Courts of divers the chief among them the better to insinuate unto them how much it concern'd them to continue in Union He receiv'd Orders accordingly nor was it of small consideration because he could easilier dispose them one by one then in a multitude nor was he defective of comming with the first unto Hailbron to prevent those whom he had not yet seen and to confirm the others in their resolutions and being arrived the first care he took was to testifie the singular and constant affection which his Majesty had for the common good and to assure them that they should receive indubitable proofs of it upon any fair occasion The next thing he did was to illustrate what great assistances his Majesty had contributed to their part what monies he had sent to the Crown of Swede and the Hollanders the strong diversions he had made in Italy in Lorrain and other places the great Armies he maintained in his Frontiers to assist them if occasion should require the great expences he had been at in sundry Embassies tending only to their advantage Having thus recollected things past to their memories he clearly represented unto them the present State of affairs how needfull it was that they should preserve their union and take good Order for the subsistance of their Armies This he did with such vigour and Prudence both to them in general and particular that he confirmed divers among them in the first designs of the League who were then wavering upon the King of Swede's death and inclining to make a Peace with the Emperour He was not ignorant that private interest is the most sensible part to touch a Prince on and therefore clearly evinced unto them that Peace being the only remedy which could cure the distempers of Germany and that his Peace being neither advantagious nor honourable if it did not restore liberty unto the Empire and the ejected Princes to their Estates there would be no means to obtain it but by their strict union which the Emperour not finding any means to break would in time despair of being able to support him against their power the far greater of the two whilest their confederacy lasted He had not much ado to confirm them in beleeving the House of Austria had long designed to render it self Mistris of all Germany they having too many pregnant proofs to be ignorant of that truth neither found he much difficulty to insinuate unto them that their union failing would weaken their party and give the Emperour a fair opportunity to seiz upon the Estates at his pleasure In fine the found themselves forc'd to confesse they had no other way left but to be firm and to strengthen their confederacy by a new Treaty This advice conduced much to the end of his design which having happily obtained he lost no more time but entred upon the new Alliance between the King and Kingdom of France on the one part and Christian Queen of Sweden and the Kingdom of Sweden on the other part which was concluded and signed by the Chancellour Oxenstern The first Article conteined the grounds of their Alliance which was for the defence of their common friends for the securing of the Ocean and Baltick Sea for the obtaining a lasting Peace in the Empire by which every one might be restored to his rights The rest imported that the Queen of Swede and her confederates should entertain 30000 foot and 6000 horse that the King should contribute every year a million of Livers towards the charge of the War that the confederates might raise Souldiers in one anothers Countries that Delinquents and Fugitives should be delivered to their Soveraign Lords to be by them punished that the Queen of Swede should permit the free exercise of the Catholick Religion in all places which she should take in the same manner as she found it that the Duxe of Baviers and the Princes of the Catholick League might be admitted into the Treaty of Neutrality if they pleased that all other States and Princes should be invited to be of their confederacy that there should not be any Treaties but by and with the consent of all the confederates that their confederacy should hold untill there were a Peace concluded which if broken by the enemies the confederates should again take up Arms to assist one another The first Treaty was the foundation of the Union of the German Princes who otherwise had soon accommodated themselves with the Emperour yet this was not all it was necessary to conclude another with all the Princes and Protestant States of high Germany to obtain which the Sieur de Feuquieres used his utmost
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
That History records above twenty Alliances between France England and Scotland That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion considering what had been granted to the Spaniard That great Princesses are in this particular in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth so that having once lost their opportunities they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years without ever marrying whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made this result was signified to the Earl of Holland who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty Who upon the receiving of that news dispatched with all diligence the Earl of Carlisle with full power to conclude the Match The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him that they might confer together what they had to do and afterwards being come near to Campeign the King hearing of it commanded the Duke of Cheuruse to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility and withall to entertain them magnificently and defray their charges during their abode at Court The day after their arrival they had Audience given them and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved appointed Commissioners to treat with them The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration but he made it apparent that he was not a Novice in the management of it for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business that he could not enough admire his Prudence Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match hee represented to him that England once leagued with France by this Alliance there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France to re-establish them which being so their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria but overpoize them too with never so little assistance from those Princes That the happy successe which would follow would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State as discredit and confusion to his enemies Moreover that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots this marriage would be of great use as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain from assisting them as also because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel in short That there was great hopes to beleeve the Princess might much advance the Catholick Religion in England if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse judging it requisite to use addresse and prudence for the speedy effecting of it The King did very wel relish the Consideration and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs and quickneth expeditions did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion and that which I finde in it most to be admired is That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture England also did forthwith joyn with France to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine and the year following the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess and without the death of King James For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court that the King had gained more upon him then any of his Predecessors and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives but his own too in defence of his interests and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated for the Passion which he had already in her behalf though he had never seen her was so sensible that he was heard say with a great deal of tenderness which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter nor that of the Prince his son without leave from the Queen her Mother but withall that he was much bound to her because after she had read them she laid his under her Pillow but his sons in her Bosome to shew that she did rely upon him and lodge his son in her heart Politick Observation ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome By them it is that we oâ—ten see those great fires of War which consumed them extinguished and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people Thus Hugh the Earl of Câ—aâ—lins son by his Marriage with Alice Inheritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn restored peace to both who had along time groaned under the miseries of War Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orlâ—ance were allayed for some time by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus second son to the Duke of Orleance who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn with Katharine of Burgogn And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei whereby to obliterate the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages For how often have Princes inlarged theiâ— bounds by that means Who knows not that the House of Austria had not been thus Potent but by Alliances and that the marriage of Hetiâ—gis Inheritrix of Vltrich Burg Longravat and Alsace with Albertus sirnamed the Sage of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria Carintia Tyrol and Goricie with the Emperour Albertus the first of Jane Inheritrix of Castile Arragon Sâ—ciliâ— and Naples with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia with the Emperour Ferdinand the first brother to Charles the Fifth have been the true Rise of its Grandure which was inconsiderable
their deportments that there was hardly one of them which did not run away to save themselves from the storm which was falling down upon them This Court continued from the end of October of this year untill May in the year following however it was with more threats then punishments there being onely one put to death and some few in Effigie Monsieur the Cardinal did for some time behold this Tempest not giving way to his Prudence to imploy that Benignity which is natural to him towards the moderating his Majesties just anger against them as well to testifie upon his first entrance into the Administration that it was not his intention to protect such Malefactors as also in regard it was necessary to terrifie and affright those who were culpable to the end they might for the future live with more Integrity and Justice But in the end seeing that the Principal Actors began to be touched to the quick with an apprehension either of loosing their Honours or their lives and to compare themselves in good earnest as much as could possibly be desired and withall to propose to his Majesty in behalf of their persons to establish such orders in the Treasuries that it should be impossible to divert any of the monies or to defraud any persons of such sums as his Majesty should order to be payed unto them he then became the Mediator of their Peace It is true it was not without making their Purses pay for what was past and setting up a better order for the future for he brought them to condiscend to give hit Majesty seven Millions of Livers and for the better keeping them in aw it was ordained that every ten years a Court of Justice should be set up to inquire into their Actions and he procured such order to be established in the Finances that it was impossible for them to relapse into their former errours The King was so exasperated against them that it was no little difficulty to perswade him to grant them that favour and grace which they begged for But hee knowing that the ways of reason are those by which his Majesty is to be regained he so followed them that he soon re-placed him in his usual moderateness of temper and representing to him that it was Clemency was that virtue which made Princes like unto the Divinity that it could not but be glorious to pardon those Officers how culpable soever that their offence was not more criminal then that of Rebellion in which the major part of the French had in several Wars heretofore been imbroyled that he would have so much the lesse reason ever to repent of the favour he should do them for that the late King his Father was highly praised for what he once said to Monsieur du Mayne after he had reduced him to his obedience viz. That the greatest pleasure he had in making a Peace was the pardoning of Rebels That the Laws of the Romans seemed to invite him to pardon seeing they had no other punishment then Banishment for Robbing of Publique Treasury That the end of a great Prince is rather to make his Officers good then to chastize them That it was enough thus to punish their Purses so that they might both remember it and suffer for it that Vespasian had given him a very commendable example when as he thought it more proper to preserve then destroy Treasuries in saying he esteemed them one of the strongest props of an Empire and that he looked upon them as a Meadow which is mowed at some time or other or as upon Spunges which are squeezed when a man would get any thing out of them These reasons were so unanswerable and made such an impression upon the Kings mind that following the instincts of his natural Bounty he resolved to pardon them Accordingly he Repealed the Chamber of Justice and accorded to them the favour which they desired and they established such Orders and Rules which have tied up those who were most wedded to their own interests to live very stayedly Politick Observation IT is no new thing to see the Publick Exchequer ill governed The Treasury was common amongst the Greeks as Polybius and Chirisophus in Zenophon witnesse the latter of which reproacheth them with it that there was hardly a man amongst them of any mark who might not be reproved for it Aristides general Treasurer of Athons manifested publickly that all those who had managed the Treasury of that Republick not onely in his time but before had robbed them of a good quantity not so much as excepting Themistocles Gylippus did divert a great part of those Riches which Lysander had hid by a Slaves means of his under the Tyles of his house When he sayd if one should look in such a place he might find good store of Owls meaning Gold and Silver upon which the Grecians stamped an Owl by reason of the Athenians which was accordingly sifted out and delivered into the hands of the Ephores who punished him very severely for it For the same fault amongst the Romans was Sylla accused by Consorinus who grounded his indictment upon this That he having but little wealth left by his Father insomuch that he was forced to lodge in a hired house and was now become excessively rich It would be easie to produce many of the like examples not but there have been in all ages honest upright men in whose hands the Publick Treasuries have been regulated with much fidelitie and who have not deserved lesse praise then Pericles of whom Thucydides reports that he had not increased by one onely dragm of Silver the Estate which his father left him notwithstanding the great imployments he had in the Treasuries But I can tell you there have been some Persons in the Ages last past who have made so little difficulty of diverting the Treasury that they have gloried in being made rich by it If this Crime then be so ancient the use of punishing them being once convict is as old the Grecian and Roman Laws assure us of it in the examples of Gylippus Lisander and many others but must he not needs be very imprudent who would not punish them at all seeing the defrauding of a Treaty is a Poyson which depriveth the State of the use of her Sinews and Muscles And lastly which decays its vigour that it is rendred uncapable of attempting any thing either great or glorious Vespasian as Suetonius saith inforced the Receivers of his Treasury to render an accompt of what they received from their fathers and to restore him the surplusage as if they had robbed him of it The Laws of France are more severe and they have been often executed against the greatest of the Kingdome amongst others Father de la Berche Engneraud de Marigny le Sieur de Giac Camus de Beaulieu were convicted of this Crime under King Philip Lewis his son and Charls the 8th and accordingly condemned to die for it Philip de Valois made an
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
such Fidelity as that of the late King Henry the Great who having leave to passe with thirty five thousand men into Geneva when he besieged Fort St. Katharine was solicited by some of his Captains to seize upon it which they assured him was easily to be effected He answered them that it would be a most unjust action to repay with Infidelity and Treachery that Confidence and Trust which they of the City had reposed in him The Pope sends towards the King the Sieur Bernardino Nary to testifie to his Majesty the discontent he took at the Proceedings of the Marquess de Coevures in the Valtoline WHilest they were hard at it in the Valtoline Cardinal Spada the Popes ordinary Nuntio in France made great complaints to the King of the Marshal de Coevures proceedings and the Pope likewise dispatched the Sieur Bernardino Nary to his Majesty to testifie to him his great discontent at it But they were replyed to with such force and strength of reason to vindicate all the passages of the business that their complaints served only to evince the clearness and equity of the whole proceedings They were very briskly told that his Majesty had not permitted the rising of the Grisons to ayd their Auxiliaries but only at the very last extremity and after he had seen several faire proposals neglected which he had offered with intent to end the business in a fair way That as for the Mareshal de Coeuvres proceedings they had been such as had deserved if rightly understood more to be commended then condemned That he had began his enterprise by uniting the three Grisons into their ancient association to obtain of them a pardon for the Valtolines That he had setled the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion in and amongst the Grisons in all places where formerly it had been banished and as for that particular place of the Valtoline he had permitted the exercise of none but that of the Catholique Religion That if he came with men armed against his Holiness his People he was provoked to it by those attempts and incursion which they had first made upon his Majesties Allyes and against his own forces to wherby they openly made it apparent that they moved by no other wheels then those of the Spaniards yet withal that these actions of theirs had not diverted the Marquis of Coeuvres from treating the Marquis de Bagny and all others who were under him in the Vallee not only with civility but with as much reverence as if the Pope himself had been there in the persons of those who were sent in his behalf That after all the deposit of those Forts having only been for some time in the Pope hands that whilest there were means of accomodation his Holiness had no reason to complain that he had been any way neglected until the time which had been concluded on had been expired and that there were no hopes of an agreement All those which were proposed being hitherto refused or retarded which gave advantage to the Spaniard These reasons did evidence the integrity of the Kings actions but however as his Majesty had even shewed an extraordinary respect to the Holy Seat and had then particular occasion to make use of his Holiness for the obtaining of the dispense for the match with England he hearkened to the proposals of the Cardinal Spada and the Sieur Nary The principal one and upon which they most insisted was an Article for suspension of all acts of Hostility for two months in the County of Chiavenne in which time the Pope hoped that all things should be accommodated which being thought reasonable his Majesty assented to it and a Post was presently sent to the Marquis de Coeuvres to stop his farther proceedings It is true the Post came not til after Chiavenne was taken so that the Cessation was void in that particular but it was afterwards executed in respect of Rives during the whole terme of the said two months to give his Holiness all possible satisfaction Politique Observation THat King who undertakes any affair of weight which may provoke his neighbour Princes ought to fix himselfe in a steddy resolution not to be shaken by any Propositions or complaints which shall be made to him He must take it for certain that all who are any way concern'd will send their Ambassadors to him as soon as ever he shall have declared his intentions to represent their interests to him and to presse him to be mindful of them but on such an occasion he ought to be like a good swimmer who being once in and to passe over some Arm of the Sea le ts the Tempest whurle and the waves swell up as they please he not thinketh on any thing but how to get on shoar The same reasons which were the grounds of his resolution ought to be the rules of his answers which he shall make to such Ambassadors and if it bee but well considered all their urgencies and instances ought to bee the more suspected by him that they were only made to amuse him if possible and that they themselves are many times deceived by the Princes who send them The Lacedemonians were much troubled that theâ— had given audience to Themistocles who was sent to them from the Athenians upâ—â— an Embassassie to make delayes and that in the means time they might fortifie themselves Themistocles accordingly entertained them with discourses a long while making him believe he only expected some other Ambassadors whom the Athenians had commanded to be joyned with him but in conclusion they smelt it to be only a fetch to get time for to fortifie the Citty of Athens The Order which a King should take in such a businesse is above all things to discover if Ambassadors are sent as Spies to discover his intentions If they are only of spie as it many times happens in war under pretences of making proposals of Peace my advise is to return them back again as quickly as the Romans did those of Perseus withal to cause them to be watched and to have an eye upon all their actions Thus the Athenians were very circumspect that those Ambassadors who were sent from Xerxes to hinder their associating themselves with all the other Towns of Greece should not speak with any particular man during their short stay in the Citty I think in case it be certain they only come to stop the course of his proceedings he ought to receive them with honor to treat them magnifiently and to give them a favorable audience that they may not complain there was any deficiency of paying them all the duties of hospitallity But as to the subject of their negociation he ought to oppose his reasons to theirs with as much courage as prudence to fortifie his Soul with such motives as ingaged him in his enterprise as with so many impregnable Bastions without letting his first resolutions be wavering by any means or devices whatever but to prosecute his work till he bee
the King of Spaine THE Pope who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Christian Princes as well as that of Soveraign Bishop was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming out both in France and Italy The condition of France mooved him with pitty it being both against the Church as well as against the Kings authority but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy He had some apprehensions to for his own States doubting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine or into some other neuter place where the two Kings Deputies might be found to negotiate a Peace as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins and Aldobrandine for the Peace of Savoy His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Bethune as a thing which he had resolved on and told him that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment and that he would willingly prefer his desires and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered that he was very capeable of the Legation But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did would commonly judge by the rules of devotion which being so it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline more then by the specious pretext which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion and thus considering all in a spiritual way without regarding those interests of state which would happen there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications to make the peace between the people who should be interessed it it It was said in few words and no reply on the one side or the other The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design and proposed to send the Cardinal Barberin his Nephew who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotiation and to make the voyage between France and Spain Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardinals of the Consistory yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negotiate this business Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge he would not testify to his Holiness that he misliked his choyse only upon the first motion of it he expostulated it with his Holiness and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person who being so neerly related to him could not but be very dear to him thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him then all others and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour in which the greatest difficulties were contained without which finding the business all confused and undigested either in France or Spaine it would of necessity follow that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew who took a singuler delight to please him took no notice of it and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals out of the gates of Rome according to the usual custome They who had been upon the same employments before him return'd back to Rome for a few dayes that he might take orders for their occasions but did not appear on any publique employments The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey made him prolong it no more then one day so that he set out immediately punctually observing his Holiness command of using an extraordinary industry to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine Politick Observation IT is no lesse Glorious then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun is to establish such a Temperature and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements that they may all subsist together and contribute to the preservation of the universe for without this as the Naturalists have observed the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them Just so the moderation which the Popes who are in the Church as the Sun in Heaven shall use amid'st the broyls and wars which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor If it be honourable to them it cannot be lesse advantageous to seeing their authority is never so considerable as in times of Peace and that their Oracles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth who took the flesh upon him that he might bring peace to all the world which also he recommended to his Apostles as the thing he would have most cheriâ—hed Thus to do is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master this is to follow his intentions and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes when once they take part with any particular interest for who so once appears partial is no longer fit to be credited or to make any proposal which will not be suspected Father Berule arriveth at Rome to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France to be married with the Prince of Wales LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin to make his journy into France we shall anon overtake him at the Court and take notice of what passed in his negociation Let us now speak of another important Affair which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded Father Berule was sent to Room to procure a disperse for it where
be concealed from him which once comming to his knowledge he ought in a trice to dispatch forces to that very place where the Insurrection is designed to be The onely sight of them may perhaps break the neck of the whole design and if not so yet they will at least prevent the enemies Troops to joyn together and wiâ—l cut them in pieces one by one before they will be in a capacity of attempting any thing whatever Without thâ—s diligence he will soon find the State and his own reputation exposed as a Prey An Eye watching over a Scepter and the Lyon King of Beasts who sleepeth not but with oyen eyes were the Hieroglyphicks which the Egyptians made use of to expresse fore-sight and to teach Grandees that it oughâ— to be inseparable from their Authority if they would not have their people exposed to great mis-fortunes both by Domestick and Forraign Wars The Sun which governs the Elementary World in the highest Heavens goes every day from one end of them to another that hee may make all here below sensible of the Effects of his Influences and that Minister who hath a State in charge ought to imploy all his cares all his mind upon every City upon every Province and indeed upon the singular houses of every great man that he may know what is done there and apply a remedy to their contrivances Me thinks they of Syracuse gave a notable example of this kind of Conduct when they had received intelligence that the Athenians would war upon them and that they already were upon the Sea with a Puissant Fleet making towards the Coast of Sicily Hermocratâ—s a great States-man was not backward in exhorting them to give necessary Orders for their defence and to presse the Senate accordingly Whereas Athenagoras on the other side descried it as much and shewed them sundry reasons why the Athenians could not arrive to the end of their design and demonstrated to them that it was impossible indeavouring to disswade them from making any preparation of War But the Senators somewhat wiser then himself followed Hermocrates his advice and resolved to give necessary Orders for defence that they might not afterwards be forced to do it in a huddle or to continue in the danger They began to discusse the business that in case the news of the Athenians Fleet were true it would then be needfull to make some preparations if it were false those preprrations would no whit dis-advantage the City And that last of all it is better to suspect then to slight dangers but not to shew the least Fear by doing any Action unbecomming a Generous Courage The Duke of Rohans Attempts in Languedoc with the Process in the Parliament of Tholouse against him and all his Adherents ABout the same time in the end of April the Duke of Rohan having contrived several Cabals in the Hugonot Towns of Languedoc began the Warre and got together about two thousand men near Castres the chief place of his Retreat and where he had a full Power by means of those Consuls whom he had procured to be elected He gave out that the Rocheloiis had taken Arms and sworn a League with the Churches of his party that he might by this pretence get a like Interest in some other Towns which he had an eye upon and accordingly he went to Puilaurens Ruel Soreze St. Pauls Leviate Briteste and made the Consuls swear to the Confederacy afterwards came before the Gates of Lavaur to surprise it but his design took no effect The Cardinal having sent out Orders from the King to the Governours of the Provinces to fall upon him as soon as ever he should appear in the Field The Count of Carmain Governour of Foix was presently upon his skirts and impeded not onely the Progress of his Rebellion but also getting into Ruelle and Soreze after the other had forsaken them he so dealt with the Consuls that they confessed their fault and protested not to take part with him any more And as the Authority of Parliaments on such occasions ought to uphold the Courages and Fidelities of those who Conduct the Kings Armies so that of Tholouse was not wanting to command the Souldiers who were assembled with the Duke of Rohan to separate themselves and to give Orders to the Nobility and Commonalty to fall upon them to forbear all sort of Commerce with those of Castres and to translate the Royal and Ecclesiastique jurisdictions and the Receipt of the Kings Monies unto the Town of Lautrec with command to all the Judges and Officers to come thither as well to prevent the Kings monies from falling into their hands as also to preserve Justice in its Integrity and to diminish the Force and Power of that Rebellious City The same Parliament too granted an Arrest for the seizure of all the Goods any waies belonging to those who were revolted both to punish them and deter others who were ready to follow them The Half divided Chamber of Beziers half Hugonots and half Papists did as much and declared according to the Kings Edict of the 25th of January the same year the said Duke to bee guilty of Laesa Majestatis to be a troubler of the Publick Peace as also all his Abbettors and Adherents and Prohibited both Cities and particular persons to hold any communication with him and injoyning all his Majesties Subjects to fall upon any Troops that should injure them to cut them in peeces and to pull down the Houses and Castles of such Noble men as were of that Faction But the Order which the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to send was more powerfull then all those others for the preventing the further progress of this Rebellion seeing it was accompanied with an extraordinary diligence The King sent a Commission to the Marshal de Themines whom his Majesty sent to those places to observe what passed to raise such Troops as were already in the Province and to advance such others as might form the Body of an Army which might cut off the growth of this Rebellion in its Cradle The Marshal had the Marquess de Ragny and the Count de Carmain for Marshals of the Field and that no longer time might be lost he soon after came to the place where he had designed the Rendezvouz for the whole Army and upon his way forced the Castles of Blauc and Dovac which served for Retreits to those who were revolted After the Companies were assembled together and a review taken of the whole Army he made his Forces before Castres to Plunder the Country The Sieur de Ferrieres who commanded the Rebels horse made a Salley upon the Marshal as soon as he came within view of the Town but they were forced to turn back again with more hast then he came out and not onely so but himself and three or four more of his own party were lest wounded upon the place The Pioneers and Plunderers played their parts under the Protection of the Army which
by it will ingage them to master the Commonalty and to repel Mutineers by force and to bring them under the obedience which they owe to their Soveraign There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods to satisfie the rage of an unbridled People Commonly none but they who are like to get by it do follow any Revolter Man is naturally so carefull of his own Estate and Goods that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them But if Devastation bee not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience without using other force of Arms who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out And thus one need not doubt but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedience either by Force or for their own Interest As for Rules to be observed in Forraging there are not any onely to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts to Reap if possible all the Wheat else to burn it to make the Grapes into Wine or else to cut up the Stocks as also all other Trees that bear Fruit or from which they may make any advantage It should be done as near the Walls as possible might bee to take away all conveniences from them and whilest that the Pioneers are at Work the Army ought to bee at hand to defend and shelter them but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonotâ— THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted were not inconsiderable but that which the Duke of Montmorency got assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche Foucaud de Thoyras was much beyond them all The Marshal de Preslin had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel both to pillage round about that Rebellious Town whereby to reduce them to such want that they might not long hold out as also to prevent their making of any attempts thereabout The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land had fortified himself in the Isles of Ree and Oleron it was the more important to remove him thence because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands But to give a good success to the business there was need of a Fleet To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships of which one twenty were lent him by the Holâ—anders according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the fore-going year His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche-Foucaud de Thoyras to passe over with some part of their Forces into the Isle of Ree to drive out those Rebels who were in Garison in the Forts there and to fortifie themselves The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small onely thirty nine Vessels would not expect the comming of the Admiral Montmorency to the Kings Ships though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral under favour of the conformity of their Religion and had likewise passed his own Parole that neither part should attempt any thing untill the Treaty of Peace which was agitating at Court were either absolutely concluded or broken off which he did not faithfully perform on his part for taking advantage of his promise given hee took occasion to come upon him unprovided and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea and having the Wind and Sea favourable in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fire-works to fall on the Admiral whom they burned quite down in a very little while not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim so that above a hundred were drowned in it This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith ingaged the Kings Navy to pursue them four hours together The Ayr did ring again with the Cannon shot which sunk some of their Vessels and killed divers of their men But the season was so favourable to him that he got into St. Martin de Ree and to Chef de Bay The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter was ordered to speed away and to give them Battel He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize for the affront he had put upon them The Duke put forth to Sea the Sieurs de Saint Luc de Roche-Foucaud and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore under the favour of the Admirals Arrival And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night the Duke having given the sign for falling on they went to Attaque Soubize's Fleet which lay at Anchor in Loys Channel under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemies Vessels there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel and the Sea falling off they all stuck on the Shelf The Duke finding them in this Condition made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche-Foucaude de Thoyras amid'st the smoke of the Powder which hindered the Rebels from discovering it There were also ten other Ships sent out who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay to take order that the Rochelois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval who was going out upon that design The Kings Army being landed the Enemy quickly perceived it and as soon came to receive them and used their utmost to repel them The Combate lasted three days out-right with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts the Rebels defending themselves in every place that was never so little tenable but it ended to the great advantage of the Kings Army which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who commanded it for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re cutting some part of the Enemy in peeces taking other some Prisoners and letting the rest escape into their Ships The Sieur de Soubize was one of those who escaped into Oleron such care he had that he might not be taken that he never came into the Fight at all They who had got clear into their Ships would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge the wind being fair for them But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness
had made provision for all those difficulties which have risen ever since and that he desired the execution of it as to the Cessation of Arms that he could by no means hearken to it by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it This was the sum of what passed on both sides The King adding in conclusion that he would send some one of his Councel to wait on him and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation Within a few dayes the Cardinal the Marshal de Schomberg the Sieur de Herbant Secretary of State went to wait on the Legate from the King and upon a conference he came to these two points The first was to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Marquis de Coeures Mâ—nsiâ—ur the Cardinal answered that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy and that if he should submit to it it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War if either party would but hearken to Reason seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion to which his Majesty was much inclined That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness his answer was his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed his Holyness had not any reason to complain and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesties name That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness that he would cause his Ambassadour to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit as also that after the peace should be concluded his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands the Fort of Chiâ—nuennes provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive to the intent both of them might be demolished which once done he would deliver all the rest up one after another until they were every one razed and that this was the most could be hoped for The Legat had other audiences and other conferences past between him and the Ministers where nothing more was proposed nor answered But the King being at Fountainbleau the Legate made a third proposition which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Valâ—oline requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated without which he supposed there could be no settlement His Majesty clearly declared unto him that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons his Allies over the Valtoline A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him and the Ministers upon that subject where having made the same proposition the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer and told the Legat that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons he could not consent to the diminition of their Soveraignty especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion That the Treaty was to be observed and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome they had told him that in conscience he could not consent thereunto The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign of what Religion soever he be so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons their lawful Masters and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid by which it was granted to them had been approved of at Rome by the Pope as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on but after a consultation with the Clergy who found no difficulty in the thing and that the truth being still the same his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present This the Cardinal spake so smartly that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion yet still declaring he would not recede from his first Proposals but under the Pope and holy See's censure He proposed several Articles upon that score to which the King assented That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion that they should not send any Governours amongst them but such as were Roman Catholiques that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom that no Heretiques or their Adherents should buy Houses nor that those who had then any in possession should any longer live there or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques To be short that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline in case they should break the conditions of which the Pope and his
Majesty were to be joynt Judges Nothing more could be desired But however the Legat whether it were because he was somwhat cautious or reserved or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope which peradventure might be limited was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed and more especially seeing Count Gondamor the Spanish Ambassador then at Court declared openly that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding seeing he every day created new difficulties It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope was one cause of it His Holyness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons the Spaniards would disable the Counsel in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards did mightily molest and trouble him The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court. NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour caused him to dine with him sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour But at last they were to settle upon some resolution The King pressed him but he instead of facilitating the business stood firm to his first demands to which he was answered that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September hee took leave of the King giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown His Majesty likewise testified to him that he had a great kindness towards his Person a great respect for his Holiness and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair And lastly told him that the Affairs which he had been treated withall were so important to the publick good that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom and of his Supream Courts to take their advices and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution It was hoped he would have expected the result of them but he departed before it was suspected and his Officers who were left behind him could give no other reason for it but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting Politique Observations GOD hath established two sorts of Powers for the Government of the Universe and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity as the learned Hinomar writing to Carloman and the Bishops of France saith that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other Kings to Ecclesiastiques and Ecclesiastiques to Kings yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one another It is true the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal according to the order of dignity but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority insomuch that who is indued with it may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons and that of Powers for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers and all his Ministers to Kings yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions without bestowing on either power to destroy the other Which being so the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes but of a Mediator to end their differences He hath Power indeed over their Consciences but not over their Estates or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands and whatever Proposal he shall make to them can be received but as Councels It is Glorious for him as we have said to accommodate differences but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak for the ordering of which the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled by reason of those remedies which refresh the one are commonly stark nought for the other And thus it is seldome or never seen that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties The highest point of Prudence in this case is to imitate the discreet Physitian who cannot bring to passe his intent of curing his Patient but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one and not annoy another part for thus it is unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down bee weighed with Justice Equality and Moderation they will rather provoke then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them An Assembly of the Nobles by the Kings Order upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly where the chief Lords of the Court and the principal Officers of the Kingdome might understand the true state of the case and to prevent that the keeping of it secret might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace but that the King had absolutely refused them by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth but against the honour was due to the Kings Justice which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours when he might do it without offence to his Reputation or the Interests of his Allies as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion as also in all others which presented themselves so
that it was not reasonable to let his glory lie under such a blemish Now the onely way to secure it was declaring the whole Passage before a Councel where should be the major part of all the Nobles and the Cardinal perswaded the King that they should be assembled in his Majesties Presence They who received this command were carefull to be there accordingly and the Councel being met the King told them that he had caused them to be called thither to consult on the Affairs which might relate to the Publick good upon such Proposals as the Chancellour should make unto them who beginning at the Treaty made with the Grisons and renewed from time to time by which they tied themselves to give a free passage thorough their Countries at all times for his Majesties Armies to go into Italy as also not to accord the same to any other without his permission shewed at last to them how the Spaniard to the prejudice of these Treaties had ever indeavoured by fair and foul means to procure the same Passages might be granted to himself to further his intended Conquest of the rest of Italy as occasion should invite him to it to which purpose he had usurped the Forts of the Valtolâ—nes and that his Majesty for the recovery of them had been constrained to send the Marquess de Coeuvres thither with an Army that before his Majesty had made use of any force hee had consented that the places should be deposited in the Popes hands for a certain time and upon certain conditions which conditions being accomplished and the limited time expired the Spaniards had however found means to perswade the Pope to retain them yet longer though of right he ought not so to do for that they were onely deposited with him That his Holiness had been often urged to return them unto the Spaniard and that his Holiness had moved them to receive them which they had refused to do for that they esteemed them more secure in his Holinesses then in their own keeping After which his Holiness being unwilling to disseise himself of them the Marquess de Coeuvres was forced to enter upon them by strength of Arms That but very lately the Spaniards had also induced his Holiness to send his Legate to try if he could obtain from his Majesty out of the respect which he did bear to the Holy Chair that he would surrender up the Forts again to his Holiness and suffer the Grisons to be deprived of their Soveraignty of the Valtoline That these Propositions seemed to be so much the stronger in regard it implied that his Majesty must give way to the Grisons who were his Allies losing of that which was their indubitable right That his Majesty had still indeavoured to preserve them by the strength of his Arms and to surrender up into the Popes hands all that did not belong to them But that to return all which did belong to the Grisons could not be done unless to the great prejudice of the Grisons to the advantage of the Spaniards and to the absolute loss of his Majesties Reputation That it was upon these Proposals his Majesty did desire their advices to know whether it were fitter to condiscend to them or to continue the War desiring every one of them to speak freely what he thought proper to be done that a conclusion might be had and sent to the Legate who would not stay to take along with him the Result of this Councel though he had been importuned to it but however he had promised to expect it at Avignon The Marshal de Schomberg took hold of the discourse and amongst other things told them That having several times been by his Majesties command to treat with the Legat he had smelt out that his designs were alwaies in the Spaniards behalf as much as possible could be of which there needed no other proof then the two Propositions which he had made to deprive the Grisons of their Soveraignty and to restore the Forts to the Pope that the Spaniards might gain time to draw their Forces together and retreat them and his sudden departure after he had been refused though it had been as shamefull for the King to have granted them as it had been hurtfull to the Grisons to have indured it That for his part he was of opinion rather to resolve on the War and that for divers reasons which he there alledged which testified as much Courage as Prudence then to make a dishonourable Peace by assenting to Propositions contrary to the Honour and Justice of his Majesty The chief President of the Parliament of Paris speaking in the name of all the Officers of the Soveraign Courts said onely thus much that the King had ever made such good choice of able worthy Ministers that it would bee a peece of Prudence to follow their opinions and particularly that he thought what the Marshal de Schamberg had said was very just and reasonable The Cardinal de Sourdis was of a particular opinion by himself and proposed for the Cessation of Arms alledging the inconveniency of the season But they considering it as a thing which was earnestly desired by the Spaniards onely that they might get time and draw their Forces together both in Italy and the Valtoline it was hearkned to but by a very few persons nor seconded either by the Cardinal de la Valette or the Marshal of Bassompierre who were both of them well acquainted with the Spaniards Interests and designs the one by his being at Rome and the other in Spain so delivering their opinions against him carried it in conclusion for the war The Cardinal that he might give them the more liberty to speak freely with-drew a little aside and comming near the King testified to him how much he esteemed Peace That it was his opinion alwaies to prefer it before War if it could be obtained with safety to his Majesties honour and reputation and without hazarding the good of the Kingdome which was inseparably united with that of his Allies But that he perceiving nothing in the Legates Proposals which did not undermine both one and t'other and which onely designed the procuring of Glory and advantages to the Spaniard and which tended to the ruine both of France and his Majesty or the detriment of his Allies he could not submit his thoughts to Peace That for his own particular he was more against it for that every one who had never so little acquaintance with the affairs of Spain well knew that their chief drift in forcing the Valtoline out of the Grisons Power was onely that they might bring what Troops they had a mind to into Italy and that by this means they might become Masters of it That this their design was of no small importance to the Crown of France which would have somewhat to do to defend it self from his Arms if he could once bring it to passe For a place once taken on the Borders will serve
to his own Quarter so that after a great attempt there is but small successe The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs have recourse to the Kings Clemency THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel and the Isle of Ree together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced of attempting any thing in Languedoc so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Clemency They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies whom they sent to him to testifie the sense they had of their fault and to assure him of their future fidelity and obedience His Majesty was well pleased with it and the Deputies comming to him at Fonntain Bleau about the end of August whilest the Legate was there there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions which they did not make both in behalf of themselves as also of the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land to which they would not chearfully expose themselves to contribute to his Glory After they had made their speeches they presented the Paper of their Complaints humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it for that they were grounded upon several Graces which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants and several other Grants The King received it and appointed it to be examined Now although the sweetnesse of Peace which charmeth the mind the Poverty of the people and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France did generally invite all the French to wish that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired yet some there were who were divided in opinion what was most fit to be done upon that affair one part conceiving that Rochel having received so great a rebuke and finding themselves without Island without Sea without Souldiers and without Vessels they ought not to let slip such an occasion The reason was that in so doing they should loose a very advantagious opportunity to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths to demolish their Forts and reduce them under the Kings obedience which once done the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined their other Towns disabled to make any resistance and that thus the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts which look on nothing but what is before them and just in their noses but want discretion to look a little further they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe as hath been often seen and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Oleron and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis and in the Country about Rochel but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline That the King could not without dishonour leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began and that in case he should it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline as well as of the rest of Italy where they had already sent their Armes and had also strongly fortified themselves That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots for that a more favourable opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots for that War and Violence did never yet conduce to their Conversion Heresie being like Saffron which grows the faster the more it is trodden under foot that when Heretiques have been burned they have lived like Salamanders in the fire when they have been cast into the Water they have increased like Fishes and when their heads have been cut off they have like Trees put out more new branches then were taken off so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie but onely of the Party which was stil free for the King to do considering the frequent grounds they gave for it for that mutiny was naturalized in them but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength These were the important reasons represented by the Cardinal to the King and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline After the paper of their grievances had been examined his Majesty confirmed to them whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes granting them free Liberty for the exercise of their Religion in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis as being too important for the keeping of Rochel in aw and obedience These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots in the name of all the Hugonot Towns excepting those of Rochel Mountauban Castres and Milhana who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon without any other advantage and without being imployed in Italy according as they desired they intreated his Majesty upon other pretences that he would be pleased to grant some time till their two chief Officers and those four Cities were joyned with them The King granted to them that delay upon condition it were not over long who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken Politique Observation THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom which hath been long breeding so that they may make no more Insurrections be a thing much to be desired yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it according to the state of Affairs of the Kingdom Suetonius Paulinus one of the most experimented Captains of his time made it
appear in an an excellent discourse upon the beginning of the Civil War between Ottho and Vittellius as Tacitus reporteth it that it would be necessary for Vittellius to be diligent but that Orthoes Party would get advantage to execute their designe by delaying of it until they had nothing else to do The Dictator Cneus Sulpitius after a great deal of consideration resolved not to hasten on the War against the Gauls upon this reason that he would not hazard any thing upon an enemy who was every day declining and out of his Countries too Indeed he had endangered himself had he fought when they pressed him to it whereas shortly after he might overcome them with ease He which gives good advice for the State ought not to be blamed for it but the discreet Minister deserveth more praise who not onely knows that it is not enough to consider by the resolutions of State that which is just to be done in the Theory but also that which the time permits and complies with opportunities and necessity The Kings Army in Italy is recruited with six or seven thousand men under the Marquis de Vignolles THough the peace with the Hugonots was not fully concluded yet the Cardinal being informed of the necessity of recruiting the Army in Italy was not defective to procure his Majesty to give orders for it The Marquis de Vignolles was dispatched with six or seven thousand men Who coming into Piedmont with his Forces found the Siedge still before Veriie a small Town upon the Po very slenderly inhabited but defended by a Castle built on a Rock at the end of a little Hill which was none of the worst The Duke of Ferià drawing his Troops out of Ast had brought them up thither hoping for a good success in it But the Duke of Savoy having intelligence of his resolution caused the Marquis de Saint Reyran a Gentleman of Prussia to march up within view of the Spaniards with a thousand Foot and by the advice of the Marshal de Cregny he likewise caused his Army to advance and Incamp at the foot of the Hill in certain Intrenchments which were much stronger then the place it self Above three Moneths were spent in continnual Sallies and Assaults The Duke of Feria intrenched himself to his greatest advantage The Cannon thundred on the place with a great deal of fury and having made at several times six or seven great breaches The Spaniards did as often assault them and were repulsed with a great deal of courage They opened several Mines one of which had seven mouthes which they called the Hydra but every day brought them some misfortune so that they lost more then the besieged In short they got not one foot of land which was not assoon retaken from them In the mean time the ill weather began to come in and the Po to swell up which did not a little perplex them for they were forced to quit one part of their Trenches by reason it was filled with water which brought their Battery into such disorder that most of their Cannon stuck in the Mud and much adoe they had to get them clear off again These disgraces happening to them did much add to the French courage So that on the seventeenth of November the Constable the Marshal de Cregny and the Marquis de Vignolles who was but lately arrived having considered together what was to be done cast their thoughts on those Forts which the Spaniards had in the Plain and resolved to assault them The Constable gave orders for the attaquing of them and the Troops being put into Battalia they began a Combate which lasted above three hours with such heat and success to the French that they carryed all the Forts in a trice In the interim the Duke of Savoy arrived and the enemy having drawn up three great Squadrons of Foot and two of Horse came Matching up in good order against the French to try if they could recover what they had lost but they onely retook one single Fort which was resolved to be quitted and the night coming on ended the Fray in which they lost above two thousand men and the French not above one hundred After this Disaster they being in great want of victuals and having small hopes of being Masters of the place Don Gonsalâ—s de Câ—rdova raised the Seige privately in the night without noise of Drum or Trumpet and without giving the Horse any other signe but by beating certain flint stones one against the other They lost before this paltry Town an Army of forty thousand men Their Commanders lost their honour their Armes got no little discredit by it and it should seem God was pleased to abase the vanity of their glory which hurried them on with extream ambition to the attempting of unjust designs Politique Observation AMbitious Princes can never raise their designs so high as that God who humbleth the Proud and abates their power should exempt them from divine Justice which is pleased to pull down the mighty His Providence doth always confine theâ—r force by keeping their Interests and those of their neighbors in an equal Ballance for the tranquillity of the people He who is born with a fixed and contented mind and is satisfied with those limits which he may justly pretend to and in the protection of his Allies is not subject to these misfortunes Honour and glory never depart from him whereas he who resteth not within his own bounds but attempteth all ways tryeth all means to extend them is usually liable to ruin for that every one runs upon him to oppose his designs and God too is delighted to abase him The divine wisdom cannot be enough admired in this particular which having placed two great Kingdoms near one another maketh the one serve to moderate the ambition of the other and to break the neck of his designs for the preservation of his neighbours It usually endeth in nothing when one shall take from another to enrich himself The divine wisdom doth bound in the ambition of such and brings all their designs that way tending to confusion It is true God is sometimes pleased to chastise a Soveraign and permits another to destroy him but it is but seldom whereas he doth commonly throw down him who raiseth himself upon the ruines of others Darius was so insolent that he caused himself to be stiled the King of Kings but what befell him Did not Alexander whom he had scorned and undervalued take away his Life and Estates too In the same manner it was with Arphaxates King of the Mâ—des who after he had brought divers Nations under his Empire and built the famous City Ecbatan became so proud as to think nothing was able to resist him but how quickly God did let him see the contrary by suffering him to be chastised and conquered by the King of Niniveh How is he delighted to shew by these examples unto Soveraignes that Humility in their conduct is that which makes
their designs subsist and end in glory whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes losses and utter ruin Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither those others which were raised by the Grisons and those which after much ado were sent from Venice he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Cantons of Vry and Vndernal making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it These Recruits arrived very seasonably for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply which gave them the means to execute an enterprise which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the custody of the Albanois and Capelets amongst whom it struck such a terrour that there was no possible means to make them stand to it and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd resolved with the Council of War to retake it and on the seventeenth of October having appointed Pont de Gâ—des for a Rendezvous he gave order for the Assault The Fight was stoutly begun and after two houres continuance the Intrenchments were re-taken which had been formerly lost but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them and with more honour for that they were at that time exceedingly strong After this Expedition was over the Duke of Candale received intelligence that eight hundred foot and four hundred of the Spanish party had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it The Duke mustered his Army the better to know his own forces and so went to invest Chaumont and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon soon made a Breach fit for an Assault and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them who should appear to defend the Breach and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates which forced them in peeces so that two companies of French entred the Town and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition which was that they should march away with their Arms onely and leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town So accordingly they went out and left the Town to the Duke of Candâ—le There remained onely Morbeignâ— to take in the Valtoline and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it but the major part of them alledged and that very judiciously that the place was strongly scituated and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men both within and in the Country thereabouts that it was impossible to shut them up for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come which was the way which they had all their provisions and withall they concluded it was not much material whether they had it or not seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards either to shut up or open the Passes Their advice was followed and their courages submitted to the Laws of Discretion which made it appear that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises Others did wish that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place as afterwards it was done for that it is the most important of all the other places not in relation to the Passages but the securing of the Valley and to keep all the rest in their dutyes for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it for the keeping of it as being the most considerable of all and that once done impossible to be taken Politique observation THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories or the taking of Towns which many times have no dependencie upon them but by their Resoluteness and Constancy which they make appear without the least dread in doing all that can be done to vanquish Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power In the making of War in a Forraign Country it is needful if possible it may so be done to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first especially if it may not otherwise be taken then by a surprise The reason is clear for what ever assault is made elswhere gives an Allarm to the whole Country so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it Let us first seize on Rome said the Enemies of the Roman Empire in Herodatus which is the heart and Castle of the Empire and we shall quickly have the rest with ease The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul untill they had become Masters of Authun which was the chief City and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended And as it 's true that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole so it is likewise most certain that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress hath a curb on the rest so that he may do what he will himself especially if he can but so order his business that he may keep it in his power The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party THese were the most remarkable passages both in Italy and the Valtoline during that year but let us now return to the Affairs at home The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party untill he had conferred with an Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize
some places in Languedoc either that he might get some advantage whereby to make himself the more considerable which might induce the King to give him that employment in Italy which he desired or some other favourable conditions He made an attempt upon Tillet in Albigeois sending five hundred men to surprize it by night but they were stoutly repulsed and forced to retire He had sometime before caused the Towns of Masdazil Pamiers and several others of Foix to revolt from which places he sent out his Scouts who committed great havocks in the plain Country Now the evil treating of the Country people forced the Consuls of some Towns thereabouts to desire the Marshal de Themines to come with his Majesties Army to assist them and make himself Master of those Towns Divers were of opinion that this Proposition ought to be rejected because admitting it should be followed it would leave the Duke of Rohan at liberty to go whither he list whom at that time the Army kept in such awe that he durst not stir a foot or attempt any new design But however the Count de Carmain considering this proffer of the Consuls and in regard they undertook in behalf of the Towns to contribute to the charge of the War and to refresh the Army which was much distressed before Castres he let himself be perswaded by their entreaties to go and assist them and taking some small Forces with him he went and fell on Calmont a little Town near Mazeres from whence several of the Rebels would make frequent excursions and pillage the neighbour Country They endured the siedge onely three daies and then finding themselves ill handled by the Cannon they ran away in the night but the Marquis d' Ambres who was not farre off with his Troop of Light Horse hearing the noise of their flight charged them and cut the most part of them in peeces Shortly after they took six or seven other small places some by storm and some by composition They of Masdazil hearing of these successes began to be afraid and sent for a Pass to the Army to make their Accomodation But the Duke of Rohan found a means to conveigh in some Forces to them which made them resolve to hold out so that they changed their former resolution and defended themselves which drew down the Marshal de Themines and the Count de Carmaine to besiege them On the fifteenth of September the Town was encompassed round about and shortly after the Cannon made a Breach but whilst the Question was in debate for the giving an Assault the Breach was repaired so that a second was made and they within grown very resolute repelled the Kings Army with great loss and that which was worst of all was the Rains falling encreased the River and so filled up the Trenches with water that Siege was forced to be raised which much troubled the Marquis but it was somwhat moderated by that advantage which the Marquis d' Ambres got over the Duke of Rohan's Troop of Light Horse which he killed took and put to flight The Duke of Rohan was much afflicted at the loss of them and seeing that the holding out of Masdazil did not serve his turn for that it would at another time be taken with ease and that the could not make any further good progress he went to the Assembly at Milhaud where he made those of his party send a Courrier to the King to accept of the Articles of Peace which his Majesty had granted to them His Majesty confirmed them though they had rendred themselves unworthy by their new acts of Rebellion But it was necessary so to be for the better opposing of the enterprises of Spain though Rochel was still excepted by reason of the little inclination they had testified of keeping themselves within their duty Politick Observation THE Ambition of Grandees in a State is oftentimes cause of many evils and every one knows that they are the principal motives either to begin or continue a War There is not any excess into which Ambition doth not hurry them to attain those ends which they propose to themselves It loveth none but it self and it will easily violate all the rights of obedience for the procuring of a happy issue to all their designs It never makes a question of the equity of any cause but looketh on the advantages which will follow it if it succeed well Whence it cometh that the first thing it doth is to shut close the eyes against Justice that it may the more confidently begin or continue it's design They who are possessed with this same Ambition never look on any thing but through a false glass which doth still represent things either more specious or bigger than really they are And by this device it so charmeth their thoughts that they begin to presume that Fortune which hath bestowed some favours on them will never forsake them The rash and fond confidence of their own abilities makes them despise any fair overtures of Peace but they ought to remember that Fortune is like a Glass which falls down when a man thinks he hath it fast enough and that God too who delighteth in peace doth often send down upon them those troubles and calamities which they proposed amongst themselves to measure out to others The Huntsman that he may take the Panther knowing that he loveth Henbane hangeth a good quantity of it up in the air somewhat out of her reach whence it happens that she having once seen it never leaves off leaping and frisking up and down untill she become at last so weary that she falls down unable any longer to stand and so dyeth on the place May it not safely be said that Fortune doth the self same thing with Grandees And that she useth the very same artifices to destroy ambitious persons She proposeth advantages to them Victories and Conquests but which are beyond their reach and above their power and knowing this to be the surest way to allure their minds and that for the obtaining of their extravagant ends they will use any endeavours or run into any rash heady attempts she still draweth them further on untill in fine they are forced to sink under the weight of them and meet with their shame and confusion in those designs where they well hoped for Honour and Glory Prosecution of the History IT was matter of astonishment to see the Hugonots so reduced considering the strong resistances which they had made against the King but a few years before and those great Armies which had been kept in Languedoc all little enough to quel them But they who will but reflect on the strange alteration which the Cardinal brought with him will not much wonder at it I might safely say that the Army which he caused to be maintained about Rochel was one cause of it seeing it did in effect keep under the Country of Aunis and Poicton that neither of them durst to stir I could likewise attribute
against them The knowledge he had of her inclination still to conserve that power to her self was a great impediment to his work And the King in whose hands the onely supream power resides was so much the more jealous of it for that it is ordinary with Grandees to be suspitious of their powers and that with so much the more reason for that Justice doth not permit that one should divide the command with them The Cardinal meeting with things in this conjuncture used his utmost industry to overcome the Queen Mothers inclinations being assured that it would be afterwards easie to dissipate those suspitions of the King He insinuated into her soul with all sweetness and address the truth which ought to be the foundation of their good correspondence letting her see that she ought not to think it any strange thing that the King should desire to be Master or that all Affairs were revolved by his order for that by his birth the Laws of the Kingdom did give him that Authority which no one had any right to deprive him of He used indeed his utmost address to impress this truth in her letting her see that she ought not to pretend to any part of it That the King quitting all his suspitions would give her more then she could wish seeing he was so naturally inclined to pay her all manner of respects The Queen Mother who did then much esteem of his counsels did beleeve him and she received such advantages by it that by letting his Majesty see by her conduct that she did no longer think of the Government he restored her into so absolute an Authority that she had all sort of power in the management of Affairs This was a very great advantage procured to her by this grand Minister and which surpassed all those favours which he had at any time received from her Majesty The State too did not receive less profit by it for that this good correspondencie which united the Affections of the King and Queen Mother did put an end to all those Cabals which had formerly divided the whole Nation so that the Forces of it would not now fly out any more into parties but remain entire to oppose the Ambition of Strangers The Cardinal that he might the more confirm this Union and make it the stronger perswaded the King to take Father Suffren for his Confessor who had been so for a long while to the Queen Mother assuring himself that this good person whose soul was so affectionately inclined to Peace replenished with Piety and voyd of Ambition being the Depository of the secrets of their Consciences would not be a little conducing to the dispelling of those little suspitions which might arise between them and that he would have somwhat the more power in regard women are naturally addicted to be perswaded by their Confessors Next to the Queen Mother Monsieur was the most considerable person in affairs as also the most capable to raise Divisions in the Kingdom as many Princes of his Place and Birth had done who not being able to stay for command untill the time prescribed by the Laws both the Nature and the Kingdom run out at the perswasion of those who were near them to seise on the Government The Cardinal therefore was no whit less industrious to tye him too unto the Kings Interests There was no great need of any extraordinary diligence to bring it to pass Justice having infused into him with his birth all those inclinations and dispositions which were proper for him to have towards his Majesty All which the Cardinal very well knew Neither was he ignorant That Princes of his condition are usually carried away from their duties by those who are attending near upon them so that he likewise made himself sure of the Colonel d' Ornano who had the honour to be nearest to his person and upon whose advice Monsieur did more relye then any others Now knowing that this soul naturally ambitious was not to be captivated by other tyes then those of Greatness he perswaded the King to bestow on him a Marshals Staffe of France conceiving that this Qualification would force him to become his Majesties very faithful servant Monsieur the Prince had the honour to be the first of those of the Blood Royal and the Cardinal thought it no lesse expedient to gain him and satisfie his humour by giving him a part in Affairs and the content which he might pretend to in his Interests He had a great conflict with the Queen Mothers spirit but at last with a handsom address he let her see that there could be no certain quiet and repose in the State without a good understanding between the King her son and him and that it was to contribute to his own greatness not to leave the Prince in those discontents whereunto he had been reduced and which might in time carry him on to the making of Cabals and raising of new emotions But whatever reasons he could then alledge she would not be induced to assent to his coming to the Court nevertheless the Cardinal so dealt with the King that his Majesty in some Letters to him gave him extraordinary expressions and testimonies of his Favour sometimes by asking his advice as occasions should present as also by taking a particular care for the expediting of his Affairs which was accordingly effected and the King writing to him assured him of his kindness towards him and desiring his opinion of the Affairs of the Valtoline of the Hugonots and the War of Italy By this he received an entire content and satisfaction so that from thence forward he began to order himself with more affection to his Majesties Inclinations then formerly he had done This strait union which the Cardinal tyed in the Royal Family was an assured foundation of the Nations Peace and cut off all hopes that any troublesome spirits might have to embroyl it Politique Observation THat Minister who would attempt any great designs abroad is bound to settle all at home by a strong uniting of the Royal house The harmony of the prime Qualities is that which preserves our bodies in a convenient health If one should assault the other the Natural Justice is violated and the Union dissolved which once so the whole frame falls to nothing Who knoweth not that the Union of Grandees especially those of the Royal Family is the most sure foundation of Peace and Welfare to a State They may not be disjoyn'd from their King neither may any one of them attempt upon his Crown but Justice will be offended and their Union broken which once so the State is soon exposed to manifold dangers and misfortunes This was the opinion of Misipsa in Salust and Cyrus instructing Cambyses his own Son advised him alwaies to be in friendship with his kindred and to give them such advantages as may content them because it will make him be well beloved by his Subjects who imagine that a Prince who doth not
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of 〈◊〉 were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ—… to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
be forthwith demolished but the Pope made some difficulty of charging himself with the doing of it and onely desired that the Forts might be delivered up into his hands for reparation of the injury which had been dore him as he perswaded himself when as the Marqueis de Coeuvres took them from him and that afterwards he would cause the Spaniards to rase them France did not at all stand upon reâ—â—oring them into the Popes hands but the King would be well assured that the Pope should not deliver them over into the Spaniards hands to be by them demolished to which effect he desired that his Holiness would only send in so many Souldiers that in appearance only they might seem to be Masters which his Holiness would not be drawn to and the Spaniards too disswaded him from it as hoping that when his Holiness should have them in his absolute power they might find some way or other to get them into theirs and so demolish them which many amongst them thought to be very honourable though divers others were of a contrarie opinion as imagining it to be a work ignoble for their Master who had first caused them to be built The Final agreement for the demolishing of the Forts in the Valtoline AFter many contestations off and on the King to end all differences gave full power to the Sieur de Bethune to conclude at Rome with the Pope and Spanish Ambassadours any thing that was reasonable to be do and between them it was at last concluded that the Forts should be delivered into the hands of Torquatus Conty who commanded the Popes Forces that in the mean while the Kings Forces were to quarter in such places as were not included in the deposite That as soon as ever the Forts were delivered up they should presently demolish them That the Arms Artillerie and Ammunitions of war which belonged to the Spaniards should be restored to them and that the discharges being granted his Holiness Forces as also those of the two Kings should withdraw themselves at the same time from the Valley and the Earldoms of Bormio and Chiavâ—nnies These were the principal Articles resolved upon for execution of the Treaty which after it was ratified by the King the Marques de Coeuvres presently trealed with Torquatus Conty and Don Goneales de Cordua whom the Spaniards had sent in Ferra's place as a man more enclined to peace concerning the form of the redemise and demolition of the Forts There were Commissaries likewise appointed for the giving in of true Inventories of the Artillerie Ammunitions of war victuals and the deposit and to make a general discharge which ought to be given to the Pope upon his entrance into those Forts which had formerly been delivered to him in deposit Upon the fifteenth the demolition was began and so many labors came to finish it that in six dayes it was all ended The Marquis de Coeuvres gave order to the Marquis ae Tequiers to retire with his Majesties Forces towards France and his Majesty for a just and worthy recompence of his services bestowed in him the Honour of Marshal de Campo and thus the respect and reference which the two Crowns made to the Pope were an assured means for settling them in peace with one another The Reasons which oblige great Princes to shew an extrardinary honour to the Pope THere are divers Reasons which invite great Princes to pay an extraordinary respect so the Pope They are bound to it by duty seeing as St. Bernard saith he is the high Priest the Soveraign Bishop the Prince of Bishops Heir to the Apostles that he is like Abel in his Priority Noah in his Government Abraham in his Patriarch-ship Melchisedech in his Order Aaron in his dignity Samuel in the excellency of his Judgement St. Peter in the Power which he received from the Son of God seeing he is the cheef of Christians the Shepheard of the people the Rod of the Mighty the Hammer of Tyrants the Father of Kings the Light of the World and the Lievtenant of God upon Earth And who seeth not that all these eminent qualities do make him amongst other Potentates here below the same that the Sun is in comparison of the rest of the Stars And then looking on his Person and beholding the Object whom he doth represent which is no other than God himself ought not every one be perswaded to treat him withall imaginable respects for the love of God the Almighty Lord who governing States by the hand of Providence doth most commonly blesse them in that proportion as Princes respect those for his sake who belong unto him To speak truth this honouring them is a Loadstone which draweth down all kind of blessings from Heaven which conduce to the Happiness of Kingdomes And if neither of the two considerations should be potent enough over the minds of Kings to perswade them to bear a great reverence to the Pope yet in my opinion they are bound to it by a very Politick and considerable reason which is to preserve themselves in Peace For that it hath been alwaies judged necessary that amongst Princes there should be an Impartial chief and a general father of Jesus Christs family who might accommodate their differences and might by his Counsels moderate the violence of those who make unjust attempts and who might unite their Arms and Powers to defend the from the violences of its enemies If it should so happen that the Pope should become contemptible by the little respect which is rendred to him what credit could he have to conclude or effect such things amongst them what esteem could he have to end their differences They might force him to contain himself within the limits of his spiritual jurisdiction without medling in temporal affairs but in the interim the fire of war would often break out amongst them with such fury that both themselves estates would be consumed in the Flames of it Whereas did they but receive his Counsels with respective honour and admit of his perswasions with esteem his dignity would then become venerable amongst them all and he might with ease accommodate their divisions by his allotting to each one what belongeth justly unto him he might restore peace to the Nations and stop the course of all violent proceedings Articles of Peace granted to the Rochelois AS Peace is the most sure Foundation of the happinesse of Kingdomes so the Cardinal was not satisfied to have setled it abroad but indeavoured the procuring it for those of Rochel and to establish it in France both for the greatest good of the people and the highest glory of his Majesty that could be aimed at Hee quickly set on work divers persons of the Town whom he had gained by opening their eyes and who were potent enough with several others to perswade them to follow the example of the rest of their Party So that the Deputies who had been sent by the Assemblies of the Hugonots comming to Court
his obedience if he should faile in that which did belong to him or his part but he was hindred by those of his counsel who represented to him that it was unlawful for him to make any such condition The subtil means which the Cardinal used to joyne the Princes of the lower Saxony into a league with the Auseatique towns against the house of Austria THough Peace was very necessary for France yet it was no lesse needfull to prevent the rising of the house of Austria in Germanie which had usurped the Lands of divers Princes there and oppressed their liberties especially since the Treaty of Vlm For the same reason it was that the King of great Brittaine sending Count Mansfeld with an Army to endeavour the restablishment of his Brother in Law the Palatine his Majesty ayded him with two thousand Horse and a good summe of mony but these Forces were not enough to oppose those of the Emperor but it was requisite to send more and greater England would have engaged the King to have joyned in an Offensive league and declared the war against him but it was improbable his Majesty would hearken to such proposals for that affairs were not in a condition fit for such an attempt so they were rejected But the Prudence of Monsieur the Cardinal which is never deficient in the finding out expedients fit for the greatness his Master and did give life and heat to that designe which the Princes of Germany had heretofore resolved on of putting themselves into the field in defence of their liberty and for the restablishing of those who had been forced out of their States The King who hath a most admirable apprehension to Judg of those counsels which are given quickly conceived the goodness of this and in order therunto he sent about the end of the year last part the Sieur de la Picardiere to the King of Denmark the Princes of the Lower Saxany and the Auseatique Citties His instructions were to represent to the King of Denmark and those other Princes that the King his Master did hear with much joy their resolution to take up Arms for the establishing of the Prince Elector and his Brothers and to repel those menaces wherewith they were threatned and the ancient friendship which had alwayes kept their States in good Union obliging his Majesty to be sollicitous of their Interests had induced him to send a proffer unto them of what ever was within his power They had beseeched his Majesty not to engage himself in any league with Germany without giving them notice of it which he had not only order to assure them of but also to promise them the summe of a Million of livures in two years time and French Troops besides He had moreover express order to excite them to a quick dispatch because experience hath made it evident on a thousand occasions that the successe of most enterprises doth usually depend upon the ready and dexterous excecuting of them and that when as much time is taken in deliberation the most favourable oportunities are lost by it But these reasons were needless for by that time that he came to them he found them with their Arms in their hands and the King of Denmark had already sent some Forces by Sea to joyne with those of the other Princes who began to threaten the Empeour and forced him to send Count Tilly to advance towards them for the opposing of their designs Yet he did not a little heighten their resolution setting them on by proposing to them what a glory it would be to them to restablish their Allyes and also by telling them with oportunities of advantage they had against the Emperours Forces who were but weake and much dispersed by reason of the warres in Italy and the Valtoline whereas their Army was fresh and numerous and all their Forces met in a Body together He had particular order not to demand any thing in prejudice of the Catholiques His Majesty having no other end in his intentions but the setling the Liberties of Germany and the restating of those Princes Who had been clapt out of their States And whereas of lower Saxony is composed of several Auseatique Citties as well as Princes which Towns and Citties were no lesse against the war then the Princes were for it by reason their Traffick was into Spain and they much suspected least if they should declare against the house of Aâ—stria the Spaniard would then stop their Ships and break their Trade He was commanded to visit them in his progresse and to perswade them to associate themselves with the Princes in the league as also to contribute toward the maintenance of the Army and to represent to them that in case they should refuse to joyne in the designe they would then run a very great hazard least the King of Denmark fall upon them who had an old grudg to them and only wanted such a pretence to be upon them especially now that he had his Arms in his hand and that if he should be to weak to force them he might however easily enough ruin their Trade particularly that of Danzik and Lubâ—c and of other places too by stopping up the straight of the Zound by which their Ships must necessarily passe and also that of Hambourg and Breme by building some Forts on the Rivers Elve and Vezel which do belong unto him That in case such a misfortune should befal them all their Allyes would undoubtedly abandon them That the King of Spain could not assist them he being to far off that he had not one Ship upon that Sea and that as for himself and the King of great Bâ—ittâ—ige they could not in consideration of the King of â—enâ—ark take care or notice to hinder the Hollanders from seizing on their vessels between Calis and Dover which should make any voyadge into Spain which being so their Commerce would be for ever ruined and decayed so that it would bee much better for them to league themselves with the Princes which if he should do his Majesty would undertake their protection against all their enemies and that the King of England and Hollanders too would give them the same assistance These were the chief Instructions which the Sieur de la Picardier received and all which he effected with so great judgement and good successe that he he went not from them untill he had seen their Army march into the field and perswaded the Auseatique Towns to joyn in League with the Princes This was not a work of small importance for the resolution of this Enterprize was one of the chief motives which induced the Spaniards to conclude the Treaty of Mouson forced them to abandon the Valtolinâ— and to relinquish the designs which they had in Italy and leave all the rest of the Allies of France remain in peace and quiet His Majesty testified to him that he was well pleased with his conduct and management of the businesse for carrying on to that
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâ—ise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
burned by the Hangman That for reparation of such a proceeding the said Bishop should be sent Prisoner under a safe conduct to Paris That his Benefices should in the mean time remain in his Majesties hands and that he should pay ten thousand Livres fine for his said fault The Judgement was put in execution with the usual form excepting onely as to the Bishops being sent to Paris so that he resolving not to suffer himself to be thus despoiled of his Goods thought his best course to send to the King to pacifie him for his rashnesse as also he gave order to one of his Vicars to absolve the Sieur Guillet and to license the going on of the Fortifications Politique Observation AMongst the sundry Priviledges which our Kings bestow on those whom they call to their service one of the most just and ancient is that they may not be Excommunicated by the Prelates for such actions as they do in discharge of their duties There need no other evidence of it but reason it self and the order established by God between the Spiritual and Temporal Power which is such that either reserving himself within his prescribed bounds ought not to attempt upon the others Power And doth not History furnish us with divers examples which are as so many proofs in this particular I have seen an Act resolved by an Assembly selected in Normandy dated the year twelve hundred and five which containeth that no Arch-Bishop or Bishop may Excommunicate any Barons Bayliffs or Serjeants without his Majesties permission and the Arch-Bishop of Roijen thereupon promised his Majesty in the year twelve hundred and seventeen not to excommunicate any of his Officers without his consent The Bishop of Chartres in the year thirteen hundred sixty nine having attempted to Excommunicate the Kings Officers at Manto was condemned by a Judgement to recall the Excommunication or lose his Temporal Goods which were taken into Custody The Official of Roijen in the same manner too having thundred out an Excommunication against one of the Kings Bayliffs in the year thirteen hundred and seventy who refused to deliver a Clerk to him whom he had taken Prisoner in coloured cloaths was condemned by a judgement of the same nature to take off his Excommunication And was not a Cardinal Bishop of Mans condemned by an Arrest in the year one thousand four hundred sixty and five to absolve those Officers of his Majesty whom he had attempted to excommunicate with an inhibition not to attempt the like any more hereafter The Parliament of Grenoble approving of the Cardinal de Clermonts power who was the Popes Legate in Avignon in the year fifteen hundred and sixteen declared That the Kings Officers who were in his jurisdiction should not be any ways liable to Ecclesiastical censures or interdictions And when the Bishop of Castres excommunicated two Councellours of Tholouse in the year one thousand five hundred sixty six was he not adjudged to pay ten thousand Livres fine and to repeal his Excommunication besides And of latter time when the Cardinal de Sourdis attempted to excommunicate certain Counsellours of the Parliament Anno one thousand six hundred and six his Temporalties were seized on and himself condemned by Arrest of the said Parliament to call in his Excommunication It were easie to alledge many more like examples But besides though there are proofs enough to convince that this priviledge doth really belong unto the Kings Officers It is expresly said in the Arrest against the Bishop of Chartres made on the year thirteen hundred sixty nine and in those Articles proposed to the Assembly Anno fiteen hundred eighty three at St. German en Lay that they have injoyed it time out of mind Neither is this priviledge particular to them alone for Matthew Paris saith in the life of Hâ—nry the second King of England that the King of Englands Officers could not be excommunicated unlesse the Prelates had first obtained his Majesties leave for it Anno 1627. The Insolent Revolt of the Rochelois EVERY one verily beleeved considering the Peace concluded with the Spaniards and Hugonots That France which had a long while like a floating Vessel been Weather beaten would now cast Anchor in a quiet setled Harbour It was every mans hope now to injoy the fruits of so many labours and that the Clouds passing away would make room for Serene Calms But just as it was going to this Port the Hugonots and most of the neighbour Princes appeared on the shore to prevent its settlement on Land They raised new stirs they cast up Shelves of sand upon one another and beat the Waves with such violence and fury that the end of one storm was but the beginning of another and that a greater then the former Those of Rochel having been of late accustomed to live in an insolent licentiousnesse could not indure to see the Articles of Peace which the King had accorded to them put in execution and Rebellion had taken so deep rooting in their minds that the yoke of Obedience was become insupportable to them they could not permit that the Rules of Commerce observed over all France should be taken notice of amongst them The cutting off of that absolute authority which they had made use of in the Isles of Ree and Oleron and other places bordering upon their City was looked on as an outrage the excercise of the Catholique Religion being settled amongst them was esteemed as a great slavery and as a rigorous constraint imposed upon that whereof they made profession They complained of those Souldiers in Fort Lewis and the Isles of Ree and Oleron left there only to prevent their relapsing into their former insolencies as a most insufferable tyranny They resented his Majesties Commissaries Acts in order to the execution of the Treaty as so many unjust attempts upon their Liberties and would needs have it be believed that the continuation of Fort Lewis was a breach of those promises which had been made to them These were the Chief complaints which they every where spred abroad These were the Griefs which filled their Manifests These were the Motives which they made use of to perswade the rest of the Hugonot Towns to revolt to form themselves into a Commonwealth and to obtain that by force from his Majesty which with Justice they could not expect But these complaints were made with little reason for that subjects cannot pretend any thing for their attempting on their Kings authority and accordingly the answer which they could have when they had the boldness to present them either to his Majesty or his Minister was That being born subjects to his Majesty they neither ought or could pretend to any exemption from the Laws of obedience That their complaints of violencies offered to their Religion was groundless for that they had a full liberty of conscience under his Majesties protection and that all such as troubled them in it were chastised as disturbers of the publique Peace That true it was
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâ—ous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
ravenous according to Pliny that having seized upon one Prey and discovering another he presently leaveth his first and pursueth his second game though he be uncertain of taking it He who would undertake a war without being absolutely necessitated to it doth not he do the same thing doth he not hazard the pleasures and certainties of Peace to obtain victories by his Arms which by the opinions of all Wise men depend rather upon Fortune then Valour He who designs anothers ruine is himself often included in it and that Prince who would blemish his Neighbours reputation doeth often find his own exposed to those disgraces which he had provided for others He doth not only exhaust his own Treasures but maketh himself hated by his subjects in drawing from them contributions for the carrying on of his war in leading them to slaughter and exposing his Country to ruine for that the divine Providence is well pleased to chastice arrogances and Publique in Justice and raiseth such a flame as may destroy perchance his own Country instead of his Neighbours The flames of war are not so easily extinguished as lighted and many Grand Monarchs designing to employ them for the subversion of others have only raised them for the last piles of their own glory and Honours It is no lesse unjust to raise a war not necessitated to it then infamous to remain within dores when the Publique Interests oblige the undertaking of it The King animated by the save Counsels of the Cardinal resolves on the siege of Rochel THe Cardinal must of necessity have had lesse courage and zeal for his Majesties service then hitherto he had expressed longer to have â—…ted the Rochelois to go away unpunished for their insolent mutinies Sâ—… Grand Minister who was eminently endued with those two admirable qualities openly told the King who chanced to discourse with him upon that affair that there was not any reason longer to put up their indignities and that he thought it expedient for him to make use of his Arms for the curbing in of the Insolence of those Rebels who hourly disturbed the Repose of his Country He briefly represented to him the several insurrections which the Hugonots had of late years raised up in the Kingdom That of all the Towns Rochel was the support of their Revolts as also the fierbrand which Forrain Princes made use of to enflame the Kingdom with war That that one City was an obstacle to the undertaking of any great designs That it was a shame to see those Edicts how just or necessary soever not regarded or observed in their City That it served for a Road to discontents and a retreat for Rebels That Peace could never be certainly established in the Kingdom nor abroad whilst that place was in a condition to second a Faction That France could not be in security from strangers whilst that place was in its own power to set open their Gates and on the contrarie that there was reason to hope for a happy and prosperous Peace that place being once disarmed and their Forts reduced to nothing by which they would be forced to live in their obedience This discourse once ended it was no hard matter to resolve his Majesties inclinations for the reducing them to the rules of obedience by a potent siege especially seeing he was not of so little courage as to suffer such obstacles and indignities unpunished any longer But though it were regretful longer to suffer it yet it was no lesse difficult to prevent it The reason he had to puniâ—h them was apparently visible but the means how to do it not easily found out But as difficulties serve only to augment great courages who are carried on by any extraordinary sense of glory so the King animated by the generous Counsels of the Cardinal fixed upon the Resolution of making strong preparations for the siege of it I shall moreover say That the Cardinal knowing that no one ought to shut his eyes in dangers but rather to look upon them exactly to consider them and if possibly apply preventive remedies to overcome them so he did not disguise any thing to the King which might happen in the siedg He represented to them the strength of the Hugonot party grounded upon many strong places fortified with intelligence from abroad cemented by the Interests of divers Grandees of the Kingdom and supported by their own Forces that whatever the Precedent Kings had gained in many Battailes and a long tract of various war served only to make Treaties of Peace which are as so many marks of their uncomptrouled insurrections He desired him to remember the Ambition of Grandees the Passion of Ministers the insolencies of them of this Faction their Plots Cabal and animosities and he clearly told him That it was the more necessary to remove all these obstacles with his very utmost power in regard if he did not instead of healing it would fester the wound and diminish instead of making his Arms more considerable But withal he assured him that in case his Majesty thought fit to do his utmost upon this rebellious place there was reason to hope for a good successe seeing he had Peace with Germany and no enemy to divert him the English only excepted who at that time were not strong enough to be much feared That in case any one should attempt upon France there might however be means found out to put off or hinder their designs which being so he did not find any difficulties but what were under his own power That the Sea Port of this City might be blocked up if he would go to the Charge of it and that making a line about it with Forts and Redouts all hopes either of men or victuals would be cut off from them That bringing good store of vessels which might be drawn out from several ports of France the English attempts in case their Fleet should arrive would be to no purpose seeing his Majesties Ships would be all under the shelter of his Forts and Batteries which might be raised at the mouth of the Channel by which means Rochel would in a little while be reduced to necessity forced to deliver upon mercy and then so ordered that they should never be in a condition but of obeying for the Future Theâ—e considerations were laid down with so much discretion and proposed with such clearness that his Majesty could not be ignorant of the just grounds he had to hope for a good successe in his design upon this City So he resolved about the beginning of the year to go on with it and his whole thoughts were bent upon the preparations for the siedg though it were very secretly carried that they might have no suspition of it before all things were ready for to assault the place The Cardinal caused almost exact Plat-form of Rochel to be drawn out and of all the adjacent places He saw all their Forts their Form height and bigness the breadth and depth of their ditches
needs meet him with his Sword in his hand Not a day how holy soever but he would profane by his Duels no place how publique soever which he would not bath with the blood of some one or other so little reckoning did he make of the Kings Prohibition after the comming out of the Edict he had fought with the Count de Thorigny and slain him about the end of the foregoing year and the begining of this he had another Duel with la Frete where his second was killed which quarrels of his were so much the less to be connived at in regard those of the best quality were still parties in it So the King resolved to punish him which he having notice of withdrew himself into Flanders where he found means to perswade the Archduchess to Interest her self in his affairs upon the score of the Damoizelle de Montmorency her favorite who writ to his Majesty to beg his pardon The King took advice of his Confessor and as there was no reason to forgive such offences so he counselled him not to grant it and made it evident to him that he could not do it with a safe conscience but that his Majesty might not seem totally to deny the Infante he sent her word that at her request he should not be questioned for what was past provided he came not either to Paris or the Court. This was as much as a Just Mercy could well do But the same fury which had formerly ingaged Bouteville in those quarrels did so provoke him upon his Majesties denial of a total pardon that he openly vowed he would ere long fight in Paris nay and in the Place Royal it self accordingly not long after thither he came and having given notice of it to the Marquis de Beuuron with whom he had a quarrel that he was ready to give him satisfaction for those differences between them which he had not the liberty to do in Flanders whither Beuuron had come to find him out by reason of the promise which he had ingaged to the Infante not to fight on any of her Territories So they made choise of the Place Royal for their combats where being met three against three Bouteville des Chapelles and La Berte against Beuvron Bussi d' Amboyse and Bouquet they fought and Beuvron was killed out right by Chapelles La Barte desperately wounded by Bouquet and Bouteville with Beruuron close grapling together with a good will to be at it with their daggers but having cast away their Swords it is reported how in this equality of advantage they mutually asked one anothers life to go part their friends This was all that could be got from their neglecting the Kings will and the fury which led them to entertain such detestiable offences The King heard of it and soon after that Bussy's Mother had arrested Bouteville by a Gentleman of hers and des Chapelles at Vitry from whence they were conducted to safe Custodie to Paris and there delivered over to the Parliament to be proceeded against his Majesty having absolutely refused to shew them any favour though their kindred made great requests for it and at last their heads were struck off at the Greve by order of the Parliament Politique Observation HE who defendeth the wicked and he who offendeth the good are both in equal abomination before the Lord as Salomon saith in his Proverb 's I should therefore submit to that of St. Chrisostome who saith That as Justice without Mercy is not Justice but cruelty So Mercy without Justice is not Mercy but extream rashness It were not lesse improper to pardon all Crimes then to use on all occasions the extremity of Justice Both ought to be moderated by discretion without which there are as many inconveniences which will follow gentleness as severity Philip advised his son Alexander to be very courteous to his subjects whilst he was not King for it would not be fit for him to use so great indulgence towards them when as he should arrive to the Throne Judging with great wisdome that it is impossible for him who ruleth to treat all with clemency not only because the Interest of his subjects doth sometimes compel him to be severe but also because unlesse he punish the wicked it will be a dimination of his own authority The Heathens say Jupiter himself cannot raign without Justice And Plutarch in the Life of Demetrius saith nothing is more becoming a Prince then the excercise of this vertue and doth not Solomon who is much more authentique say The Throne of a King is established by Justice St. Cyprian in his Tract of the twelve abuses saith the Justice of the King is the Peace of the people the Nurse of Children the defence of the Country the comfort of the poor and himself the hope of Heaven to come And if a Soveraign ever may make use of it he ought not to let it lye idle when it sends to the purging of his Court from such seditious companions as engage his nobles daily to cut one anothers throats It is a Crime more then Brutal for the instinct of nature forbideth beasts to fall upon one another It is reported that Neurians are Wolves one six mouths of the year men t'other six mouths but I should with more Justice imagine their swash bucklers not to be men at all but that by their greediness of spilling mans blood that are beasts Wolves and Tigres all their lives Their courage is not courage but a fury which hurrieth them on to dip their hands in their brothers blood not a courage but a Rage which maketh them madly expose their bodies to death and their souls to damnation It is not any just Law of Arms which obligeth that to be thus barbarous but a Devilish Charm which deprives them of their reason The foolish passion of an imaginary honour which animateth them is a monster begot by vanity brought up by fury and nourished by blood as it is said of that in Habacuc the greatest the noblest and most courageous serve it for a prey What apparency of reason can there be alledged for renuing the old Butchery of Haman flesh before the images not of a Moloc a Saturn but a vain fantasie of honour What Justice to tollerate that which God hath so expresly forbid and condemned to be punished with death which heaven abhors which the Laws detest and which is only worthy of Hell fier But above all things it ought not to be permitted when committed in dirsion of the Regal authority for once admitting a Kings power to be trampled on the next thing which follows will be the peoples revolt and a general confusion in the whole Kingdom The King of England's and divers other Princes endeavours to divert the King from his resolution against Rochel THough the design of besieging Rochel were kept very secret yet some little suspitions there were of it which allarumd all the neighbouring Princes The English who had already concluded upon
De Nostre Dame des Ardelliers The King knew that victory was the gift of Heaven that it is rather Gods than the Souldiers hands which procure it and that men do in vain attempt if not favoured by his providence He commanded publique prayers to be made over all Francâ— for the imploring of Gods assistance He rested one day at Saumer where he fasted with such devotion and confidence that every one hoped for an happy successe from his fervent prayers Neither was it in vain for shortly after Audouin got into the besiedged Cittadel the newes whereof came to his Majesty then at Niort upon the 9 of October from whence he forthwith departed toward Rochel Politique Observation AS God is the Authour so his Providence is the Governour of Kingdomes His wisdome is an all seeing eye to look into whatever is necessary for them and his hand is omnipotent to provide all waves for their glory That Creature which is born in the Sea finds his livelihood there The Tree which grows on the earth is nourished there The Fruit which owes it's birth to the Tree owes also it's maturity The Sun compleateth the Gold which he formeth and thus States established by God ought to expect all their happiness and good successes from his providence That is it which infuseth into Kings the knowledge of what is proper to be done both in Peace and War It is he who holdeth the hearts of all subjects in his hands who inspireth them with respects due to their Authority and keepeth them in obedience How easily can God humble at his own pleasure the minds of Rebels abate their Fury pull down their courage and force them to live within their limits And is he not the God of Battailes too who bestoweth victory where he pleaseth defendeth Justice by the Arms of the Souldier striketh terror amongst his Enemies and many times gives greater successe then reason and the means would admit to be hoped for To him it is Kings ought to have recourse in matters of concernment David never went to war but he consulted with God Constantine the Great in that war which he made with the Persians caused a little Oratory in form of a Church to be carried with him that in it he might do his devotions and every Legion had its Templum Mobile wherein the Priests and Deacons said Masse to implore Gods assistance By Prayers is Peace continued and Enemies by it are overthrown Every Prince who is ingaged in any great enterprise is bound to believe it and to have recourse to God by Prayers by works of Piety and Religion assuring themselves upon his promise of giving them what ever they shall heartily request because he is just and will be near them who shall call upon him that he will fulfill their desires who fear him Exalt the faithful who hope in him and keep those who love him Ree is relieved UPon the Kings arrival all thoughts were bent to execute the resolution taken at Paris to send a strong relief into Ree not only that the English might be forced from the siedge but quite driven out of the Island The Kings courage would have carried him to go fight his enemies in person at Sea but the Cardinal and his Generals by their intreaties foreseeing into how great danger he run perswaded him to the contrary His Majesty would not by any means give leave that the Cardinal should go but desired he might stay behind to take the Chief care of sending the relief upon him it being easie to judg that if his counsels were so succesful in his absence he might obtain by his presence what ever could be desired Hereupon the Cardinal commanded that some of the vessels designed for the business should be made ready with whatever was necessary for the sick and the sound with store of Munition and the day following the Sieur de Beaumont commanded them to Fort Delapree which place the English did not much secure for they had victuals sufficient for six months for one hundred men that kept it the same day he likewise sent order to Oleron for the conveighing part of the Regiment of Plessis-Prasilin to begin certain Trenches and to draw certain lines and redoubts about the port which might favour the comming of the great relief They all got safe in and lost not a man this good successe put the rest of the Souldiers in heart who were to passe thither Without loosing more time the Duke of Orleans was sent by the King to Plumb that he might put aboard the Ships Le Sieur de Canaples seven hundred men of the guard the Regiment of Beaumout some Voluntiers and good store of Munition who though he were then only eighteen year old yet disposed all things so prudently as if experience had made him grow old in arms After the five and twentith of October the King who knew the names and persons of most of his old Souldiers had filled up all the Troops the Masters of the Camp Captains and all the rest who were to go His Majesty knew that it is not the number which gets the victory but courage and therefore he would not have one man amongst them of whom he had not some experience These Forces commanded by the Sieur de Canoples came all safe within two howers to the Fort De La Pree The aire was of a light fire with the shot which were made at them but not a Ship persued them so they received no losse St. Previll seeing them approach went out to discover who they were and told the Sieur de Canoples that the enemy informed of their imbarking were in ambush behind certain old houses with intention to fall upon them at their Landing hereupon he commanded the Sieurs de Fourille de Malicy de Tilladat and de Porcheus presently to Land their Souldiers he shewed Serjant Major Brierees the several Posts where every one should be and gave orders for the fight The Duke of Buckingham who commanded in his own person hearing the noise of their landing drew out his Forces into three divisions and leading them towards the Port they were not discovered until they came just upon the Kings Forces and that only by the light of their Matches so dark was the night Tillades's Chief Serjant who led on the forlorne hope first espying them gave them a salute which laid some of them on the ground however the rest came on The Sieur de Canoples seeing them not above fifty paces from Fourilles Squadron resolved after he had proposed it to the other Captains to fall on them which put an end to the business Fourille went up and that so near them that not a Musquet was shot off but at push a Pikes The two Battalions of the French and English discharged at the same time the fight grew hot Both Commanders and Souldiers were at emulation with one another to shew that it was not without reason the King had made choise of them in this occasion
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
from all parts and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagernesse every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth and their Ships mooved with a fair Gale came up toward his Majesties Fleet about Cannon distance turned about their Ships and discharged their Broad-sides the like did the Rochellois and the Kings Ships were not long before they set out to receive them where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe they had lesse resolution now then they had lately shewen at the I le of Re that which most of all troubled them was they were not ignorant with what obstacles they were to encounter in the Channels that they were to break through three Rayles two of Vessels floating on the Sea and linked together by Chains and Anchors and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank the Channel too was covered all over with Vessels full of Souldiers and Voluntiers of the Nobility all eager of fighting with them besides they were to avoyd the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore by the Bank al these difficulties made them dispair of doing any good upon it and that time the water was too low for their Ships in which their chief strength consisted and their design could not be excused but at high-water because when the Sea began to ebb their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Majesties great Guns insomuch that all things duely considered they concluded it impossible for them to break thorough On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out and do miracles did not appear at all for they had found that it would be impossible to make way thorough to the Bank there being so many Vessels full of Souldiers Volunteers to be fought with insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of anger and what out of despair resolved to draw off many complaints he made against the Rochellois as that they had deceived the King his Master in assuring him that it was easie to passe into their Port and not informing him of those obstacles which he was to provide against and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships Vessels to fight with his Souldiers but yet al his complaints could not secure him from being much blamed all that he did before his going off was he had sent out a Fire-ship with Petards and the like from which he expected great matters as that it would burn all the Ships it came neer but it happene to work sooner then his enginers imagined so that they being unable to get of the Barque which was fastened to it they burnt their Vessels and themselves without any relief or succour Politique Observation IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people or to build any designe upon their promises They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes of which being despoiled they have present recours to such from whom they can expect assistance without considering into how great disasters and to what little purpose they engage them They want fore-cast to prevent those inconveniencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends and they judge of events by their own desires rather then by the rules of War They never misdoubt of a good successe in that which they wish with passion as nothing is so dangerous as rashnesse which carrieth people blindfold into disasters so they frequently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee and in it ruine all those whom they have perswaded to become companions of their enterprises Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles who being discontented with his own Countrey perswaded him to a War against Greece where being arrived he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him whereby he came exposed to many dangers Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's It neither defended him from the discredit and blame nor saved him those expences which he had bin at In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our Kings Generals in Italy let himself be guided by Bentivoglio in the assalting of Boulognea from whence he had bin banished upon the hopes he gave him that the Citizens and Nobility would revolt but being come before it he was forced to retire with dishonor all those promises of Bentivoglio which were founded more upon his passionate desire than reason being vanished into that ayr which gave him the first conceipts of them I might add for another reason the facility wherewith a people revolted do submit to their soveraigns when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designes For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run neither have they generousnesse enough to observe their promises made upon any accompt whatever Thus Alexander King of Epire invaded Italy upon some assurances which a revolted people called the Lucani at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples had given him of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdome and that they would never forsake him but he soon found it quite otherwise For they having made their Peace with the rest of their Country-men to enjoy their goods and liberties upon condition that they slew him forthwith fell upon him and by an extream breach of Faith killed him which might serve all Princes to beware how they credit a revolted rebellious people both because they will usually promise more then they can perform feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assistance and last of all if they find it for their advantage make their own accommodation and leave those whom they engaged with them to shift for themselves The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel resolve to depart THE sodain departure of the English pass'd for a miracle not only amongst the most Religious but the wise too and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven it self did fight against them and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Justice And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sayl from England with undanted courages resolve to consume whatever should oppose them and on a sodain seized with fear insomuch that their Armes seemed to drop out of their hands and they could not be perswaded to fight was it not indeed a real miracle that on the third night after their arrival in the Road of the Chef de Bay the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out according as had bin assigned between them should presently turn about and that just as they were at the Oar was it not I pray an absolute miracle that when at another time
to the Kings Fleet might cover them and give the English means to passe the Channel But his Majesties small Boats went to the Fire-ships at the mercy of the great shot seized on them and diverted their execution onely losing one man without any greater hurt and the Vessels which followed them durst not advance which the English Fleet seeing and how much the Forts did trouble them they drew off to the Road not without great disoder leaving the Rochelois to despair Neither was this the onely mis-fortune that befell them for at that very instant so great a storm arose that they were forced to let themselves be carried at the mercy of the wind The English finding how unlikely they were to do any good proposed under hand that some accommodation might be made they thought it would bee more advantagious to retreat after the making of a Peace then to run the hazards of a worse successe Monsieur the Cardinal desired his Majesty to observe that his onely aim being the taking of Rochel this accommodation would much contribute to it for then the Rochelois would remain without any succour at all which induced him to give ear to those Proposals which should be made But their souls being yet exasperated the Peace could not so suddenly be resolved on and all the conferences which were had to that purpose ended in a Cessation of Arms for some few dayes Politique Observation ALbeit they who have been once vanquished in War may recover the advantage which they have lost either when their forces are recruited with a sufficient strength or when shame shall excite their courages yet so it is that when neither of these two conditions happen there is a great reason to apprehend the successe of their second attempt Fortune hath sometimes smiled on those who formerly never saw but her frowns but after she hath been once and again discourteous it will be needfull to imploy more force and greater courage for she is a professed friend to the bold and prudent Great Routs are attended with dangerous consequences whence Titus Livy speaking of a certain faction of Marcellus against Hannibal at Nola said that it was much more difficult to worst an Army fleshed in Victory then that which begins to lose its credit He gives the same reason for that victory which the Romans under the command of Consul Manlius obtained against the Gauls in Asia where he saith that as Victories do heighten the courage of the Victorious so they do much abate that of the vanquished and withall the Victorious are desirous onely to fight as may be observed in the example of Pompey's Souldiers after the advantage which they had of Caesar as Plutarch reporteth upon the life of Pompey whereas they who are worsted are hard to be drawn to the Battel for being seised with their usual fear and the most part of them fighting by constraint they behave themselves with so little mettle that they are easily overcome a second time Thus the Duke of Guise returning from Italy after the Battel of St. Laurence to command those French Troops which had been rallied and new listed writ to his Majesty that he had more ado to put them in heart and courage then to beat the victorious enemy and therefore he judged it necessary before he hazarded a second Battel to cure them of their first baffle by getting some little advantage upon the enemy an advice which he well knew how to execute as he did in the taking of Calais Guines Thionville The Deputation of Montague to the King from the Earl of Denbigh General of the English Forces DUring the cessation of Arms the French Rebels who were in the English Fleet finding they had lost their courages and despaired of forcing the passage concluded themselves utterly lost without obtaining the Kings grace To which purpose they beseeched the Earl of Dexbigh to employ his power with their King in the behalf of his Master the Earl of Denbigh thought it reasonable and upon deliberation had with the Officers of the Army what was fit to be done to procure them this satisfaction they agreed to send Montague to his Majesty in the behalf of the King their Master to endeavour the making their peace for them Mâ—â—tague came to his Majesties quarter and having audience declared that he was sent from the King of Great Brittain his Master to begge a pardon for the Rochelois that he would be pleased to promise them the liberty of their conscience to forgive the Sieur de Soubize and the Comte de La Val and to give quarter to those English which were in Rochel The King answered them that as for those of Rochel they were his own subjects and that the King of England need not intermeddle in their interest and as for the English who were there in garrison that they should receive the like usage as the French prisoners in England yet his Majesty received him with a great deal of honour shewed him the Forts of the Camp the Batteries the Bank the Pallisadas and the range of Vessels which over-spread the Channel The truth is it was not done so much to gratifie him as that upon the relation of what he had seen the rest of his party might be discouraged from making any further attempts After he had been an eye-witnesse of those things he returned to England to the King his Master to reduce him to some accommodation A Treaty between the King and the Rochelois THE Cessation of Arms being expired the English to testifie it was not out of fear that they retreited or had made those proposals renewed the fight on the twenty third of October which lasted above two houres yet all this while had they not the courage to come up to his Majesties Fleet whereupon those French who were with them resolved to send some Deputies to the King in their behalf to cast themselves at the Kings Feet and to emplore his mercy First of all they sent four to Monsieur the Cardinal who humbly requested him that he would be pleased to obtain the Kings favour and grace for them which they heartily beseeched with all real acknowledgements of their faults The Cardinal answered them he would speak to his Majesty concerning it and commanded they should be kindly entertained and put into some place apart that they might not enter into discourse with any one The King was easily perswaded to grant them what they demanded the Cardinal having told him how necessary it was to win them off from the English which if he could once bring to passe the English would withdraw of their own accord and leave Rochel to shift for it self He then acquainted them how his Majesty had granted them the mercy and favour which they had beseeched of him yet however he thought good that two of them should remain with him whom he would make use of as I shall hereafter declare for the regaining of the Rochelois to their former duties and
obedience Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English and that they died by thousands of the famine made divers proposals of accommodation Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves and had obtain'd the Kings pardon that the English finding it impossible to force the Bank relieve them had interceded for them that they had moreover sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty who had kindly received him that thereupon he was return'd into England to encline the King his Master to hearken to an accommodation and that things being thus they had no other hopes but to die by famine if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults This news gave an Allarum to the whole City The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine as well as the poor having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none upon hopes of the English relief that death made an harvest of them that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves or carry them insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards and there to let them rot that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye hereupon the rest of the people languishing and touched to the quick with the remembrance or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles resolved to try their fortune to appease if possible the Kings just indignation by imploring his mercy They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty which upon his Request was graunted But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal to whom they went with an unspeakable joy therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy but miserably to dye by famine his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence till he was Master of the Town They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace still relishing of their former mutinie This grand Minister declared to them they must not think of any other conditions than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf so they returned promising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it as much as in them lay testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys After this meeting they published all over the Town how kindly the Cardinal had entertained them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them which he had for those with the English whose Deputies they had spoken with conjuring every one to accept of it The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies animated them by the hopes of glory which they should obtain by dying for the liberties of their Religion so they could not presently resolve to surrender to the Kings mercy but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour that they might choose a Mayor and Sheriffes and generally the preservation of their priviledges to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro but Monsieur de Cardinal who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them They must either all dye by famine or submit to his Majesties discretion This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon to assure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him without demanding any other conditions then what his Majesty should please to give them and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech which was all to that purpose The King graunted them the pardon which they desired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands but first they were to swear never to bear Arms against his Majesties service Politique Observation THough Rebels have been so stout as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mercifully then severely with them It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are unconquered to reason This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever whereas too too strict severity drives to despair I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes but where they have endured the miseries which accompany long siedges Then I must confesse it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors unconceiveable miseries of many moneths for then a true courage is rather touched with compunction than revenge The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries whom they had vanquished Marcellus having mastered Syracusa and considering the ruine to which it was reduced could not forbear weeping Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him whatever War he had made against the Roman people but raised
refuse them but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty and that he would assist them with his Arms against any that should pretend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice They received this Declaration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin but that was not the onely difficulty in the execution of the Treaty The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines did presse his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage they that they ought to be established in the right of Soveraignty over the Valtoline The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year 1617 excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty to wit the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thousand crowns The other were animated by the Spaniards that they ought absolurely to be exempted from the Soveraignty of the Valtolines without being obliged to any other duty then the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns who should freely declare their sence of it His Majesty had oftentimes by his Embassadours requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law that they might make a Declaration together for the quiet of that people but the Spaniard who onely sought advantage from their division delayed the Embassadour so long that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty which implied that not onely the Treaties made at Lindaw Coire and Milan should be void and of no effect but withall that conformably to the second Article the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in in the year 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Soveraignty which they that year had over the Valtolines and the said Comtes and that consequently it belonged to them alone and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace Alliances War to coin monies to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Countries to imposeTaxes Contributions and the like and that the Valtolines could onely pretend to the Justice and Civil government which for quietnesse sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties to the end they might live in Peace but with order however not to deliver it untill both parties had agreed to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it as also not to discover it to one or other if he imagined both of them would make any difficulty to receive it that he might not put his royal authority into their hands This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinals Prudence who knew that a Kings authority ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined perswaded his Majesty to commit the execution of it to his Embassadours discretion The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs which the Spaniards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him did not propose it in publick to have their common approbation of it onely gave his Majesty notice of what he had done who approved of it and left the deciding of those differences untill such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause Politique Observation PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers and that thereupon it is necessary to commit many things to the Embassadours who are with them in the behalf of his Master and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him It is a commendable discrecion to be perswaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself whereas they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption upon their own parts do usually commit their Masters authority to the inconsideratenesse and inconstancy of neighbours expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders and in fine leave them without effect For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they imployed were it in Peace or War Caesar upon his resolution for an expedition into England gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus to look after France in his absence but he gave him no particular Orders onely to act as the necessity of affairs did require Tiberius one of the wisest of the Roman Emperours did the like as Tacitus reports when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary for the reducing of some revolted Legions unto obedience giving him no other order for his Conduct but that which himself should think proper to be done when he was upon the place He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custome who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they imployed a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the publick concerns of the State and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise they were never wanting for the most part but to confesse that it was not possible for them being at a distance to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres and had resolved to pursue them through the Forrest Simine to invade Tuscany the Senate mis-informed of what he might do sent two Senators to him to disswade him from the attempt but before the Senators had come to him they found he had already passed the Forrest and obtained the Victory which he sought for at which they were much astonished This serves at least to shew that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are imployed especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences and that he who doth otherwise
out in hopes of succour or assistance seeing those very persons who had ingaged them in the War had already made their Peace These Deputies upon their first comming began to execute the design for which they came to wit to dispose the Chief of the City to submit as they had done The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence Ingenuity and Address that he made a good Impression on them He related to them the many victories and good success which had alwayes accompanied his Majesties Arms the mis-fortunes of Rochel and Privas which they too could not possibly avoid if they persisted in their Rebellion he likewise told that his Majesty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdome which were not in his power and under his obedience Next of all he acquainted them that his Majesty did passe his word to them for enjoyment of their goods and the exercise of their Religion whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them They were generally so touched with this discourse that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace as formerly they had been to War The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what mis-fortunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced The Peace and quietness which they enjoyed by the Kings bounty the deceits of them who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succors which were now vanished seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty That the great victories which his Majesty had of late obtained might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them and those of their City to cast themselves at his Majesties feet and that after had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal they admired the incomparable virtues which were so eminently apparent in him experimented his meeknesse and been sensible of the truth of his promises they could no longer defer their resolutions but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them they could not resolve till after two dayes to send their Deputies to the Cardinal neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron onely beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him Thus was their final submission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinals Prudence who alone was able to produce so admirable an effect Politique Observation THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty then any other reasons whatever As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit so the respect and obligations which they owe their Princes can hardly make any impression upon them but he who can once possesse them with fear may do what he will with them Whence it is that they are not so much to be perswaded by reason as forced by the apprehension of rigors inevitable if they consent not to what is required of them Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs when he saith That thought they have extraordinary forces yet nothing is so cowardly so fearfull nor so wavering if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury so do they faintly abandon them and fall into disorder upon their first apprehension of danger and that holding no mean in their actions whilest they are fearlesse they are no sooner at a stand but they may be wrought to any thing Titus Livy spake with no lesse knowledge of them when he said the nature of a people is either to serve too abjectly or to command too insolently they being incapable of any medium Now when is it that they command with too much insolence but when they find themselves of the stronger party and that they fear nothing and on the other side when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude but when they are abased and pulled down by rigors or chastisements Upon this ground was it that Drusus went into Panonia to appease a great sedition but finding all fair and gentle means were to no purpose he made use of force and power which they no sooner felt the smart of but they returned to their former submission and obedience Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury but to let that a little passe over for nothing doth more decrease and allay them then time they being like the Sea which of it self is calm and quiet yet however subject to great storms and agitations when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves and to arm them with fury against one another but returns to its own calmnesse when the winds once cease to move it Thus it is with the rabble of themselves they are not capable to act or stir but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some sedicious furious spirit Oh how do they then rage and rave No violent thing can last long neither indeed can their fury hold out if once they who first raised them forbear to lead them and then if in this nick of time they are threatned with punishments and see a power able to force them you may presently lead them to what you will so great an influence hath that Passion of fear over their low and narrow hearts Montauban Surrenders to the Kings Obedience THe Deputies of Montauban came to Pâ—zanas in company with the Sieur de Guran at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesties will and pleasure but stood stifly in demanding that their Fortifications of the Ville Novelâ—e and Bourbon should be left standing and seemed as if they had condiscended a very great deal in permitting their out-works to be slighted But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General and one who represented the person of the King That he did much admire after they had understood his Maâ—esties intentions by the Sieur Guron they should thus come to treat as if it were upon equal terms and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns
should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his Embassadour The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that employment he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and intentions and to convince unto the Emperour that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire He further informed his Majesty that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences of the Count de Merodes But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel that Embassy came to nothing and all the answer he could get was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him and that it would be a great dishonour to him if he should not now assist him considering he was more exposed to danger than ever by reason of the Emperours and Spanish Forces then in Italy and designed particularly for his ruine Politique Observation IT is an honorable employment to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes but he is more to be pittied then envied who takes that office upon him whilst their first heat is not yet over It is with such Negotiators as with Physitians and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease aâ—e happier then the others so those likewise are very fortunate who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes when they are a little cooled and the great expences of War have discomposed them and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares The first Emotions of anger are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace not permitting them to lend an eare to it Anger it self must make them feel those pains which accompany it that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it and by consequence be the easilier appeased It was the continual inconvenience of War which induced Frâ—ncis the first to have a liking to Peace Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it during the advantages which they made by the Treacheries of some French had they not been tyred out by the vast expences great cares and dangers to which a forraign War exposed them In short Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences as not to seek the good of Peace by some means of agreement by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions by their Ambassadors He who undertaketh to carry all things by a high hand forceth all others to flye no extremities which are accompanied with great Evils The distance which is between Princes is oftentimes the Cause of misunderstandings between them but their Ambassadors acquainting each other with the Justice of their Intentions doth not a little allay their Anger 's and dispose them to sweetness The Wise admit not of any injustice and though they are free from obedience to others yet will they be subjected to reason They know true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will as what they ought Neither do they measure their greatness by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions but by their power to do that which is Just It is their glory to make it appear that though they can do all yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable Whence it comes that first putting themselves in the wayes of reason they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness but of great Prudence and Civility which Princes owe to each other Prosecution of the Subject I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons whose actions there did not much surprise the King too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de â—reqâ—y to inform Monsieur de Savoy that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty and to summon him to declare himself in this occasion The Duke of Savoy having sollicited their invasion need not have pretended time to inform himself of their design yet that was it which he fled to to hide his infidelity after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed gave him some time which once past he pressed him for an answer which was this That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Maâ—tua's affair yet however if the King of Spain might be satisfied who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy as also from Suze he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour that he should withdraw his Forces though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particular designs because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself but withal to assure him that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the invâ—sion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates his Ally and under his protection by the â—reaty at Vâ—rvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those Dâ—…iâ—… to which he was Lawful Heir and that as concerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy he had endeavoured to accomodate them by proposing convenient expedients between them both Nothing could be replied to so just reasons neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy but that he would remain Neuter â—nd become a Mediatour of Peace without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze and without considering how prejudicial it might be to him to sit still
esteem the quickest to be the happiest so it come with Gods grace for that it hath lesse pain with it Politique Observation THat which I esteem to be most desirable by Grandees in that particular is after the well disposal of the Soul to die before the miseries of this World make them desire death That Prince is to be pittied whom death hath spared onely that he might undergo the disgraces of Fortune and be dispoiled of his Estates If he be ordained by the Divine Providence to indure such displeasures it were however much sweeter for him to die in a Battel with Honour then in his Bed with shame He who dies in a skirmish of War wounded with any turbulent commotion in the heat of a Combate doth hardâ—y feel his wound for whilest death it self guides him out of the World by the Gate of Honour it makes him leave it with the leâ—â—e regret But true it is the sicknesse of the body caused by the griefs of the mind which puls the Soul away with violence in these disasters of Fortune do not ordinarily convey it forth but with great Convulsions The Prince of Piedmont takes the Government of the Army after the Duke of Savoy's death THe Duke of Savoy being dead the Prince of Piedmont who had alwaies commanded part of the Army took the whole charge of it upon himself and one may say he had none of the best good luck in it For the Kings Army prosecuting the point of their victory went to seize upon Vilâ—e Franchie and Panâ—allâ—er and afterwards the Bridge of Carignan which gave them full liberty to passe the Po and march up to Cazal It is true they found much resistance but so that it was advantagious for them being onely an augmentation of their Glory The choicest of the enemies Army as well Spaniards and Germans as of the Duke of Savoy were intrenched and fortified so advantagiously under a Half Moon which they had raised that Argâ—ncour who was sent to discover them informed the Council of War that it was impossible to carry it but by time However the Kings Army fell upon them with such violence that they entred the Half Moon unawares and the top of the Bridge in despight of all the resistance which was made the chief of the Spaniards being all either taken prisoners wounded or killed upon the place Now although this new Duke had no greater inclination to the Kings Interest then his Father yet the displeasure which he found in so many crosse incounters so opened his eyes that he began to imagine that Peace would be more for his Interests then War though he did dissemble it He was more and more strengthned in that resolution by the many reasons which were represented to him by some means or other amongst others these were the most considerable that his Majesties Army was not likely to be hindred from getting to Cazal seeing they had not as yet met with any resistance that if it were relieved without him and the War continued on against him he would inevitably he would inevitably find the Kings Army fall in upon the rest of his Territories that it was a joy to the Spaniards to ingage him in the War they not having lost any thing in Italy that they should but lose the hopes of Victory of Cazal were relieved whereas he would find himself quite despoiled that he did but deceive himself to believe that the Spaniards would raze the Castle of Cazal if they should take it for which they had used so many indeavours and been at so great a charge onely that they might make themselves stronger in Italy That the Duke of Mantua would grant to him some part of Montferrat to which he made pretensions and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith it being as much as he could expect from the Spaniards if they should become Masters of Cazal That in fine he had more reason to suspect the neighbour-hood of the Spaniards then of the Duke of Mantua seeing they were but too potent in Italy already in relation to the design of which they had oftentimes given testimonies of making themselves absolute Masters of it All these reasons were very considerable and did so work with the Duke of Savoy though he could not as yet declare himself that he did not so eagerly prosecute the enterprise he was ingaged in wherein he could not meet with any thing but his ruine and it was perceived that from that time he had not such frequent intelligence with the Spaniards as formerly he had used to have Politique Observation THere is not any motive which doth so strongly unite and divide Princes as Interest They quickly break a League when they cease to believe that it is for their advantage It is long since T. Livy saith common good is the bond and knot of Treaties each one regards not but his own advantage and cares not for that of another so it do but accord with his own All their common enterprises are built on this Foundation which if once it begin to decay you may see all their designs come to nothing Grandees have neither friend nor foe but in relation to the good or evil which attends it But what is there of strangenesse in it seeing all the Elements of the whole Universe are as it were tied together and united with invisible Chains which quickly fall into division if any one attempt any thing upon another A Cessation of Arms between his Majesty and the Spanish Army by the mediation of Mazarini THe Treaty of Peace was now upon breaking up yet Mazarini continued to negotiate daily both of one side and t'other At last about the fifth of August he proposed a Truce to the Generals of the Army with such conditions that at first dash were not all liked viz. They were to deliver the Town and Castle of Cazal into Spinola's hands for a certain time still keeping the Cittadel and this was to give the Spaniards some satisfaction who as yet had not got any advantage in Italy and that which made Spinola the more willfull was he had seen in a Letter how that his Master the King of Spain was in a great anger with him for that his Army had not made any progresse at all so it was thought fit to grant this favour for Spinola's honour and the Arms of Spain but upon assured confidence that the Treaty would produce a good Peace However this did but excite the spirit and courage of the French whose impatience was such that it would have carried them on to the relief of Cazal by plain force A proposition of so extraordinary a consequence could not suddenly be resolved on but a Cessation of Arms for three daies was concluded and that seconded for three daies more Shortly after there came Letters from the Sieur ...... which made them give Cazal for lost so that Mazarini comming again about the beginning of September to renew the propositions of the Truce was more
favourably received then formerly The General assembled the principal Officers of the Army to deliberate upon it and eight of nine that were there having approved of it they were received and the Cessation resolved on untill the 15 of October with condition that his Majesties Army might Quarter any where on t'other side the Poe and take for their money any victuals or provisions necessary for them That the Town and Castle of Cazal should be put into Spinola's possession upon promise that he should restore it if the Cittadel were relieved by the 30. of October and however that the Kings Army might have free intercourse with the Cittadel and that if the Cittadel were not relieved before the thirtieth day of October it should then be delivered up to the said Marquess and that the Spaniards should be obliged to make necessary provisions of victuals in Cazal until the said thirtieth day of October Politique Observation A Treaty is the ordinary beginning of Peace whoever begins to treat on condition to surcease for some time all Acts of Hostility hath a great inclination to make an agreement The onely indeavouring of a Treaty doth ordinarily testifie that the fire which inflamed the War is now extinguishing and the pleasantnesse which is found in a Truce is a certain Charm which doth insensibly allure one to a final accommodation as Plutarch hath demonstrated in the life of Nicias speaking of the Truce which was made between the Athenians and the Lacedemonians so that he who would make a good accommodation considering the incertain successe of War ought never to refuse a Treaty provided it be upon honourable terms So much the rather ought he so to do for that those very actions by which he proposeth to obtain a Victory may end in a shamefull flight in Treaties one ought not alwaies to look forsuch advantagious conditions but each side must yeeld and give away a little of that which is their own Thus did Pericles one of the wifest Ministers of State amongst the Ancients make no difficulty to grant the Treaty which was made between the Athenians and those of Sparta that the Athenians should every yeer send them two Talents though they did in some sort pay dear enough for them as Plutarch observes in the life of Pericles So Lewis the Eleventh whose Prudence is much commended in our Histories easily accorded to the Treaty made with Edward King of England for nine years paying him yearly 50000 Duckets of Gold which the English vainly called Tribute but were in effect a Pension and was accordingly so termed by the French It is true it cannot be paid with any great deal of honour but it was however commendable by the Laws of Prudent Policy because sent the English out of France who had they joined their Forces with Charles of Bourgogne might have much indangered it In fine safety is to be bought in any eminent danger and it is at any time advantagious enough to hinder an enemy from obtaining a victory and to get time to render ones self stronger for the next fight Prosecution of the History THis Truce was much condemned by many and by the Cardinal himself too who was just upon the point of perswading his Majesty to make a Declaration by which he should dis-own those who had signed it and with expresse command to his Army to advance The Gallantry of his Courage which knoweth not what it is to give ground could not endure that the Town and Castle of Cazal should be delivered up into Spinola's hands and it is not to be doubted that had his Majesty been there it had never been assented to at all But however take the reasons upon which it was so resolved which I do the more willingly set down to excuse those who undertook it The first and principle was the Duke of Savoy was much inclined and promised to join himself with the Kings Army if the Spaniards did not agree to those conditions which had formerly been ascertain'd with Spinola Mazarini passed his word that the Duke of Savoy should write a Letter about it to the Dutchesse of Savoy of which the Generals of the Army should have a copy for their discharge so that agreeing in this manner with the Duke of Savoy the Spaniards were obliged to conclude the Peace and if not the Duke of Savoy was ingaged to joyn his with the Kings Forces to relieve Cazal There was nothing to fear in respect of Cazal but on the contrary the delivery of it was certain and most true it is without that the Generals had never resolved upon that particular And the extream necessities to which Cazal was reduced as Monsieur de Thoyras sent word caused them to doubt lest that in few dayes and before the Army could come up the inhabitants who were wearied out with suffering of inconveniences for three years together some of them who were gained by the Spanish party should force the Garrison to surrender which could not be suffered without great dishonour to the Kings Army Besides the Marquesse de Breze had order from the Generals to go to Cazal under pretence of finishing the Treaty however not to execute it untill he had conferred with the Sieur de Thoyras and understood whether or no he could hold out till the relief came without danger and then to assure him that in case he could theâ— would bring up the Army forthwith and not conclude the Treaty In short the Treaty was not executed until it was understood that neither he nor any one else would undertake to warrant the successe To be short it was thought necessary to refresh the Army and to give them more scope they being much afflicted with the sicknesse and to releive Cazal they were of necessity to march 30 leagues through an Enemies Country with a small proportion of victuals and without any retreating place at all Politique Observation A Man may say thus much in the behalf of those who were Authors of this Truce that whoever pretends to make a long and durable Peace ought not to refuse some satisfaction to his enemies who in case they be forced to conclude with dishonour and confusion presently break out again as soon as they find themselves in a Condition of taking their revenge Such was the opinion of Archidamus when he would have perswaded the Lacedemonians to make a Peace with the Thebans upon the relation of Isocrates And indeed it is impossible to make a good and firm establishment of a Peace if one side hath all the advantages and t'other be driven into desperation And as nothing doth so much excite courage as the losse of honour so it ingageth them to new attempts without any hopes of reducing them to a second Peace If one hath not Forces infinitely above theirs and be not absolutely assured of the victory Necessity it self when a man find that he suffers with shame and discredit makes one of them worth four and forceth him who before fled to face
which doth hinder the observation of it The King sends an Embassadour to the Diet of Ratisbonne THe Cardinal knew it full well when he proposed to the King to send the Sieur de Lyon to the Diet at Ratisbonne where the Treaty was concluded And on the contrary he knew that in great affairs something must be hazarded and that this Negotiation would alwaies serve to discover the Emperours designs as well as many others the Princes of Germany who desired protection from his Majesties Arms. That if a Treaty were made which were impossible to execute it would however serve for an induction to make a better because it prepared their minds and did hinder the advancing of such Troops as the Emperour was sending into Italy Politique Observation A Prudent Minister never proposeth one only end in his Actions but imitating as much as in him lieth the series of the Divine Prouidence aspires to many things at the same time that he may not do any thing which is vain or to no purpose His Eye is not alwaies fixt where his mind is so though he be not sure of effecting what he saith yet he is still ready to execute what he thinks He is acquainted with all the Turnings which lead to the Conclusion of his Designe and with all Trap-doors to carry him to his wished for end without giving to the world any just cause but of esteem and admiration This being one of the sublimest points of prudent Policy by which he never goes less then his Word It is true this kind of Prudence is not proper but for a grand Genius and such as are of extraordinary fine and subtile spirits But who so is endued therewith may well vaunt that he hath an assured means to prevent several inconveniences and to give a happy issue to divers affairs without which it were impossible to accomplish either the one or th' other After all he ought to be vigilant and careful that his Prudence be accompanied with Fidelity that he may be exempt from all blame and that will render his conduct as it were Invincible and will acquire him more respect then without so that no one being able to penetrate into the moity of his Designes they will however trace him in many places where he is not but will never find him in any where he is not prepared to defend himself The French Army Embattel in view of Cazal THis being resolved the Marshal of Scomberg whose turn it was to command the Army advanced with all diligence and on Octob. 26. came within sight of Cazal He plac'd them in Battalia on th' other side the Brook Gattola and after publike Prayers which are usually made on such occasions marched directly against the Enemy whom they found intrench'd in a circumvallation of six miles about and well finished but which served only to augment the glory of the French Army Politique Observation THe King had observed in the Beginning of the War with Savoy notwithstanding the fair Proposals of Peace which Mazarini had made that it is great Prudence in a General though to hearken to them yet not to forbear the carrying on of the War and to shew all sort of Couragiousness and Hardship following herein the counsel of Archidamus in Isocrates who ever made most honourable conditions by this means As it is Action which sets off an Orator and makes him more powerful to perswadeâ— as Demosthenes answered one who question'd him concerning the perfection of Eloquence so it is Action too which doth most powerfully perswade an Enemy to make a Peace It is not reasonable for a General to lie still without action any long time together the only time to do is after a Parley and such action it is which acquires him the glory of being esteemed Valiant The only shewing of a good mind to be in Action and putting an Army into Battalia doth strike fear into an Enemy He ought in a long Treaty to shew that his Courage maketh him despise any danger and as he proposeth nothing but to vanquish so he feareth nothing but not to overcome He ought not to have any apprehensions of the Inconstancies of Fortune but to hope that his Courage may enforce her to be favourable It is good that his Prudence should carry him to take time for deliberation but that done his Courage ought to furnish him with wings to advance his designe with the greatest celerity and promptness seeing he shall never have any good progress who spends too much time in considering of hazards and that many have oftentimes turn'd their affairs by taking too much time for Consultations It is an act of Judgement to begin with coldness but to prosecute with heat and ardour when things are once brought to the point of being put in execution The fearful are most ordinarily overcome War is a thing which acquires Glory from the most difficult enterprises and those Battels wherein the greatest dangers are do render a man the more honourable Cardinal Mazarini accomodateth the Affairs of Cazal with dexterity between the King and the Spaniard AS soon as ever the Army approached within six hundred paces of the Spanish Trenches Mazarini came galloping out and finding the Marshal de Schomberg told him that the Spaniards had accepted of certain Propositions which he had made to them and that he doubted not but he would likewise consent to them for the good of the Peace They were to surrender the Town and Castle of Cazal which were depositated in their custody They were to march out of Montferrat but instead of delivering them into Monsieur du Maynes hands to whom they might have surrendred them until his Father had receiv'd the Investiture of the Dutchy they would deposite them with an Imperial Commissary who should transmit them over to Monsieur du Mayne or to such as he should appoint on November 23. upon which day the Investiture was promised They consented for the greater security of the Treaty that the Imperial Commissary should carry none but his own Train into Cazal and that he should not meddle with any thing but only to give the Word The Propositions were taken into deliberation by the Marshals de la Force de Schomberg and de Marillac who considering that the King designed nothing more then the re-establishment of Monsieur de Mantua in his Estates and the setling the Peace of Italy did consent to them seeing they had the advantage to make them first lay down their Arms who had first taken them up An advantage which is no little one as Thucydides testifieth in his History In prosecution whereof they prevented the Army from advancing and breaking in upon the Trenches though it were with great difficulty the Courage of the French not being able to endure that the Spaniards should make theâ—â— take the pains to come so far and not give them a memento Soon after the Spaniards marched out of the Town and Castle the French out of the Cittadel and the
Imperial Commissary entred in their place Politique Observation IT is not without great reason that God hath called himself in the Mosaick Law The â—ord of Hosts seeing he holdeth in his hand the Courages of those who conduct them as he himself thinks fit he gives them Peace or War and when they think that they are upon the very point of fighting then it is that he compels them to lay down their Arms to teach them that it is his gift and that it is not in the power of all humane wisdom if he himself doth not lend a helping hand to it His Providence guides things to their ends by means which to appearance are contrary to it But his Power is always Master and it is in vain for us to endeavour or labour to resist him It is worth looking on the Sun in a storm and to behold the Ayr cut with lightning and thunder the Clouds cleft asunder the impetuousness of the Winds and Thunder calmed the Ayr cleered and in a while all that dissipated which hindred the shining of his rayes But how much better is it to behold the Sun of Justice who over-ruleth Hosts to make the force of his power to appear just when Battels are joyning to cover the earth with dead Bodies to dy the Fields and Rivers with blood to obscure the Sky with the smoak of Cannons and Muskets and to fill the Ayr with lamentable Cries and then to allay their rage to cause their Arms to drop out of their hands to fill their souls with gentleness and in a word to give a happy Peace After such an affair seeing all things fall out contrary to our expectations may not one conclude that God laughs at our Designs and that his just Power over-rules the Order and Conduct of all humane Affairs The re-victualling of Cazal AFter all this the Spaniards whose arrogant humour could not well away with the disorder they were now put to had much ado to march out of Montferrat and they did not only delay the time by pretending that their Ammunitions of War and Victuals could not so soon be drawn off but began to take up new Quarters about Cazal which the French when they retired had left This made the Generals resolve to dispatch three Regiments of French to Cazal under the Mareschal de Marillac and accordingly it was effected The Mareschal gave an account to the Imperial Commissary of the Reasons which occasioned his return and that he pretended not to stay longer in Cazal then till the Spaniards and Germans should withdraw from Montferrat at which the Commissary could find no exceptions it being reasonable that both should march off at the same time Some of the Enemies were so much netled at this that the Generals having divided the Army in two parts one Division marching by the Coast of Livorn and Byanzay they were advised to follow them with intention to fall upon them This breach of Faith did more affright then hurt them They ranged themselves into Battalia and so stood one whole day expecting when they would come on In the mean time there were six thousand Quarters of Wheat clapt into Cazal and the French marched off at the same time that the Spaniards and Germans went out of Montferrat c. Thus the War ceased for that year though the Treaty were not as yet absolutely concluded on Politique Observation JT were great rashness in a General after a Victory or the taking in of any Place so to despise his Enemy as to let his Forces be in disorder or to give them any opportunity to regain what they had lost The Anger which an Enemy is possessed with after he is either beaten or forced from his Siege should induce him still to be ready for a fight his enemy waiting only for an advantage to take his revenge If they be once beaten out of one quarter of their Trenches they should be so look'd after that they do not enter in at another part they should never be thought to have left a Country so long as there remains but one place which may make any resistance not so much as a Castle which may quickly be fortifi'd or the Gate of a Town which one may suppose to be secure by a Treaty ought to be left unregarded Desperation doth somtimes re-double an Enemies courage and even when an Enemy is absolutely routed there ought to be a strict watch kept seeing a broken Army doth often rally and rush in upon the Conquerors and do them so much the greater mischief by their not being prepared to make defence The King of Swede enters into Germanie WHilst the King carried his Arms into Italy for the just defence of Monsieur de Mantua's Interest several Princes of Germany and amongst the rest the Dukes of Pomerania and Mecklebourg the Marquis of Brandenburgh and divers Common-wealths oppressed by the House of Austria imagining that the King of Swede's Nobleness would defend them from this violence called him in to their assistance They sent sundry Deputies to him to engage him with all earnestness to assist them whom they found so much the more enclined to it in regard he thought himself justly offended with the Emperour for his unworthy dealing with him for he had caused his Letters to be broken open his Characters deciphered and interpreted imprisoned his Subjects trading upon the Baltique Sea after he had taken away their Merchandises prohibited the Commerce though it were a natural right and free to all the World had by several means hindred the conclusion of that Peace which had been treated on with Poland had sent whole Companies under his own Colours into Prussiia to fight against the Swedish Army to destroy him under pretence of assisting the King of Poland had in a worse then barbarous manner refused the Embassadours whom he had sent to him to treat a Peace and had openly and under-hand spoiled and deprived his kindred and Allies of their States so that some of them were even brought to Beggery without being able to get any reason or satisfaction to their just complaints These are the true causes which stirred up his Courage not able to suffer such injuries and which at last made him imbark on the Sea a most puissant Army About July he came before the Island of Rugen which he made himself Master of in a few days notwithstanding those great oppositions which he met with thence he went to Stralzund a Hans Town seated upon the Baltique Sea in the Dutchy of Pomerania which he had taken into his protection in the year 1628 and there he landed The Imperialists had kept the Town close blocked up untill March and did still belabour it with all Acts of Hostility though they were constrained to raise the Siege after the losse of above twenty thousand men but they quickly drew off for altogether not thinking it possible to resist him in a field who had so easily taken in the Forts of the Island Rugen Politique
he treated in Piedmont and Savoy the fidelity wherewith he had guided himself in those Treaties wherein he had been imployed since the beginning of the War The intelligence of Forraign affairs which had made him happy and considerable in several encounters The good order which he kept in the Army whilest he was super-intendent of Justice and the eloquence which he had testified in his younger daies in several Charges Now that so many good qualities might not be let lie without honour and so many noble actions without reward his Majesty as I said thought fit to impose the Charge on him of having a care concerning the Affairs of War making it evident by his judicious choice how exactly well his Prudence knew to make use of persons according to the particular qualifications of their minds The quality and good parts of a Secretary of State THe Charge of Secretary being as it is one of the most important of the Kingdom It is needfull that the Person with whom it is intrusted should be indued with qualities accordingly He should have Experience to manage both at home and abroad the affairs in which he is imploied He should be well acquainted with the particular humours of Princes strangers and Grandees of the Kingdom as also of their several interests and pretensions Eloquence in discourse is necessary for him because the King intrusts his Pen with him to write to all Monarchs Princes Parliaments and Estates and generally to people of all sorts For it is not enough barely to let them understand the will of his King but he should do it in fit and proper terms for a King that is with Majesty and the Elegance of a Masculine generous stile without any thing of bombast or affectedness I know nothing so absurd as to make a King speak beneath his Majesty As for that which concerns Eloquence though to write Letters in the name of some barbarous King which are not so exactly digested may be tolerared yet it would be extreamly found fault with in France where neatnesse hath made her Throne and doth particularly inhabit and where our Kings have nothing but what is eminent and of the best The very name of Secretary of Estate doth sufficiently shew how much Fidelity and Secresie are required in him he ought principally to be blessed with these two qualities because should he discover such things as are intrusted with him there could not but great inconvenience follow it The King pardons the Duke of Vendosm AFter that the King had evidenced in the course of this yeer an invincible courage to reduce his enemies under the Law an admirable Prudence in the good Orders both of Peace and War A constancy not to be shaken in resisting the Artifices of seditious spirits A Justice full of Courage to assist his Allies and in a word all other vertues which are proper ornaments for a Kings Crown he would conclude all with an action of Clemency in pardoning the Monsieur de Vendosm after some assurances of his repentance and fidelity for the future in relation to those Crimes for which he had been till then kept Prisoner in the Boys de Vincâ—nnes and gave him liberty but on condition to go pass away sometime out of the Court and Kingdom Politique Observation IT is an act becomming the greatness of a Prince to pardon the faults of Grandees when there are no longer any apprehensions of danger to the State and when they are washed out by an humble repentance The most generous are still the most mercifull and they esteem it as honourable to forget an injury as to remember a kindnesse That Emperour was highly commended by all Antiquities who being to sign a Warrant of Condemnation wished he had never learnt to write And Solomon who hath left to all Kings a perfect example of Wisedome saith it is the glory of a man to passe by offences However a King ought to be mindfull that he do not too soon recall into his Court a Prince or Grandee who may be provoked by that Justice which hath been passed upon him least the opportunity of revenge which he may meet with in affairs do carry him insensibly to a relapse Opportunity is a charm which ingageth men ere they think of it The least disgusts which they shall receive will revive their old grudges and it is impossible for a great person to conserve any Love for a King from whom he imagineth he hath received some harsh usage and once not loving him he is above half disposed to raise embroils whenever occasion shall serve It is very difficult to join close together that which hath been once broken asunder and a reconciliation in point of friendship is not stronger then the glue which joyns crackt vessels which are easily broken asunder by a small blow An imaginary wrong or a small displeasure should not make a reconciled Prince fall back again when he is replaced in his first station of affairs They who imagine that just punishments are soon forgotten do much deceive themselves It is as much as a Stoick would say that he had forgot injuries but Princes are far enough of from such maximes so that the safest remedy for all their evils is a removal from the Court that no meeting with any who are used to ingage people in Intreagues they will be as it were forced to keep within their limits when as peradventure their passions would make them flie out again ANNO 1631. JT is much more pleasant to behold the Heavens twinkling with a thousand several stars or shining with the glorious light of the Sun which rejoiceth the earth with its splendour then to look on it ful of Prodigies flashed with lightnings ful laden with Clouds shaken with Tempests and covered with the Vail of an obscure night Just thus without all peradventure was it much more agreeable to consider France in the splendour of her Victories which she obtained in the fore-going years in the enjoyment of a happy quiet caused by the submission of the Grandees of the State and by uniting of all the people all things being established in excellent order under the Conduct of so wise a King and every one living with Peace in his own profession then to contemplate her full of factions troubled with Combinations and threatned with a general dissolution by those intelligences which the chief persons of the Kingdom held with strangers But as the Laws of History oblige me to write them impartially both in one relation and t'other so I look upon my self as compelled to give an accompt of those turbulencies wherewith she hath been assaulted that by those glorious actions of the King and those Prudent Counsels of the Cardinals the way of securing and warranting an estate from those dangers whereunto it is commonly exposed by civil Wars may be learn'd Though the Queen Mother had reason to have rested satisfied knowing her self to be the happiest as well as the greatest Princess upon earth yet she
It is a great good fortune for a Minister never to be put upon such a rock and therefore it is that he will indeavour to work upon them by good offices which are the most powerfull means to oblige men and tie them very strictly the chains wherewith they are fettered being so pleasant and agreeable to them Interest is that which doth most efficaciously more them And indeed it is in a manner impossible to gain them by other means then by making provision for their advancement There is no design which they will not approve of alwaies provided that they have but satisfaction in their own particulars They perswade their Masters to rest contented if they themselves are once satisfied The most part of affairs of the world are like those Pictures wherein you shall behold different Figures and shapes according to the divers positions and scituations of them who look upon them They never represent any thing to their Masters but on that side which they best like and thus they can as easily retain him in quiet There ought to be care had that all which is intended for them be not done at once Ambition still increaseth and those benefits which are done to a favourite do but whet his appetite for the receiving of others Therefore it is that one should alwaies reserve something to keep them in breath by the expectations of greater benefits to come The Queen Mothers Resolution to win Monsieur THe Declaration which Monsieur made to the King of his resentment strook a great astonishment into the Queen-Mother she having before-hand placed all her confidence in him as also chosen him for the chief instrument of her designs They had perswaded her that could she but ingage him in her interests she might soon find men enough to uphold them and such as would put themselves into the field in Arms to carry on her designs to their very utmost and yet her natural goodnesse was so great to oblige her to preserve Monsieur constant and faithfull to the Kings interests But this factious seditious Cabal which inverted her strongest inclinations made her mislike those procedures and carried her on even to reproach him for that after she had so particularly cherished him he should take so little care for her concerns It is true it was heretofore verily beleeved in the first yeers of her Regency though I think without just grounds that she was more affectionate and tender towards Monsieur then towards the King and that she might well cast her eyes upon him as many others of her quality have done to make use of him for the upholding of such designs as she might have to which the King might not be so favourable But it must be confessed that she governed her self so prudently by those sage Councels which were given to her after her first going off from the Court that no one could discover any thing in her behaviour but real intentions to preserve her children in a good intelligence with one another and never to attempt any thing which was not conformable to the Kings Will insomuch that this prudent Conduct of hers gained her a great esteem with the people who being desirous of nothing more then peace they regarded her Majesty with extraordinary affections as her who was the greatest advancement of publick tranquillity by her preserving the bond of union between her children Though now she gave them just cause to change their good opinions of her by her frequent entertainments of Monsieur and his chiefest Officers in that design which all men knew she had to gain him to her party whatever it cost that he might become instrumental for her in the resolution which she had taken to destroy the Cardinal Politique Observation JT is very usual with Mothers to love their youngest better then their eldest children and to rely upon them to be maintained in the greater authority It should seem it is with Children as with fruits the newest are still most agreeable so it frequently comes to passe that the youngest are pleasures and diversions to their Parents when as they who are older shake off the yoke of obedience and follow the inclinations of unbridled youth but most especially so it is when as mothers are become Widdows and have lost that protection of their husbands which kept their children within their bounds that they do cast themselves upon the interest of the younger ones whom they look on as the supporters of their old age and as those who must uphold their Authority against the eldest whom they look upon very often as men do upon Creditors who come to take away their goods from them withall they are dependent upon them in several respects because by the deaths of their Fathers they are become the heads of their Families and this dependency upon them is insupportable If this be ordinary in private Families how much more is it in those of Kings History is pregnant with relations of such Queens as have advanced their youngest children to the Government in prejudice of their brother Ptolomeus Phiseus gave at his wifes perswasions the Crown of Egypt to his youngest son and to go no further then France it self Lewis the Debonnair did not he prefer at his Wifes entreaty Charls the Bauld before Lothair who was the eldest Did not Constance wife of Robert seeing her husband intended after the death of his eldest son to Crown Henry her second son King oppose it in her earnest desires that he would prefer Robert her third son whom she loved most intirely And when she saw she could not arrive to the end of her design did she not embroyl all things even whilest the King yet lived but much more after his death by fomenting the divisions between her children that she her self might have the more Authority This occasioned a most sad Civil War to the great damage of the Kingdom and that good King both in the declining of his age and Kingdom when as he expected repose and tranquility in his family especially after he had suffered upon his first coming to the Crown so great afflictions by reason of the misfortunes of his first marriages their dissolutions which afterwards hapned for the remedying whereof the godly Abbot of Fleury Abby was employed Not to seek for examples far from us is not that of Katharine de Medicis very certain it being yet fresh in the memory of man for she was ever know to favour some of her children against other some Was she not likewise suspected to have hastned the death of her eldest that she might make way to raise the Duke of Anjou to the Crown And was she not seen after he was attained to the Government to enter into the Combination against him because he did not relie enough upon her for the the Government of affairs It is so frequent in history that we shall need no other proofs for it it may safely be said that it hath alwaies been a very dangerous
those things be granted to others which they would so fain procure to themselves This general discontent is enough to unite them together and to engage them in that one designe of a revolt They know there are two waies to attain to greatness Prudence and Power when they once perceive that all the devices of their Will or to speak more properly all their Deceipts are not able to raise their greatness to that pass which they desire they presently fly to the latter imagining in themselves they might get more by it then by the former They cannot be ignorant how that many of their Predecessors have bee shipwrack'd on the very same score by which they pretend to raise great advantages to themselves and as the minds of most men abound rather with hopes then fears so they fancy to themselves that Fortune will be more favourable to them then others and upon this account it is that they do often associate themselves together not with intent of putting State affairs into a better posture as they pretend but to advance what in them lies their own private Families and Interests at the cost and charges of the Publike I shall liken them to the first qualities which not holding themselves in a good correspondency for the preservation of the subject whereof they are compos'd do unanimously conspire and contrive the ruine of it for in the same manner do they instead of keeping up and maintaining the State by their Prudence and Authority of which it is their honour to be chief supporters they employ them to divide and ruine the people forcing the Prince to contribute to the means which are necessary to oppose their violences The Queen-Mother rejoyceth at Monsieur's Departure AFter Monsieur's departure the Queen-mother became more resolute in her eagerness against the Cardinal and believed that his going away would be very advantagious to her They who flattered her and blew the Coals of her Passion perswaded her that half the Kingdom would quickly be up in Arms and proffer their assistances to Monsieur in what-ever he would employ them That several Towns would revolt That Monsieur 's discontent alone if once known abroad would raise a war on every side and that amidst this confusion the King would think himself very happy could he but prevent the ruine of his Kingdom by submitting to that of the Cardinal She withdrew her self from being at any counsels to which she had but lately before used to go and seemed less solicitous in dissembling her discontents What pity was it to see a Kingdom exposed to so imminent a danger of being totally subverted by Civil wars and all to destroy him who for eight yeers together employed his whole time both day and night to settle it in its former glory What Injustice was it to repay the Cardinal's services with such Ingratitude What a confusion was it to see a Mother and a Brother revolt against their King and all to satisfie the Hatred and Ambition of their Ministers The King endured it with the greater displeasure because he understood that Forreigners had sowed these Tares under hopes of kindling a fire which should constrain him to withdraw his Forces from Italy abandon â—he assisting of his Allies or at least to submit to shameful conditions of Peace for which purpose they were just upon meeting in Piedmont His Majesty was not to seek in the knowledge that Queens are not exempted from punishment when they contrive troubles in the State that is if the quality of Mother did exact the respects of a Son from him that of a King did oblige her not to prefer any consideration before that of the good of his State and in conclusion that he ought to use all diâ—igent means to break off the intelligence which she held with Monsieur and those who nourished his mind with discontents There was no more certain way then to assign her some Town to live in a little distant from the Court to disperse here and there those who abusing her goodness did foment the fire of dissention in her soul and to place near her some one endued with Discretion and Power that she might not in future attempt any thing against the good of the State The Respect wherewith the King did alwaies honour her was such that he could never resolve to use any violent remedies but at the very last cast after he had tryed all others to which end he resolved rather to leave her then that she should leave him and accordingly he removed to Compeigne imagining that the sharpness of the season would invite her to continue at Paris after his departure and that in this small separation she could not any longer divide the Court into Parties as then she had done There were likewise other devices found to draw off some of the most factious from about her that their absense might afford some opportunities of calming her spirit It were to have been wished that she had rather according to his Majesties pleasure resolved to have lived in quiet at her Palace of Luxenburgh whilest his Majesty was out of Paris then to have followed the Court where her presence countenanced the Faction which she had there contrived Indeed the King verily imagined she would the sooner resolve so to do because she had declared she would intermeddle no more in any affairs neither appear at any Counsels so much did the Cardinal's presence afflict her whereas she instead of comporting her self to this fair and sweet way was guided by the perswasions of those who ruled her spirit and who induced her to resolve to carry on her anger to the utmost extremity and to follow the King every where assuring her that at last the people would all rise and that from thence she might undoubtedly find some expedient to perswade his Majesty to consent to the Cardinal's Banishment or Ruine This procedure of hers did absolutely intrench upon his authority as if he could not have commanded her to quit the Court and it served only to provoke the Kings anger and to force him to deal more rigorously with her then otherwise he desired to have done Politique Observation HOpe is that Root which doth long nourish the Thought of Revenge and without which the most generous persons lose their Courages and fall into despair instead of prosecuting their designs No one hath so well described the qualities of that which is without reason as the Ancient who said it is the dream of those who are awake and whose minds are mastered with this Passion To speak truly just as Dreams fill the mind with Chimera's which have no other being then in our Fancies so an ill-grounded hope fills our Courages with illusions and imaginary contentments by representing such things which are absolutely beyond our reach as if they were subject to our wills and desires it flatters our thoughts with a vain belief that there is not any impediment possibly to be met with in our enterprises which we
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâ—ng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâ—igne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ— la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâ—onnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
the necessity of withdrawing her from those Factions which would ingage the Kingdom in Revolts and all this to compel him to deliver up this grand Minister in case they could not effect it by the dayly instances which they perswaded her to make unto his Majesty This indeed is the true reason which forced his Majesty to part with her as himself testifieth in his Letter to the Governours of the Provinces where true it is mention is made of her refusal to love the Cardinal but it is likewise said that the hatred which she bare to him transported her to attempt things contrary to the good of his State and the publick quiet insomuch that he could no longer permit her stay at Court But who can impute her removal to the Cardinal when it is well known how carefull and solicitous he was to appease that anger which she express'd against him which he did so effectually as to renounce his own interest and Fortune and to sue for his own discharge from the Court with that earnestness that his stay there may justly be said to be only in order to his Majesties Will and satisfaction who expresly commanded it and to acquit himself of the Obligation which he had to acknowledge by the continuation of his services of the honour which he did him the King still protesting as great a resolution to preserve him as the Queen-Mother did eagerness to destroy him But lastly who can deny that a designe tending to ruine what-ever it cost one of the chiefest pillars of the State and him whom the King himself had often professed to be the principal Author of his good is not a crime Laesae Majestatis Were it not such in any one to attempt the destruction of any the strongest places on the Frontites or rather to invade any the fairest Towns of France Had not experience then made it evident that the Cardinal was of greater use and concern for the good of France then many Citadels and divers of the best Towns in the Kingdom He would easily have retrived them all if so be any Invasion of our Enemies should have forc'd them from us but it was not to be hoped ever to find a Minister qualified as he was who was a greater Protection to France then all the Citadels put together and who by his Industry had made the King master of a great number of Towns and Cities Politique Observation JT was not without reason that Theodosius the younger and Justinian inserted in their Books as likewise Leon the first and Constantine in their Politicis and Basilicis that Law made by the Emperour Arcadius whereby they who had engaged themselves in any Faction tending to ruine the chief Ministers of a Soveraigne were guilty Laesae Majestatis And for this very reason If any one in England be convicted of having contrived though but in his thoughts the downfal of any Counsellor of State though he had not executed it yet such is the Law there that he lose his life as guilty de laesae Majestatis against the King as it was in the case of Somerset Uncle to Edward the sixth and Protector of the Kingdom for only having designed in his thoughts to put the Duke of Northumberland to death who likewise governed the Kingdom of England under the same young King The Laws of Swedeland are so respectful of them that it is death only to speak ill of them Salvian de Marseille saith That the enormity of Injuries ought to be weighed by the quality of them on whom they reflect whence it followeth saith he that those injuries done to a chief Minister of State who representeth the Person of his Prince are to be reputed as done against the Prince himself Thou hast commitied an offence saith Quintilian but because it is against the Magistrate thou art therefore guilty of Treason Whence it was that Verterius as Plutarch observeth was condemned to die he having been defective in his respects to a Tribune whose place is much inferiour to that of a chief Minister This was the sense which Antiquity had of those offences committed against publike persons and thus were they punished who so offended And who can deny these their Laws and Customs to be very reasonable and just seeing chief Ministers are like the noblest parts of the Soveraigne as is declared in the Law of Arcadius And if the Prince be the head of his State they are then the Members and Instruments by which he governeth And thus hath another said Our Saviour is the Head of the Church the Church are his Body and the Prelats are his chief members They are Stars clothed by their Princes with part of their own splendour that they may the better guide the people by their Influences they are the lively Images in which they cause the foot-steps of their Authority to shine forth Whence it is that if a man be guilty de Laesae Majestatis for only offending by any dis-respect his Princes Image or Picture made only of Brass Stone or the like surely he is much more guilty who disâ—respecteth his living Image in whom the most lively stamps of his Royal Authority are engraved who is the Organ by which he delivereth his Will unto the People and indeed the principal Instrument of his Glory And if it be needful to re-inforce this with any stronger reason That is the crime de Laesae Majestatis which offendeth the Soveraign or which interfereth with the greatness of his State And what Is not this to attempt upon the greatness of his State when a Cabal shall be contrived and fomented for the ruine of a Minister who by the conduct of his Masters Arms and his own Prudence hath extended his limits hath rendered him terrible to all other Nations hath vanquished all his Kings enemies and reduced them to an impossibility of attempting any new thing against his Masters authority who hath extinguished all those Factions which troubled the publike quiet who daylie augmenteth the Revenue of the Exchequer hath established Peace in the Kingdom and in a word next unto his Majesty is the greatest prop and supporter of its greatness Cicero saith That he who raiseth a Sedition against the Publike Peace doth diminish the Majesty of the Empire There are three sorts of High Treasons The first is absolutely against the Princes person The second against the Respect due to him And the third against the Grandeur and Safety of his State and Kingdom Now it were to be purposely blind not to rank under this third degree all those Factions which contrive the ruine of any Ministers of State they being so much contrary to the good of the State neither were it unreasonable to range them under the first as in England seeing Ministers carry their Masters Image instamped on their Foreheads Prosecution of the Subject THe Mareschal d' Estree whose Discretion hath been often experimented in the many affairs in which he had been imployed used his utmost endeavours to
reason is very dangerous so are the consequences which attend it especially in matters of great concernment God hath ordained reason to govern in Mans Soul as in a Throne that she might guide all his Actions He hath appointed reason to be the rule of his motions as the little fish which marcheth before the Whale to lead him through the Waters lest his unweildinesse should carry him against the Rocks We are all bound to follow the dictates of Reason but of all others Princes are most concerned so to do for if once they shut their eyes to reason and suffer themselves to be transported by the violence of their Passion what do they but open a Gate to Usher in disorders and confusions into their States This violence may well be liâ—ened to that of a Torrent which rooteth up Trees teareth up Rocks and overthrows whatever it meeteth for just thus is it when reason is once extinguished the judgement is then spoiled and Prudence is of no more use then feathers to a Bird caught in Lime Is not this the thing which hath destroyed most if not all Kingdomes which hath trodden Crowns under foot which hath excited people to revolt and Cities to mutiny which hath profaned sacred places abused Altars and whatever is most reverenced by mankind How many have there been seen who in their fury have not cared to lose themselves provided they might ruine them in that Precipice which themselves could not avoid It is great wisedom to suppress anger and to stifle it in the Cradle for by permission and toleration it grows to be head-strong Violence by giving way to it becomes invincible insomuch that in time it will be difficult nay impossible to overcome it it is like Lightning which once broke out from the Cloud which restrained it is not by any means to be again reduced The Queen-mothers entrance into Bruxels THe Queen mother was no sooner come into the Infantas Territories but the Baron de Creve-Coeur received her in the Town of Avennes as Governor of Haynault She then gave notice of her arrival unto the Infanta by the Baron de Guaypre and her Highness presently dispatched the Marquis d' Ayetone to offer unto her Majesty all the Power and Authority which she had in the Low-countries and to beseech her absolutely to dispose of it Don Philip Albert de Valesques Captain of her Highnesse Life-guard came at the same time with his Company to serve her as Guards from Avennes she went to Mons where the Prince d' Espinoy put the Towns-men all in Arms to receive her with the greater splendour Thither came the Infanta to meet her who entertained her with all imaginable respects and confirmed to her the Proposals which she had made of delivering her power in the Low Countries into her Majesties hands Two days being thus spent they went both together to Bruxels where she was received with the same honour as if she had been King of Spain She was entertained with all the satisfaction and diversions that could be imagined It cannot be expressed with what honour the Spanish Nobility did attend her but we may conceive that their designs were far different from those of the Infanta who good Princess had in her whole life time testified a great deal of goodness sincerity and holiness it self so that what she did cannot be ascribed but to her civility and the particular kindnesse which she had both for the Queen-mother and France Whereas the Spaniards had other ends in it They knew that Women are bewitched wish Honour and by this means did they endeavour to ingage her more and more to them that they might make use of her to ruine the Cardinal whose Prudence alone held their Noses to the Grind-stone more then an Army of a hundred thousand men Politique Observation IT is great discretion in Kings to receive with honour such Princes who discontented with their own Countries come to make addresses to them The qualities of their birth make them venerable in what condition soever though they were vanquish'd yet ought they to be treated with respect Eâ—nones King of the Adorses is highly applauded by Tacitus for his courteous entertaining of Mithridates King of Bosphorus when his evil fortune forced him though his enemy to â—â—st himself into his hands And if the quality of stranger Princes be an obligation on Kings to receive them with respect amidst the misfortunes in which they are sometimes involv'd yet Prudence doth much more advise nay require it for the honour done to them is a Tie which doth engage them to wish well to their Countries upon the score of the good usage and kindnesse which was there shewed them Besides and which is not a little considerable it is a most infallible way to foment and exasperate divisions in those Countries from whence they retire They may at any time be placed in the head of an Army to go raise a War there and yet not break with their King A thing of great concernment to the Spaniards whose Countries being separated from one another cannot well be preserved in obedience but by their setting on foot dissentions and wars amongst their neighbours as hath been observed by one of themselves who hath treated of the Politick secrets by them used A wise Prince is never sorry at any partiality in his neighbouring Countries He knows that he is by that means safe from them and that whilest they are ingaged in Wars he many have leave and leisure to execute his own designs and oftentimes to make great advantages by it The Infanta dispatcheth the Sieur de Carondelet to the King to negotiate the Queen-mothers accommodation SHortly after the Queen-mothers abode at Bruxels and about the moneth of August the Infanta desirous of Peace sent the Sieur de Caro delâ—t Doyen of Cambray her extraordinary Embassadour unto the King then at Monceaux for to assure his Majesty that she had not received her into her Country but ouâ— of the affection and respect which she was bound to pay unto her that she had not for her part any thought of making any advantage against France but would contribute her utmost endeavours to the tranquility thereof The King who was not naturally enclin'd to war but when it was necessary in order to the establishment of Peace in his Dominions would have easily been induc'd to an accord had he not been certainly inform'd that those about the Queen-Mother and the Spaniards procur'd this Embassie only the better to conceal the designes they had against the Publike Peace of his Kingdom Nevertheless as Kings are politiquely oblig'd to dissemble their actions and to acknowledge apparent civilities by apparent testimonies the Cardinal by his appointment received him with all possible demonstrations of honour and kindness to flatter his vain ambition and to render him at least seemingly serviceable to France knowing he had in charge to make divers agreeable Propositions He made divers journies betwixt the Court and Bruxels and
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took â—et and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâ—gonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going â—orth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâ—ux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxâ—rre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bâ—â—carre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâ—garde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâ—re de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâ—r insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ— to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
not then consider how they themselves abuse it by resisting it and that whilest they violate his Authority their own flowing from his cannot remain entire and survive it When as the Moon jealous of the Sun attempts to obscure his Rays and sets her self just before his face she depriveth us of his light but we all know she loseth her own likewise and that she receiveth her whole light from those Rays which she obscureth As true it is that Magistrates who become jealous of their Princes Authority which alone hath cloathed them with lustre and made them to shine in the eye of their fellow Subjects and attempt to abridge their Majesties of their Power and Glory cannot so do without wounding themselves and eclipsing their own light Monsieur's Request to the Parliament to Indict the Cardinal THe Cardinals ruine was the main design at which all they who were with the Queen-mother and Monsieur did drive they verily beleeved that in case they could induce the Parliament to impeach him that then his Majesty would begin to have is Fidelity in suspicion and to give credit unto those Crimes wherewith he should be charged but this was a resolution very inconsiderately taken seeing they could not be ignorant that it lay not in the Parliaments Power and withall seeing they could not but know that his Majesty being better acquainted with his integrity and services then any other person whatever would never permit that he should be intreated with such ingratitude However in order to this design of theirs they caused a request signed by Monsieur to be presented unto the Parliament wherein he protested that the persecutions which he had received from the Cardinal had forced him to go out of the Kingdom He desired an instrument of his Protest that the Declaration made in the Parliament of Bourgogne might not prejudice either himself nor his Dependencies and that he might be admitted as a Party against the Cardinal This Request indeed was one of the causes which ingaged the Parliament in the Declaration of which we shall anon speak and which made them culpable in not publishing that of his Majesty But the King having commanded the Request to be brought unto his Councel it was ordered by Arrest that it should be suppressed as contumelious contrary to the good of his Service the Peace of his Subjects the safety of his State and as presented to that intent by those who had induced Monsieur his Brother to withdraw himself out of the Kingdom whereby they might escape the punishment of their Crimes and traduce his Majesties chief Ministers against whom no charge or complaint can or may be given although there were cause for it but by way of humble Petition to his Majesties own person who hath the particular cognizance of their services and proceedings Besides his Majesty not satisfied with this bare Arrest dispatched a large Declaration unto Fontainbleau to let his Subject know that the evil Counsels which had been given unto Monsieur had carried him out of the Kingdom as those given unto the Queen-mother had caused her removal from the Court and that the Cardinal could not in the least be taxed therewith including a most honourable mention of his Integrity and Sincerity concluding that his Majesty was well satisfied and assured by a long and continued experience that the Cardinals chief ends and designs did only tend to advance the glory of his Crown and the good of his State and lastly conjuring his Subjects and Successours still to preserve his memory in their minds Thus was this great Minister secured by his own sublime vertue and his high services from the violences of a factious potent Party Politique Observation NEeds must that Minister be indued with an extraordinary Prudence and Wisdom who can preserve himself immovable in all the shocks which are raised to his ruine Low and mean souls are frequently constrain'd to stoop under the violence of calumny and to give way unto those storms which are falling upon them but great persons like rocks are not to be shaken though in the greatest turbulence of wind or weather It is said that of all Birds the Eagle alone can soar above the Clouds whereby he may secure himself from storms and upon this reason it is that the ancient Heathens feigned Jupiter to have committed the guard of his Thunder unto the Eagle Now great men are like the Eagle and they only can support themselves amidst all the storms and designs which are raised and contrived for their ruine These are those Suns whom the clouds can only dusk for some small time which once pass'd they dissipate of themselves and become annihilated All the attempts made against their Fortunes are but like so many blows in the Ayr so ineffectual they are either to hit or move them The Prudence wherewith they are endued affordeth them the means to foresee all their enemies designs as also to secure themselves and to command even Fortune her self to be favourable unto them their innocence is so great a Bulwark of their glory that it gives Truth power to tryumph over Calumny There needs nothing more to preserve them in their Masters affection then the services they do him for those alone will easily make apparent that all the slanders spread abroad against them are only inventions of some base people who would endeavour to destroy honest men of their reputation whereby they might be made useless amidst their disgrace and that themselves might get somwhat by their shipwrack notwithstanding all which they still persist in the prosecution of those glorious designs which they have laid and make it daylie evident that souls which are truly great do but laugh at those who endeavour to injure them and wipe off with their fingers such Vipers without receiving any hurt neither will they be discouraged from continuing to act what they have well begun Their generousness is like and armed Souldier prepared to resist what-ever shall oppose their Reputation Their Fidelity is like a Wall impregnable against all Force and Artifice Their Wisdom maketh them Masters of their Passions neither will they suffer themselves to be surprized by them so that any advantage may be taken against them Their address dictates unto them to watch the time when they may gain that from their enemies which they designe to obtain Their Abilities are enough to secure them from discredits and disgraces with their Prince where it is impossible for him to get their like In a word those excellent qualities of theirs do discover unto them their enemies contrivances and renders them Masters of their own Fortune which is impossible to be ravished out of their power The Queen-Mothers Request to the same effect THis Request was only the beginning of those Calumnies wherewith Monsieur's Agents did endeavour to bespatter the Cardinals glory for from that time laying their heads together with those of the Queen-Mother they never ceased from inventing and spreading of defamatory Letters and Libels The
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
That God who is the Judge of Kings taketh pleasure to abase their insolence and to cast them down when they think themselves highest To be short the most sure and agreeable Dominion is that which hath justice for its Basis That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman and therefore odious to the Spaniards to deprive whom of his lawful Succession were to commit an insupportable outrage and to force the most Christian King to protect him At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him to the end they might employ the power of the Empire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy whereupon from a Scholar being made Master of the Affair he resolved to put an end to it and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne and to establish an happy peace in Italy promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany and done great exploits so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy he would soon have over-run the whole He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him for the defence of his Confederates and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers Politique Observation NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it especially when it thwarts their ambition yet it cannot but be thought happy when it forceth their arms out of their hands and leads them to a fair accomodation The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth a good excuse in the greatest faults somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory by obliging them to attempt it when they least expected it at other times it is content to settle them in peace by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war In fine they must subscribe to its pleasure for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them but receiveth none from them they being in this respect in the same condition with meaner persons Hence it was that â—halâ—s being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature answered Necessity because it surpasseth all things Are not Castles in themselves impregnable forced by necessity to surrender What saith Quintâ— Curtius Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms then reason it self Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaciously There is no power which is not obliged to reâ—der it obedience Prosecution of the Subject WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace when it was the only means to re-establish them in their States It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter covered with Ice and Snow and over-spread with torrents of waters But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his Sâ—ates in the possession of others his people oppressed by the burthens of War his Towns and Villages forsaken hiâ— Fields unmanured and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences and that on the contrary his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies then to usurp their estates had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates to keep a fair correspondence with France then to follow the interests of Spain Politique Observation THere is not any condition more to be pityed then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insupportable by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly present it self unto him and his Poverty is the greater in regard of his former plenty Such great â—alls do carry some shame with them especially to such who have been the Authors in some sort of their own miseries We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers as to be content with what Fortune hath left or that they would live in any other condition then their former they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates for that they know Authority if once degraded falls to ruine if not quickly re-instated The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest his Masts broken his Sails rent his Cordage torn and his Ship leaky bends all his thoughts how to get into Port and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies his Revenue sequestred his Country forraged his Subjects fugitives and his Forces reduced to an impossibility of securing themselves from a total ruine is in perpetual trouble until he finds himself restored by a Treaty oâ— Peace The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year of the several Princes who had taken part in the War of Italy or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua The Pope who is the common Father did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass
both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios who resided near them and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo who had alwaies continued in Piedmont or thereabouts endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace then the rest because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed nor indeed regarded but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissentions and who in consideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies and upon whom the House of Austria had designed as well as upon the rest of Italy as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Roman Empire and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover through the whole extent of it Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year as to the best qualified and most just Arbitrator of Christendom whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace whereupon the Mareschal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment worthy of their abilities to meet at Suze a Town near Quâ—rasque where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies to confer of some convenient means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testifie by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the â—eâ—ling of Peace between Christian Princes The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperour came shortly after with full power from his Master whom the progress of the King of Swede made impatient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty to return into Germany whereby to give a check to his proceedings not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go directly thither without the Mareschal de Thoyras who was not as yet come though he arrived shortly after to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace then courage in War when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it The President de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference and Guichardus Chancelour of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua though he had given an absolute power to his Majesties Ambassadors to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit Cavacâ—ia was sent thither by the Common-wealth of Venice but it was only to reside near his Majesties Ambassadors whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done for they assisted not at the Conference no more then the Comte de la Rocque extraordinary Ambassadour of Spain for he had no power as we have already declared and came thither only to hinder the accomodation These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this important Treaty amongst which I may safely say that those of his most Christian Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque and Galas that the French Nation are no less prudent in counsel then couragious in arms that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans yet they have no less Flegm to debate such Propositions as were made to them the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary their solidity sustained the assaults of others their prudence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprize them and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas and the Comte de la Rocque whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason They came last to Querasque and at all meetings stayed till the last to let the world see they were not in haste and that they desired no an end of the Treaty but by the way of Honour and for their Master's advantage They well knew that the Emperor's the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough by reasoâ— of the ill condition of their Masters affairs and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage Qualities necessary for an Embassadour PRinces though they are great yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs in their own persons Necessity compels them to imploy some of their Officers and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with strangers Prudence forbids them so to do they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with but also committing their authority to the contests which happen at all conferences and what is most considerable is that they have more liberty treating by their Embassadours to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them without being obliged to declare their reasons Withall they have more time to weigh their resolutions either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel then when they are in publick Assemblies they may likewise judge with more judgement because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party which their Embassadours present at the Treaty cannot but successively discover although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation Treaties of Peace are the more important seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States the life of the Laws Order and Policy and the plenty of all Prosperity so that able persons ought to be employed in them The necessary qualities which he who is imployed on such occasions ought to have cannot be laid down in few words I shall content my self to name some few which are the chiefest and to say that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates as also of his Masters interests of theirs with whom he treats and of their Allies for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal Next to this chief quality prudence ought to be as his eyes to inform him what to resolve and what to evade to fore-see the consequences of those propositions which are made to countermine them who indeavour to blow him up to know how to chuse means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth and to wave those reasons which are prest upon him This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain stayednesse which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution he ought to be more phlegmâ—tick then cholerick to check his hasty design of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs He ought let others wrangle without being moved from what he
of States to re-assume its former lustre which â—requent disorders had destroyed He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility traffique free commerce open voyages secure the earth loaded with rich harvest all things restored to their first splendour and order the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution justice established in her Throne re-assuming her authority and terrifying such as before scorned her in fine his estate putting off its mourning apparel and cloathing it self with magnificence mirth contentment and joy The second Treaty of Peace THe Articles of the general Treaty had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity that all those whose intentions were just could not but rest abundantly satisfied though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs made the Emperour beleeve that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat discontentedly that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power and withall refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit This difficulty was enough to have undone all if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were but their thoughts being altogether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on either party they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June on which day the second Treaty was signed by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed excepting only that of the secret Article The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon or the Bishop of Mantua both resident with the Emperour So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy as for the rest it was concluded as in the first Treaty that for the assurance of the restitution of places Hostages should be consigned on both parts to wit on the Emperours part the Signieurs Piâ—olomini Chisa and Vileben and on the Kings part the Sieurs de Tharanes de Nerestan and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty and not to assume any Authority but as Depository In prosecution whereof the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy Brigueras the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage should quit the Forts and the Passages of the Grisons withal that Suse and Avigliane with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy as Porto and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua and that lastly Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy the same day that Galas should restore Mantua to its lawful Lord that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time This Treaty was signed both by one and the other the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July the newâ— of which being once arrived the rest of the Articles were put in execution the Hostages were delivered to Cardinal Pallotta appointed for that purpose by the Pope who received them excepting what concerns the Forts and Country of the Valtoline Grisons and Comte de Chiauenne with which his Holiness would not intermeddle the Inhabitants being Heretiques and not acknowledging him but in exchange the Baron de Galas delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua for performance of his promise Brigueras with the other small places of Savoy were delivered to the Marquis Ville in behalf of the Duke and the same day the passages oâ— the Grisons to their lawful Lords the places of Mantua except Mantua it self Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua the fifteenth of September Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy Porto and Canello to the Duke Mantua and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol and the German Mantua Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes and each one established in the possession of their own Cardinal Pallâ—tta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf having received notice thereof dismissed them and this great storm which had troubled all Europe gave place to an happy peace leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies in despite of the Emperour the King of Spain and Monsieur de Savoy and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence Politique Observation IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties between Princes that some security be given especially where there is any diffidence between them Some have received places in deposite as Charls the eight going to Nâ—ples did of sundry Italian Princes others have contracted Marriages as the Historians of most Wars have recorded and it is a custom as ancient as common to give and take Hostages It is very hard for those who have been exasperated during the Wars to believe interchangeable promises only especially when they are to be executed at divers times and in divers places besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive if he will break his Word To alledge some particular examples of Hostages St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon offered for assurance of their agreement the Comtes de Poâ—ctiers and Anjou Thus Charls King of Navarre son in Law to King John having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed who was Constable of France and extreamly beloved of the King would never return to the Court till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son for hostage whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux under his Brothers custody Thus the same K. John having been four years Prisoner in England was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part and given hostage for the assurance of the rest who were Lewis d' Anjou and Jean Duâ— de Berry his children Lewis Duke de Burgoigne Peter Comte d' Alâ—â—son John brother to the Comte d' Estampes all Princes of the Blood Guy brother to the Comte de Blois the Seignieurs de Montmorency de Hangest de St Venant d' Andresel de la
make himselt Master of them but that so doing he followeth the most ancient Law of the world which gives leave to the strong to take whatever they lay hold of This indeed is not tolerable by the Law of Christianity which hath ordained Justice to bound in the covetous Ambition of Princes although birth and succession in States at this present are bars enough to defend them Usurpation was pardonable in Caesar who lived in Paganism but he who professeth himself a Christian ought to regulate his designs by the Law of Jesus Christ It is true indeed Ambition of all the passions of the Soul is most incurable because never to be totally eradicated and a Pince is the more obliged to suppresse such motions which perswade him to make himself Master of that which belongeth nothing to him in regard the vivacity of his spirit may raise a War in his own Country and the heat of his covetousnesse may without reason shed the blood and destroy the lives of his people It were to be wished that Princes were as solicitous to preserve the bloud of their subiects as Pericles the prime man of Greece in his time who being to die thought himself very happy that no Athenian had ever wore mourning through his occasion they would then be lovers of peace and the preservation of their subject would be powerfull enough to extinguish the heat of their Ambition it being most certain that the usurper of anothers right pulleth his Arms against his own State and indangereth his Subjects to undergo a thousand mis-fortunes ANNO 1632. EVery one esteems the work of those poor men as unprofitable who that they may inlarge their habitations do build and make incroachments upon the Banks of large Rivers whose Waters upon the first great rain break out of their Channels and by a thousand re-inforced Waves carry away whatever opposeth their violence it being certain they will not spare the weak indeavours of their hands Who will not in like manner conclude the attempts of a petty Prince to be equally vain who that he may gain some repute and make himself considerable offereth violence to the glory of a great Monarch whose victorious Arms are soon able to reduce the forgetfull to their duties and to over-run whatever resisteth his power Just thus ought we to consider the D. of Lorrain's rashness in taking of Vic in the Emperors name and fortifying it against France when as his Majesties Forces if bent against him could not but chastize his proceedings break his designs and render all his endeavours uselesse His Majesties recovery of it quickly shewed the whole world how vain his attempts were Neither did his Majesties Forces rest there for the Marshals de la Force and de Schomberg forthwith besieged Moyenvic which rendred upon composition and also invested Marsal a place of importance belonging to the Duke and one of those which his Predecessors had usurped from the Bishoprick of Mets. Now the Duke though mastered by ambition and filled with hatred against France was not however so sencelesse but that finding with what celerity Vic was reduced in despite of his Fortifications wherewith he had encompassed it he began to suspect lest all the rest of his Country might shortly run the same chance in case he had not the sooner recourse unto the Kings mercy rather then his own forces or power Hereupon he resolved to send unto his Majesty propositions of peace but in effect he was unwilling totally to relinquish his unjust designs which he would be sure to re-inforce whenever any favourable opportunity or an exâ—raordinary succour from the Emperour or Spaniard should afford him the means such deep root had the hatred which is almost natural to that Family against this Kingdom taken in him It is also true that finding himself straitned in point of time and knowing that the least delay would give the Kings Forces opportunity to take other places he at last resolved to go in person and meet the King at Mets that he might appease his Majesty by his feigned submissions and hinder the progresse of his Armies by a pretended Treaty of peace Had this resolution been frank and sincere the visit had been commendable but such was his malice against his Majesty that those things were the least of his thoughts Not but that he was particularly and I may say strictly obliged unto the King who was very carefull of his education during his youth which he spent in this Court who had patiently expected for eight years together the homage of Barr whereas be might justly have seized upon it within one year after the late Duke's death for non-performance thereof who had passed by the several troubles and intreagues raised by him and his against this State and Kingdom But all these things wrought not upon him and he continued insensible of them He sent word unto his Majesty that he was comming to wait on him and to give him al satisfaction accordingly he came to Mets upon the 26 of December with his face composed of sorrow and sadnesse for his late misbehaviour The King being informed of his approach neer Mets sent the Prince de Joinville with his own and the Queen Coaches who met him half a league from the City and conducted him to his lodging where his Majesty had given order to his Officers to defray his and his Retinues expences The Duke after a short repose went to see his Majesty and shewed himself very submissive protesting that he would flie unto no other refuge but his Majesties goodnesse in order to which alone it was that he had been so desirous of the honour to see him The King received him with all the demonstrations of kindnesse which an offended Majesty may be permitted to use and shortly after being entred into discourse freely told him that he would say before him an infallible sign of his ill-behaviour the Duke indeavoured to justifie himself but he could not alledge any other reason then only his being discontented with the Sieur de Bret Conseiller d' Estaâ— for having used too much rigour in the Borders of his Country in his Inquest concerning the Rights of the Crown of France and his having been assured from the Marshal de Marillac that his Majesty had resolved to invade and ruine him Unto this the King replied every one might justly enquire after â—is own Rights so that what rigours the Sieur de Bret had used were only the effects of Justice and as for matter of invading him with hostility there needed no other proof to assure him of thâ— contrary then that he would not at that time imploy his power any more against him in case he returned to his devoir whereas he then might easily ruine him it being impossible for those persons who had ingaged him in those imbroils to afford him any succour or relief whereas his Majesty would assuredly protect him from the victorious Arms of the Swedish King who was upon the point of
of Lorrain was not a little happy in having obtained his Peace from the King's Bounty neither was the Cardinal a little extolled for having setled Peace between the Churchmen of the Kingdom But the sky cannot long continue without clouds neither can a Peace be so established as that no troubles should at any time arise which now fell out accordingly For Monsieur having resolv'd to go unto Bruxels began to prepare himself for his journey that he might make sure of those Forces which the Spaniards had promised unto the Sieur de Puy-Lauzens towards the invading of France and there to conclude with them that course it were best to steer Monsieur at his departure from Nancy made a small days journey unto Remiremont where the Princess Marguerite then was that he might satisfie the passion which is incident upon new Marriages From thence he went unto Besançon whence after a short repose he went towards Bruxels by Luxembourg Passing by Thionville he left Coigneux and Monsigot behind him having taken his Seals from the former and delivered his Pen unto Guillemi◠in place of the second I may not omit to observe that the discredit of these two persons was but the effect of Puy-Laurens displeasure conceiv'd against them for their boldess in informing Monsieur with reasons to divert him from the marriage whereunto he had alwaies inclined him for from that time he put an hundred several tricks upon them and such was his Love and Ambition that he could not endure the sight of any one in the House who durst contradict his Will and Pleasure The Infanta hearing that Monsieur was drawing near unto Bruxelles gave order for his reception according to his Quality At his coming he was entertained not only with great honour by her Highness but from the Spaniards too who finding him inclined to interest himself in their designs endeavoured to give all imaginable content Monsieur made his entrance on the 28. of January attended with two hundred Horse The Marabel received him in the King of Spain's name The Marquis de Sainte Croix with all the Officers and Nobility of Flanders met him a league from Bruxels with a Troop of Gentlemen before them armed from head to foot All the Companies of the City came to salute him Briefly they did him all the same Honours as had been shewed to the Queen his Mother He dismounted at the Infantas Palace before he visited the Queen She received him with those Civilities and Favours which are inherent in her and those so obligingly that they were extraordinary great in persons of her age She came to meet him at the first Hall where she intended him his audience and presently told him she was very sorry there should be any quarrel between them at their first interview because he had come to visit her before the Queen his Mother Whereunto Monsieur replyed very handsomly that he should more easily give her satisfaction as to that Quarrel then for the great obligations which he owed unto her After some other Civilities she lead him into a Hall where were the Grandees of Spain together with the Knights of the Golden Fleece who saluted him being all bare himself being likewise uncovered some little time After which Monsieur and her Highness seated themselves in chairs provided for that purpose th' Infanta in that on the left hand and Monsieur on the right where after half an hours entertainment Monsieur desired leave to kiss the Ladies who were all placed as if it had been at a Ball This complement pass'd over he went to visit the Queen his Mother who considering him as the person who should vindicate her quarrel force his Majesty to banish the Cardinal from the Court and establish her in her former power in France received him with all the testimonies of joy and gladness though she forbore to discover all her thoughts the better to hide the intelligence and agreement between them The Infanta defrayed all his expences until the 17. of May when he departed from Bruxels and took great care that he might pass away his time with all sorts of diversions both within door and abroad which recreations were somtimes interrupted by the jealousies and quarrels hapning between those of her Court and the Queen-Mothers The danger of Drawing Strangers into a Kingdom IT is very dangerous to call strangers into a State in hopes to support a revolt by their means No doubt they will be ready to foment any discontent and to incourage any attempt but it is wisdom to mistrust them Is it not a madness to hope for men and miracles from a Prince who hath enough to do to defend himself If there be any Libertines uncapable of civil society any disorderly irreligious persons any Plunderers such as take all they meet these are the men with whom they shall be furnished Now were it not I pray a folly to build hopes and designs upon men so qualified To say the truth such men as they cannot affectionately ingage themselves so will they not readily endanger themselves but behave themselves most couragiously in rifling and robbing naked and poor people until they come to fight and then nothing is so pittiful and backward Now if it be weakness to trust in strange Souldiers it is more folly to confide in their Commanders who if persons of no courage what reasonable expectations can be hoped from them And if they be persons well qualified and fit to command there is then more cause to fear then trust them for doubtless they will hardly forsake any Hold they once take in a Country but will do their utmost to surprize some place of Importance which if it be not suddenly to be effected yet certainly they will designe it and bring it to pass when opportunity inviteth them The Carthaginians according as Polybius relateth saw their affairs run from bad to worse when their Army became full of Strangers Gauls Spaniards Greeks and Fugitives and Tacitus tells us the true cause why Armies compos'd of Strangers subsist no longer then Fortune smileth upon them but disband upon the least blow or loss because they want affection Th' Emperour of Constantinople having called ten thousand Turks unto his assistance soon perceived his own folly because they finding themselves the strongest party would not return back again but laid the foundation of those miseries under which they now hold that Empire But that we go no further then France it self which hath more indangered it then the calling in of the English and Spaniards and doth not every one know that when Civil Wars have opened the Gates of a Kingdom unto Strangers they soon fortifie themselves so strongly that they are hardly to be removed but after long and sad Wars It is great prudence in a Prince not to engage in any revolt but if he be so ill advised as to take up Arms against his Soveraign let him beware of calling in strangers to his assistance Monsieur resolveth to joyn himself with
to be another time more wary he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse his own Musquettiers thirty of the Cardinals Guard two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes all mounted upon small Naggs and to go charge them which was effected accordingly with such courage and success that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place many wounded and taken besides five Cornets and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease The King's loss was not great there being only seven killed and some few hurt amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin Commander of the light Horse and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service but he was hindred by thirty of the King 's light horse and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg who by his Majesty's order charged them so home and so suddenly that they had not leisure to make any defence but were all brought away Prisoners The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain and took divers places one after another Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons Saint Mihel did the like into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray and his whole Army to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants who were not used to behold so great a Power He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance he prohibited them to exercise their Offices and appointed others in their stead hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain that his ruine was inevitable as often as he durst attempt any thing against France or recede from his devoir In earnest I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly then unto the earth which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing For just thus who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance the preparations he hath made and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Dukedom must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms which have in the end fallen upon his own head to his great loss and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder Politique Observation NO War is just but that which is necessary according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians So that a Prince never ought to undertake it but upon just considerations War is know to be the source of all misfortunes it filleth a State with impieties violences extortions and cruelties it destroyeth the innocent incommodateth the rich and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor what reason therefore to commence it unlesse upon good ground and when necessity doth even inforce it Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity then those who build designs disproportionable to their powers such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power and glory but in conclusion they are driven to exigencies and confusions which had never befallen them bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires that he had before our births pre-ordained what condition we should here injoy that our lives and our fortunes are both limited and that notwithstanding all our care all our indeavours we cannot increase the one or protract the t'other one tittle unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts They find by experience that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded To conclude they who are truly wise do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement without following the impetuousness of their emotions they know that who so is master of his passions is master of his Fortune and they imitate Caesar's Prudence who never took the Field until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory The first whereof is To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force of his Advantages and of his Wants before he encounter with him The second is To have an Army in readiness if possible before he hear of it The third is To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness And the fourth is To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success and to bring great exploits to perfection in a very small time He who would imitate his Victories ought to imitate the example of his Prudence otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence who ushered in by the morning darkens them at his only sight In vain do the great Rivers which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters endeavour to contest with the Ocean which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosome as a Tribute due to his greatness And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces in presence of those of a great King before whom he is only esteemed as a small star which hath neither light nor luster when the Sun comes in view The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much though against his Will both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces and loss of his Towns In fine he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty The King amidst the greatest Victories was ever wont to prefer peace before war yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war his Word and Actions being disconsonant Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun which is only two Leagues distant from it and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good
earnest to chastise him for all his ill designs against France and finding himself press'd by the near approaches of the Army sent the Sieur de Ville chief Gentleman of his Bed-chamber and Janin Secretary of State once more to offer him all manner of content giving them likewise full liberty to treat They testified unto his Majesty that their Master was very much afflicted for having inconsiderately suffered himself to be ingaged with Monsieur They protested that in future he would continue immovable in his Devoir That he would pay him the Fealty and Homage due for the Dutchy of Bar That he would inviolably adhere to the Interests of France particularly offering to joyn his Forces with his to be employed in any expedition whatever and withal that he would deposite part of his Towns in his Majesty's hands as a gage of his performance The King received them very curteously knowing it to be more glorious to receive the submissions of his Enemies confessing themselves vanquished then to destroy them despoil them and insult upon them and then as if he would set no bounds to his clemency he promised to pardon him a second time and that he would not be against any accomodation that reasonably could be desired provided there might be any assurance of his promises But it being requisite to find out some other kind of security for performance of his engagement then what had formerly been whereby he might be deprived of the means of running any more into his former designs his Majesty remitted them to the Cardinal to conclude the Articles of the Treaty Politique Observation ALthough all Princes have power and riches more then enough wherewithal to be contented yet some there are who pursuing their ambitious Inclinations sooner then the Laws of Prudence do daylie engage themselves in new Designs They seem to divert their eyes from what they possess covetously to behold what they have not and to quit the true and solid goods of peace that they may obtain an uncertain vain-glory in War Their Designe of growing great feedeth them with discontents and that they may not bound their pretensions their minds are perpetually floting in uncertainties Oftentimes it falleth out that they do but ill proportion their undertakings to their abilities by which means when they imagine themselves to be highest they fall lowest God that he may punish them seldom permits them to gather any other fruit from their desires but trouble and vexation and that those who endeavour to rise highest should have the greatest falls To conclude a little child forsaken by his Nurse before he be well able to go alone will not so soon fall as an ambitious Prince in the midst of his whole Power for the child finding himself unsupported begins to fear to lay hold on any thing and not to stir a foot But a Prince once bewitched with this Passion being too too confident doth inconsiderately run into every danger attempteth things above his reach and in fine sheweth by woful experience in himself that he who feareth no man is soon to be destroyed Better it were that they bounded their affections and that considering 't is not the large extent of a Princes Dominion which giveth him contentment but the moderation of his desires they would arrest those emotions and ebullitions which set them in action and make them stoop to the Empire of Reason The second Treaty of Peace with the Duke of Lorrain VVHat good successe might there not be expected from this Treaty when the Cardinal had the management of it His courage and conduct had already extended the bounds of France raised several Trophies to the King's glory and acquired new Lawrels to his Majesty wherefore it was not to be doubted but that he would a second time let the Lorrainers know that his Master doth as well inherit the courage as the Crowns of his Predecessors who have ever forced their Ancestors to stoop under their Arms in despite of the House of Austria the Supporters of their hopes not their State and that there was no conclusion to be made with him without extraordinary pledges for performance of their promises To this end tended his very first discourse that he might presently cut off their hopes of surprizing him and destroy their designs of getting clear for a few fair words or protestations of fidelity Two causes there were which inclined the Deputies to receive the Law from him First An unavoydable necessity either of accommodation or of ruine to their Master's affairs And secondly That in regard it was to be doubted that in case these effects did not oblige him he would resolve notwithstanding all the misfortunes arrived upon him to re-commence the War upon the first fair opportunity of time or hopes wherewith the House of Austria entertained him This latter was so improbable that it could hardly sink into the Cardinal's thoughts yet because he somwhat suspected it he made it his main designe in this Treaty to obtain such advantages for the King that it should be altogether impossible for the Duke of Lorrain to engage himself in a third War without his utter ruine The meeting was at Liverdun where after divers contests it was at length concluded That the Duke should deliver the Town and Castle of Stenay within six days and within three days after the Town and Castle of Jamets with the Arms Ammunitions and Victuals therein unto his Majesty for four years times as gages of his fidelity upon condition that the said time being expired the said places should be restored in the same condition they then were That during the said term of time it should be lawful for the King to put into them what number of men he pleased That the Inhabitants take the Oath of Allegiance unto his Majesty and swear not to attempt any thing contrary to his service That the Duke should within three days surrender into the King's hands the City and Fortress of Clermont which his Majesty pretended to belong unto him by Process of the Parliament of Paris who had adjudged his Majesty to have the possession thereof paying to the said Duke such a sum of money as should be agreed on by Commissioners from both parties in recompence of the Revenue he received from thence That the Duke should be obliged to render homage and fealty for Barr. within one year unto the King And as touching all differences moved or which hereafter should be moved between them that there should be Commissioners of either side appointed to sit at Paris when-ever it should please his Majesty to think fit to make a fair end between them It was likewise concluded that the Duke should religiously observe and keep the five first Articles of the Treaty of Vic which should be confirmed without any exception what ever That be should faithfully adhere unto his Majesties Interests That he should joyn his Forces with his Majesties and assist him to his utmost in any War what-ever That his
every little Town to stand upon their guard Some of his Forces attempted to seize upon about thirty or forty Mules neer Corcone but the Inhabitants falling upon them beat them back and saved their Mules but with the losse of twelve men left dead in the place which so incens'd his Highnesse that he resolv'd to besiege the Town and make them pay dearly for it But the Bishop de Mande whose Loyalty and Courage was well known hearing thereof raised a hundred Gentlemen and four hundred foot and with them got into the Town and resolved to defend it Whereupon Monsieur who had no leisure to stay in any place marched off traversing the whole Kingdom without any considerable thing done untill he came to Languedoc such good order had the Cardinal taken under his Majesties Authority Politique Observation IT is great Prudence not to neglect or slight the smallest Revolts but to cut them off in the first growth Some are so fatally blind as to perswade themselves that having great Forces a small Army can hardly get any advantage upon them But the wisest men have learnt from Reason and Experience that mean beginnings have sometimes had dangerous ends and that insurrections are like Rivers which the further they run the more they increase their Channels and inlarge their Banks They are not ignorant of the instability of humane affairs and that of all others the chances of War are most incertain They know that to disregard an enemy giveth him a great advantage for that he is thereby permitted to raise Forces and to fortifie himself so that in conclusion it will be as hard a task to subdue him as at first it would have been easie to have prevented him from making the least progress in his design One of the Pharaohs of Egypt was so inconsiderate as to slight the Caldeans being thereunto perswaded by some eminent men of Tunis who told him that for a Prince of his birth descended from a stem of ancient Kings Lord of a large Country and esteemed by every one as the Arbitrator of War and Peace to fear so inconsiderable an enemy would be injurious and dishonourable to him but he was not long unpayed for the Caldeans invaded his Country assaulted his Cities and ruin'd his Kingdom they meeting with no opposition at all The small esteem which those of Ninive made of their Besiegers and the great confidence they put in their own Walls and Power were the causes of their being taken in the middest of their mirth There need no more but one small sparkle to kindle a great Fire and but a small Revolt to over-run a whole Kingdom if there be not some preventive Force used Do we not see how the greatest Storms begin with a little Gale of Wind and that the greatest darknesses are Ushered in by small Clouds so do we likewise often see the greatest Wars to grow from little beginnings A State is seldome without I think I may safely say never some discontented persons who would be very glad to joyn their forces with those of any Revolted Prince if they could have but a small opportunity And some indeed too too many Ransâ—ckers who would be extraordinary glad to be under any protection where they might be permitted to forrage Pillage and Plunder The surest remedy in such cases is to prevent them betimes and to wait upon the first appearers in the field with such power and force that they may not have time to know where they are and that others may not dare to stir a foot to joyn with them Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontents THe Duke of Montmorency was the man who had ingaged Monsieur to come into Languedoc giving him to hope for great assistance in those parts and that himself had credit and power enough to arm all that Province in his behalf He had been much discontented from the year 1629. when the Esleus were established of such concern was the Creation of those new Officers unto him for they were then impowered to impose the Contributions upon the people which formerly belonged unto the States and especially the Governour Who sometimes would exact a hundred thousand Livres for his own share which losse he could ill brook by reason he was used to make great expences It is true indeed the Sieur de Emery Intendent of the Treasuries being sent into Languedoc to execute the Edict about the year 1631 found a means to content him which was to levy the said Contributions by certain Commissioners from whom the King should receive as great advantage as from the Esleus and yet who should act nothing but by direction from the States and thus had the Governour of the Province still liberty to make his usual profits But the Marshal d'Effiat Super-intendent of the Treasuries could not approve hereof either by reason of the disgusts which happened between them whilest they commanded the Army together in Piedmont or else because it was not just that the Governours of Provinces should raise such sums upon the people already too much oppressed and that without any benefit to the King So that Monsieur de Montmorency's Discontent rendred Monsieur de Emery's Proposal of accommodation of no use Besides he was resolved to prosecute the Office of Marshal General of his Majesties Camps and Armies which would have conferred upon him almost all the Functions of Constable which he could not obtain upon just considerations he having ever shewed more of Courage then Prudence in his Conduct The Refusal hereof was the more sensibly resented by him in regard his birth and the honour his Ancestors had in being Constables perswaded him that he deserved it These were the chief causes of his discontents which ingaged him to revolt whereunto may be added his Wifes perswasions who being an Italian born for which and her particular merits rice Queen-Mother much honoured her she so dealt with him that he imbraced her interests and consequently Monsieur who was then strictly leagued with the Queen-Mother for to ruine the Cardinal For most certain it is she did very much contribute to ingage him in those designs unto which he was of himself sufficiently inclined having naturally more fire then earth in his temper Besides he verily believed that the great acquaintances which his fore-fathers Governours of that Province for a long tract of tisâ—e had left unto him together with what himself had acquired would enable him to dispose the Cities the Nobility the States and people as himself pleased whereby he might raile the whole Province as one man and being then countenanced by Monsieur that he might force the Cardinal and suppresse the Edict of Esleus and to obtain for him what honours he should desire In order to this design he used his utmost indeavours with the Bishops and Nobility of Languedoc to oblige them to him well knowing that the people are like the small stars in the Firmament which having no particular motions of themselves are guided by the higher Orbs.
This his design succeeded according to his own wish yet not without much detriment to his glory it being most certain that the readinesse he met in many to imbrace his Proposals was another tye to ingage him in that Revolt His Majesty and the Cardinal had particular notice of all these Passages it being impossible that such contrivances should long be kept secret The Laws of Justice obliged his Majesty not to delay the punishment due to the Authors of them but the Cardinal considering that Soveraigns ought not to be severe in such affairs untill a trial of fair means perswade his Majesty to indeavour by the mediation of some ingenious person to set him right again in his former duty and not only for that reason but because he thought it an act becoming a generous Prince to preserve a man of his quality from a shipwrack which had not fallen upon him but in regard of an inconsiderate heat and fury He gave the Arch-Bishop of Arles and the Sieur d'Emery instructions and orders to go to him to tell him from his Majesty what causes he had given of suspition that he should have a care of himself that if he regarded his duty he would find it not to be lawful for a private person to order and govern the State as he should think fit such power being only Regal That if the good of the Province were in question War and Rebellion were but two ill remedies to redress the grievances and disorders thereof That if he designed to raise his Fortunes Revolt was but an ill Foundation and would be his infallible ruine seeing his Majesty had hitherto oretopt all his neighbors and would doubtless do the like by him when-ever he should begin to stir That in conclusion his Birth did lay an obligation upon him of being loyal seeing his Ancestors had inviolably adhered unto their Kings Interests And that he could not but injure himself if he should eclipse the glory they had left him by actions contrary to theirs These Reasons were too weighty and just not to remove him from his designs had he never so little considered of them but discontent and passion had taken such deep root in his soul that he had not the power to reflect on them rather he stoutly disowned that he had any project in hand against the service and obedience which he owed unto his Majesty yet at the same time he persisted to make sure of all such as might be useful to him in his designe Oh what blindness and strange resistance was this But who will not then bless himself at the Cardinal's goodness which cannot without great reluctancy perswade his Majesty to any rigorous proceedings how just soever who would not accept of this resistance but induced his Majesty to give new Orders and Instructions in that particular unto the Sieur de Sondeuil thinking perchance that he would sooner hear him then any other because he had ever admitted him into the first place of his confidence The King caused him fortwith to set forwards as soon as he had received the Cardinal's directions what to say unto Monsieur de Montmorency to disswade him from his designs and to keep him off from that Revolt in which if he ingaged be would even force his Majesty to destroy him When he arrived to him he used all his Rhetorique his utmost care affection and address though to no purpose his Resolution being fixed and himself then engaged to and with divers other persons Politique Observation IT is dangerous to be wilfully obstinate in any Design and to be deaf to their counsels who by their wisdom may force the ill consequences and successes thereof Those great men who suffer themselves so 'to abound in their own sense are commonly the causers of great evils they beget disorders and having fallen into any adversity do ruine not only themselves but their friends and partakers Though Alexander wanted neither courage nor success yet was he blame-worthy for so obstinately refusing the advices of the sage Egyptians who counselled him not to go into Babylon for that they found by their Art he would there die For despising their opinions he went thither and was there poysoned by Thessalus his Physician Somtimes it is prudence to change resolutions especially such as are unjust or rebellious It is only proper to Mountains not to run backward but it is a wise mans duty to break the course of his conduct if evil and to steer a contrary way which may be more propitious to change from bad actions to good and better though never so often cannot be accounted Inconstancy neither will any wise man be so wedded to an ill design as to persist in it A prudent man receiveth counsel with joy and maketh use thereof as occasion requireth knowing it is not lightness to forsake an error once found so to be He had much rather confess his indiscretion then persist in it and he knoweth that somtimes to be vanquished is to be victorious In fine Stubborness is then especially inexcusable when it ingageth a man to fall off from that obedience which is due to his Soveraign No one what-ever may take up Arms against Prince upon what pretence soever God hath placed the Sword in the hands of Kings nor may any of their subjects draw it unless by their Princes authority Grandees are so much the more to be blamed for raising of troubles by how much it is honourable for them to be makers of peace They who raise seditions and think to hide themselves under a pretence of the publike good do but deceive themselves for there is not any man so simple who will believe insurrections to have been really made upon that account and every one knows that the first contrivers were set on work either by ambition or interests But admit the State were in disorder it is then no more tolerable for the Grandees of the Kingdom to give the Law unto their Soveraign then for the members of mans body to rule and direct the Head and Heart those chiefer parts Marcellus who heretofore lived in Heathenish darkness said Good Princes are to be begged from the Gods with vows and prayers but be they what they will they ought to be loved honoured feared This was the opinion of an Heathen But if any Nation have less excuses for rebellion then others it is doubtless the Christian whom God hath both in the Old and New Testament sundry times commanded to be obedient unto Kings to be respectful unto Superior Powers nay patiently to suffer their very disorders and Tyrannies The Duke de Montmorency re-doubleth his Intreagues upon Monsieur's arrival in Languedoc MOnsieur being once entred into Languedoc the Duke of Montmorency having pre-assured him that the Nobility would generally rise and divers strong places open their gates unto him upon his first appearance in the field he began to re-inforce his endeavours to effect both one and t'other until then he fed the King with fair
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy â—riâ—g all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
you will do me the honor to believe me This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion that alone prevented it insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion Hereupon the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obedience both by exhortation and example to excite them to Rebellion could not put up such disorders but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks to receive their Revenues and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses and Episcopal Seas and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal persoâ—s he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bishop of Arles the Bâ—shops of St. Flâ—ur and St. Malo to draw up their process against them His Majesty might have made use of his own power and have punished them by his ordinary Justice inasmuch as it was Treason from which there is no exemption neither could it have been thought strange by themselves seeing Jesus Christ himself and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel refused not to be judged by the Laiety Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men would not commit their judgment but unto persons of their own Coat who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment the rest they restored to their Bishopricks having not evidences enough to condemn them although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty Politique Observation ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority It is moreover true that Bishops are more especially obliged beyond any other Subjects to live in an exemplary Loyalty and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity the take a new Oath of Allegiance which as it were a second Chain tieth them to the yoke of obedience but admitting that were not so yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother which is a spirit of peace are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence against the Medicis when he publiquely preached that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some and the Libertie of others They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood We should think it very strange if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God to inlighten the World with its stars to produce nourishments by its influences for the preservation of all creatures to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits should in a sudden alter its nature and only fill us with darknesse terrifie us with Thunders and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns And would it not be more wonderfull to behold the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing then to be obedient and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind Bishops their Successors indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood to divert people from their duties to arm them against their lawfull Prince and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine rendreth their example of a more dangerous consequence and their discourses more powerfull to perswade whatever they are disposed to inculcate For this very reason was it that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes was deposed by Childebert that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen In the time of Childery that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis upon this score it was that Lewis the Debonair forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims Volsphod Bishop of Cremone and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims It is the ancient politique custom of France a Right belonging to our Kings and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution without any scruple when and so often as occasion should require And what probability I pray is there that the Bishops and Church-men of a Kingdom should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion and not be punished for so doing to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it or depose them from their functions after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them by their evil deportment Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment for at least a year before had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province in consideration of other recompences offered unto him and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty not to proceed unto the extremities of rigor but when he should be as it were inforced it by the extremities of dis-obedience But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise to beg leave of his Majesty that he might passe away two
or three months time at Rome and Loretta The King was very glad of it and readily granted his desire as knowing that travel doth often correct passion in matters of revolt and love yet was it neverthelesse upon condition that after his return he should come to Court and clear some suspicions which had been taken at the manner of his late Conduct But instead of returning back from Italy he dispatched the Sieur de Grand Pre one of his Domestiques to beseech his Majesty then at Vic to bestow some employment upon him amongst those forces which were then marching towards Italy for the safety of his Allies His Majesty denied to grant his request conceiving that he rather aimed to palliate his disobedience then to do any real service and thereupon renewed his former command that he should come to him and justifie himself as to divers particulars whereof he was suspected But he being never inclined to obey this command and on the contrary living out of the Kingdom without his Majesties permission against the inhibition contained in the Law which declares such Princes as violate it guilty of High-Treason withall residing there to entertain intelligences to the King's disservice of which he had particular advice there was no other way to look on him but in the quality of a Rebel and to deprive him of the Government of Provence which lay convenient for him to let in a Forraign enemy he being further to be suspected in regard the House of Lorrain layeth some ancient claim although upon weak pretences to this Province whereupon the King provoked by these important reasons resolved to discharge him of that Government and to bestow it on the Marshal de Vitry whose valour prudence and affection his Majesty might rely on with confidence that the D.o Guise could attempt nothing in prejudice of the State which would not as quickly be repelled and withall caused him to take the Oath of Governour the same day that the Peace was concluded with Monsieur though his Letters Patents had been dispatched in April Politique Observation IT is very dangerous to commit the Government of a Province to a Grandee who hath once had his hand in a Revolt who hath declared his discontent or hath any pretence to the place in his charge The disloyalty which ingaged him in any faction rendreth him more deserving of punishment then preferment and the least chastisement which can be inflicted on him is to deprive him of all imployments it being a thing of great concern exemplarily to chastize those Governors which are guilty of such offences The punishment inflicted on them serveth for an example to others and keepeth them in their duties whereas impunity incourageth others to run into the same faults Besides he who hath once had the impudence to imbark himself in a rebellious design will be ever ready to put it in execution when a fair opportunity invites him Great sicknesses administer suspicion of relapses and the wisest Kings having once seen a Grandee fall off from his Allegiance have ever distrusted him and never afforded him the opportunity of doing the least evill Small things may be hazarded but amongst such the Government of a Province one of the most important charges of a State may not be reckoned It is likewise equally dangerous to trust a Grandee who hath once shewed himself to be discontented it were to be ignorant of the usual consequences which attend great mens discontents to intrust the Government of a Province with them There is not any thing more natural to a man who is either provoked or beleeveth himself injured then to study revenge and to use his utmost indeavour to retort it To give such a man authority were to impower him to satisfie his Passion which attended with weaknesse would be ineffectual The great imployments of the Marshal de Marillac did only serve to render him the more culpable neither indeed may any thing else be reasonably suspected from those men that give themselves over to a male-contented humor But above all it is a most signal imprudence to commit the government of great Provinces to such as have any pretensions unto them how old or ancient soever This latter age hath afforded us a memorable example hereof in the person of the Duke de Mercoeur who had not raised a faction in Bretaign but upon some pretences as antient as frivolous Doth not every one know how much the late King was troubled to get him out And was not the deceased King blamed for having bestowed the Government of it upon the Sieur do Vendosm his son-in-law who in processe of time was suspected to have designed to make himself Duke thereof Ambition doth easily ground new designs upon ancient pretences it teacheth Grandees disloyalty and maketh them like Moles alwaies undermining it maketh them slight their quiet Life Health Laws and Religion it self and all that they may gain the ends unto which they aspire nay it sometimes so puffeth them up that some of them have carried in their hearts the Crowns which their Kings have wore on their heads Mark Anthony made a discreet Order when Cassius had made himself Master of Syria his native Country whose inhabitants had assisted him in that design whereby he inhibited the conferring any command upon a man in his own Country How dangerous is it then to bestow it upon such who perswade themselves it is their brith-right If Ambition be to be feared though without a pretext how much more is it then to be suspected when there is some apparent justice for the ground of it If the Province be divided into parties he need then onely adhere to the strongest and then much may be done but if it be united he may possibly ingage the whole in revolt if he once get the affections of the people which is easily brought to passe if a man designs it and makes it his businesse The King returneth from Languedoc to Paris THe King having setled all things in Languedoc in such a posture as there remained nothing to be feared his Majesty parted from Tholose upon the 29. of October to return towards Parisâ— Now having formerly understood that Monsieur had onely made his Peace with a resolution to flie out again upon the first fair invitation he intended to march thither with all speed to which end he would only be attended with some Light-horse certain Companies of Musquetiers and Pikemen on horseback The Cardianl whose body is not so vigorous as his Soul could not resolve to make such speed especially considering the labours he had undergone in the voyages and much more the pains he had taken in smothering the Wars of Lorrain and Languedoc in their birth had much decayed his strength Whereupon he thought better to wait upon the Queen but scarce was he gone two daies journey from Tholose when he found himself seized with violent sicknesse which forced him to retire to Bourdeaux where is pains so increased that France was
thoughts unto them as he conceived most advantagious to their Common-wealth He beseeched them to consider that the eagernesse alone wherewith the Spaniards prosecuted it was enough to render it suspected that Counsels entertained with heat by an enemy connot be but with design to advantage himself that it was visible the disorder of his affairs was the onely cause he so passionately prosecuted it that the extremity to which he was reduced being assaulted over all the Indies in Germany in Italy in the Low-countries unable to furnish out new Levies or monies necessary for his security did not a little incline him thereunto He further represented to them how it had alwaies been esteemed for a matter of great concernment not to give an enemy breath when he is upon the point of falling and made it easie to be concluded that for them to make a Peace with the Spaniard in this his low condition would be the more prejudicial to them he having hardly any other shift to make himself considerable than the reporting of this Treaty to be concluded neither was he backward to represent unto them that admitting these his reasons should be invalid yet they did abuse themselves if they beleeved that the Treaty could include their Peace in it in regard of the Spaniards obstinate resolution of never relinquishing his pretended Soveraignty over their Countries a resolution which he hath ever protested against the Decree of the 16. of July 1588 which declared Philip the second to have lost all his right over them and how that after he had treated with them as between Soveraign and Soveraign by concluding that Treaty 1609 yet he could not forbear his ill intention during the 12 years that it lasted and which is more set Berkins Chancellour of Brabant in the year 1621. to sosicite them to return unto the obedience as he was pleased to say of their natural Prince that in vain they did perswade themselves the Councel of Spain would relinquish his pretensions seeing on the contrary upon every occasion he hath been ready to drive on his pretences both upon them and others and that admitting the Treaty should be once concluded yet they must ever be renewing of it and in effect that nothing would be obtained thereby but the losse of a fair opportunity whiles the Spaniards were reduc'd to so low an ebb He moreover forced them to confesse that the Treaty being uncapable of producing their Peace the State of their affairs and good of their Country did not oblige them in any respect to desire it that their Provinces were never more flourishing that Learning Husbandry Trade and whatever Peace maketh elsewhere to flourish were with them freely exercised in times of War that their Disciplines were so carefully improved that the Athenians could never with so much reason represent an armed Pallas as they might that their Pastures and Plains were not in the least troubled with the Souldiers that their Plow-shares were as bright as their Pikes and Swords and that the noise of the Cannons did not at all hinder their Traffick as the Province of Zealand and those others which are most addicted unto Merchandize have declared by their aversions to this Treaty Some private ones of Spain might paradventure object that admitting the State of their Provinces might not compel them to a cessation of Arms for some years yet it could not however but be advantagious to them because the Flemings and Walloons would in that interim forget their warlike exercises and that the Swedes and Protestants would so weaken the House of Austria that there would be no more cause of fear but he easily convinced them of the vanity of their hopes and represented to them how little reason there was to beleeve that the want of accompt during the Treaty would effeminat the Flemings and Walloons because the Spaniard would not leave them idle but find employments enough for them in other parts and that on the contrary undoubtedly the Spaniard would transport all his force into Germany which he had formerly entertained in the Low-Countries by which means he would force those Princes who counterpoised his Power to receive the Law from him and to lay down their Arms and which once effected that he would bring back his Forces from Germany recruited with a far greater strength which had for many years supported the House of Austria and that it would not then be very difficult to reduce Holland unto slavery This Answer was the more to be considered in regard it was so convincing contrary to the preservation of their State and Liberty nor did he forget to add that on the contrary it was not a little important to foresee how much this Treaty would undoubtedly weaken the united Provinces both in regard of the Division it would raise among them or the dis-use of Arms and their Traffique in the Indies so far was it from any likelyhood of encreasing their power that it was but vain to hope for it without reliquishing the Trade of both the Indies the Spaniard being not so indiscreet as to condiscend thereunto after the receiving so great detriment as he had from them but that in case they concluded it they would thereby blast their fairest hopes diminish the stock of their riches and cut off their right hand their power by Sea without which they were not considerable among their neighbors As to what concern'd the discontinuation of the War he freely told them that States preserve not themselves but by such means as have served to establish them as natural bodies subsist not but by the same things as are in their first compositions and that they did in vain strive to cause their State to flourish in peace which had received it's birth and being from War and which could not but by War be preserved in its present splendor He layd before them that peace would be absolutely prejudicial to them as experience had evinced in the late 12 years Treaty during which the Spanish Plots Gold and devises had wrought them a 1000 times more damage then all their open force could ever do besides the Souldiers laying by their usual exercises would loose much of their valor by which till then they had obtained such signal advantages and being not ignorant how powerful impressions truth maketh when it is seconded by glory that he might excite them he proclaimed aloud that there never yet was Common-wealth so like the Roman as that of the Hollander adding withall that if that had receiv'd such continual growth from War as it had not in seven hundred years from it's first foundation untill Augustus time but only twice shut up the Temple of Janus so it had lost it self by an unactive Peace and that nothing but the like misfortune could befall them when once they should relinquish their exercise of Arms. Nor did he conceal from them that in case they should then conclude the Treaty their Republique would totally discredit it self with its Allies
of honour then any other and indeed they are more to be esteemed because Honour is more excellent then Wealth There was no Crown more esteemed among them then the obsidional which however was made of Turf that of Gold inlaid with Stones was beneath it because lesse honourable there was not any greater honour in their Common-Wealth then that of Triumph which however brought no Wealth to the Triumpher for after he had appeared in a Chariot cloathed and attended magnificently he was obliged to live in the City in the quality of a private person without other reward then the glory of their actions Cneus Ovillius thought himself more highly rewarded after he had concluded the first Carthaginian War by the Common-Wealths permitting him to have a Trumpet alwaies march before him and Pompey by the power granted him wear his Triumphant Robe at all publick Feasts and Caesar by the priviledge of continually wearing the Lawrel Crown then if they had had all the riches of the Empire divided amongst them The Institution of the Parliament of Mets after the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and Places of Lorrain AFter the King had reduc'd to his Obedience divers Cities and places of the Bishopricks of Mets Toul and Verdun and recovered to his Crown divers Lands and Lordships heretofore pulled from it he thought it necessary for the preservation of the people in Obedience and Peace and for conservation of the Rights of his Crown to establish a Soveraign court of Justice which should have full power to Judge without further Appeal all matters both civil and criminal His Majesty was the rather invited unto it by the earnest intreaties of all the Orders of the Cities and Provinces in prosecution of the promise made unto them by the late King Henry le grand especially to redresse those great abuses committed in the Administration of Justice in regard of the inexperience of the Magistrates as to prevent the Dukes of Lorrain's usurpation who had oftentimes presumed to give judgement in places and upon persons depending on the Crown of France It was resolved about the beginning of the year The King ordained a Soveraign court with the Title of Parliament in his Bishopricks of Toul Mets and Verdun the seat whereof he founded at Mets both in regard of the commodiousnesse of the scituation as also the populousness of the place and confluence of the people which came from all parts and besides that place having been formerly the Metropolis of Austracia one of the best Flowers of this Crown His Majesty ordained there should be one chief President six other Presidents forty six Counsellors of which six should be of the Clergy the rest of the Laity one Attorney General two Advocates General and to brief all Officers usual in other Parliaments to execute Justice without Appeal every six moneths upon the Cities and persons of those Bishopricks as also upon Mouzon Chasteau-Regnaud and its Appurtenances notwithstanding any Soveraignty they might heretofore claim Lastly desiring to chuse such persons as might be capable of doing actual service in this Parliament he committed the charge of chief President to the Sieur de Bretaign and of the other Presidents to the Sieurs of Charpentier Blundeau Pinon Treslon Vignier and Chanteclair all men of worth that of Attorney General to the Sieur de Paris Master of Requests those of the two Advocates General to the Sieurs de la Gresliere Remifort and Fardoil they had all Commission to go with four Masters of Request and five or six who were created Counsellours to establish the Parliament which they did about the end of August to the great happinesse and satisfaction of the inhabitants of Mets glad to see their City re-assume its ancient splendour and true it is the industry they used to preserve his Majesties right and the people in their obedience did not a little conduce to the establishment of the Royal Authority in its lustre That new Magistrates of Justice ought to be established in Countries newly conquered AS Subjects ow love and obedience to their Kings so Kings ow them Justice and affection The debts are mutual and two incumbent duties which compose the most agreeable harmony in States upon the accomplishment of which dependeth the good fortune of both Prince and People which being so a Prince can no sooner conquer a country but be is obliged to do them Justice nor is it of small importance to him to execute it by new Judges and to change the old Magistrates Caesar and Nero knew it well enough by their indeavours to suppresse the Senate at least to diminish their power when they despaired of being able absolutely to depose them In a word the Soveraign power being composed of the Authority of a Prince and that of Magistrates to force a country out of the hands of another Prince and not to change the Magistrates were to be but half Master of it for their Prince having bestowed those imployments on them they cannot but preserve some affection for him nor wil they ever fail to serve him so that great inconveniences may thereby arise for as they in some sort serve as a Chain to tie the people in obedience to their Soveraign they will do their utmost indeavour to preserve them in their dependance upon him from whom they have received their imployments and with time they are able to cause a general insurrection A Seat of Justice though without a Sword with the Purple onely and those other marks of its dignity doth oftentimes cause that which they favour to be more respected and obeyed then the force of an whole Army so much are the people us'd to submit to its judgements and to follow its motions therefore there is nothing of a conquest secured untill the Conquerour hath setled such Magistrates as are affectionate and loyal to his service That once done let the people mutiny make unlawfull Assemblies and be factious it signifies little especially if there are any strong Garisons or Souldiers in pay to quel them The people do commonly return to their duties at the only sight of their Magistrates and they quickly calm themselves as tost vessels do at the appearance of Castor and Pollux but if they find any to second their insurrection they rage more and more and flie out into all kind of extremities Alpheston and Chavagnac executed at Mets by Decree of Parliament THe exemplary punishment which the Parliament of Mets executed this year upon Alpheston and Chavagnac was one of the greatest services which could be rendred to the State Alpheston a notorious Assassinate came to Mets about the end of September with Sausier and Bellanger who had both been of the Marshal de Marillac's guard These two Souldiers touch'd with repentance and horrour for the crime wherein they had been ingaged made their addresses to the Sieur de Mommas Governour of the City for the Duke de la Valette and discovered to him upon what design they were come
from the Low Countries The Sieur de Mommas secured them all three which being signified to the chief President they were examined and Processe made against Alpheston in the usual form it was proved that Alpheston having murthered a certain Courier called Clairbourg for fear lest he should discover a design upon St. Disier which he had intrusted with him fled into Flanders where having made some stay at Bruxels he got acquainted with Father Chanteloup and one la Roche intendent of his affairs who had ingaged him together with Sausier and Bellanger to kill the Cardinal Duc de Richelieu passing through Chaallons where they were to lodge over against him that they had been assured by Father Chanteloup how that affair had been consulted by persons of Piety and Learning and adjudged it might be executed with a safe Conscience that la Roche had given an hundred Livres to Sausier as many to Bellanger and a hundred crowns to Alpheston with promise to reward their services better that Alpheston had oftentimes conversed with Father Chanteloup concerning that affair that la Roche had caused a Gelding of the Queens Stable to be given him which was afterwards known to be the same by the Sieur de Villiers one of her Querris All this was Deposed by Sausier and Bellanger and confessed by Alpheston himself so that he was condemned upon the 23 of September to be broke on the wheel for his offence The Sentence was executed and as it is very important for the security of Kings and their States to pardon those who discover things of this nature Sausier and Bellanger were acquitted in conformity to the Law prescribed in such cases Nor was this Assassinaâ— the only Monster which Chanteloup sent abroad to execute that horrible attempt not long after Blaise Ruflet was discovered under the name of Chavagnac and convicted in the same Parliament to have designed the death of that grand Minister by causing him to read a poysoned Letter an action so black and full of horror that it is hardly credible in a person of his condition bad it not been formally proved and withall confessed by himself who for his punishment was adjudged to be hanged The Parliament of Mets could not see Chanteloup guilty of such abhominations without declaring what he was whereupon they drew up his indictment and condemned him by default to be broken alive Thus did God by his Providence defend this incomparable Minister from the fury of his enemies who before they could effect their design had the impudence to publish in divers places that it were a piece of conscience to murther him that the merit were greater then the crime that it were an act of Justice and that divers having already contrived the design was only deterred by fear Thus did they indeavour to infuse the poison of this abhominable Doctrine into the minds of some melancholy men and to perswade them to Dye their hands in the blood of a Cardinal a Bishop a chief and incomparable Minister of State This in a word is the strangest fury that Hell can lead a man into but that which was more wonderfull was to see the Queen-Mother whose Piety and Clemency had in all her Government been so conspicuous suffer such persons as were about her not only to publish but approve such bloody Doctrines and Sacralegious maxims and to be obstinate in the keeping him for her only Minister who made it his businesse to cut the thread of his life whose whose services the King her son did every day publish with so many honourable Eulogiums that he ascribed the happy successe of all his enterprizes to his only counsels This her procedure was totally repugnant to that pretended desire of hers to return into France and to make her Peace with his Majesty however they who had the honour to know her did not at all detract from their opinions of her goodness knowing her to be by nature as far from this barbarous doctrine as heaven is from earth they only wish she had not so easily suffered her self to be surprised by those whom she honoured with her confidence How abhominable assassination hath ever been and that great men never ought to be drawn into it TO murther a Cardinal is a detestable sacriledge not onely because it injureth a particular person but the sacred Colledge of Cardinals the Pope and the whole Church He who murdereth a Minister of State is guilty of high Treason as I have heretofore made appear and generally of all others it is the most horrible Crime Murderers among the Israelites were so much detested that private men were allowed to destroy them if the Magistrate did not nay he who had killed another by accident was in such abhomination with them that he was banished his Country as unworthy of their conversation and forced to retire to their Cities of refuge under penalty of being slain without punishment by him who had undertaken to revenge the death All nations have chastised it with grievous punishments those of Brasil in particular do so detest it that if the murderer save himself by flight yet his children sisters and cousins are all made slaves to the kindred of the party murthered Hath not God declared himself an enemy unto it when he saith He who killeth his Brother shall dy by the sword History is full of examples verifying his Divine justice to correspond with his threats Plutarch though having the light of nature onely writeth that a certain murderer of one Mitias a Grecian escaping scot free the divine providence so ordered it that his statue fell upon him in the publick place and crushed him to death but if murder destroy those that are guilty thereof with shame surely all Princes peccant in this particular are much more blame-worthy because they do an act contrary to that mercy justice generosity and greatnesse of power which they are obliged to have Never would the Romans in the flourishing time of their Common-Wealth permit their enemies to be thus kill'd and Tacitus reporteth that when the Senate read Algau destrius Prince of the Catti his Letters in which he undertook to poison Arminius the German Captain provided they would send him poison return'd him this answer that the people of Rome used to have satisfaction from their enemies openly and not by treachery That I may shew this true valour hath not been unimitated in these latter ages Dom Rogero Comte de Pallant offered Alphonsus King of Naples to kill the King of Castile his enemy with his own hands whereunto Alphonsus answered think not I pray upon such an action because were it to put me in quiet possession not only of Castile but of the whole world yet would I never give my consent unto it The Acts of Hostility committed by the Duke of Lorrain against France VVHilest his Majesties prudence and courage were taking care for his sundry affairs the Duke of Lorrain setting by the Laws of honour which obliged him to keep
best places in the World in the sight of all Europe without resistance and not being forced thereunto that he confess'd his Majesties Power was great and that it would be difficult for him to withstand it and that finding himself between two great Princes he ought to be the more cautious of his deportment in regard if he should satisfie the King by delivering Nancy he should contract the Emperour's displeasure from whom he holdeth his Dutchy which doubtlesse he would declare to be forfeited by Proclamation of the Empire with a resolution to seiz upon it as soon as ever the affairs of Germany would permit him That indeed he might reasonably expect his Majesties protection but that then it might so fall out that his Majesty might be so far ingaged in other Wars as not to be in a condition of assisting him by which means his ruine would then be inevitable and moreover that he thought it impossible to perswade his brother to Deposit Nancy unlesse at the last extremity of his affairs Whereunto the Cardinal answered that he found it not strange that he should alledge his holding of the Empire and the power of the House of Austria but besides that the King did not consider such pretensions he thought that if the Duke of Lorrain did well weigh it he would find no great reason to build upon it because he well knew that those whose interests he alledged being the chief Authors of his evil conduct had not been very solicitous to assist him That he confess'd indeed Monsieur de Lorrain was under the Pâ—otection of two Crowns but that the Laws of the very protection obliged him to deserve it from the King by his respects and good deportment and to conclude by the desires which his Predecessors had testified that his preservation intirely depended thereupon That instead thereof he had provok'd his Majesty broken his faith by infringing of Treaties taken part with Spain run into all acts of Hostility and to compleat all the rest of his breaches of promise which might offend his Majesty had ravish'd a son of France and ingag'd Monsieur to marry his sister whereupon his Majesty had but too much reason to invade his Countries and that if he did more fear the power of the Emperour then that of France then at his Gates he might chuse what party he pleased to defend himself by force but that in case he would prudently avoid his ruine which was inevitable he could not take a better course then by depositing of Nancy which would secure his States without any loss to him As for matter of his holding of the Empire the King was far enough from admitting it seeing he himself claimeth the Soveraignty of Lorrain and that the Homage was due unto him that the Empire had heretofore usurp'd it from this Crown but that length of possession could not prejudice a Soveraigns right because great Princes who acknowledge no other Tribunal upon earth where they may claim their own are alwaies permitted to demand their rights from Usurpers and to enter them by force so that no time can cause a prescription against them that the affairs of France had not heretofore been in a condition to dispute these pretences but that now God having opened his Majesty a way to establish his Monarchy in its primitive greatnesse Posterity would have a just cause to reproach him with negligence if he should not imploy his forces in the recovery of the most ancient rights of his Crown that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to have had those fears alledged by him in his mind at such time as he was running on to provoke his Majesty against him but that now having done the injury his Majesty could not dissemble his resentment wherefore he was absolutely resolved to be reveng'd unless he receiv'd such satisfaction that all Europe might know to be reasonable that his Pâ—edecessors had ever well-esteem'd the friendship of France and that he himself might have rested secure in this protection because his Majesty well knew how to defend him against any man But in fine that the King could not admit of any other condition then the Deposite of Nancy seeing though he already had the best places of Lorrain in his hands they could not oblige the Duke to keep his promise and that his Majesty had reason to suspect he would not be much more solicitous for keeping it in future after so many changes of his resolution that his Majesty chiefly desired this assurance that he might no more hazard the receiving a new injury or be necessitated to his great expence to raise a new Army a thing peradventure which might then fall out when the State of his affairs would hardly permit him to attend it whereas the present conjuncture was such that his Majesty could not wish it more favourable there being no likelyhood of any thing to divert him that the Duke of Lorrain might be thereby the more readily induc'd to this resolution his Majesty desired to inform him of the present state of his affairs that that of France was such that it was not only at Peace but without fear of civil War all ill Subjects conspiring to be obedient the Treasure being full of money to sustain the charge and on the other side the Treaty of the Low Countries being broken without the least hopes of being brought on again and the Spaniards being in so much want of assistance from their Allies that the Duke of Lorrain could not pretend to expect any from them As to Germany that the Emperours forces had enough to do to defend themselves from the prosperous successe of the Swede who was not likely to be stopp'd As to matter of Italy that the Cardinal Infanta's forces were not yet ready to march and that admitting they were yet that they might meet with great obstructions in the Valtoline the Swedes being advanced thither to hinder their march and that thus Nancy might be besieg'd and taken without hopes of any assistance to releeve it unlesse Monsieur de Lorrain had rather Deposite it in his Majesties hands The Cardinal de Lorrain found it an hard task to answer these reasons and being retired all the course he took was to beseech his Majesty to give him time to confer with the Duke his brother and in the mean time not to make any further progresse The King not only refus'd it but assur'd that he would march before Nancy with the greatest speed that might be resolv'd never to depart until he had reduc'd it to its obedience That there ought to be other assurances taken then bare words from an incens'd Prince who hath oftentimes broke his word IT is necessary to take other kind of security then bare words from a Prince who hath often failed of his word especially who is known to be incens'd passionately desirous of revenging the punishments he hath receiv'd His apparent submissions in matters of accommodation are effects rather of his weakness then
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
that he might not exasperate him and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion he would not harp any more upon that string As to his demand of Madam de Combalet he told him that he took it for a very great honour and did not reject it but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lorrain with a great Army for his private ends and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick though for his part he was not waies averse from it These words of agreement were only an effect of his Purdence which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition he told them that neither the present nor the future age should have cause to believe that he had mingle his own interests in this affair where his only end was the Kings service and the good of the State that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy only upon an ambitious design of being Pope but that for his part he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty but he told him that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power for that he was inform'd of what had past The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions who knoweth that in matters of Treaty an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words After this they brake up their conference departed each from other and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties It is the property of a wise Minister to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprize him and to be carefull that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War should not gain it by an accommodation It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour because the occasions of fighting are but seldom in War whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a defeat To speak truth this vertue is as needfull for him as Art for a Work-man and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance which he pretendeth to form so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end preventeth his being deceived serveth to regulate his counsels guideth his actions maketh him speak in agreeable terms conducteth all his motions teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires The Philosopher saith it is a virtue proper to him that governeth not that it is unnecessary for private persons but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers that without it they are no more able to govern a State than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder He who is Master of it doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth so saith the wise man in his Proverbs The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant To make a right use of this vertue he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty To this end the wise Minister often retires in private as knowing that then he hath full liberty to discusse the Propositions made unto him and is at leisure to consider them a thing saith Periander able to overcome all things He is not ignorant that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration is like those liquorish men who charging their stomacks over hastily do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis particular affairs to general maximes he recollecteth the Experience of things past proportioneth the means to the end observeth if by granting any thing it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences examineth what assurance he shall find of performance and generally all other circumstances And lastly being thus secure from all surprizes he is not only in a condition of being not cheated but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth The King besiegeth Nancy and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle The King gave Order to his Commanders that they should seize upon all principal places he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael and Ponto au Mousson which presently surrendred Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force Charmes to the Comte de la Suze and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis besides these Halon du Chastel and the Castles de Conde la Chausset Trognon Malatour Pargny and Boucouville received the Garisons sent to them so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country but he became Master of the Field but that which was most of all was his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither which so invested the City of Nancy that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port The Regiment de Florinville designing to get in by night was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods and by unknown waies yet they could not carry it so secretly but some French discovered them which strook them into such fear that flying back again through the same Woods they totally routed themselves On the other
they perswaded him to resolve thereupon that upon the 21 they departed together to wait upon the King Approaching neer Nancy the Cardinal hasted to acquaint the King before the Cardinal de Lorrains comming with the secret of the affair and to advise him of such things as were most conducing to his service All that appeared was that Monsieur de Lorrain saluting the King bowed himself very low made his excused with a great deal of submission assured him of the inclination he had to obey him beseeched him to forget what was past to pardon him and to believe that he would punctually perform the Treary The King imbrac'd him with a cheerfull countenance and told him that he willingly accepted those proffers of his service and friendship that he should forget what was pass'd and that he forgave him Afterwards he led him into his Cabinet where the Cardinal was with the chief of the Councel Their entertainment was for some time upon ordinary discourse and many things were said concerning the Dukes courage and inclination to Arms which he did not unwillingly hear The King told him I must confesse I have had an ill opinion of you and when I found you perform'd not the Treaties made by the Cardinal your Brother which your self had ratified I shaid you had neither faith nor honesty but now in confidence of the promises you have made me to perform all I begin to be of another opinion and shall be ready to testifie the desire I have to love you Monsieur the Cardinal took up the discourse and said Sirs I shall willingly passe my word for the affection which Monsieur de Lorrain hath for you service and for the desire he hath to live otherwise than heretofore You ought to forget the occasions of discontent which your Majesty hath receiv'd and to believe that his deportment for the future will be satisfactory he must fight under your Colours and in the head of your Troops Hereupon Monsieur de Lorrain made great complements beseeching the King to receive him into his favour The King re-interated the assurances of his good will and it being Supper time his Majesty caused him to be conducted to Monsieur le Duc de la Valette's lodging who his Majesty had commanded to entertain him Notwithstanding all this and these several protâ—â—tations made by the Duke of Lorrain to live otherwise then he had for the future yet the knowledge of his humour oblig'd the King to cause him to be watch'd by divers trusty persons nor was it without reason seeing the very next morning there were many probable conjectures that he intended to save himself without making good any thing that he had promised The reverend Father Joseph and the Sieur Bouthillier went to wait upon him to conclude upon the Orders for his Majesties entrance into Nancy but he entertained the motions with so much coldness that there could be no more doubt of it however because it was not absolutely certain his Majesty did forbear to seiz upon his person The course he took by an admirable piece of Prundence not to break the Laws of Hospitality yet to prevent his getting off which would be much to his Majesties damage was the commanding of divers trusty persons to be near his Lodging who without shew of mistrust might watch that he escaped them not Indeed it had been a shame for the King to have suffered the Duke to have mock'd his Majesty by an escape of that nature and it had been as much weaknesse as inconsideratenesse not to have stop'd him in his flight It was absolutely necessary indeed to observe the promise of security given him for his comming to execute the Treaty which in case he refus'd to do the King was not oblig'd to his word and the Duke relying only upon the faith of his Treaty might and ought to be stop'd seeing the non-performance of it made him an enemy as before and he could not be arrested untill he had openly declare himself but his evasion discovering him sufficiently it had been imprudence to have suffered him to passe into Flanders without securing his person That Prince who after a Treaty attempteth to break his promise may be secured as an Enemy THat Prince who after a Treaty made either resolveth or indeavoureth to be worse then his word declareth himself an enemy to him with whom he treatted and as such he may lawfully be accounted for the breach of promise is one of the greatest indignities which one Prince can offer another Amongst Gentlemen it is a just ground for the cutting of Throats in Duels and Soveraigns look upon it as one of the most lawful occasions of War By Treaties of Peace they are made friends the breach of which makes them enemies and consequently they may freely be taken by the same Law whereby it is permitted to secure an enemy where ever he be found It is without reason that the infringers of them should alledge their security seeing themselves have broke it The Duke de Bourgogne who seized upon Lewis the Eleventh in the Castle of Peronne is commended for it in Hisstory as an act of Prudence because the King had provok'd him to it They had appointed that City to treat a Peace which was concluded between them but Lewis the Eleventh too little sincere in his proceedings having sent Embassadours to the Liegeois to perswade them to take up Arms against the Duke upon a great many fair promises which he made them and the Liegeois revolting upon his Majesties first motion the Duke fully inform'd that this rebellion proceeded from his indeavours set guards upon him to hinder his escape The truth is if any mis-fortune befall those that break Treaties they may thank themselves and it had not been amisse for their own securities to have remembred the counsel of Ecclesiasticus who faith The sin of him which deceiveth his Brother shall fall upon himself He who disseâ—â—leth sinneth doubly and who so sweareth in vain shall not be justified but his house shall be filled with dishonour His Majesties entrance into Nancy and the Orders therein established THe Duke of Lorrain seeing his Artifices availed little and that he must think of nothing but performing his promise did at last upon the 24 of Sept. command the Gates of Nancy to be opened for his Majesties forces The Marshals of his lodgings went to prepare his Quarters and the Garison of Lorrain being marched out in number 2300 foot and 230 horse only which was not enough by a third part to make good the fortifications His Majesties Army entred the place and divided themselves into the several quarters of the City according as they were commanded The 25 the King accompanied by the Cardinal of Lorrain and all the persons of quality who had followed him in that expedition made his entrance The people indeed at first seemed but ill satisfied but when they saw the admirable Order which his Majesty had prescribed to prevent their
their respective Commands put the English to the Rout Their Horse were all lost in the maâ—n their Cornet and 24. Colours and four Cannon were taken The French did nothing but kill and slay in so much that there lay above six hundred dead upon the place besides what were drowned in the Sea Divers of their Collonels Gentlement of quality and above one hundred and fifty Officers of all sorts were killed above three thousand Arms taken in the field and above fifteen hundred Souldiers laden with their Spoyles Thus the Marshal de Schomberg in the same day landed saw the siedge raised and beat his Enemies It is reported that the English had at their first setting foot on the Island at least seven thousand men and that a recruit of three thousand came afterwards to them but they carried off only eighteen hundred the rest being either dead with sickness or killed and of them too the greatest part dyed soon after their return to England by reason of the discommodities they there suffered Politique Observation JOhn James Triuulae Marshal of France saith it is a great imprudence to give Battaile in a man 's own Country if not invited to it by some great advantage or forced by necessity He who adventureth to do it runs no lesse hazard then the losse of his Kingdome Darius saw himself despoyled of his Kingdome by being guided by his Courage and fighting a Pitch Battaile with Alexander He might well have harraised him with his Horse on many occasions as the Partheans did the Romans whereas being eager to meet him in the field and fearing least he would return into his own Country and not be fought with he made after him to give him Battaile Alexander seeing him near at hand assaulted him and reduced him to that deplorable condition as is not unknown by History to every one Fabius was wiser then so he was contented only to follow Hanibals Army and to pull him down in divers conflicts and by the great Inconveniences which an Army endureth when it passeth through an enemies Country destitute of Towns to refresh them and where they meet with resistances on every hand By these delayes he discomfited Hanibal without endangering his Souldiers lives a thing very considerable among the Romans who thought it a greater Honour to wear the Civique-Crown bestowed on those who had saved any Citizens life then that which is called Muralis given to them who had first scaled the Walls of their Enemies or the naval Crown granted to such as had done some notable exploit at Sea hence Guiccardiâ— tells us there is no victory more beneficial or glorious then that which is obtained without hazarding the bloud and lives of the Souldiers when an Enemy hath entred upon a State he is sufficiently beaten and overcome with Glory and Honour if he be only wearied out and tyred so that he have but little mind to return a second time In fine the Title of victory and the Honour of a Battail doth not appertain to him who killeth most enemies or taketh most Prisoners but to him who obtains the end of his design Which made Don Alphonso King of Naples say When he was provoked by Monsieur d' Anjou to give him Battail That it was the part of a Captain to overcome and not to fight Philip de Valois fought a pitcht Battail with the English at Cressy but he was overcome King John confiding in his Forces chose rather to give the same English Battail near Poictiers then to vanquish them by famine and those other Incommodities which an Army undergoeth in a strange Country but he was taken and died a prisoner Charles the fifth following the advice of Fabius would never be drawn to hazard a Battail with them but deprived them of all provisions and by that means took all Guyenne over their heads and made himself Master of most of the Duke of Bretaigns Chief Citties Prosecution of the Subject THE English were hard put to it in the Marisb so that divers of them were taken prisoners and amongst others my Lord Mountjoy the Earle of Hollands Brother Gray Livetenant of the Artillery The General of the Horse thirty five Captains and Officers twelve Gentlemen and one hundred or sixscore Souldiers but they served for an object of the Kings Bounty and Clemency For hearing many of them were strip'd he caused them to be cloathed and shortly after causing the chief of them to be brought to him he paid down their ransomes to those who had taken them sent them on their words to the Queen of England Commanding de Meau to present them to her with this assurance that it was only for her sake he had given them their Freedoms nothing could be more noble and the Cardinal had no small share in it But it was an usage much different from that of the English towards the French whom they had taken in divers encounters For the English would not stick to deny them meat for money some of whom assured his Majesty that in case My Lord Mountjoy and some others had not been taken themselves had been starved to death He was by others informed that they had seen the English throw some Prisoners into the water whom they so tyed that they could not save themselves by swimming Indeed his Majesties Civil treatment of the English engaged the King of England to deal better with the French for presently after they were more courteously entertained and so returned into France Politick Observation IT is no little Glory to treat Prisoners of War with civility either by testifying a sence of compassion for the condition whereunto they are reduced or by doing them all the good Offices they might expect It as a mark of true generousness in a Prince and that which sets off his Glory and Clemency with Luster and Splendor the two best flowers in his Crown He ought to remember himself to be Gods Image here on Earth and that as nothing is more essential to God then Bounty so likewise his Glory can never appear more Illustrious them by conferring favours on them who are taken in fight by the Chance of War It is reported that Cleomens being asked what a good King ought to do answered that he must do no good for his friends and all the mischief he could to his Enemies But Aristo answered him with much reason that it was much more commendable to do good not only to friends but even to Enemies For by that means a King makes himself beloved by all the World It is no small advantage to be esteemed merciful to the conquered Plato gives a good reason for it for saith he it doth encrease the Souldiers Courage for admitting their Enemies should take them yet they were obliged not to deal harshly with them Besides Prisoners do become so sencible of those kindneses which are heaped on them that they often are the Instruments of Peace Lewis the Eleventh found it so when as he kindly entertained the Sâ—igâ—eor
de Conty his Prisoner of War who concluded the Treaty of Peace with Charles de Bourgogne A Prince is obliged to it if it were only by the Compassion which a noble Courage ever hath of them who are overcome Haloyoneus Son to Antigonus having after a victorie lighted upon Heleneus Phyrrus his Son in a sad deplorable condition cloathed with a Mantle unbefiting his greatness embraced him with all possible kindnesse and having so brought him to Antigonus his Father he did the like But withal he told his Son he had not done all which he was bound to do in leaving that cloak upon his shoulders And at last having restored him to an honorable attendance and treated him with great kindness and humanity he returned him safe to his Kingdome of Epire. The Siege of Rochel AFter the King had obtained this signal victory against the English he bent all his thoughts towards the besiedging of Rochel that with their Wals he might destroy their pride This town as others was at first but little yet the Port being commodious it grew great by Commerce and so insolent after heresie had set its standard there that they would make those priviledges which our Kings had from time to time granted them passe for contracts and to destablish a kind of Commonwealth in the State They durst not openly declare this pretention to the King by their Deputies but their manner of proceeding was an assured proof of it a procedure the more insupportable in that it was the support of all factions both of the Hugonot party and the Grandees of the Kingdome upon any discontents Their Rebellion was become natural and shortly after this they auguented their Crimes by calling in the English to protect their offences Some rich Merchants indeed there were who having somewhat to loose would have been contented to be quiet but on the otherside it was filled with store of Sea men surely and proud as also very poor who having nothing wherein to employ themselves proposed that they might be at more ease to make an insurrection in the Town concerning their priviledges In order to this design they made a Manifest to spread abroad their complaints as a poyson in the minds of the Ignorant People of the Hugonots party which might induce them to take up Arms and to shake of the yoak of obedience This resolution of theirs took them off from paying any respect to the King They drove out the Sieur Doux Maistre des Requests sent by his Majesty to them in quality of super intendent of Justice with so much violence and outrage that they threatned to throw him into the Sea They openly assisted the English in whatever was within their power They solemnly buried the English Lords and Gentlemen and such French Rebels as were killed at the Landing on Ree They sent Londriere with three hundred men to second the English when they found themselves too weak in Ree They received Madam de Rohan the Mother and the Sieur de Soubize who assisted at their assemblies and enflamed them more and more There was no reason longer to suffer these things unpunished The King about the beginning of August when they declared themselves so openly for the English made his approaches upon the Town several companies of the Regiment of the guard with two other Regiments and two hundred Horse were sent before it The Duke d'Angoulesme began to work upon the Fort De La Moulinette to lodge Forces there as well as in that of Fort Lewis They requested the Sieur de Commings Captain of the Regiment of the guard that he would come to their assembly to advise upon some means of accommodation and as they saw no Declaration of an absolute siege until the English were forced from Ree they thought to be excused as heretofore by renewing their Protestations of fidelily But their words were not to be believed All their proposals tended onely to comfirm their resolutions against the King His Majesty thereupon after the defeat of the English took his last resolution of forcing them to acknowledge their faults and to live within their bounds by a strong siege The Order of the whole circumvallation was prescribed by his Majesty he raised 13 Forts and several redoubts upon the Trenches the circuit of which were three Leagues or there about all out of musquet or falcon shot but not of Cannon The Kings design was by making these works to compel them by famine and necessity to surrender neither did they much trouble themselves to hinder their work by their Sallies upon hope of being easily releeved by Sea forsomuch as they were soon finished by the care of the Cardinal and the Marshals de Scomberg and Bassompierre His Majesty being well assured of their faithfulnesse would not imploy any other persons indifferently as formerly had been done in Charles the ninth's time and that so inconsiderately that the very Commanders of the Siege had no desire to take the Town This circumrallation thus finished cut off all releef by Land and it happened that having supplied the English with a good part of their provsions they had been quickly brought by necessity to surrender had they not been assisted by Sea But shortly after they were so close blocked up there too that they durst not shew their heads Politique Observation IT is equally base and inconsiderate to suffer the insolencie of a City which not contented to revolt against its Soveraign alone doth also call in strangers to uphold their Rebellion After the reducing of them by fair means hath been tryed to no purpose then ought all forcible means be used to bring then within their bounds That King who is deficient in this particular will soon find himself exposed to scorn both in his designs at home by his neighbours and in prosecution he will inevitably find both one and the other take up arms against him His neighbours if they know his aversion to war and how unwilling he is to appear in the field will soon rush in upon him and a party once accustomed to revolts and permitted to attempt against the Soveraign authority will soon shake off the yoak of obedience He ought therefore equality to be disposed both for peace and war He ought to intend nothing more than the chastising of Rebels upon such an occasion The expences dangers and cares ought not to be considered by him It is equally dangerours for a Prince to be more inclined either to war or peace Hence Marius was blamed because he exercised not his authority in times of peace by which means he could never keep the Common-wealth in quiet Perseus lost his Kingdome by slothfulness and to much loving of mony desiring rather to keept in coffers than to expend it in paying Souldiers necessary for his defence Thus he lost his Kingdome and his treasures were ransacked before his face Pipin had never been so bold as to have put his Masters Crown upon his own heads had Childerick loved arms