then ordinary nay if 〈…〉 do but sigh and bemoan themselves their very Groans and â—â—ghs are not to be endur'd In the mean time the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise who had â— long time refus'd to yield to the Importunities of the Assembly having bin disgusted by the Court where the Prince of Coâ—dé 〈…〉 the Constable were the Duke of Rohan's Enemies resign'd themselves wholly to the Orders of the Assembly and after some Submissions on their part and some Offers from the â—ourt which signifi'd nothing they resolv'd to hold out St. â—ohn a' Angeli to the last The Duke of Rohan left his Brother â—â— the place and after he had furnish'd it with Men and Ammunition went into Guâ—en to raise more Forces On the other side the King after he had summon'd Subise by a Herald besieg'd the City and Subise by the foul Practices of Loudrieres who discourag'd both the Soldiers and Inhabitants by his discourses â—nd his counsels being constrain'd to surrender the place march'd out sooner then he would have done had he not been afraid of being forsaken All the security which either the City or the Garison had was a wild and general Capitulation by which the King promis'd only in writing to the Inhabitants their Lives their Estates and the Liberty of their Consciences and Persons reserving to himself the disposal of every thing else as he should think convenient declaring at the same time that he did not pretend to make any Treaty but only to grant a Favour However the Capitulation as slight as it was had the hard fate to be but very ill observ'd The Soldiers plunder'd the Town and yet constrain'd the Mayor the Sheriffs and the principal Inhabitants to give 'em a Certificate and forc'd another from the Minister that they had behav'd themselves civilly On the other side the King retiring to Cognac set forth a Declaration which was verifi'd at Bourdeaux wherein to put the greater value upon his Clemency which had spar'd their Lives and Estates and given Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed of St. John d'Angeli he order'd the Fortifications and Walls of the City to be raz'd and the Moats to be fill'd up He took away their Charters and their Franchises and made the Town liable to Taxes for the future He cancell'd their Government by Mayor and Sheriffs and and annex'd the common Stock of the Town to the Royal Demesnes leaving 'em out of his special Grace and Favor their Election and ordinary Jurisdiction Upon which Declaration a certain Historian very much devoted to the Roman Church observes That it would have been taken for a just punishment of that City had they not since that us'd many very Innocent and Catholic Cities after the same rate The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE EIGHTH BOOK A Compendium of the Eighth Book MArshal Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne the Siege and reducing of Clairac The King's word ill observ'd The Pope's Breve to the King The Reformed every where unfortunate The Siege of Montauban La Force defends the Place The King raises his Siege Chamiere's Death The Duke of Mayenne dies The blame falls upon the Constable The Jesuit Arnoux's disgrace The Duke of Luines dies Assembly of the Clergy A violent Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The History of Dominic de Jesus Maria. Sedition at Paris The Church at Charenton burnt The Reformed forsake their Houses They are accus'd of setting Fire to the Bridges of Paris and the Prison at Lion The Circle of Lower Languedoc displaces Chatillon Great Confusion in that Circle The Condition of the Court The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin advising Peace The Opinion of those who were more enclin'd to War The Reformed take new Courage The King departs from Paris His Success in Poitou in Guyenne where he treats with la Force The sack of Negrepelisse and St. Antonin Lesdiguieres interposes for Peace Factions at Mompellier Sedition against the Catholics Bitter Harangue of the Bishop to the King Remarks upon the Stile of that Harangue The Church of Foix laid waste Attestation given to the Monk Villate The King forbids the Reformer to forsake their Houses Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Proposals of the Marshal de Bouillon to the Duke of Rohan upon that occasion The Court gains Mansfeild The King makes use of Foreign Catholics in France The Negotiations for Peace renew'd A Writing set forth upon that occasion Siege of Mompellier Capitulation made by Lunell ill observ'd Small Cities ill defended Success of the War in several Places Chatillon made a Marshal of France Seditions at Orleans Fronsac and Lion The Original of the word Parpailler Other Originals Of the word Hust Violence of the Sedition The Reformed are disarm'd War against Rochel Soubise sollicits for Succor from England Treaty of Peace reassum'd near Mompellier Conclusion of the Treaty with an Edict Rigour of the Parlaments Advantages of that Peace Qualifications of the Edict of Peace All the Cities accept the Peace which is ill observ'd by the Court. Treaty at Mompellier The King returns to Paris De Puisieux in Favour The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal Character of that Prelat After what manner he receiv'd the news of his Promotion Excessive Flatteries Foul Play offer'd the Rochelois Enterprises of Valence at Mompellier where he takes the Duke of Rohan Prisoner and makes a division of the Consulship General Papers Extravagant Answers Exercises forbid The Reformed excluded from Dignities in the Vniversity of Poitiers The singing of Psalms in the Streets and in Shops forbid A common Soldier deprived the Benefit of an Oblate Attempts upon paternal Right A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods A National Synod Galand the first Commissioner ever present to a National Synod He is admitted out of pure Obedience Deputies sent to the King who sends back the Deputies laden with his Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians A Writing publish'd by la Militiere Answer of Tilenus Authority attributed to the Kings of France Imposture set up against the Synod of Dordrecht Obedience of the Synod of Charenton A Tignations ill paid Propositions made to the Synod by Galand on the King's behalf A new Deputation to the King and the effect of it Oath of Vnion A Citadel built at Mompellier Mariald opposes it in the name of the Reformed of the City Presages of a new War The death of du Plessis The death of Marshal de Bouillon WHile the King lay before St. John d'Angeli he receiv'd the Submissions of the Duke of Tremouille who had surrender'd Taillebourg without much entreaty On the other side Marshal de Bouillon at the same time sent him a Letter full of smart Remonstrances of which the principal Heads were The retiring of the Reformed which he attributed to the notorious violation of the Declaration of the 24th of April He observ'd how the
some Ministers unpunish'd Troubles of Privas And their Original Accommodation broken by the Lord. The Place iâ— deposited Violences of the Garrison and Galumâ—â—es against the Inhabitants Assembly at Anduse Chatillons behaviour Chaâ—… Attaâ—kâ—d Invectives against the Synod of Alets Assembly of Gergeau Important Propositions 1. Whether they should Vote by Heads or by Provinces 1610. Deliberations of the Assembly Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy Divers Complaints of the Reform'd in those Provinces General Alarm of the Churches after the Alteration of the Churches made in Bearn Assembly at Milhau Oppos'd by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and of Chatillon Effect of the Promisâ—â— made to the Assembly of Loudun Councellors receiv'd in the Parliament of Paris Leitoure taken from Fontrailles The Brief expedited for the Keeping of the Places of Surety is not given The Interest of Favas Precipitates the return of the Assembly at Rochel Declaration which makes it pass for an Unlawful Assembly The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Garrantee to the Beform'd A suppos'd Letter written in the Duke de Mombason's Name They begin to use the Reform'd as Rebels 1620. The Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban Which the Consuls excuse And the Catholicks aggravate The lâ—ke Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier Who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges of Castres about the Inrollment of the Declarations Trouble at Nimes occasioned by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel 1621. Retaking of the Castle of Paivas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reformed Which are reduc'd to Despaire Undâ—rhand Dealing of Chatillon with Mommotency Order from the Court injoyning both Parties to disarm Taking of Walons Sâ—â—â—e and Taking of Wals. 1621. Walonsâ—s â—s retaken anâ— restâ—r'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls out with the Assembly The small Affliction he had for his Râ—â—â—â—ion He Marries Mary Vignon Contrary to the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes a publick acknowledgment Notable Artifices of the Duke de Luines to gain him Double Commission to prâ—vaâ—t with him What Empire Deagean gains over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Deputies of Religion Bressieux order'd to ruin the works of Deagean Buliion succeedes iâ— it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his friends Notable Guile of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohan and de la Trimouille Of which Favas ruins the Project Du Plessis and du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in danger of being secur'd Coldness of James the I. about the Affairs of the Palatinat Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the hands of the Council of France Effect of those Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which stâ—pt the Negotiations New Conditions of Accommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon To amuse the Reformed The Duke de Luines is little inclin'd to it But the Queen The Prince of Conde Puisieux The Clergy The Pope The Spaniards make the King resolve upon War Some are 〈…〉 destroying Root and Branch * Partisans or such as Farm the King's Revenues And others for sparing the most Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons â—f â—â—e Second Which is followed Reasons publish'd to blind the Reform'd New Difficulty about the time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes unexpectedly from Paris And removes the Offices fâ—r the Receits of his Revenues out of the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War drawn in the middle of the Negotiation of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardize of the People of Orthez La Force retires All Bearn is subdu'd Sedition at Tours And elsewhere The Court stops the Progress of it The Sedition is renew'd Punishment of some of the Criminals Which dazles the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assemblâ— dâ—fâ—nds it â—â—lf in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshall de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly The Assembly draws a Project to defend themselves Division of the Provinces into Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparaâ—… General of the Circles Seat of the Assembly The Peaceable Reformed are disarmed Wâ—â—â—â— câ—â—sâ— a great Dâ—â—â—â—tion Trick put upon Du Plessis to get Saumur out of his hands They amuse him with Promises even in Writing Reproaches made to him by the Assembly The King's Declaration against the Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli Which obliges the Reform'd to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing Self-interested Baseness of all the Governors of the Towns of Surety The King dâ—molâ—shes the Fortisications of the Cities that are delivered up to him Apology of the General Assembly Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux Why the Assemblies refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd A violent Answer to â—â— in the King's Name Forcing away of Children Catholics dispens'd with granting their Church-Yards at their owa Charges Tilenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel Siege and reducing of St John d'Angâ—â—i Priviledges of the City abolish'd Marshal de Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne Siege and taking of Clairac A Breif from the Pope to the King The Reformed unfortunate every where La Force defends the Place The King raises the Siege Passionate Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The Story of Dominic de Jesus Maria. 〈◊〉 at Paris The Church of Charenton burnt The Reformed quit their Habitations They are accus'd of setting fire to the Bridges of Paris The Circle of Languedocâ—â—sâ—â—ss â—â—sâ—â—ss Chatillon The great Confusion in the Circle 1622. The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin a ivâ—sing Peace The Reasons for the War more prevalenâ— The Reformed reassume fresh Courage The King leaves Paris His Success in Poitou And Guyenne where he treats with la Force Sediion against the Catholics Remarks upon the style of this Harangue Desolation of the Church of Foix. Attestations given the Monk Villarte He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Mansfeild gain'd by the Court. Negotiations of Peace reuew d. The Siege of Mompellier Success of the War in divers places Chatillon made Marshal of France Sedition at Orleans The Original of Parpaillots Of the word Hust Violence of the Seditior the Reformed disarm'd Soubise sollicits for Succor in England The Treaty concluded with an Edict Right of Parlaments * That is to walk barefoot and bare-headed through the Street with a burning Taper in their hands to some publick place and there to acknowledg their Offence The Advantages of 〈◊〉 Peace All the Cities accept the Peace Ill observ'd by the Court. The King return to Paris The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal The Character of that Prelat How he received the News of his Prâ—â—otion Excessive Flatteries 1623. The Duke of Rohan detain'd Prisoner General Papers Uncertain Answers Exercise of Religion forbid * The
alarmed at it And besides the Pulpits every where resounded with nothing but the praises of the King of Spain whom they extolled to the Skies as the great Extirpater of Hereticks and a Deputy of Burgundy in an Oration to the King passionately prest him â—o suffer but one Religion in his Kingdom Many Violences and Massacres were committed in divers places without any punishment inflicted on the Authors The concessions of the Edict were invalidated by distorted Interpretations which were renewed again in our Time The Ministers were forced to reside in the places where their Temples or Meeting places were and they were permitted to teach no Schools The exercise of the Protestant Religion was suspended in all places whither the Court hapned to pass The Priviledges of the Protestant Lords were clipt and none suffered to come to the Religious Exercises in their Houses but such as were their own Subjects or Vassals All Synodical Assemblies were forbidden No Money was suffered to be Levied for the Maintenance of their Ministers The Marriages of such who had been Priests Monks or Nuns were disanulled The Fortifications raised by the Protestants in the Time of the War were demolished and yet strong Cittadels built to awe those Towns that favoured them In a word nothing was omitted to induce them to believe that the Peace was granted them with no other design but to disarm and disunite them and especially to break the neck of those Alliances they had with Foreign Protestants All these violations of the Peace obliged the Prince of Conde to present a Memorial of Complaints to the King wherein among other things he reckons up no less than 130 murthers committed since the Peace for which he could obtain no Justice But yet all the Satisfaction he got from his Majesty was only a general Answer and civil words It 's true the K. made a Progress all over his Kingdom with all his Court but the Protestants were never the better for it and then it was the Court had an Interview with the D. of Alva at Bayonne where they learnt of him that fatal and bloody Apothegm which they afterwards so well improved in practice viz. That the Head of one Salmon is better than those of 50000 Frogs The Prince then but a child and much caress'd at that time by Q. Katharine being present at the Conference where this advice was given tho he was but young yet well apprehended its consequence and learnt thereby to keep himself upon his guard against that Princess after he had lost her favour Whilst those Intrigues were carrying on as there was yet no open War The Protestants were busy in confirming their Churches by convenient Regulations and held some Synods by the acts of which it appears that the custom of Annexes or Pluralities was already received among them because they had more Churches than Ministers tho in our time their Adversaries have been pleased to cavil with them upon that account as if the serving of several Churches by the same Minister had been a novelty among them The Catholicks on their side fortified themselves by Leagues and some private ones were concluded in several places and Monluâ— proposed to the K. to make one too with his Catholick Lords At the same time the Admiral was attacked by dangerous Calumnies and a wicked Villain that had attempted to Murther him thinking thereby to escape Punishment accused him of endeavouring to persuade him to Kill the Q. But the time being not yet seasonable to accept such black Impostures for good Evidence that Traytor was convinced of Forgery and broken upon the Wheel But because the Court had a mind to trick the Protestants they pretended to â—…oncile that Lord with the House of Guise And accordingly the accomodatiâ—… was made with all the cautions usually observ'd in a sincere Treaty But the â—…ng D. was not at the conclusion of it as designing by his absence to reserve â—…imself a Right to violate at pleasure the promises advanced by his Family â—…t for all that a thousand wrongs were continually done every where to the â—…restants for in places where they were weakest they were openly opprest and â—…ir complaints derided but where they were strong enough to make themâ—…es be fear'd the K's name and authority was made use of to stop their mouths 〈…〉 make them tamely suffer all the evils their enemies had a mind to inflict â—…n them And besides all this the March of the D. of Alva's Army which he â—…s leading towards the Netherlands where peoples Spirits were in a shrewd â—…ment still more Alarm'd the Protestants and made them apprehensive lest â—…er a colour of some other design the Court should make use of him to deâ—…y them All these considerations induced the Prince of Conde once more to â—…e up arms who attempted to selfe and carry away the Court then at Monceâ—… in which he narrowly miss'd succeeding and would certainly have effected â—…ad he not been timely hindred by the diligence of the Constable However 〈…〉 boldness of the attempt made such an Impression upon the K's Spirit that he â—…ld never pardon it to the Prince The most remarkable event in that War was â—…death of the Constable who was kill'd at the attack of Paris by the Forces of the â—…ce of Conde who with a handful of Men in the View of a Turkish Envoy who â—…eld the fight from the Walls resisted the whole effort of the Royal Army tho â—…t by all the people of that great City The War from thence spread it self 〈…〉 the Provinces whether both parties once more call'd in Foreigners to their asâ—…ce At last a Peace was clapt up whilst Chartres was besieged by which the Eâ—… of January was restored to the Protestants without restriction more out of deâ—… to make them send back their Foreign Aids than to restore Tranquillity to 〈…〉 State The most part of the Protestants were against this peace because they â—…tly enough judged it was granted them only for a decoy And the Prince himâ—… waâ— much afraid of it too and therefore made no hast to perform the Arâ—… of the Treaty that related to his own concerns and to say the truth the Caâ—…icks gave him but too much occasion of jealousie For there was much aâ—…o get the Edict verified by the Parliaments and that of Tholouse refus'd it till 〈…〉 4 Reiterated commands and before that too had the insolence to put Rapin to â—…h that was come thither from the Prince to press its Registring But the Courtâ—…t â—…t not there For they sent into the Provinces a form of an Oath in which under â—…ence of Allegiance the Protestants were to swear never to take Arms morâ— and â—…onfess themselves worthy of the most rigorous punishments if there should â—…pen any disturbance through their fault in the places where they liv'd That is they â—…e them thereby responsible for all accidents tho it were to their own wrong 〈…〉 they had
promote the Work The King had both in the Instructions and by his Commissioners made some Complaints to the Assembly of their stiffness in their Demands and above all of their seeming to mistrust his Promises but had joined to it a kind of an Excuse for the Answer made to their Deputies which he thought would have been satisfactory to them considering what Circumstances he was under when he made it Whereupon he mentioned the loss of Calais and Aâ—dres together with the lingering and uncertain Siege of Fere. There was however amidst these Complaints a very advantageous acknowledgment of their Fidelity when he said That the Remedy which they sought for their Grievances was very far from that respect and affection they always had for him that which nevertheless he charged upon some among them who making advantage of the bad posture of his Affairs were thereby willing to make themselves amends for their distaste at his Answers I have observed before that the very Privy Counsellors had deemed it capable of producing this bad effect and thought that the Contrivers of it had then some secret Slave to sweeten it in due time But the Reformed grounded their holding fast to their Demands upon the Answers themselves that were made them and could not apprehend what kind of publick Good they were required to prefer before their own Preservation since the whole Matter amounted to no more than the retaking some Frontier Places from the Enemy which might be done at any time so soon as all the Forces of the Kingdom were re-united whereas now by delaying to do them right upon their just Complaints many thousands of the best Subjects the King had were left to the Mercy of their Enemies Men trained up to Persidy Injustice and Slaughter The Comissioners having given the King an account of the Assemblies Resolution he gave them new Instructions at Monceaux where they met him These were no larger than the former but the Commissioners were charged to complain of their seizing the King's Mony in some places and demand satisfaction for it as being a thing the King was much offended at they moved also that the Assembly should remove from Loudun to Vendome that they might be nearer to the Court which being consented to the Deputies repaired to Vendome on the Tenth of November where they waited three Months for the return of the Commissioners In the mean while they sent new Deputies to the King then at Rouen where they presented to him some Articles drawn up upon Proposals made them wherein they desisted from none of their former Demands concerning their Security they did not so much as revoke their Orders for seizing the King's Mony to pay their Garrisons because they were satisfied that their Holds were the only thing their Enemies did value them upon and thought themselves lost so soon as they should consent to the disbanding of their Troops and the ruin of their strong Towns They were also inflexible in their Demands concerning the maintenance of their Ministers and the administration of Justice for the security whereof they would have in suspicious Parliaments Courts consisting one half of Protestants the other of Catholick Judges commonly called Chambers Miparties But they were somewhat loose in the point of their religious Exercise and accepted the Compensation before offered by the King It amounted to two new Grants or such at least that looked so By the First they were allow'd to continue the exercise of the reformed Religion in all places where it had been publickly made ever since the beginning of the then instant Year The Second allowed them a second place for Worship in each Balliwick or Precinct commonly called Senechaussee almost the same Conditions prescribed by the Edict of 1577. in a Grant of the same kind There will be occasion to speak more at large of these Grants hereafter The King not being willing to grant them their other Demands held fast to these two Articles but as a proof of his good Will to them he would not set out from Rouen before he saw the Edict of 1577. pass in that Parliament as it had passed at Paris This really was of no great advantage because the Reformed were not contented with it and would needs have had another Edict Moreover this verification of an Edict which they had so often declared they could not be satisfied with was but an Artifice to keep up their Patience by putting an end to those gross Wrongs done them in Parliaments which occasioned their Complaints And it was easie to judge through the daily Denials made them of farther Grants that if they could be prevailed upon to live quiet under the shelter of this Edict until such time as a thorough settlement of the Kingdom both at home and abroad could be made they would then doubtless be made to believe that another Edict was needless since this had proved sufficient to secure them All that might be granted them over and above this was to give them some new places for their Worship in lieu of those that the several Treatises of reduction had taken from them The Catholicks themselves consented to that kind of Compensation and it seems that the King was resolved never to grant them any thing but under the same pretence it being a plausible Excuse to the Pope or his Legate for all his Favours to them It was clear enough that the Reformed could never be obliged to be content with less nay that they might with good reason hold fast to their Pretentions since 't was but just to indemnifie them for the loss of an advantage taken from them without cause against the express word of a King and that Promise signed by the Princes and Lords which has been so often mentioned by us But this Compensation was not sufficient to the Reformed who aimed at more liberty and security than was given them by that means This Verification was nevertheless ill resented at Rome whereby it created the King at least seemingly a very difficult Work The Pope made bitter Complaints to d' Ossat both of the thing and of the manner of it because said he the King had forced it upon the Parliament over-ruling their opposition D' Ossat display'd all his skill and ability to pacific the Pope he inlarged upon the great advantage of Peace after a Civil War of 35 Years which could not end but by this Edict besides he represented that Peace as necessary for the conversion of Hereticks wherein the King did daily make considerable Progress he exaggerated the great Miseries which the War had brought especially upon the Church and the spoil of the Ecclesiastical Revenues occasioned by it he shew'd 't was not the King but his Predecessor made that Edict when he was obey'd by all Catholicks at home and assisted by all those abroad that this was the least favourable of all those ever obtained by the Reformed that so long as it was observed their
very same they had in a manner rescued at Tours from the hands of the Duke of Mayenne that it was easie to guess what would happen after the retaking of Amiens by what happen'd every day by the Severities of the Answers sent them and by the lingering of Affairs They failed not to observe the vast difference of Stile used with them before and after the taking of Amiens that before that accident the Court began to threaten them but returned immediately after to cajoling and giving them fair words whereby the Assembly might well judge that nothing was to be obtained from the Court when the retaking of that important place had put them in a condition to refuse without fear Some there were who minced not the matter and thought it a meer folly to contribute in the least to an action which might facilitate a Peace between France and Spain being fully satisfied that it could not be made but at their cost The Example of several Treaties made with the League-men caused their jealousie and the Double dealings of their Enemies whereby they cheated them in those occasions made them fear the worst for the future nay the King himself added much to their fear when to bring them to his terms upon divers points he threatned them with concluding that Peace and besides they were not ignorant that he hearkned to the Proposals made by the Spaniards towards it at the same time when he assured them he would never do it but by force Others were for letting the Catholicks alone and observing how they cou'd get out of this scurvy business and whether they were able to shift without the helping hand of the Reformed whose small Number and Services they were wont to undervalue Certainly these last Voters had an high conceit of their Party and thought it such a considerable part of the State that the Catholicks could not but be very sensible of their absence and really they were so and could not but acknowledge that upon the great Emergencies of State the Reformed were to be reck'ned something The King was more sensible than any body else of the great Mistake he had been in by so long delaying to give them satisfaction when at the Siege of Amiens he saw himself in the hands of his lately reconciled Enemies whom he durst not trust wanting those approved Friends of whose Fidelity he had such unquestionable Testimonies Therefore the retaking of Amiens wrought such an alteration in the minds of Men that an Agreement between the two Religions was universally wished for on both sides even by such as had most earnestly laboured to obstruct it The King indeed being victorious and having recovered his almost lost Reputation talked higher than before and the Catholicks did ever and anon upbraid the Reformed with their pretended desertion but for all this the wisest amongst them were more seriously for a Peace and facilitated it more than ever The experience of things past rendred these last Considerations very specious and even the remembrance of the Massacre at Paris gave weight to the advice of those who were afraid that if the Reformed were joined in a Siege with the rigid Catholicks and League-men these being by much the strongest might upon so fair an opportunity revive their implacable hatred and rid themselves once more of the Huguenots This they call'd a Bartholomew Campaign a Term indeed very fit to renew the Memory of the Paris Morning-Prayer These Reasons were so effectual that the Ring-leaders who were those that might do the King the best service thought fit to stay at home However it is false that all the Reformed did really forsake the King in that Enterprise for he had both in his Houshold and Army several Officers and Soldiers of their Religion and even part of his best Troops was made up of reformed Soldiers The Regiment of Navarre which did excellent Service in the Siege and the greatest number whereof perished there was almost wholly made up of them and the Duke of Rohan whose Name grew so famous since made there his first Campaign The Reformed answered the Charge at that very time and marshall'd up such of their Brethren who assisted at that Siege and were kill'd or wounded before the place True it is that they did not serve there as a separate Body and as having Troops depending upon them but here 't is strange that those very Men who would have had the Reformed make a separate Body to serve the State had been three whole Years a grumbling because they made a Body to preserve themselves as if Men whose separating in order to secure their Consciences was counted a crime were obliged to separate for the preservation of their Enemies Moreover very few amongst the Reformed were in a capacity to bring Troops at their own charge to the other end of the Kingdom so that the Charge affected only a small number of the principal Men who might have served in person Yet the Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou perswaded the Dukes of Bouillon and la ' Trimouille to raise Soldiers and received the King's Money for it but the Troops of the former staid in Auvergne upon some pretence or other and those of the latter were employ'd in Poictou for repressing the Excursions of some tumultuous League men The King was so much offended at these Lords coldness that he could never forget it tho' perhaps if they had been less suspected by him some reason might have been found to have excused them Certain it is at least that the President de Thou a wise and moderate Man did what he could both by Word of Mouth and by Writing to vindicate the Conduct of those two Lords fearing lest the ill-affected Cabal who cried down that Action and branded it with the odious Name of Rebellion troubling the Legat's Head with perpetual Complaints about it should take advantage of it to thwart the Negotiation of the Edict But of all those who heard the Case pro and con there was none so impartial as that Prelate and who better discovered the Illusion of those Complaints when the true Reasons were offered to him The state of the King's Affairs was not so prosperous in Poictou and Britany which the Duke of Mercoeur had opened to the Spaniards but he might as well fear to lose some Places on that side as not to be able to mend the Damage done by the same on the Frontiers Therefore as Trimouille's Troops might be useful in that Country du Plessis did often represent to the King how important it was for his Interest and for removing the Jealousies of the Reformed to give la Trimouille the Command of a Siege in that Country Though the Council found Work enough before Amiens they did nevertheless very seriously think of Religion which they began to regard as a very important and material Business Therefore as the Number of Deputies to the Assembly had been augmented when the Reformed took a
Resolution to labour in good earnest for their Security so the King doubled also the Number of his Commissioners when he resolved to think seriously of contenting them The Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou had been added to Vick and Calignon at Saumur but these two being since employ'd in other concerns the two former did remain charged with the whole Negotiation which ended happily in their hands The Reformed desisted from several of their old Demands though they thought them very reasonable and just but in the present Conjuncture of Affairs they would insist upon no Articles although never so just but such as were absolutely necessary nay they did also in process of time yield up several things which they had formerly judged most needful Such was their demand of Chambres mi-parties in all Parliaments and of unsuspected Judges in all Courts of Judicature but upon this Point they were at last contented with some small matter besides what had been allow'd them by the former Edicts The King on his side did the like by degrees and even during the Siege of Amiens he gave new Instructions and new Power to his Commissioners who came thither to give him an account of the condition the Assembly was iâ— He also heard there the Complaints they had ordered Constans Governour of one of their places to make to him about his treating a Peace with the Spaniards by the Mediation of the Pope being shrewdly jealous in respect of the Mediator that the main scope of that Treaty was their utter ruin But the King in his turn complained to the Assembly that whereas he expected hearty thanks from them he saw to his grief that they would not accept the Offers made them by de Vick at Saumur which he had himself reiterated to Constans by word of mouth that at a time when he was in person before Amiens the Reformed came not to his assistance and so deprived him of a considerable Succour he might have expected from them and which he never stood in so great need of as now assuring them however that no Treaty of Peace would be concluded to their prejudice and that he had given full power to his Commissioners to put an end to this long and tedious business with them But in the mean while these Powers coming very slowly the Count de Schomberg made a kind of a Treaty with the Assembly by which he agreed with them upon the main Articles of their Demands as for example that the Right of religious Exercise should extend to all such places where it was made till the end of August of the instant Year that all their Places should still remain in their hands that a certain Sum of Money should be given them for the payment of their Garrisons and another to pay their Ministers and had the Count been sufficiently impowered the business might have been ended by that means But whether he had a mind to gain time till the Siege was over or that he would not go beyond his Instructions and leave the Council at liberty to disown or approve what he had agreed on he concluded with the Assembly with a Salvo that all these things shou'd be done with submission to the King's pleasure They imagined that the Council would never review what had been granted but it was still doubtful whether they should accept those Articles as a Provision only or if they should cause it to be passed into a publick and definitive Law by an Edict The Court had given Examples of those provisional Settlements by the King's Declaration published at Mantes before his turning Catholick and by a Treaty made since at Saint Germain with the Deputies of the Assembly of Saintefoy Some amongst the Reformed who were not satisfied with what was granted to them were willing enough to rest still in a capacity of beginning anew whenever the tranquility of the Kingdom would permit it and were afraid that by a decisive Edict they should be debarred from forming new Pretensions when they would But others who longed to see an end of their Affairs after so many delays thought it best to accept of something provided they might once know what Laws they were to live under insomuch that the matter was consulted at home and abroad in foreign Countries where Advice was begged of all such as were thought capable of giving it in such a weighty Case Schomberg and Thou's Moderation was a great help towards a Conclusion and on the other side the Reformed were very sensible of the great Confusion and Troubles of the State being unwilling to draw upon them the Reproach of having forced the King to a disadvantageous Peace with Spain But the continual Delays of the Court marred all that was well done by the Commissioners Wisdom there they would always review what had already been granted there they would renew all Questions and Difficulties without coming to any Resolution in short their only business it seems was to abate something of what had been granted and to that end it was that the Council would always give the Commissioners a limited Power for fear they might grant too much and on the other hand when the Reformed sent Deputies to Court they tied their Hands with very precise Instructions lest that being wrought upon by the Artifices and Intrigues of the Court they might accept less than the Assembly desir'd insomuch that both the Court and the Assembly complained one after another that the Instructions respectively given to the Commissioners or Deputies were too much limited requiring mutually that they should be mended and inlarged But that amongst others which the Reformed were most offended at was the often sending the Commissioners elsewhere on several pretences and their being imploy'd in other Treaties whil'st the Affairs of Religion were put off till another time such was the Treaty then on foot with the Duke of Mercoeur which took up the greatest part of their time But the Reformed could not endure that preference either because they thought themselves as good as the Duke with all his Interest in Britany or because they saw his Treating was but a sham whereby he had amused the King several Years together or because they thought it easie to reduce him so soon as the rest of the Kingdom should enjoy a solid Peace and accordingly they did not fail to offer all their Forces towards that design provided the Court would first make an end of their business and not baffle them with fair words as they had done for eight Years together That which vexed them most was the unjust Prejudice of the Catholicks who could not brook that the King should think of granting a Peace to the Reformed whil'st there were some Catholicks whom 't was not yet given to for they fancied that the Honour of the Romish Religion was at stake if the King should treat with the Hereticks before having satisfied all those who took up Arms
the King could not be admitted before taking an Oath that they would be Catholicks being moreover forced to declare their charge vacant ipso facto if they should ever happen to break their Oath In some places they were sent back without so much as hearing their Complaints in others they were turned out even after they had been admitted and suffered to execute their Places or else they were forced to dispose of them in favour of the Catholicks The Parliament of Bourdeaux had opposed during three Years the re establishing a Presidial Court at Bergerac where it had been setled before and the Debate about it was still depending in the Grand Council at the time of these Complaints In several Provinces Gentlemen were forbid to appoint Protestant Judges in their Fiefs on pain of forfeiting the same nay the Parliament of Paris when yet sitting at Tours inserted in their Decree for verifying the Edict which revoked those of the League that upon the presentation of Letters Patents to the Court an Inquiry into the Behaviour Manner and Religion of the Presenters should be always ordered and that they could not be admitted without giving a sufficient Testimony of their being Catholicks save only in the City of Rochel and other such Towns as were held by the Reformed at the time of the Edicts of the League as I have related in the Second Book of this History in the Year 1591. About the same time the Deputies of the Reformed were told even in the King's Council that they were under a great mistake if they thought they should ever be admitted to Offices whatever Edicts Orders from the Court and Decrees of Parliaments they might obtain whereof they gave instances in all sorts of Offices of Judges in Parliaments and Presidial-Courts of Sollicitors General of Publick Notaries of Attorneys and Sergeants The Parliament of Grenoble though formerly rescued out of the hands of the Duke of Savoy by the Arms of the Reformed was now still refusing to admit Vulson who had obtained a Patent for a Judges place in the same Court and had already been tired with five Years vain pursuits One of the Reformed having obtained a Patent for the Place of one Colas Vice Seneschal of Montelimar an obstinate Rebel who would never be reconciled with the King whom he forced to besiege him in La Fere whereof he stiled himself Count that Reformed I say could never get his Patent allow'd by the Parliament of Grenoble but after he had to facilitate the matter treated with Colas for the Place and bought it of him then the Parliament admitted him to the Proof of his good Behaviour and Manners and kept him eighteen Months about it being even yet uncertain of the issue of this business at the time of these Complaints The same Parliament had taken away the Precedency from some Judges who were ancienter than their Catholick Brethren and had been admitted even during the League which put them to the charge of obtaining new Edicts new Orders and peremptory Decrees from the Council All this was followed with Complaints about many Seditious Expressions uttered against them and connived at in Parliaments and other Seats of Judicature where in full Court they had been call'd Dogs Turks Hereticks Heteroclites of the new Opinion a People who deserved to be destroy'd with Fire and Sword and expelled out of the Kingdom Their being Hereticks added they had been allowed in several Courts as a sufficient cause of exception as if the Laws of the Emperours against the Manichees had been made against them Seguier one of the King's Sollicitors-General in the Parliament of Paris speaking in the Cause of Roche Chalais a very considerable Gentleman amongst the Reformed had said that they were unworthy of the King's Edicts that the benefit of the Laws belonged only to the Catholicks and that if the Court should give a Verdict in favour of this Gentleman to restore him to his Estate the King's Council would oppose and take it away from him as from an unworthy Heretick They related thereupon several Instances of Justice denied to the Reformed of Murders left unpunished of unjust Condemnations without a legal Process of false Witnesses tolerated though convicted A famous Highway-man being thought to be of the Reformed Religion was sentenced at Bourdeaux to be quartered alive and fined five hundred Crowns two hundred whereof accrued to the King and the rest was appliable as the Court should think fit but the Criminal having declared to a Jesuit that he had been a Catholick for two Years past the Punishment was changed into beheading and the Fine applied to the repairing of the Jesuits Colledge The extraordinary Assizes of the Parliament of Paris being held at Lyon such of the Reformed as went thither to demand Justice against the Catholicks of Saint Stephen of Furant were called Seditious Persons who troubled the Judges with their Complaints They added That the Writs obtained by the Reformed for bringing Causes from a suspected Parliament before another were eluded by denying them Letters of Pareatis or Hereof fail not which they were forced to sue for sometimes whole six Months together but that at Bourdeaux they would do worse for there they judged the cause definitively and then granted Letters of Pareatis Whereupon it was observed that the Parliaments did the Reformed more harm by their ill will than the King was by his good will able to redress Whereupon they inlarged upon the great difference between the verification of the Edicts granted to the League and those granted to the Reformed in order to grant them a Peace the former being allowed without alteration or reservation and with a great deal of Pomp and Solemnity as Edicts the Syllables Letters and the very Accents whereof were looked upon as so many Props of the State whereas the latter were either thrown off with a thousand shifts delays and tricks or allow'd with so many limitations and exceptions that they were made altogether useless And here they brought in very pat the great Abuses formerly offered to Parliaments by the League the Massacre of Duranti at Thoulouse and the shameful Death of Brisson at Paris There they shew'd also how little satisfied the Reformed were with the Edict of 1577. which in their judgment was not fit for the present time for it put them in a worse condition than the War had left them in which reflected on them a thousand ways therefore they had not demanded but constantly refused it Whereupon they observed with what difficulty the Edict which re-established the same had passed in the Parliament of Paris they did not forget the shiftings and tricks of the Attorney-General and the several reasons urged to hinder the verifying of it insomuch that it was carried in the affirmative only by three voices They named here the Parliaments which would not verifie it but above all they observ'd the severity of that of Dijon which likewise refused it tho' the King going through
he was Offended He prevented before hand what they might have urg'd upon him that he had Opportunity to make known his Senments of that Affair before the Business was Decreed And he told 'em moreover that he had thought that the Edict had been only promoted to Content the Huguenots in shew and that the King would have been pleas'd at the Opposition of the Clergy and the Parliament but that the Event had discover'd to him the contrary That the Edict the most Cursed that ever was set a foot permitted Liberty of Conscience to every one which in his Opinion was the worst thing in the World Freedom of Exercise every where Admittance of Heretics into Parlament Employments and to all other Honours and Dignities to Ruin the Catholic Religion and Advance Heresie That the King had made this Edict during the full enjoyment of Peace both at home and abroad so that he could not plead that he was forc'd to it Upon which he compar'd his Conduct with that of other Kings who had never Granted such Edicts but when there were Armies in the Field to constrain 'em yet because they had been always Catholics they were exempted from any suspicion of Leaning toward the Heretics That the King had shew'd great Zeal and been very vehement for the passing of the Edict That he had us'd Compulsion to the Clergy and Parlament who oppos'd it that he had declar'd his Indignation against the Arch-Bishop of Tours who had Order'd Prayers to be said in his Diocess that God would turn the King's Heart that so the Edict might not pass That the King Acted much more remissly in Favour of the Catholics and had shew'd that he stood more in awe of others and that he had a greater Value for ' em That he exerted his Authority when he spoke to the Parlament to pass the Edict but never spoke a Word to oblige 'em to publish the Council of Trent After that he came to smart Language and Taxt the King with breach of Word and Oaths which he had Sworn to obtain the Absolution which he gave him He threaten'd to second his Words with Deeds if Occasion requir'd and declar'd that he took the Edict which was made in Defiance of him for an Affront no less injurious then if he had giv'n him a Slash o're the Face But at length for fear the Cardinals should not apprehend the Reason why he ranted so loud he cleverly gave 'em a hint where his Interest was touch'd by telling 'em it had done himself an Injury and unhing'd all his Contrivances in those Affairs which he had with the Spaniards about their Usurpations upon the Jurisdiction of the Holy See both in Naples and Milan And that when he sent to complain of those Sacrilegious Attempts they laid it in his Dish that he quarrell'd with them for Trifles but suffer'd Edicts that tended to the Ruin of the Catholick Religion to come forth without saying a word And therefore it it was that he was oblig'd to Testifie his Resentment After that he concluded his Discourse more calmly then he began it telling the two Cardinals that he was unwilling to do any thing without first acquainting them with it and that he desir'd their Advice They who never so little understand the Court of Rome well know the meaning of all this that the fluster bluster of these Complaints was only to stop the Spaniards Mouths when they Tax'd the Pope with the kind Correspondence between Him and the King and that all the Transport of this Discourse was rather an Effect of Prudence then Choler But because it was no less necessary that it should appear that the French had laid these Complaints seriously to Heart and that it was to the purpose that it should believ'd the Pope had made these Complaints in good Earnest the Cardinals wrote to the King after such a manner as might be serviceable to this End and wherein they spoke of the Popes Disgusts in such Terms as might satisfie the Spaniards Nevertheless they gave him an Account of the Reasons they had given the Pope to appease him And they were so well grounded and so decisive that there was no other likelihood but that the Pope who was a shrewd Man was apprehensive of their Solidity But this was written with so much Circumspection that if the Spaniards had grumbl'd against the Popes Conduct there would have needed no more then to have Read that Letter to 'em to have made his Apology And thus at the same time the same Reasons justify'd both the Pope and the King since the one could not with Justice carry his Complaints too far and the other had done no more then what the public Welfare oblig'd him to do The Cardinals therefore in their Answers to the King told him that they began their Replies to the Pope by assuring him that they labour'd under the same Sorrows as himself That they had presuppos'd that such Edicts being evil in themselves the King had never Granted the Edict in Dispute but with a great deal of Reluctancy as being too much concern'd to extinguish that Faction which they look'd upon as too prejudicial to his Authority to fomenr it That afterwards they laid before him that the Edict was no New thing but only a renewing of that in the year 1577. the most easie to be tolerated of of all those that had been Granted for seven and thirty years together in Favour of the Reformed That the Treaties made with the Cheiftaines and Cities of the League had made several Breaches in that Edict And that they of the contrary Religion being ready to take Arms and Recommence the War there was a necessity of renewing the Edict and supplying it with some new Articles instead of those of which they had been despoyl'd by those Agreements That the Pope believ'd there were some things in the Edict that were not there as for Example among the Rest permission to Preach all over the Kingdom which never was never had been nor never would be in regard that all the preceding Edicts forbid it and for that the particular Treaty of the City of Paris was contrary to it That what was contain'd in the Edict was look'd upon by the Pope to be greater and of greater Consequence then really it was As for Example the declaring the Heretics capable of Honours and Dignities which was also in the former Edicts and yet the Heretics were never advanc'd to the highest Employments in the Kingdom in regard it was one thing to be declar'd capable of a Dignity another thing to be in possession Employments never being conferr'd in France but according to the King's Pleasure From thence they past to explain the meaning of the Chamher of the Edict and the Miparties and to shew the little prejudice which the Counsellors of the Reformed Religion could do the Catholic because their Number was so inconsiderable They added that Peace was more necessary and would be more Beneficial to
and Peer Governour of the Bastile and a Province no body opposing this great Preferment of a Heretic 'T is very true that when he wrote to the Pope he gave him the Title of His Holiness as a Catholic would have done The Obstructions of the Edict had lasted almost till the beginning of this Year tho they had begun to put it in Execution in several places and that the King had appointed two Commissioners in every Province to act in such a manner as to content both Parties One of these two was a Catholic the other a Reformed but the Catholic was Elected also with the Approbation of the Reformed because they were their fears of being depriv'd by the Cavils of a Bigotted Commissary of what was Granted 'em by the most Solemn Edict that ever was Granted by a Prince in favour of his Subjects that were to be heal'd Now tho their Power were equal nevertheless to the end the Catholics might have the Advantage in every thing the Catholic Commissioner had the Upper hand almost every where and bore the greatest Sway. They were Impower'd to receive all manner of Petitions and Complaints touching the Execution of the Edict and to decide all Differences that might arise upon that occasion Their Orders were as good as a Law especially in things that were not Contested and where both Parties Consented nor is there any President that I know of any Appeal to the King upon any Decree of that Nature but when any Dispute arose they were to give an Account of their Sentence to the King and their Decree was only made with a Proviso till the King had pronounc'd his Judgment And indeed to speak properly their Commission was no more then the Act it self explain'd and limited by particular Articles and the King by Word of Moâ—th reduc'd their Instructions to two Heads The one was to Re-establish the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had been disturb'd and the other was to settle Peace over all the Kingdom by a due Observation of the Edict Thus hitherto I have given an Account of the Negotiations and Treaties that preceded the Edict of Nantes and which prepar'd the Matter and form'd the Articles And I have set down the principal Obstructions that so long hinder'd either the Conclusion or the Verification of it Henceforward I am to speak of the Observation of it or of the Breaches and Violations of it till our very days But in regard that this is in some measure a New Subject my Opinion is that I can no where better insert then here some General Considerations upon this Edict to shew the Force and Nature of it that so the Reader coming to see the Recital of Matters of Fact upon which I intend to build my Reflections and not being oblig'd to go far to seek for the Heads from whence I shall derive my Consequences may the more easily apprehend and observe the Truth of ' em To which purpose I shall speak of three Things First I shall give a brief Account of the Reproaches at that time cast upon the Reformed by the Catholics and afterwards so many times reviv'd Secondly I shall set down in few Words the Replies of the Reformed in their own Defence Lastly I shall make more ample Reflections upon the Justice Benefit and Importance of the Edict from thence to conclude that of it self and in its own Nature it was Irrevocable tho it had never been so stil'd and withal I shall Reply to some Objections which were the first occasion of all the Clergies Enterprises to destroy it I shall handle this Matter by the way of Historical Remarks leaving the Lawyers to explain 'em by Observations agreeable to their Principles From the time then that the Edict was set forth there were several Discourses and Writings concerning it to and fro The Reformed were assail'd with many Reproaches and they set forth several Apologies in defence of themselves The Zealous Catholics who were mad to see a Party which they Mortally hated Establish'd in such a manner that they could not be stirr'd reveng'd themselves by Invectives and the Reformed secur'd by the Edict sought no further then to Ward off their Calumnies with Words But the main Reason which induc'd the Catholics to frame these several Accusations was Because the Edict seem'd to perpetuate to their lasting shame the remembrance of the League contriv'd among 'em to Exclude their Lawful Prince from the Throne under the pretence of Religion 'T is true the Edict forbid the Reviving the Memory of Things past but we know that these sort of Prohibitions can never hinder Posterity from coming to the Knowledge of such things as others would fain obliterate by such precautions Amnesties do but keep up the Remembrance of those Crimes which they pardon In a word the Measures that are taken to stifle those events of which the Memory is odious may put a stop to the Inquiries and Pursuits that may be made after 'em without such Inhibitions by Prosecutions and Indictments at Law But such proceedings are so far from razing such Events out of the Memory of Men that they Engrave more deeply in their Minds such an Inscription as will never permit their being Bury'd in Oblivion The Edict therefore by forbidding to revive things past ceas'd not however to be a kind of Monument to preserve 'em always in their Thoughts It appear'd by the Edict that there had been Hostilities Mortal hatred of each other Oppressions and Ravages and altho the Reformed should have forborn to upbraid the Catholics with 'em who had been the Authors of the greatest part of those Mischiefs and the occasion of the rest by their Cruelties and Violations of so many Treaties it seem'd that the Edict alone cast a Reproach upon 'em so much the more uneasie to be endur'd because it is perpetual 't is a Voice that always repeats as loud the Inhumanities the Massakers and the Treasons of Time past as that of the Law which prohibits their Contrivance The Catholics then who began to blush at things past and knew well they could never be Interpreted to their Advantage endeavour'd to pick out something that was equally liable to Reproach in the Conduct of the Reformed to the end that by way of Compensation both the one and the other might appear equally Guilty or Innocent To which purpose they were about to turn the Edict to the Dishonour of the Reformed and to raise up against 'em a perpetual Character of Criminal Behaviour They sought for pretences that might be serviceable to 'em in the Time and Manner of obtaining so favourable an Edict They forgot not that the Reformed had taken the opportunity of the Siege of Amiens to put a value upon themselves and to draw from the King more Advantagious Conditions through the Necessity of his Affairs They lookt upon it as if the Reformed has lost all the Honour of their former Services by their
coldness and indifferency at that time and that that same kind of Desertion was as Criminal as all the Attempts of the League but it may be seen that the Reformed very well defended themselves from that Accusation as I have made appear in its due place They were upbraided also with this That it was a piece of Felony to transact with their King concerning Peace That what they obtain'd by force of Arms was an Eternal Monument of their Rebellion how advantagious soever it otherwise appear'd That a King could not make Peace with his Subjects but it must appear that he had made War against him Nor Pardon 'em but that it must be evident they were Criminals That the Reformed at first Assembl'd without Arms and strove with Emulation to pray to God for those whom they call'd Persecutors so far were they from repelling Violence by Violence but that at length they had taken Arms to render themselves Formidable That after the first War they were contented to take the Royal Word for a Pledge and Security of the Peace but that afterwards they would have strong Towns Garisons Chambers half one half t'other and a hundred other Securities From whence they branch'd out another Calumny that their Religion was degenerated into Faction that their aim was to set up another State in a State and that they aspir'd to get themselves loose of the General Laws by the help of particular Concessions The most part of these Objections were no more then a Reviving of those that had appear'd in the Reign of Charles the Ninth and which had since that time been solidly refuted But there had happen'd after that so many Novelties that had augmented the Rights of the Reformed and given new Demonstrations of the Justice of their Complaints that 't was easie to judge the Catholics did not revive those Idle Calumnies but only because they knew not where to find any other fit for their turn The Reformed confess'd a great part of what their Enemies laid to their Charge not without some Aggravations of their own but either they made it out that there was no Harm in what they had done because they had done nothing but what was grounded upon the Law of Nature it self or if they had done amiss that the Guilt lay not at their Door but that the real Authors were to be blam'd That when there is a Necessity of endangering the Life of an Enemy the Reproach ought not to fall upon him that stands upon his Defence but it is to be charg'd upon the Violence of the Aggressor That the insisting upon Cautions and Securities was not to be imputed to those that demand 'em but to those whose breach of Faith reduc'd the others to require ' em That Negotiations of Peace between Subjects and their Kings might be Stil'd Felonious Acts had the Kings been always the Fathers of their Subjects and the Just Gonservators of the Rights and Priviledges which by Nature or by Birth belong'd to 'em for that being presuppos'd there can be no pretence for the taking up of Arms. But in regard that Self-defence was the only occasion of the War on their side when the Princes had lent out their Names and their Authority to Patronize the Cruelties Treacheries and Perjuries of Persecutors when they had given 'em the Command of Armies to Extirpate the pretended Heretics when they were the declar'd Heads of that Destroying Party when they had Sworn the Ruin of their own Subjects without Pity or Compassion when they had engag'd to Sacrifice the Blood and Lives of those Unfortunate Wretches to the Interests of Foreign Power which had no other reason to bear an Antipathy to the pretended Herctics but because they detested the Tyranny it asp r'd to and went about to free the Neck of their Kings from the Yoke which it strove to impose upon their Necks when they had Sworn never to keep their Oaths with their Subjects unless they were forc'd to it nor to observe any Treaties of Peace but when they could no longer make War upon 'em with Advantage that then they might Lawfully betake themselves to their Arms and by consequence were not bound to lay 'em down till after a Treaty of Peace concluded by which the Partys oppress'd might find themselves sufficiently secur'd That the Reformed had never sought Relief by Force of Arms while they were under the Protection of any Form of Justice by leaving 'em the means to be answerable for their Faith and to unfold their Doctrine against the Accusations of their Adversaries That they had patiently suffer'd all the Mischievous Injuries that had been done 'em for Thirty Years together by Bloody Edicts that stirr'd up all sorts of persons against 'em and depriv'd 'em of all manner of shelter and Sanctuary that they had with the same Constancy endur'd their being hal'd from Jurisdiction to Jurisdiction when their Enemies were both Parties and their Judges that is to say The Ecclesiastics whose hatred they had only Merited by revealing the Corruption of their Doctrine their Discipline and their Manners and when they had also Erected New Tribunals to their Ruin and had deliver'd 'em over to the Inquisition That they were still Masters of their Patience when the Clergy put Thousands to Death by Decrees drawn up in form indeed tho both Cruel and Unjust when there were no less then Eight Thousand Sentences of Death Recorded in the Public Registers not to speak of Imprisonments Confiscations Banishments and several other Vexations and Oppressions which they were forc'd to undergo That they never took Arms till after the first Edict for Liberty of Conscience had been Violated by the Court in several Branches and after several Manners but that they had laid 'em down agen both upon that and sundry other Occasions upon the first Offers of Peace In reference to which they forgot not the Maxim of Kathern de Medicis who never made it a Matter of Conscience to break her Word with 'em because if she did not find her Perfidiousness stood her in any stead she had always a sure way to Disarm 'em by giving 'em to use her own Expression Their Belly full of Preaching They made it out that the first Edict was Granted before the War began and that it was obtain'd by Petitions and Conferences only that the Enterprize of Amboise was only a Politic Affair wherein Religion had never been concern'd but because the Heads of both Parties profess'd a different Religion That the Treacheries the Cruelties and more especially the Horrid Massacre of 1572 had made it evident that the Royal Word was made a May-game and a Snare to surprize the Innocence and Credulity of the Reformed that after they had caus'd 'em by Fraud and fair Promises to lose the opportunity of obtaining an Advantagious Peace while the King and the Catholics themselves stood in need of their Assistance they had amus'd 'em by a Thousand delays provok'd 'em by a Thousand contempts and a
re-assum'd the Title of Common Father but that could not be done but by quite surceasing the Causes of the Animosity or by re-settling Concord by a Treaty which might procure Confidence and Assurance I say this moreover The Reformed were if possible more capable of Treating in his Reign then under the Reign of Hen. III. 1. Because he had given 'em Authority to embody had exhorted 'em to Unite together in their own Defence permitted 'em to Erect Councils and Assemblies which he had as it were Legitimated by his Letters Patents supposing they had not been Legitimate without it He had been the first Author of their Union when he put himself at their Head to defend 'em against Hen. III. and by consequence as much as their Union was just under the Reign of that Prince as just it was under the following Reign when they had the same Differences to dispute with Hen. IV. as they had with his Predecessor 2. He had acknowledg'd those Assemblies capable of Treating with him by sending his Commissioners to Treat with 'em according to their Commissions and Instructions and by permitting the Proposals on both sides to be Debated Argu'd Explain'd Decreed as is usual in all Treaties Now the King could not enter into a Treaty but in these two Respects The one as Chief of the Catholics upon which he very much Valu'd himself and whose consent he had as will presently appear to conclude a Peace that should for ever extinguish all Animosities and Discords The other as King to whom the Kingdom belong'd and to whom it belong'd to preserve in Union all the Members of which it was compos'd In the First Respect that which was Negotiated between his Commissioners and the Deputies of the Reformed can never be taken for any other then a means to reconcile the Opposite Pretensions of the Reformed and Catholics and to regulate the seperate Conditions under which they were to live Forming out of these Agreements a New right which was to serve as the perpetual Law of their Union in Civil Society so that the contrary Interests of both Parties being manag'd in such a manner in this Negotiation that there was nothing on the one side which msght turn to any remarkable Prejudice of the other but which made a Compensation within a little Matter equal for their Advantages and inconveniences it cannot be deny'd but that whatever is comprehended in a Treaty is comprehended in this as in all the Acts that have born the Name of it Now it is so evident by what I have said of the Condition wherein the King found the Kingdom after the Death of Hen. III. that he Treated with the Reformed as Head of the Catholic Party both as he was Successor to a Prince who had Solemnly tak'n upon him that Quality as for that he had also put himself at the Head of that Party by his reconbiliation with the Church of Rome that I need not make any longer stay upon it I pass then to the second Consideration and I say that he Treated in the the Quality of a King in whose Power it was to give his Subjects all the Assurances of the Protection which he ow'd 'em and whatsoever else is call'd by the Name of Favour Liberties or Priviledges Now certain it is that the Quality of King includes within it that of Common Father who when Quarrels arise among his Subjects keeps the Ballance equal between 'em and by his Paternal Justice limits and Bounds the Enterprizes of the one upon the other Which being done with a true knowledge of the Cause becomes the Decision of an Arbitrator whose decision is the Warrant of what he has judg'd Convenient This is that which made me say before that the Edict ought to be consider'd as a Treaty between the Catholics and the Reformed under the Authority of the King as their their Natural Arbitrator whose Majesty stood bound to Warrant the Edict against all Breaches that might be made on either side This very Warranty was clearly express'd by the Clauses of the Edict which imported that the Violations of it should be Prosecuted in the Kings Name by his Proctors General In regard it is Natural that Treaties being Warranted by a Power which is suppos'd to be sufficient to inforce Observance the people always apply themselves in case of Breaches to those that Warrant 'em and require their Protector to reduce the Violators to more exactness of performance I say then that the Catholics and the Reformed are the Parties between which the King as their lawful Sovereign their Arbitrator born procures and Warrants the Peace by his Edict well understanding the Cause upon a due examination of the Pretences and Replies and having obtain'd the consent of the Parties interested as far as is necessary It appear'd that the Catholics and Reformed were parties in this Treaty because they were the persons that reap'd the benefit of it that is to say the Concord and Peace which it procur'd 'em and for that the Differences and Contests between 'em surceas'd so soon as the Edict came to be put in Execution It appears that the King determin'd 'em because 't is he that speaks in the Edict and from whom all the Decisions flow in reference to the matters in Dispute It appears that what he did was done with a true knowledge of the Cause Since he was inform'd of the Demands of the Protestants by their Papers their Requests and their Deputations and of the Pretensions of the Catholics by their Contradictions and their Oppositions Lastly it appears that there were sufficient Marks of consent on both sides by several Reasons which are easily drawn from History The Consent of the Reformed is express and plain from their long endeavours and pursuits to obtain those things which were Granted 'em by the King's Commissioners and the Consent of the Catholics was Apparent by what I am going to relate after I have first observ'd that their Oppositions no way destroy their consent By the usual Method of Proceeding 't is certain that the Disputes and Contests before an Arbitrator are no Obstruction to hinder those that raise 'em from submitting to the Award of the Arbitrator Those Contests only serving to clear the Matters and to instruct the Person who takes Cognizance of the Difference In like manner the Oppositions of the Catholics were no more then a Contest in Form of Law touching such Matters of which the King was to be Judge which however did not hinder 'em from consenting to stand by the King's Decisions I say then that there are several Marks of the Catholic's consent to the Edict which the King was about to Grant the Reformed First the Truce between the two Kings is a good Proof that the Catholics that follow'd the Kings party were no way averse to Peace There is no great Distance between the one and the other They that can make a Truce with their Enemies so as to live tegether in the same
place and joyn their Arms for the common Interest are in a fair way to be Friends They that consent to a Truce which is but a Provisional peace shew plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace Which is more especially true in this Case where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made In the second place the Act pass'd between the Catholics of the Army and Court and Hen. IV. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more then the preservation of the Catholic Religion without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine without forcing the Rest of his Subjects this Act I say is a proof of the same thing Of the same Nature also in the third place is the Writing Sign'd by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Mantes before the Conference of Surene wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers All this together makes up a kind of Compromise or mutual Consent by which it is evident that the Catholics of the King's party agreed that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent are yet more clear and more Authentic There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them where there is not one Article for the Religion But never did that Article demand more then two things that is to say the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits The clear meaning of which is this that upon those two Conditions they who Treat consent that the King should tolerate the Reformed 'T is a Law notoriously known and a General practise that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended and that the Exception of a particular Clause is a ratification of the General Decree We see then here the Catholics even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous then any Others closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient And after the passing of all these Acts it is that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest and that having call'd together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies as by the Decisions which he pronounc'd in favour of the one and the other in things wherein they could not agree among themselves he Form'd between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contain'd in the Articles of his Edict And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy of France which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale After the Parlament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century the Clergy set all Engines at work to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges who held several Ecclesiastical Priviledges for Usurpations And they obtain'd so far that the King summon'd the Cause before himself and after his Council had left it undetermin'd for above Sixty years at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago and the King adjudg'd the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to perswade the other to submission is this the Parlament was not a competent Judge of that Affair They only judge of Causes between Man and Man not of those that altogether concern either one of the States or the first Estate of the Kingdom The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions He has taken the business into his own Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded They had a Right to dispute the matter till then But now the thing is at an End The Soveraign Arbitrator has pronounc'd Sentence the Oracle has spoke and there is no more to be said Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict there was no competent Judge but the King 'T was not the Business of one of the Estates but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion The King was possess'd of the Business by the Petitions of the One and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other The thing was delay'd and spun out in his Hands for several years during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discuss'd to give a true understanding of the Cause At length he pronounc'd Sentence he made a Law he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescrib'd ' em And thus there was a Final End of this Business nothing more to be said or done in it The consequence is so much the more necessary in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict there is a difference advantagious to the Latter not to speak of others that may be observ'd there The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King as Soveraign Arbitrator has judg'd in his own cause But in the Edict the King Judges under the same Character without suspition of partiality in the cause of his Subjects where he has no personal part where he interests himself no otherwise then as a common Arbitrator and Father of his Country Now in an Affair of this Importance the Decision of which United all the disordering Members of the State and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions 't is evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-establish'd among his Subjects as being the person whose Authority had cimented it together 'T is the Priviledge of Supream Authority to Warrant and put a Value upon things where it intervenes 'T is because the Vertue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it that the King's Name and Seal are affix'd to 'em that he Judges Parties by their consent that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises and which are drawn up in his Name in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice If then in those Acts where the King is not presum'd to Judge but because his Name appears there his Quality of Soveraign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
shall chuse swear to keep and observe our said Edict shall make them guard each other charging them respectively and by publick Act to answer for the Transgressions that shall be made to the said Edict in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof respectively or else to secure and deliver up the said Transgressors into the hands of Justice XLIII And to the end that our Justices and Officers as well as all other our Subjects may be clearly and with all certainty inform'd of our Will and Intention and to remove all Doubts and Ambiguities and Cavillings that might be made in relation to the precedent Edicts We have and do declare all other Edicts Letters Declarations Modifications Restrictions and Interpretations Decrees and Registers as well secret as all other Deliberations heretofore made in our Courts of Parliament and others that might hereafter be made to the prejudice of our said present Edict concerning the case of Religion and the Troubles occasion'd in this our Kingdom to be void and of no effect To all which and the Derogatories therein contained we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate and from this very time as for then do cancel revoke and annul them Declaring expresly That it is our Pleasure that this our said Edict should be sure firm and inviolable kept and observed by our said Justices Officers and Subjects without respecting or having the least regard to whatever might be contrary and derogating to this XLIV And for the greater assurance of the maintenance and observation we desire of this it is our Will Command and Pleasure That all Governors of our Provinces our Lieutenant-Generals Bailiffs Seneschals and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of this our Kingdom immediately upon receit of this our said Edict shall swear The same to keep and observe cause to be kept and observ'd and maintain'd every one in their Precinct as also the Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other Officers Annual or Temporal as well the present after the reception of the said Edict as their Successors in taking the Oath they are used to take when they are admitted into the said Places and Offices of which Oaths publick Acts shall be expedited to all such as shall require it We also require our Trusty and Well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament immediately upon receit of this present Edict to cease all their Proceedings and on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should pass otherwise to take the like Oath and to cause our said Edict to be Published and Registred in our said Courts according to the Form and Tenor thereof purely and plainly without any Modifications Restrictions Declaration or secret Register and without expecting any Mandamus or Order from us And our Attornies-General to require and pursue the immediate Publication thereof without any delay the which we will have perform'd in the Two Camps and Armies within six Days after the said Publication made in our Court of Parliament of Paris in order to send back the Strangers forthwith Injoyning likewise our Lieutenants-General and Governors speedily to Publish and to cause this our said Edict to be published by the Bailiffs Seneschals Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of their said Government where-ever it will be necessary As also the same to keep observe and maintain every one in his Precinct in order to put a speedy stop to all Acts of Hostility and to all Impositions made or to be made upon the account of the said Troubles after the Publication of our present Edict Which from the Moment of the said Publication we declare liable to Punishment and Reparation viz. against such as shall use Arms Force and Violence in the Transgression and Infraction of this our present Edict hindering the Effect Execution or Injoyment thereof with Death without hope of Pardon or Remission And as for the other Infractions that shall not be made by way of Arms Force or Violence they shall be punish'd by other Corporal Inflictions as Banishments Amende Honourable and other Pecuniary Punishments according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offences at the Will and Pleasure of the Judges to whom we have assign'd the Cognizance thereof Ingaging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with all the Justice and Equality the Cause shall require without respect or exception of Persons or Religion Therefore we command the said Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of Aids Bailifs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers whom it may concern or their Lieutenants this our present Edict and Ordinance to cause to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in their Courts and Jurisdictions and the same to maintain keep and observe in all Points and all whom it may concern the same fully and peaceably to use and to enjoy ceasing and causing all Troubles and Hinderances thereunto contrary to cease For such is our pleasure In witness whereof we have sign'd these presents with our own hand and to the same to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at St. Germain en Lays in the Month of August in the Year of our Lord 1570. and of our Reign the Tenth Sign'd Charles And beneath it by the King being in his Council Sign'd De Neufville And on the side Visa and Seal'd with the great Seal with green Wax upon Knots of red and green Silk Read Publish'd and Registred at the request and desire of the King's Attorney-General at Paris in Parliament on the 11th of August 1570. Sign'd Tu Tillet Edict of Pacification made by King Henry the 3d in order to put an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to make all his Subjects thenceforward live in Peace and Quietness Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and Publish'd in the Court of Parliament the 8th of October 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all present and to come Greeting God who is the Searcher of the hearts of Men and sees the bottom of their thoughts shall always be Judge for us that our Intention has never been other than to Reign according to his Holy Commandments and to govern our Subjects in all uprightness and Justice approving our self a Common Father to all who has no other end but their welfare and quiet In order thereunto we have always us'd our utmost endeavours to do whatever we judg'd most proper according to the occasions and times even with a design to establish a certain Peace in this our Kingdom and to provide against the Disorders and Abuses that have crept in to the same through the License of such long Troubles and to restore it to its Pristine Dignity and Splendor To which end we did convene our Estates General in our City of Blois where several things were treated of and particularly upon matter of Religion it being propos'd by some that one of the best Remedies
and they desire Grenoble again to which the Court consents Assembly of the Clergy Settlement for the Pensions of Converted Ministers Conduct of the Court and of the Prince of Conde who invites the Assembly of Grenoble to joyn with him Diversity of opinions The King's Progress The General Assembly sends Deputies to him Those Deputies are adjourn'd to Poitiers The Queen waves the Princes propositions and performs her Progress without hindrance Particular Cahier of the Assembly General Cahier Answers which are not satisfactory The Deputies are amus'd they Communicate their fears to the Assembly Lesdiguieres keeps them in awe They remove to Nimes inspight of him and excuse themselves at Court which does not approve it very well They are jealous of the Lords Lesdigueres and Chatillon are ingag'd in the Interest of the Court The Duke of Candale embraces the Reform'd Religion The Reform'd are hated by the Favourites The Duke d' Epernon hates them mortally Treaty of Vnion between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde under divers reservations which revives the Princes Party New Declaration which confirm the Edicts after an argumented Preface Effect of the Declaration The Reform'd are disarm'd â—â— Bourdeaux The Consistory discontinues the exercise of their Religion Two Advocates acquaint the Parliament with it which orders the usual Assemblies to be continued The Ministers withdraw The Consistory cites the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace who appeal to the Parliament The Consistory suspends them publickly from the Communion Severe Decree Passion of the Advocate General Facts disown'd by the Ministers Absurdities and ridiculous pretention Proceedings against the Ministers Sequel of the ill will of the Parliament False Decree of Inrollment of a Declaration against the Prince of Conde Propositions of Peace Deputies and Lettes from the Assembly of Nimes The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable The King of England offers to be Mediator of the Peace which the Council of France refuses Conferrence and Peace of Loudun Translation of the General Assembly â—â— Rochel from whence they send Deputies to Loudun Vnjust proceedings of the Court The Assembly is almost forc'd to accept a Peace Edict of Blois Private Articles Sequel Inrollment and modification of the Edict Have inlarg'd upon the preceding Articles presented by the Clergy by reason that they may be look'd upon as the Plan or Scheme of the Persecution the Reform'd have undergone from that time untill our days As the â—â—â—â—gy thereby show'd how little they were inclin'd to Peace 〈…〉 Equity the Nobility which follow'd their inspirations 〈…〉 movements did not appear better dispos'd They 〈…〉 during the Session of the Estates to Petition the 〈…〉 to maintain the Catholick Religion according to the 〈…〉 he had taken about it at his Coronation The Reâ—â—â—â—'d who were present took that proposition to be made â—â—â—â—nst them and were persuaded that the Nobility aim'd 〈…〉 Religion And indeed those that were acquainâ—â—â— with the nature of that Oath which I have set down in â—â—â—â—her place can think no otherwise since that the King â—â—â—â—ising thereby utterly to destroy all Hereticks declar'd 〈…〉 so by the Church the Application of it fell naturally 〈…〉 the Reform'd who are look'd upon as such by the â—â—â—â—olicks Therefore the said proposition was warmly â—â—â—â—ed between the Reform'd Gentlemen who were preâ—â—â—â— and the promoters of it in so much that they were 〈…〉 to proceed to great extremities The King was acâ—â—â—â—nted with it and he hinder'd it from going any further 〈…〉 promises and whereas peoples minds were strangâ—â—â—â—'d by that dispute he issued out a new Declaration on 12th of March which Confirmed all the Edicts 〈…〉 began with great Elogies of the Queen's conduct duâ—â—â—â— the Regency and of the care she had taken to conâ—â—â—â— the Edicts in imitation of the late King and to remeâ—â—â—he infractions of it as soon as she was acquainted with 〈◊〉 which the King look'd upon as the true Cause which 〈…〉 to the assistance of God had maintain'd his Subjects 〈…〉 the bounds of their Allegiance to him and in amiâ—â—â—mong themselves After which the King expressed that 〈…〉 good effect of the Queens Prudence had obliged him after the Declaration of his Majesty to intreat her to continue to assist him with her Council with the same authority as if the Administration of the Kingdom were still in 〈…〉 hands That by her advice he had issued out another Declaration of the same substance with that she had publishâ—… and caus'd to be verifi'd at the beginning of her Regeâ—… to signifie that it was her earnest desire to make his Subjeâ—… live in Peace and friendship and to observe the Ediâ—… Inviolably In the next place he declar'd that he was soâ—… for what had happen'd in the Estates upon the proposiâ—… of the Nobility and in order to satisfie the Reform'd 〈…〉 rejected it at first as little necessary or rather absolutâ—… useless since he was resolv'd to profess the Catholick Religion to his dying Day but after that he excus'd it proceeding from the Zeal of the Nobility towards the preservation of the Roman Religion without a design of gâ—…ing offence to any body whereupon he said that 〈…〉 Catholick Nobility had declar'd it to him first separatâ—… and then altogether That they had protested to him 〈…〉 they were very desirous of the observation of the Pâ—… establish'd by the Edicts That they had intreated him to 〈…〉 the re-union of his Subjects to the Providence of God 〈…〉 the usual means of the Church being but too much â—… swaded by experience that violent Remedies had â—… serv'd to increase the number of those that had left 〈…〉 Church instead of teaching them the way to return to 〈…〉 Therefore in order to remove the jealousies of the Refoâ—… who avoided factions and ill designs and all pretence of â—… sturbances from those that endeavour'd to promote 〈…〉 The King confirm'd anew all the Edicts Declarations â—… vate Articles Settlements and other Letters and Decrâ—… given in favour of the Reform'd both by himself and 〈…〉 Late King upon the Interpretation and Execution of 〈…〉 Edict of Nantes and order'd the same to be observ'd â—… olably This Declaraton which remain'd upwards of 〈…〉 Weeks before it was verify'd in the Parliament of â—… not cure the Evil the aforesaid Contestaion had creâ—… It hardly serv'd to Pallitate it And indeed it was very likely that it should satisfy any body considering it was Penn'd It was natural to suspect that a Constant Law could not be the Sequel of a Preface without â—…h That Imitation of Henry the 4th's Prudence it Inâ—… so much upon had never appear'd in the Queen's â—…duct On the contrary she had abandon'd all the late â—…s projects alterd confounded and destroy'd all â—he had done for the Peace and grandeur of the Kingâ—… and concluded the Alliance with Spain for which â—ad express'd an Invincible Aversion to his dying day affectation of always speaking of the Imitation of a Prince whose Maxims had been
overthrown offended those 〈…〉 griev'd to see how much the Regency had disfigur'd Government It is odious to boast of a thing the conâ—… of which is notoriously known by every body and 〈…〉 protestations of performing a Duty which one 〈…〉 from by a Thousand Actions seldom perswade a 〈…〉 which Effects contradict Moreover every body too sencible how many Cabals and Factions had torn Kingdom during the Minority to relish the praises that 〈…〉 given to the Queen of having maintain'd it in Peace â—…es the Mistery of the Court appear'd too openly in â—…d Declaration in which the Regency was continu'd â—…g the Majority to the same Person who upon the â—…nt of the Majority should have renounc'd it and the contents found a fair pretence to murmur in that a who was Major sound in body and mind remain'd under the directions of others only alledging the â—…nce of his Majority to secure his Mothers authority â—…nly made us of the Priviledg of the Age he had 〈…〉 to put himself under the Yoke of a second Guarâ—…hip The King was the only loser by the Declation â—…s Majority and by the Session of the Estates The 〈…〉 remain'd Regent under another Name Foreigners â—…out merit whom he had advanc'd to the Exclusion of the Native French and even of the Princes exerted the Authority in the King's name by the means of 〈…〉 Princess whose mind and heart they govern'd The â—…form'd were sensible of the Equivocation of those woâ—… by the means that are usual in the Church by reason that 〈…〉 had learned at their Cost by a dismal experience 〈…〉 Massacres and disingenuity are means much more in 〈…〉 in the Roman Church for the Conversion of pretended â—…ticks than Sermons and good example So that peopâ—… minds being prepar'd by those Reflections easily tookâ—… again at the first occasion that offer'd it self The Prince of Conde who expected to raise his Authoâ—… by the means of the Estates on the contrary lost theâ—… he had left by the prevarication of the Clergy and of tâ—… Adherents and the Queen caught him in the same snareâ— had set out for her She remained in possession the Government in spight of him she got the approbâ—… of the Marriages she had concluded she obliged the Pâ—… to Surrender the Town of Amboise to her which she had â—…ven him for his security at the Treaty of Ste. Menchouldâ— in order to tire the Patience of the French to the utmost made Conchini a Marshal of France The Marshal de Bâ—…lon had served her usefully in that Conjuncture of Aâ—… in hopes that his Credit and Capacity which appeared that occasion would oblige that Princess to give him agâ—…er share in her favour But she was unwilling to put 〈…〉 self into the hands of a man of his Capacity and 〈…〉 who lik'd him as a Counsellor would neither allowâ—… to be his Master nor his Competitor Therefore the 〈…〉 shal finding that no more notice was taken of him thanâ—… fore resolv'd to be reveng'd and renew'd Intrigues 〈…〉 finally ruin'd the Queen's Affairs but which had the 〈…〉 fortune at the same time to occasion the decay of 〈…〉 Reform'd Religion and the Slavery of France The Pâ—… of Conde being very much disatisfi'd with the Estates 〈…〉 yet more with the Queen willingly gave ear to new proâ—…sitions and he judg'd that things would be dispos'd to faâ—…ur new designs It was necessary for him to set three wheeles a going to â—…ve more success in his present discontents than he had 〈…〉 in the preceding which had only serv'd to discover his â—…eakness There was a necessity to get the People the Parâ—…ment of Paris and the Reform'd of his fide The People â—…as sufficiently dispos'd to joyn with the Malecontents upâ—… the account of their natural aversion to Foreigners It 〈…〉 easie to persaude them that Foreigners have less regard 〈…〉 them than those that are born and bred in the same â—…ountry with them and they excuse the excesses which amâ—…tion and avarice make their own Countrymen Commit â—…th more ease than the least attempts of a Foreigner â—oreover the Deputies of the Provinces had receiv'd â—…t little satisfaction from the Court The King had reâ—…s'd to examine the Cahiers of the Estates before their â—…ssolution a Maxim of great use to wave the Complaints 〈…〉 the People not to hear them while they are in a Caâ—…city to sollicit answers to them The Court took but very â—…tle notice of those Cahiers after the departure of the Deâ—…ties But the Clergy which had serv'd the Queen according to her mind obtained almost whatever they design'd â—he Deputies of the other Orders obtain'd nothing but â—…ain general promises of which they were sensible that â—…ey should never see the effects and that the People â—ould be oblig'd to seek out other remedies to redress â—…eir Grievances The Prince had good Friends in the Parliament which â—…ere disatisfied and thought themselves bound in Duty â—…d Honour to redress by their Authority the Affairs which â—…ere ruin'd by the false Policy of the Court But that â—…rhaps would not have produc'd great effects had not â—…e Court given an Overture to it by an excess of severity â—he Parliament seeing how the Intentions of the well meanâ—…g part of the Estates were evaded gave a Decree towards the end of March which invited the Princes the â—…eers and Officers of the Crown that sit among them to Assemble with them to remedy the disorders of the State The Court was very much allarm'd and offended at thâ—… Boldness They sent for the Parliament to have an account of their enterprise revers'd their Decree and forbad the execution of it But that August Court was no wise disheartned and after several deliberations they made very grave Remonstrances to the King and such aâ— became a Senat that lov'd the Glory and Peace of the State They spoke boldly upon all things that deserv'd to be observed in the present Conjuncture and as they insisteâ—… vigorously upon the Article of the Third Estate which the Court had rejected they did the same upon whatever related to the advantage of the people All their discourse in â— word tended to inspirethe King with maxims of an equitable Government I should swerve from my subject in relating 〈…〉 the Articles of their Remonstrances Therefore I shall only observe that among 29 or 30 others there was one which related to the Edicts and which desir'd the King to preserve tâ—… Splendor and Dignity of the Roman Religion withoâ—… swerving from the Edicts of Pacification So that 〈…〉 Parliament which had formerly made so much dificulâ—… to pass the Edict had finally found by experience the â—â—cessity of its observation The King receiv'd those â—â—monstrances ill either because they were too just to please â—â— Court in which the people only thought of making their â—…tune at any rate or because they were too free to pleâ—… such as only aimed to oppress Liberty or finally because 〈…〉 was
He took occasion from thence to make New Demands one of which was to punish those that were concern'd in the Falsification of the Decree Nevertheless when all things seem'd to be in the greatest Confusion they were disintangl'd all of a sudden and a Peace was talk'd on before the end of the Year The Queen having gain'd her ends by the King's Marriage Judg'd a Peace necessary to injoâ— the Fruits of that Alliance to disarm and divide her Enemies and to maintain her Authority and her Creatures On the other Hand the Prince seeing the Marriages were accomplish'd and that his Arms would prove ineffectual in that point finding himself moreover sufficiently formidable to make an advantagious Peace forgot his Promises and Treaties of a sudden and only thought of clearing his own Affairs The Duke of Vandoâ—â— who declar'd himself and rais'd Arms for him in Bretagne and the Duke of Nevers who likewise rais'd Men without declaring himself render'd him the more considerable The one by seconding him by a Potent Diversion and the other because he had the power to do it in case the Court refus'd to buy his Forces at his own Rate The most obstinate were sensible that it was impossible to dissolve the Marriages not yet consummated indeed by reason of the infancy of the Parties but Celebrated with all the Forms for the performance of which France and Spain had interchangebly given Hostages Had the Infanta of Spain been receiv'd ill in France Spain had a Daughter of France in their Power on whom they might Revenge themselves Thus all things inclin'd to a Peace and Public good seldom being the True Motive but the pretence of Princes it was the thing that was least thought on during the Treaty The very Assembly of Nimes sent Deputies to the King to beseech him to grant a Peace to his Subjects and those Deputies were receiv'd as if the Court had had no reason to complain of those that sent them The Truth is That they were not look'd upon as Deputies from a General Assembly because it was not held in a place allow'd of by the King and that the Court was unwilling â—o look upon their Resolutions as those of all the Reform'd â—f which a considerable Number disown'd them Those Deputies presented Letters to the King from the Assembly 〈…〉 which they justify'd their Conduct in Terms which â—how'd that they did not think it Criminal Those Letters were Pathetick and Eloquent The Apology they â—…ade for the Reform'd was grounded upon the just fear they â—…ad conceiv'd seeing the Distempers of the State increas'd â—…e Remedies rejected the Remonstrances of the Prince of â—…nde and of the Parliament hardly taken into consideration â—…e have seen said they in the said Letters your Sovereignty â—isputed and brought into question the Independency of your â—…own undecided so that We whose Subsistance next unto â—…od depends on the firmness of your Scepter had Reason to â—…ink it high time to look about Vs when we found that Endeavours were us'd to shake the very Foundations of it Soon â—…ter continuing to alledge the Reasons that had oblig'd them 〈…〉 Arm We have seen added they Armies Rais'd on all â—…rts and have heard several speaking the very sence of their â—earts prâ—saging the Felicities of Your Majesties Marriage by â—…e Design of our Ruin as if that Alliance were to be Ceâ—…ented by the Blood of your most Faithful Subjects which we included they would no longer defer to spill than till their â—ractices on our Patience had open'd a way for them to do it They added to those Complaints of the Threatnings against â—…em the Contempt that had been express'd towards the assembly the Refusal of an Answer to the Cahiers that â—…ere presented at Tours the removing of the most consideâ—…e among the Reform'd out of their places the advancement of their greatest Enemies They desir'd the King to apply proper Remedies to all those hardships which he himself might reap the Chief Advantages of They excus'd â—â—e Refusal of the Assembly to repair to Mompellier by the â—…me Reasons that had induc'd them to remove from Grenoâ—…lâ— which his Majesty had been pleas'd to approve of namely that they did not injoy their full Liberty there They also declar'd that the Assembly had hinder'd those of the Lower Languedoc from taking Arms which the Dukes of Monmorency and of Vantadour could Witness for them After which they concluded with the usual Protestations of Obedience and with hopes that for the future they should have more favour and Justice done them It is most certain that the lower Languedoc had no share in the Troubles whither it were that it proceeded from the care of Lesdiguieres who had taken his Measures with Alincourt Governor of the Lionnois and with the Dukes of Monmorency and of Ventadour to preserve that and the Neighbouring Provinces in quiet or that the Assembly were desirous for their own safety to hinder the War from breaking out so near them or finally whither a reciprocal fear had oblig'd both the Reform'd and Catholicks to remain in quiet It is no wonder that two Enemies who do not know one another sufficiently to know the weak side of each other or that know one another too well to despise each other should remain in Peace notwithstanding the opposition of their Interests by reason that they mutually dread each other Berteville who was one of the Deputies that brought those Letters made a Speech to the King partly suitable to the substance of the said Letters The King answer'd That he was willing to grant his Subjects a Peace without the Intercession of any Body The reason of this Answer was that the King of England was desirous to have a hand in this Treaty That Prince had promis'd the Prince of Condé a considerable Supply before the beginning of the War But whereas he was not much inclined to Arms and that a Controversy pleas'd him better than a Battle he contented himself with the Quality of a Mediator The Prince of Condé desir'd that the English Ambassador might assist at the Conference The Marshal de Bouillon also desir'd it The Assembly of Nimes was of Opinion that the Treaty would be more solemn and solid by the Mediation of a Forreign Prince out of respect to whom all Promises would be better kept But the King's Council would allow no Mediatorâ— being sensible that he who interposes in that Quality between the Soveraign and his Subjects deprives him commonly of the acknowledgement and merit of what he grants â—t the request of another Therefore the Ambassador was only allow'd to come to the Conference as a Witness The Prince of Condé and his Adherents agreed to it but King James neither got much Honour by it nor the Cause he deâ—…gn'd to Favour much Advantage Loudun was pitch'd upon for the place of the said Conference which was open'd on the 10th of February The King's Commissioners repair'd thither and the
his Motions He declar'd that he would look upon those to be Enemies to the State who should refuse to sign the Peace Moreover he was accus'd of having ingag'd himself to the King's Commissioners by writing to March against the Assembly and to make War against them in case they should disown what their Deputies had done or should continue their Session beyond the Term granted to them The Duke de la Trimouille his Nephew who was Young and Easie and who did not tread long in his Father's Steps did the same in Imitation of his Uncle But the Marshal de Bouillon design'd thereby to show that he was the Moving Spirit of the Party that his Advice was sufficient to incline them to War and his Threatnings to make them accept a Peace The Assembly gave him no cause to proceed to Extreams against them They submitted to the Treaty they did Nominate Deputies General And Berteville to whom the Marshal had given hopes of obtaining that Deputation was Elected according to his Promise Maniald was joyn'd with him After which the Assembly Dissolv'd it self without staying until the time that was granted them This Treaty was thus publish'd and Intitl'd An Edict given at Blois in the Month of May. It contain'd 54 Articles among which those that had a relation to the Publick Good were soon Converted into Illusions by the turn of Affairs that follow'd soon after Most of them only contain'd such things as are commonly imploy'd in general Pardons The Third Article was in favour of the Roman Catholick Religion which was to be restor'd in all Places where their Worship had been Interrupted during the Troubles Their Ministers were maintain'd in the Liberty of their Functions in the Injoyment of their Estates and in the Possession of their Houses of which the Restitution was order'd The Fourth was a weak Injunction to make Inquities into the Death of the late King under pretence that the King was inform'd that his Officers had been remiss in it notwithstanding their having receiv'd express Orders about it from the Queen both by word of Mouth and in Writing and the King promis'd to Write to all the Bishops of the Kingdom to cause the Decree of the Council of Constantia to be publish'd in their respective Diocesses which speaks of the Life of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Fifth revers'd a Decree of Suspension of those which the Parliament of Paris had given in favour of the Independency of Kings provided that such things as were Imported by those Decrees should remain unperform'd which had not been put in execution yet which related to the Assembly of the Princes and Officers of the Crown with the Parliament in order to the Reformation of the State That is the King revers'd those Decrees in Terms which seem'd only to reverse the Suspension of them The Sixth presupposing that the Court had gone a great way in answering of the Cahiers of the Estates General promis'd that they would proceed in it without any Discontinuation The King ingag'd himself by the Seventh to Examine the Article of the Third Estate But he did not oblige himself to pass it into a Law The next Imported that the King would give no more considerable Places to Foreigners But he destroy'd the said Promise at the same time reserving to himself the Power of bestowing them on such under the pretence of singular Merit or of great Services Some others follow'd these in Course which seem'd to be useful to the State but were couch'd in Terms as Illusory as the preceeding The Fourteenth confirm'd the Edicts and all that related to them The next Created a new Office of Councellor in the Parliament of Paris to be given to one of the Reform'd in the room of that of Berger who had only chang'd his Religion on condition that he should not be dispossessed of the said Office The Sixteenth restor'd the free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all places where it had been Interrupted upon the account of the Troubles The Seventeenth allow'd the Proceedings of the Prince of Conde and of his Adherents both Catholicks and Reform'd Even of those who compos'd the Assembly of Nimes which was at Rochel at the time of this Edict The Twentyfourth only related to Rochel The Forty seventh ordain'd the Restitution of the Places which had been seiz'd by the Adherents of the Prince And whereas Tartas had been taken by Surprize from the Reform'd the King order'd the present Restitution of the same before they should proceed to the Restitution of the others But in order to punish the People as it is common for the folly of the Great ones the King re-establish'd some old Impositions which he had occasion for to pay the Peace he was oblig'd to buy There were also private Articles which were no less important than the General ones The last promis'd 1500000 Livres to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party The Court had no mind they should be seen by the Parliament for fear of Contradictions Therefore they were sent to them Seal'd up and the 53 of the General Articles was very positive in ordering them to be put in Execution The First maintain'd the Gallick Church in its Liberties The Second disown'd the pursuit of the Clergy for the publication of the Council of Trent and promis'd that it should have no Effect The Third excepted Leitoure from the Article about the Restitution of Places because there was a Dispute between Fontrailes and Angalin about the Captainship of the Castle The Dispute was begun before the War which was the reason that Fontrailles favour'd the surprising of the said place by the Duke of Rohan who turn'd out his Competitor He made a shift to maintain himself in it until the year 1620 and then only quitted it upon good Terms In the mean while the Article Imported that until the decision of the Dispute the King would deposit it into the Hands of an Exempt of his Guards or some other Reform'd Officer The Fourth regulated a very particular Affair Villemereau Councellor in the Parliament of Paris and le Maitre one of the Masters of Accounts of the said Court had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion The Courts which they belong'd to had hinder'd them from Exercising their said Imployments upon that Account The Reform'd took it very much to heart and seeing that Berger did not lose his place tho' he was turn'd Catholick they pretended that the others ought not to be us'd worse for embracing the Reform'd Religion The Catholicks urg'd that the Number of Reform'd Counsellors was Limited to Six by the Edict and that therefore Villemereau's place ought to be taken from them or at most that they could only pretend to keep it in compensation of that of Berger The Reform'd on the other Hand pretended that the Edict only Limited the Offices they were to have of necessity but that it did not baâ— their Access to all others which they were declar'd
fierce and so cruel would undoubtedly reduce them in the sequel to the most dismal Extremities of Slavery Therefore those who had the management of that Affair resolv'd to improve the Determination of the Assembly of Rochel and to summon the Deputies of the Councils of the three Neighbouring Provinces to Implore their Advice and Assistance to secure themselves In order whereunto after having celebrated a Fast in all the Churches of Bearn to beg of Almighty God a happy success in that Enterprise they Conven'd an Assembly of the three Provinces at Castel-jaloux But the thing being done publickly by Persons who had no private ends and who did not look upon that proceeding to be Unlawful the King had timely notice of it and sent orders to the Consuls of the place before the Deputies arriv'd there He also writ to the Parliament of Bourdeaux and to the Chamber of Nerac to impeach all such as should be concern'd in the said Assembly and to use them as Infractors of the Edicts and Perturbators of the Publick Peace which the Parliament did not fail to effect with their usual Passion Whereupon the Governor and the Consuls of Castel-jaloux refus'd to admit the Deputies within their Gates being unwilling to displease the Court. Tonneins whither the Deputies repair'd from thence treated them in the same manner This made them fearful that they would meet the same treatment throughout Guyenne and that while they lost their time in seeking a safe and convenient place the Court would oblige the Bearnois to do that by force which the â—â—â—oviâ—â—e was not in a condition to hinder They also conâ—â—â—ded that it would not be proper to hold their Assembly in a pâ—â—â—â— â—oo far distant from that which might stand in need of their â—ssistance Therefore they repaired to Orthez in Bearn where they were certain of a kind Reception The Court could not preâ—ent the effect of that Resolution by reason that it was held â—ecret until the very moment in which it was put in Executiâ—n As soon as the Assembly was form'd they writ to the â—ing who would neither receive their Letters as coming from an Unlawful Assembly nor yet give a hearing to the Deputies General On the contrary he put out a very severe Declaration on the 21st of May against the Authors and Members of the said Assembly In the mean time the Court expected to hear the Effect of the Journey of Renard Master â—f Requests chosen by the Clergy who had been sent into Bearn to put the King's Orders in Execution and to get the Decree of Restauration Registred in the Sovereign Council â—he Edict of Reimplacement and the Decrees of Verification â—t Thoulouse and at Bourdeaux and that of the Council given â—n consequence thereof which order'd the Council of the Province to do the like The said Commissioner was very ill â—eceiv'd at Pau where the Common People and all the Schoâ—â—â—rs stir'd a great Sedition against him The Wisest had not Authority enough to hinder it The Assembly of Orthez and the Council of the Academy endeavour'd it in vain So that Renard was oblig'd to retire But he did it like a Man who was willing to aggravate Matters For which reason he refus'd some Honours that were offer'd him as to a Commissioner from the King He refus'd to Communicate his Commission he only distributed some Letters among those the Court was sore of by which they were commanded to assist him He would not accept the Sureties that were offer'd him to come to Pau to acquaint the Sovereign Council with his Instructions Moreover he went away very abruptly after having sent a Verbal and very Violent Report to Court charging La Force and the Soveraign Council with all the Disorder He joyn'd the Decree that Council had lately made to it by which upon the pursuit of the Clergy and upon the opposition of the Estates and of the Churches they declar'd That they could not make the Inrollment and that the King should be humbly Entreated to leave things in the Condition in which they were and that every body should return home and live in Peace The Bishops had excepted against Lescun pretending that he was a Party against them as if it had been a private Process But their Recusation was not allow'd of by reason that Lescun had done nothing without Authority The said Decree was made about the end of June During these Transactions the People ever curious of Presages and of Prodigies did not fail to make great Reflexions upon some Earthquakes which were observ'd in some parts of Bearn the very next day after the Departure of the King's Commissioner And whereas those Signs are generally equivocal and only signifie what People desire or dread every body drew Consequences from it conformable to their Temper Nevertheless as People are most inclin'd to dread when they reflect on Accidents of which the Causes are unknown to them most look'd upon them as an advice from Heaven which denoted to them that the Affairs of the State were threatned with a great alteration and that both the Churches and the Country were going to suffer ruinous shakings For that reason the usual Devotions on such occasions were renewed in Bearn and a publick Fast was celebrated there on the 9th of July The Court being inform'd with the ill Success of Renard Commission nevertheless made an advantagious use of his Journey And by an Italian Policy they pretended that the Cause of the Bearnois having been defended at large in the Council of Pau was a sufficient reason to refuse an Audience to the Churches which desir'd that it might be pleaded before the King This Evasion would have been plausible supposing what is seldom true that Princes were inform'd with the particulars of the Affairs that are reported to them And then they might without Injustice to the Bearnois have freed the King of the Fatigue of several tedious Audiences by acquainting him with what had been said in the presence or with the Participation of his Commissioners who was to give him an account of it But the Favourites and the Ministers were unwilling to use the King to take so much Cognisance of Affairs They knew he was easie but withal capable to understand reason and they were afraid that should the Question he well explain'd before him it would deprive them of the fruit of all their Craft They satisfy'd him with Reflexions upon Soveraign Authority which seems to be incroach'd upon by the Liberty Subjects take to come to plead in the very Council of their Princes against the Laws which they have made This was the Character of Luine's Government counâ—ii'd by Spain and by the Clergy He and his Creatures onâ—â— preach'd absolute Power to the King which Doctrine he swallow'd as greedily as if others had not exerted it in his â—â—ead The Clergy has follow'd the same Maxim at all times â—eing perswaded that it would be more easie for
it increase it self by Negligence Moreover he gave way either voluntarily or by reason that the thing having been sued for without his knowledge he was oblig'd to consent to it handsomely to the return of the Bishop of Lucon to that Princess on condition that he should dispose her to a Peace and the Bishop being weary with studying of Theology which he was not very wellskill'd in aspiring only to return to Court where he was in hopes of making himself useful made no difficulty to acquiess to it Thus after some Messages to and fro the Peace was concluded The Queen had the Castle of Anger 's and de Ponts de Ce for her Security with leave to come back to Court But the Duke de Luines who was afraid that she would find many Persons there who would rather follow her than him and that she would soon resume her former Authority to his prejudice and revenge the bloody Injuries he had done her found a way to render that permission of no use to her The Prince of Conde whom she had put in Prison about three years before pass'd his Days dismally there though the Princess his Wife had voluntarily confin'd her self with him to keep him Company He amus'd himself in the Study of Controversies But he did not apply himself to it like a Man that design'd to understand the Questions throughly and to take his Party after having maturely weigh'd the Reasons on both sides This way of Study is too long and too tedious for Princes They must have abstracted Methods to shorten their Labour and to free the Matters from the driness and difficulties they are surrounded with A little Superficial Knowledge passes among them for profound Science and of all Arguments none are so proper for them as Prejudications He was delighted with those little Reasons which the Jesuits and the Missionaries their Emissaries did begin to put in practice And he render'd himself more troublesome thereby to the Reform'd whom he persecuted by Disputes in which he would always be in the right than he prov'd formidable to them in the War he wag'd against them with great Violence Luines hoping that Resentment would induce that Prince to protect him against the Queen secur'd himself with him and put him at Liberty And as if he did design to acquaint the Queen that it was against her that he had sought that support he obtain'd a Declaration for the discharge of the Prince in which the Conduct of that Princess was indirectly tax'd But yet in such a manner that it might easily be perceiv'd by any that had Common Sense She was so much offended at it that she would not come to Court and she express'd her Resentments so high that it was easie to judge that she would use her utmost Endeavours to revenge it She was very near doing it and Luines had been ruin'd had she been well advis'd But while these Broils imploy'd the Court the Affairs of Bearn remain'd Dormant by reason that the Court had no time to mind them Moreover they abolish'd by an express Declaration of the 5th of July the Crime of the Assembly of Castel-jaloux and of Orthez which towards the latter end of the preceding Year after having been Converted into a General Convocation had been transferr'd to Rochel for the Conveniency of the other Provinces The truth is that the said Convocation did take the King's part publickly against the Queen and even refus'd to hear Chambret who was sent by that Princess to sound them Besides which they declared all such Desertors of the Union of the Churches who should side with any body but the King After which they broke up on the 22th of April upon the King's Promise of allowing another Assembly in the Month of September following The Brief of permission was Sign'd on the 23d of May and the Assembly repair'd to Loudun where they began their Session on the 26th of September The Court in reality ventur'd less than they seem'd to do by allowing that Assembly in a time of such Confusion They were very well inform'd with the Divisions that reign'd among the Reform'd and they had ready means to improve them Artifices to delude the Simple Recompences to purchase those that were Self-Interested Threatnings to frighten the Weak and all those being made useless to the Party they had more Forces than were necessary to oppress the rest Several Lords sent Deputies thither La Force did not fail to do the same and the Affairs of Bearn were canvas'd there as soon as it was form'd Insomuch that they soon drew Seven preliminary Articles which they gave to those that carry'd their Submissions to the King until they could make more ample Complaints to be sent by the Deputies General The first demanded the Revocation of the Decree of Restoration or at least a Suspension of it until the Bearnâ—is had been heard The Second demanded the continuation of the Places of Surety and especially that an account should be given of those that were held by Lesdiguieres who had all along refus'd to communicate it to the Churches of the Kingdom The Third related to Leitoure which Government they desir'd should be taken from Fontrailles The Fourth renew'd the Affair of the two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris in which they refus'd to receive them And the Court took but little care to oblige the Parliament to Obey according to the King's Promise The Fifth mentioned the Creation of a place of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Parliaments of Paris and Grenoble to be given to Persons of the Reform'd Religion The Sixth contain'd Complaints about the Surprising of Tartas which had been taken from the Reform'd by Craft in time of Peace demanding the Restitution of the said Place The Seventh remonstrated that the Catholicks had burnt the Temple of Bourg in Bresse and demanded Reparation for that Violence I will observe enpassant that they endeavour'd to make the Reform'd pass for Troublesome Obstinate People who would never give over and who did perpetually renew the same Demands even after the King had declar'd by divers Refusals that he would not satisfie them But there never was a more Unjust or more Imprudent Accusation The Truth is that it was never urg'd against them until their decay gave way to their Enemies to make Crimes of all their Actions and to take their very Sighs and their most humble Petitions for a lawful pretence to destroy them I own that they have often renew'd the same Demands But that was chiefly when they had receiv'd Promises which had never been put in Execution or when those things were refus'd which had been solemnly promis'd to them So that it was not a Criminal Importunity to press the performance of a Royal Promise on all Occasions If there was a Crime those were guilty of it who prevail'd with the King to break his Promises and to Ingage his Word to Impose upon the Credulity of
of the Prince of Conde's Advice march'd with speed into Normandy with such Forces as were ready near his Person and while the Remainder of his Forces were assembling he Subdu'd that Province without any Resistance Prudent Governor of the Castle of Caer was the only Person who seem'd to have a mind to defend himself but he did it only to be intreated and in few days he deliver'd bp the Place to the King As soon as all things were quieted on that side the King's Forces march'd towards Anger 's where the Queen found her self on a sudden as it were Invested unprovided and surpriz'd not knowing what to resolve upon Therefore a Peace was propos'd every body endeavouring by that Negotiation to gain time and to find Means to deceive the contrary Party But the King's Forces having accidentally and perhaps unwillingly defeated the Queen's at Pont de Cé the Treaty was broke off and that Princess was oblig'd to accept such Conditions as were offer'd her that is to submit at the Discretion of an Enemy who was not near so Powerful as herself her Friends were forc'd to lay down their Arms and all she could obtain for them was a General Pardon The King finding himself Arm'd thus without any Enemies to oppose him and having moreover gather'd the remains of the Forces the Queen's Friends had been oblig'd to disband in Guyenne he resolv'd all of a sudden to make use of them in order to force Bearn to obey which was not ready to oppose him He march'd towards Bourdeaux with speed without declaring his Design The Reform'd either not being jealous of it or wanting a Pretence to take up Arms by reason that the six Months in which the Court had promis'd to satisfie them were not as yet expir'd did nothing to put a stop to that Expedition La Force being surpriz'd by that unexpected Journey and having made no use of his Time could neither put himself in a Posture of Presence nor get any Assistance out of the adjacent Provinces which were astonish'd at the Sight of a Royal Army Therefore he came to the King at Bourdeaux to persuade him to after his Resolutions by Remonstrances He added Promises to oblige the Bearnois to obey provided no Violence were us'd But whether the Court did not trust him or whether the Clergy expected more from the King's Presence than from the Good-Will of the People the King continu'd his March La Force met him again at Grenade and brought him formal Proofs of the Obedience of the Estates He renew'd his Remonstrances he represented to the King what Dangers he was going to expose his Person to in a Country in which the Roads are very dangerous and Troublesome where there is nothing but Heath and Mountains and where Torrents and Floods are continually met with and where the Passages being difficult at all times were much more difficult yet at the beginning of Winter But all prov'd ineffectual The King refus'd their Submissions and his Reasons could not move him Therefore he was forc'd to go back without having obtain'd any thing The Memoirs of that Time accuse him of having neither known how to obey nor yet to defend himself and it is most certain that in all that Affair the Reform'd did nothing but by halves they dreaded the Rreproach of being Aggressors so much and of renewing the Civil Wars without a Lawful Cause that since the time the Catholicks had begun to trouble them by a thousand Disputes they had not been able to fix upon a certain Resolution ever ready to satisfie themselves with Words when the Court gave them good ones and to feed themselves with Hopes whenever they were flatter'd with the specious Name of Royal Faith Several among them were sensible that the Court had form'd the Design to destroy them and that they only troubled them by a thousand small Vexations sometimes harder to bear than great Injustices in order to incline them to a Rising which having no apparent Cause might give them a reasonable Pretence to oppress them But that very Consideration prevail'd with them not to take Arms in order to frustrate the Designs of their Enemies by their Patience So that this Disposition of Honest Men afforded those who were Corrupted by Pension or Promises from the Court a fair Field to make them neglect the Expedients and loose the Opportunities to defend themselves For which reason their very Enemies have reproach'd them that considering they were People who had acquir'd the Reputation of great Politicians by the Success of their Affairs during several years notwithstanding all the Forces and Artifices that had been oppos'd against them they did not know how to improve their Advantages and that they suffer'd with too much Blindness and without seeking out a Remedy the Preparations of their Ruin which were making before their Eyes The King continu'd his March as far as Preignac and there receiv'd the Remonstrances which du Faur and de Marca Councellors at Pau came to make to him in the Name of the Soveraign Council to obtain an Audience for the Churches according as he had been pleas'd to prescribe it himself But it prov'd ineffectual and he answer'd them that since they had not been able to oblige the Bearn is to obey him he was going to do it himself He perform'd it accordingly and he made his Entry at Pau on the 15th of October Two days after it he came to Navarreins a strong Place which might have sustain'd a long Siege had the Governor been pleas'd to defend it But de Salles who was a very ancient Gentleman being desirous to obey caus'd the Garison to march out to receive the King with more Respect and the Inhabitants following his Example repair'd to their Arms only to give a greater Air of Triumph to the Entry of their Soveraign The only Reward de Salle receiv'd for that Submission was the Loss of his Government without any Recompence for it and that he saw the Survivorship thereof taken away from a Nephew of his to whom it had been granted and the Baron de Poyane a Catholick was put in his Room with a Garison of the same Religion The King came back to Pau after it where he had summon'd the Estates of the Country and as if his Council had design'd to Instruct him how to make a Jest of his Faith and Word they allow'd him to take the usual Oath to the Estates before he receiv'd that of his Subjects but he began to violate it the same day It is remarkable that during the Course of that Expedition the King only advis'd with three Persons viz. the Duke de Luines du Vair Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Arnoux his Confessor The very same day on which he swore to observe the Laws of the Country grounded upon the Consent of his Predecessors and of the Estates he gave the Presidentship of that Assembly to the Bishops and Abbots
before he dy'd for the support of a Religion of which as 〈◊〉 clearly perceiv'd the Catholics had vow'd the destruction 〈◊〉 thought himself of treating with the Count and found it 〈◊〉 hard matter to gain him To that purpose he promis'd him money and that he should be conducted into France by 〈◊〉 reinforcements of men that would very much augment his 〈◊〉 He promis'd also to send him the Prince of Sedan 〈◊〉 eldest Son and the Duke of Trimouille to accompany him and in a word those Lords assisted by the Counts of Suze 〈◊〉 Roussi and some others sent their Friends and their Servants who rendevouz'd from all parts at the places that were assign'd ' em These motions persuaded the Court that all they who quitted their Houses went to strengthen this Foreign Army 〈◊〉 make a considerable diversion upon the Frontiers of Champaigne For which reason several persons were seiz'd upon suspicion 〈◊〉 favouring the Duke of Bouillon's Enterprize and besides some Officers of his Houshold who were imprison'd in several pla-â—…es the Son of the Vidame of Normandy was secur'd at Paris 〈◊〉 Count of Suze at Lion and the Duke of Sulli at Moulins 〈◊〉 being suspected to be of the Confederacy In the mean time Marshal de Bouillon who had promis'd money before he knew where to have it made it his business to seek where to raise it 〈◊〉 he wrote to the Duke of Rohan to see whether he could 〈◊〉 any that way His Letters however contain'd two things 〈◊〉 opposite one to another for at the beginning he exhorted 〈◊〉 Duke to Peace for fear the continuance of the War should 〈◊〉 the ruin of the Reformed He observ'd that their ill â—uccesses proceeded from the dispersing of those who were able 〈◊〉 bear Arms but who were made uncapable of succouring one 〈◊〉 by their separation He added as it were to lead him 〈◊〉 of one discourse into another that this misfortune was oc-â—…ion'd by the want of Foreign Soldiers For the supply of which defect he offer'd the bringing in of Count Mansfeild to 〈◊〉 assistance of the Reformed in order to which he deâ—…nded three things an express approbation of his design money for the payment of his Foreign Forces and assurance 〈◊〉 he should be comprehended in the Peace both he and his if happen'd to be made But money was more difficult to be 〈◊〉 then the demanded Approbation and Assurances so that the â—ourt had time enough to gain Mansfeild and prevent his entring 〈◊〉 France Propositions therefore were made him of being enterâ—… in the King's service and some ready money fix'd his resoluâ—…ns But the Bishop of Alberstadt a Prince of the House of Brunsâ—…k to whom some part of the Forces belong'd was willing â—…heark'n to Marshal Bouillon's Proposals and to be contented 〈◊〉 the small Sum which the Marshal offer'd for present necesâ—…y till a more considerable could be rais'd which differing â—…linations set the two Generals at variance who never after 〈◊〉 did any thing considerable so that after some Sieges attempted without Success Mansfeild retir'd into the Low-Counâ—…s where his Army was utterly ruin'd France would have bin very much incumber'd with him had 〈◊〉 hir'd his Army into her Service She had no Foreign War 〈◊〉 would the Council of Conscience permit the King to concern himself with the King of Bohemia's Broils and therefore there was an Expedient found to get rid of him by sending him into the Service of the Low-Countries then in amity with the King chusing rather that he should join with the States theâ— with the King of Spain or the Venetians who both courted him Thus the Churches of France were flatter'd with an appearance of hope that vanish'd as soon Nor were the Reformed the 〈…〉 that treated with Foreigners for the King had set 'em an Example and sent into Languedoc some German Troops that serv's under the Duke of Mommorancy so that it could not be justly laid to their charge that they went about to expose their Country to the Plunder and Ransack of Foreigners since the Catholics were the first who had call'd the Reiters and the Lansquenets into the Kingdom In the mean time the fear of Mansfeild's Army render'd the King's Council more pliable so that the Proposals of Peace were renew'd But whether it were that the Duke of Rohan Demands were too high or that the Council were freed from the terror of Mansfeild's ever coming to hurt 'em the Negotiation came to nothing and Lesdiguieres spent all his pains and 〈…〉 time to no purpose in promoting it Nevertheless the Couâ—â— began to hanker after Peace of which they who were desirous to advance themselves in the King's Favour or by the management of Affairs stood in great need to the end they might 〈…〉 have too much variety of business to trouble their heads wiâ—â— at one and the same time For as for the Cities that remain'd they were of quite another consequence then the paltry Towâ— the gaining of which had bin till that time the sole Fruit â—â— the War Only they were desirous that the King should graâ—â— the Peace like the Lord and Master of it and they avoided â—â— General Treaty for fear the Union of the Reformed should be justifi'd and as it were legitimated by a Treaty of that nature These Sentiments were sufficiently express'd by the Author of â—â— Treatise that appear'd upon this Subject after the enterview â—â— Lesdiguieres and the Duke of Rohan And indeed no less theâ—â— three persons of a different character deliver'd their Opinionâ— upon the Peace The one a Reformed who was desirous to obtain the Four Articles upon which the Lords were agreed â—… other was a Zealous Catholic who was altogether for Extermination The third a moderate man who took the middle â—ay between the other two Extreams but who rejected the 〈…〉 Articles as contrary to the good of the State The Author 〈…〉 himself the name of Francophilus because he was willing â— give his judgment for those of the truly honest Frenchmen â—ho lov'd the Honour and Repose of the Kingdom He asserted that it was not proper to allow the Reformed by longer possession of Places of Security because the time al â—ted for 'em to hold those Places was expir'd That the Reasons why they were granted were out of doors That the League â—as the true motive which induc'd Henry IV. to trust 'em in â—e hands of the Reformed That he was willing to permit the â—eformed to be in Arms that they might be serviceable to him â— case of necessity That the particular safety of the Reformed â—er so many Wars was but a second motive of less importance â—â—d only serv'd as a pretence for the other That the same Prince before his death began to re-assume 'em indirectly and exâ—ted Promises in writing from the Governour which he sent either that they would keep 'em for his Service That the Reformed had made an ill use of 'em and by consequence that they
probability however the word was lookt upon as â—ery seditious And I have seen Petitions presented to the Magistrates which have produc'd Informations Sentences and Decrees of Parlament which forbid the use of that word the â—…nely Crime mention'd in the Complaint 'T was the same thing with the word Parpaillot of which the Reformed complain'd as of a heinous Injury though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so â—â—ensive in it unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉 came spoke it with a design to affront ' em The Reformed then being assail'd at Lion by that seditious Rabble were among other foul language call'd Parpaillots and threaten'd with the Halter To which while some were a â—â—ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought they â—â—nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated and whose number was already swell'd to three or four thousand by the concourse of Lacqueys Children and the Rifraff of the People so that at last they broke into the houses of the Reformed plunder'd whatever was of value burnt what they could not carry away beat wounded and kill'd several of those that fell into their hands This Fury lasted three days neither the Magistrates nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences And yet to say the truth considering the condition the City was in at that time they must needs have bin very remiss or else it ne're could have bin so difficult a matter to have reduc'd that Canaille to reason For d'Alincourt the Governor of the City had his Guards the City was divided into Quarters which had every one their Captains and their Streamers and could have easily rais'd men enow to have dispers'd those Rakehells The Queen and the Queen-mother were both at Lion together with the Bishop of Lusâ—â— soon after made a Cardinal with some Soldiers to guard ' em But at Lion as well as at Paris they were much afraid of spilling Catholic Blood Otherwise they might have drawn together a little Army able to have done much more then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lacqueys But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remonstrances and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation had they not him afraid lest the Rabble having once tasted the sweets of Pillage should have flown upon the Catholics after they had got what they could from the Reformed All the severity of the Magistrate went no farther then to place Guards in some places and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison At length indeed the Queenmother caus'd herself to be carri'd to the place where the disorder was most violent and then the seditious Rout already almost aweary began to retire But there was no body punisht for all this Insolence but the Reformed for instead of giving 'em satisfaction d'Alincourt disarm'd ' em Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death of those that were massacr'd or to repair the damages of those who had bin plunder'd and burnt Nay they were made believe they had a great Favour done 'em that so much care had bin taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multitude As for the Catholics there were some indeed committed â—o Prison but releas'd agen in a few days after without either Fine or any other punishment The only harm that was done â—em was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious And had the Reformed â—appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens all the blood in their bodies would not have sufâ—â—'d to have expiated their Crime While the King lay before Mompelier the Count of Soissonsâ—ress'd â—ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land and the Duke of Guise by â—ea and that potent City was every way hard beset The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis which was like to â—rove a great Annoyance to it in regard it commanded the Channel so that the Sea was no longer open to her nor could he be reliev'd on that side but with great difficulty Nevertheless the Assembly stood their ground and issu'd forth the â—est Orders they could for the support of the common Cause they held Correspondences in several places and sometimes â—â—me of the Nobility and some Soldiers of good Note got into the City to defend it However several of their Enterpriâ—es had no success and though Rochel had bin the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea â—nd Land she was at last reduc'd to fight for her own Walls â—he Duke of Soubise after the Overthrow he had receiv'd went into England and left no Stone unturn'd to procure some considerable Succor from the King but that Prince always obstinate in his Maxims would not hear a word of it but forbid his â—ubjects to assist the Reformed whom he made no scruple to all Rebels Nevertheless he offer'd his Intercession with the King of France for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him â—nd his Subjects In short he order'd his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉 their business as he had done before when Montauban was â—esieg'd where Hay his Envoy had already made some Overâ—â—res and when the Conditions were resolv'd upon as a ground work for entring into a Treaty he earnestly prest the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to ' em In the â—ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke Soubise that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail laden with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbor before it set Sail so that when the Duke came to take shipping he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations and all the marks of a terrible Shipwrack But before Mompelier things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes The City held out stoutly the Season spent apace and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot and though on the one side the Reformed had reason to fear that the King at last would take the City on the other hand the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forc'd to lose all his labour and go without it These Fears on both sides bent their Inclinations to Peace but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it was to be kept private from him Lesdiguieres created Constable but a little before undertook the Negotiation once again and after several Obstacles surmounted which had like several times to have dash'd the whole Negotiation to pieces at length it was decreed and the Constable
in their Estates the Act of Obâ—…ion of all Acts of Hostility the registring of the Declaration of Mompelier were all so many Articles granted The discharge from Taxes laid during the Troubles was granted to those only who had taken Arms in 1621. for as much as was â—…l due without restitution of what they had paid The Ciâ—…s hat still were held by the Reformed had their Priviledges confirm'd and if any Case of Appeal happen'd about the Election of Officers the cognizance of it was referr'd to the â—hambers The Article about safe Conducts was granted That about the reciprocal discharge of Debts created by one â—…rty without the consent of the other was past for such as â—ere not yet paid only the King reserv'd to himself the equaâ—â—ing the share of the particular Debts of the Reformed and â—…mis'd to permit a General Assembly if they desir'd it when 〈…〉 time was come for electing the General Deputies These Answers being dispatch't into the Provinces met not â—…th minds dispos'd to be satisfi'd therewith Their great Successes had dazl'd almost all the world and they who had â—…usâ—d themselves most earnestly to be entreated to quit their Obedience were most backward in laying down those Arms to which they had betaken themselves with so much reluctancy 〈…〉 that almost all the Corporations refus'd the Answers as disâ—tisfactory More especially Rochel would have Fort Lewis demolish'd before all things and would not hear of Peace till â—hat were done But the Duke of Rohan who was afraid of â—…me Back-blow of Fortune and who was desirous to make â—…e best of the present condition of Affairs labour'd for an Accommodation with all his might And in regard that for the obtaining in gross what he could not obtain by piece-meal he was constrain'd to summon an Assembly at Anduse where becaus'd the War to be resolv'd upon he summon'd another 〈…〉 Milhau to persuade 'em to accept of Peace But while the time was spent in Journies backward and forward the Court had leisure to recover their Affairs into a better posture She sow'd Suspicions and Jealousies among the Reformed and rais'd up a Party strong enough against the Duke of Rohan and his Brother to insinuate idle Fears as if they intended to patch up an Accommodation to the prejudice of the common Cause She debauch'd some of Soubises's principal Officers and among the rest his Vice-Admiral and being strengthen'd with some Men of War with which England and the Vnited Provinces suppli'd her she repair'd her Losses and found a way to expel Soubise out of the Islands of Oleron and Ré to cut in pieces his Land-Army and scatter his Fleet at Sea The Mayor of Rochel also was suspected to have betray'd the Party for that having hinder'd Seven or eight hunder'd Gentlemen and other Soldiers to pass over into the Isle of Ré under pretence that they might get over more easily with the morning tide he gave the King's Vessels leisure to seize the Channel that separates the Island from the Continent so that Soubise was depriv'd of that Succor which might have prevented the defeat of his men The Clergy was then assembl'd at Paris whither every Diocess had sent a greater number of Deputies then was permitted by the Regulations The reason of this Innovation was because there were certain Books to be examin'd of which a Censure was demanded in regard they contain'd a Doctrine prejudicial to the King's Authority But in regard that at the same time the Pope's power was call'd in question the Clergy much more zealous to support that then to perform their duty were desirous to augment the number of voices that they might be able to oppose those who had really French hearts The Bishop of Chartres also being entrusted and enjoin'd by the Assembly to write the Censure upon those Books was disown'd by the rest of the Clergy because he was not so officious as others to the See of Rome The Parlament sided with the Bishop and enjoin'd the Assembly either to subscribe the Censure of those pernicious Books or to break up But the Clergy refus'd to obey that Decree and to allay the Contest the King summon'd the Affair before himself and his Council â—…ntenting himself with a general Censure of those Books without entring into the Particulars of the pernicious Propositions which they contrain'd The Nuncio appear'd very hot in his Affair caus'd an Extract of the disowning the Bishop's â—ensure to be deliver'd to him and sent it to Rome where they were extremely satisfi'd with this perseverance of the Clergy 〈…〉 their accustom'd Prevarications for which the Pope return'd 〈…〉 thanks in a most obliging manner But the Clergy for all his could not chuse but be asham'd of their own Behaviour â—…d order'd by a private Act that the remembrance of that dispute should be stifl'd Nevertheless that Precaution could not â—…face it and the Expedient it self which they had made choice 〈…〉 to cause it to be forgotten serv'd only to preserve the memoâ—â— of it The Cardinal during whose Ministry the Clergy was very â—owerful and very much respected was not yet so well settl'd 〈…〉 the Government as openly to displease the Court of Rome â—…nd besides he was desirous to milk from the Clergy a more â—…en ordinary Sum under pretence of the War But all these â—omplacencies could not obtain above Six hunder'd thousand â—rowns which the Clergy did not give neither without some testimonies that they were loth to part with it In the mean â—…e the King wrote to the Assembly after the defeat of Soubise to let 'em understand the good news of his Victory and 〈…〉 the end they might not be ignorant that Religion was the â—…use of the War whatever Assurances he gave his Protestant â—…llies and Reformed Subjects to the contrary he told 'em expresly in his Letters that by the Rout of Soubise Truth had â—…mph'd over Falshood But then the Victors might say what â—…ey pleas'd without any danger For the Reformed stunn'd with this Revolution thought of nothing but submitting themâ—elves and the Assembly of Milhau upon the first of August â—…ew up an acceptance of the Answers to the Papers decreed 〈…〉 Fontainbleau And in pursuance of this sent away their â—eputies to the King with their Submissions who made their Addresses to him the 21st of the month and in most humble terms besought him for Rochel To which the King's Answer was That he granted a general Peace to all those who had taken Arms but he added these words For Rochel 't is another thing This excepting of Rochel suspended the conclusion of the Treaty for that the Deputies of the Assembly at Milhau had not power to accept of Peace but upon condition that Rochel were included Which Union of Interests was ill resented at Court where it was told the Deputies to fright 'em into a Disunion that their sticking so close one to another tended to Faction However they wanted not Reasons to have
Word and Authority of their Lawful Prince would be to tye 'em to another Soveraign For this Reason the Court of France who had let the King of England alone to use all the Arguments of which they could make their advantage yet were not engag'd by any Public Act to do the least Kindness out of any respect for him laught at the Pretension of the English Mediator when he would have had his Guarantie taken effect and lookt upon the Embassador's Writing as an idle piece of Nullity that oblig'd the King of France to nothing But after the Peace was sign'd upon the Conditions mentention'd the Ratifications of Rochel and Montauban were expected of which the one was perform'd the second the other the sixth of March Which done an Edict was publish'd the same Month which contain'd Twelve Articles The Introduction spoke of nothing but Clemency and Pardon on the King's part and Submissions and Supplications reiterated by the Reformed and particularly by those who remain'd in obedience which the King said was the better sort and the greatest part and to whose Remonstrances he had had a special regard when he accepted the Submissions of the Rest The First Article confirm'd the Regster'd Edicts and Secret Articles and gave Testimony that they had been well and duly observ'd in the Reign of the deceased King and after his death till the beginning of the last Commotions Which was an Artifice to induce the Reformed themselves to condemn all the loud Complaints of a thousand Breaches before that time The second restor'd the Exercise of the Roman Religion in all places where it had â—in ejected during the Troubles and order'd ample Restitution of the Estates and Rights belonging to the Ecclesiastics even of their Moveables that should be found in specie The third granted the same favour to the Reformed for the exercise of their Religion and for the Church-yards which they were posâ—ess'd of in 1600. And the Clauses of that Article were taken out of the Answer to the two first of the Paper decreed at Fontainbleau The fourth contain'd an Amnesty of all Acts of Hostility even of those that might have bin committed since the day of the Declaration dated October 1622. till the day of the publication of this in the Parlaments nor were the Submissions and reiterated Supplications of the Reformed omitted The fifth concern'd the raising of money and gave a discharge of it in the terms of the Articles of the Edict of Nantes which mention'd the same thing The sixth re-establish'd the Seats of Judicature the Receits the Officers of the Finances in the places from whence they had bin remov'd by reason of the Troubles wherein the Tablier of the Election at Rochel was also comprehended The Priviledges of the Cities which the Reformed held in their hands were likewise confirm'd The usual method for the electing of Consuls was to be observ'd and the Appeals of Persons aggriev'd were to be judg'd by the Chambers of the Edict The seventh discharg'd the Reformed from all Sentences pronounc'd against 'em by reason of their taking Arms And this Article was very necessary every where but chiefly within the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Thoâ—â—â—se where they had signaliz'd their extraordinary Zeal by a great number of Decrees against Corporations and private persons The eighth ordain'd a speedy Release of Prisoners and Persons condemn'd to the Gallies The ninth confirm'd the Article of the Edict of Nantes which declar'd the Reformed capable of all Offices re-establish'd those that had bin put out â—evok'd the Patents of their Offices granted to others and restor'd to the Reformed all their Estates their Titles Debts Accompts and Actions and cancell'd all opposite Acts except the peremptory Decrees of the Council and Chambers of the Edict The tenth order'd that this Declaration should be observ'd in the terms of the 92d Article of the Edict of Nantes The eleventh forbid for the future all manner of Politic Assemblies unless they had express leave to hold 'em and all manner of Associations and keeping of Intelligences Nevertheless Ecclesiastical Assemblies were permitted about meer affairs of Church-Discipline and in conformity to the Declaration of August 1623. which enjoin'd the Synods to admit a Commissioner deputed by the King All manner of Fortifications and raising of Money were forbid without an express Commission The last ordain'd the execution of the Articles that related to Rochel and the restitution of the Cities and Castles during the War 'T is true the Mayor the Sheriffs and certain Burgesses of Orleans the Catholics of Mompelier and parts adjoining Prelats Ecclesiastics Gentlemen and others oppos'd the verification of this Edict in the Parlament of Paris and the opposition of the first was admitted but the rest were referr'd to the Parlament oâ— Tholouse However their opposition was only in reference to some particular Interests After the Peace was thus concluded the Confederates were in hopes that France would have turn'd her Arms against the House of Austria But they were strangely astonish'd to see a ratifi'd Treaty appear abroad within eleven days after which du Targis Ambassador in Spain had concluded between the Two Crowns 'T is true that to cover this foul Play they made a shew of disowning the Ambassador who seemingly was never to have bin pardon'd but for the earnest sollicitations of the Court of Rome But this Farce deceiv'd none but Fools for the Treaty held good after some slight Alterations and the Confederates exhal'd their Resentments in vain Reproaches and unprofitable Threats There was only the Duke of Savoy who being enrag'd at such a piece of Perfidiousness sent away the Abbot de la Scaglia into England to excite that Monarch to revenge who had no less reason then himself to be chaf'd at such a scorn of his Amity And Affairs in that Kingdom began to encline toward a Rupture for there was a great Jealousy in point of Honour between Cardinal Richlieu and the Duke of Buckingham but they were unequally match'd For Buckingham was vain hair-brain'd lofty and void of Foresight Richlieuâ—rafty â—rafty a Dissembler a Hypocrite and one that never ventur'd â—ny thing without good assurances of Success They had this â—owever which was common to both that they were hated â—y all men but such as were their Creatures and both were â—qually sovereign Governors of their sovereign Masters tho â—thers say there was a more secret cause of Jealousy between â—â—em For Buckingham had appear'd in the Court of France with the Character of Ambassador in a magnificent Equipage â—nd had drawn the eyes of all the world upon him He had moreover pleas'd the Ladies and his vanity had transported â—im to think himself worthy to attempt the Queen herself The Cardinal had the same thoughts and could not endure that his â—ival should receive any marks of being preferr'd before â—im We may reck'n among the greatest weaknesses of that celeâ—rated Minister of State that he was emulous of out
should be seasonable The Soldiers of the Garison deserted and the greatest part of the Citizens did as much Thereupon Mombrun having thus render'd the place almost defenceless went away together with some few Captains to the King's Quarter where he was detain'd Pris'ner for fashion's sake on purpose to force the Town to a Surrender at discretion For in reality he had made his Bargain and the Pretence alledg'd for his Detention that he had left the Town before he had secur'd himself by a Capitulation was a meer Shamm So that the Garison of Privas which was retir'd to the Fort of Thoulon astonish'd at the detaining of Mombrun and the Captains that follow'd him and finding themselves without either Chieftain or Governor surrender'd at discretion But when the King's Forces enter'd the Town the Fire took hold either of some Barrels of Powder or else upon some Mine that was prepar'd ready to spring if the place had bin attacqu'd according to the methods of War which Accident blew up some of the King's Soldiers and gave others a Pretence to put the Garison to the Sword So that all the Cruelties that could be exercis'd upon a City taken by Assault were put in practice at Privas The City was plunder'd and burnt and whatever escap'd the Fury of the Soldiers was only reserv'd for the Gibet or the Gallies The Catholics accus'd the Reformed to have set Fire to the Powder and the Reformed accus'd the King's Soldiers to have committed that abominable Fact that they might have a Right to sack the City which they could not have by the voluntary Surrender of the Town And indeed 't is most probable that the Reformed would have taken better measures had they bin the Authors of that Accident For it happen'd too soon to do any considerable damage to the Enemy nor was the little harm it did worth the trouble of making such an Attempt However the Soldiers were believ'd who accus'd the Garison of the foul Play People that are hated are soon believ'd to be criminal and the Antipathy which men have against 'em gives an Air of Evidence and Truth to all Accusations that are laid to their charge For this reason it was that these poor Creatures were lookt upon as guilty of assassinating a Capuchin who was call'd Jerome de Condrieâ— and whom the Monks of his Order will needs have to be a Martyr There has bin also a Relation of this pretended Martyrdom publisht and so exactly drest up with all the Circumstances of it that for a man to have been acquainted with all that is there set down he must not only have bin present at the Action but a patient and quiet Spectator also Nevertheless this pretended Crime must needs be committed in a place where there was no body but the Criminals and the person that suffer'd and the chiefest part of the Circumstances so ill jumbl'd together that it was easily to be discern'd that it was only a Romantic Story of a roasted Horse such as are brought us from Japan or China But the King being extremely tractable superstitious and prepossess'd with an aversion for the Reformed swallow'd without any examination what was urg'd against 'em to foment and buoy him up in his prejudic'd Opinion In like manner they vaunted the Conversions of Soldiers that embrac'd the Catholic Religion before they dy'd But besides what I have observ'd in other places upon these pretended Conversions I shall here speak it once for all that there were many Catholics who bore Arms in the Reformed Army That these Catholics hoping for better Usage if they call'd themselves Reformed then if they acknowledg'd that being Catholics they had serv'd in the Armies of those who were term'd Enemies of the State and the Church tarry'd till there was no longer any hopes of mercy for 'em before they declar'd themselves That some of 'em also sav'd their Lives by this Artifice acting the part of Zealots and of the Godlier sort of the Reformed till the Missionaries put 'em in hope of Pardon upon condition they would change their Religion That these persons easily yielded to whatever was infus'd into 'em by the Monks so that when they met with the Depositions of these false Converts against the Ministers or any other of the Reformed 't was neither Justice nor sound Reason to give Credit to their Testimony Moreover the Cruelties Exercis'd upon the taking of â—rivas were cry'd up as a just piece of Severity and an Exâ—mplary punishment And as if that merciless Butchery had â—ot bin enough to satisfie 'em the King publish'd a Declaration 〈◊〉 the Month of June which forbid all those that were not in â—â—ivas during the Siege to return and Confiscated all their â—oods It deprived all the rest of the Reformed of the Liberty 〈◊〉 settle there without express leave and set forth that posâ—â—ssion it self without permission should not give 'em a Title to 〈◊〉 Right We shall relate in due place the Injustice and Cruâ—â—ties that were committed in these later years under the preâ—â—nce of that Declaration The taking of Privas and the Circumstances of the Reducing 〈◊〉 begat Fear and Consternation on every side And besides the â—avock which was begun in several Places by the little Arâ—â—â—s which the King sent thither quite daunted the Courage 〈…〉 that were capable to defend themselves They were utterly out of Hopes of being Assisted by the English who 〈◊〉 the Taking of Rochelle had still held the Duke of Rohan 〈◊〉 suspence with fair Promises But the Cardinal had begun a â—reaty of Peace with 'em before he carry'd the King into 〈◊〉 and the Negotiation was perfectly concluded during that journey so that the News of that Peace was publish'd while 〈◊〉 King lay before Privas 'T is true that the English Enâ—â—â— assur'd the Duke that the Peace would not be of any long â—ontinuance But tho that Promise might have bin rely'd â—â—on the Duke who stood in need of present Ayd could not 〈◊〉 for an Assistance that was promis'd him in pursuance of an â—â—certain Rupture of so late a Treaty There remain'd only â—â—e Assistance of Spain where Clausell had concluded a Treaty â—â—e Third of May in the Duke's Name But 't was well known â—â—at there was no Confiding in that Succor which the Insupâ—â—rtable slowness of the Councel at Madrid would not permit â—â—â—m to expect in any time so as to reap any Benefit by it Beâ—â—â—es that the Catholic Zeal of that Court gave the Reformed â—â—eat reason to question whether or no she were sincere in â—â—r Treaties with Heretics and then again that Forraign Alâ—â—â—ce did not please several of the Reformed themselves The Men of the Quill wrote to and fro with great vehemency and the Monks coming in for a share most bloody Satyrs appear'd against the Duke and all those that were of his Religion and Party His Adversaries maintain'd against him in all those Writings that the Forraing Succour with which
he flatterâ—â— himself was both impossible unprofitable and unjust The also excus'd by divers Arguments the Breach of Treaties which it was not always requisite to observe In pursuance of which Maxim they shew'd that all the Reasons which the Reformed brought were Insufficient to justifie their Arms. They would needs have it that the Reformed had extorted all the Favouâ—… which had bin granted to 'em and particularly the Briefs consequently that the Obligation was void and the Revocation lawful 'T was said that Kings were oblig'd to punish Heretics as the Servants of God as Protectors of the Church and because that Heretics have bin always troublesom to Statâ—… and Kingdoms 'T was asserted that the Reason of Publâ—… Welfare exempted Kings from observing their Promises maâ—… to their Subjects who were never permitted to wage Waâ—… and that tho they were attacqu'd it was not lawful for 'em to defend themselves and they were very large and copious upon this Tyrannical Opinion They were also very diffusive upon the Question what Place the Reformed held in the Kingdom Wherein it was asserted that they were no separate Body and upon that Principle they condemn'd their their General Deputations and in a word whatever else was the Consequence of a lawful Union A new sort of Politics from whence the Pretences for a Great Number of unjust Action were drawn Lastly by a sort of Argumentation altogether Catholic they alledg'd the Victories of the Roman Church over Heresie to be a Mark of her being the True Church and the Fall of the Reformed as a Mark of their Heresie But 〈◊〉 would be a hard matter to demonstrate that Violence Surprize and Treachery which are the Weapons which the Roman Church makes use of against her Enemies were Weaponâ— becoming the Truth and that the Ruin of her Adversaries bâ—… such means was a good Argument to convince 'em of Heresie But while the Duke of Rohan struggl'd with these Difficulâ—…es the Reducing of Alets which open'd her Gates to the 〈◊〉 without any Opposition totally discourag'd those that were 〈◊〉 resolv'd to have defended themselves and the Advantagious Conditions which that City obtain'd perswaded all the 〈◊〉 to imitate Her that they might be no less happy then She. 〈◊〉 Consideration of the Disorders that happen'd at Privas 〈◊〉 'em believe the Capitulation of Alets the more tolerable 〈◊〉 that as it was one of the most Considerable that belon'gd to 〈◊〉 Party her Example extreamly sway'd the Rest Nevertheless the Duke surmounted all these Obstacles and neglecting 〈◊〉 own Advantages which he was given to understand in the 〈◊〉 Name should be much greater if he would treat apart 〈◊〉 himself then if he obstinately insisted upon a General Peace 〈◊〉 engag'd all his Friends and Adheretns to make but one Treaâ—…fâ—r all To which purpose he obtain'd leave to call a General Assembly at Anduse from whence it was translated to 〈◊〉 to the end it might there be more free For the King 〈◊〉 the Confirmation of the Edicts there was nothing which could cause a Dispute but the Article concerning the â—…tifications 'T was the King's desire they should be demoâ—…'d but the greatest part of the Cities refus'd to Conâ—… to it They judg'd it to be the greatest Mischief that could 〈◊〉 'em tho they should stand the utmost of Extremity And â—…say truth in regard there were still remaining about Thirty â—…ng Holds the meanest of which was able to hold out a â—…ge of three Months they might have put the Cardinal to a â—…nge had he insisted upon that Article But particular Inâ—…ests the Cardinals Correspondencies the Fear of Treachery 〈◊〉 Example of Privas and chiefly that of Anduse that first 〈◊〉 gave way and first of all agreed to the Demolishing of 〈◊〉 Fortifications made all the Deputies that were at the Assembly submit to give the same Consent The Peace was then Concluded toward the end of June publish'd in the King's Camp and afterwards the Treaty being 〈◊〉 into an Edict was publish'd at Nimes the next Month. It 〈◊〉 granted in the Form of a Favour and because the King 〈◊〉 it to his vanquish'd and humbl'd Subjects of his meer good will upon no other Considerations or Motives but 〈◊〉 of his Clemency it was call'd the Edict of Grace Upon which â—â—tle there was a High Valne put to cure the Reformed of the Fears lest this Edict should be no better observ'd then 〈◊〉 Rest and because it was taken for a pretence to violate 〈◊〉 that preceded that the Grant of 'em was wrested from 〈◊〉 King by force therefore that there should be no excuse for 〈◊〉 Infringing of this because the King had granted it as a Victâ—â—â— out of the meer Instigation of his Royal good will Nevertheless the very next Day after the Publication of the Peace 〈◊〉 the 29th of June the Cardinal wrote a Letter to the 〈◊〉 Mother upon the occasion from whence it might be concluded that the Motive to this Peace was not any Inclination to 〈◊〉 serve the Edicts obtain'd by the Heretics but to ease the People of the Consequences of the War and for fear of offending 〈◊〉 Protestant Confederates who would hardly have bin draâ—â— to Confide in those who sought the utter Extirpation of the Reformed Brethren But the Queen was already discontentâ—… with the Cardinal nor was there any thing which more 〈◊〉 pleas'd her then the Success of the Enterprises which he undertook She had done as much as she could to hinder the Success of the Siege of Rochelle and at the same time that she voâ—… Pilgrimages and other Acts of Devotion for the Taking of she set all her Engins at work to disappoint the Prosperity that Important Design Not that she lov'd the Reformed tho they had serv'd her faithfully upon several Occasions 〈◊〉 in regard they had offended her in others their Injuries 〈◊〉 deeper at her Heart then their Services But that was 〈◊〉 strange thing For we may build more securely upon the Resentment of Men more especially of Princes then upon 〈◊〉 Acknowledgment Time obliterates out of their Memoâ—… all the Impressions of their good Services and when they pardon they do but suspend the Resentment of an Injury the Remembrance of which the least Pretence revives Now 〈◊〉 which oblig'd the Queen to fret at the Cardinal's Prosperity was this that she saw the Cardinal's Reputation fix'd by the Success of his Designs whereas she saw her Credit sink by degrees while he that before was but her Creature left her hardâ—… any share in the Government of Affairs And she would not have bin sorry to have seen him less fortunate in his Enterprises against the Heretics that there might have bin a Party left in the Kingdom to restore her to the Authority she had lost when occasion offer'd However the Cardinal always paid her most profound Respects that he might not expose himself to the reproach of despising a Princess to whom he was beholding for his Fortune But to
and Oppositions that many among 'em have been guilty of Or else we have endeavour'd to turn 'em aside from the Miscarriages to which they were inclinable by Admonitions and Declarations which we have set forth and sent where they were convenient to let 'em understand their Duty Which was that which more particularly we were desirous to put in Practice in October last upon Advice that was given us that our said Subjects were preparing to call and hold an Assembly without our Permission in the City of Rochel Upon which we put forth a Declaration to forbid the said Assembly and to prohibit all that should be deputed to travel thither and those of the said City of Rochel to admit 'em upon Penalties therein contain'd But as it frequently happens that they who have the best Intentions have not always the greatest Faith among 'em our Declaration was so far from working any good effect that in contempt of it several among 'em forbore not to hold the said Assembly and after that to call and hold others in several parts of the Kingdom under various Names and Pretences some of which made Decrees and Orders as if they had had Soveraign Authority publish'd Ordinances for keeping the Field in Arms committing Acts of Hostility and taking our Subjects by way of Reprisals elected and appointed Chieftains as well for the Field as for the Cities and took other Resolutions so pernicious that very great Licenciousness Excesses and Disorders ensu'd in a good number of the Places which they held having caus'd extraordinary Fortifications to be rais'd about 'em rais'd Money and Men Listed Souldiers cast great Guns purchas'd Arms held unlawful Assemblies and committed other Acts altogether Opposite and Prejudicial to our Authority and the Obedience which is due to us For which we had all just Reason to be offended nevertheless we were willing to be patient for several Months and to consider whether of themselves they would return to the acknowledgment of their faults and seek to us for that Favour which they stood in need of Nor were we weary all the while of providing Remedies upon several Articles for which the Deputies that reside near our Person on the behalf of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion made Supplication to us But considering now that the farther things go the more Licentiousness and Disobedience augment among the greatest part of 'em and that their Audaciousness may encrease by our being at a distance We have taken a Resolution to make a Progress into Tourain and Poictou and farther onward to visit the other Provinces of our Kingdom to the end that being so much nearer the Mischief we may be the better able to provide against it with that Intention which we always preserve to maintain the Publick Peace and carefully to observe in respect of those of the said Religion who shall keep themselves within the Bounds of their Obedience the Edicts and Declarations that have been made in their Favour and to promote their Enjoyment of those Favours and Concessions which have been granted in their behalf As also to punish the Refractory and Disobedient And to the end that our Intentions may be known to every one and that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who abide in the observance of the Edicts may have no other cause then to rely upon 'em We with the Advice of some Princes of the Blood c. Have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents and it is our Will Meaning and Pleasure that the Edicts and Declarations made by the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve and by our selves as well for Security and Liberty of Conscience and exercise of those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion as for the Enjoyment of the Favours and Concessions which have been allow'd 'em by Vertue of the same may be inviolably and punctually observ'd and kept according to their Form and Tenour toward those of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who remain and shall abide in their Duty and Obedience whom together with their Families and Estates we have taken and put and do take and put under our Protection and special safeguard Therefore we command our Governours and Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces and expresly command all Captains and Governours in our Cities and strong Holds Judges Bailiffs c. to see that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion may enjoy the Benefit of our said Edicts and of our Present Declaration and to take care of their Safety and Preservation As we also give command to those who have Authority and command in the Cities which are in the Custody of those of the said Religion to take the same Care of our Catholick Subjects who are settl'd therein under Pain both the one and the other of being answerable for their neglect in their proper Names and Persons It being our Will and Pleasure that all Transgressours shall be prosecuted and punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Peace according to the utmost Severity of our Ordinances enjoining all our Advocates General and their Substitutes to issue forth all Requisite Writs to the same purpose So we command our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Courts of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict c. Given at Fountain-Bleau April 24. 1621. and of our Reign the eleventh Sign'd Lewis And below by the King De Lomenie Seal'd c. Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General c. At Paris in Parlament April 27. 1621. Sign'd Du Tillet A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants at present in the Cities of Rochel and St. John d' Angeli and all their Adherents are declar'd Guilty of High Treason With an Injunction to all his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to enter into a Protestation not to adhere to any Assembly at Rochel nor any others that are held without his Majesties express leave Publish'd in Parlament June 7. 1621. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Our continual Desire to preserve the Publick Peace and Tranquility among our Subjects so to prevent the Mischiefs and Desolations that usually attend the raising of Armies and the Oppressions and Calamities which the People thereby groan under has caus'd us to suffer and endure for several Months last past the Miscarriages Disobedience and Rebellious Acts committed in several Cities of our Kingdom by some of our Subjects professing the Pretended Reformed Religion even in those of Rochel Montauban and others where unlawful Assemblies are still held who rather make it their Business to form Popular States and Republicks then to Confine themselves to that Obedience which they mutually owe to us Having also engrav'd a Seal under which and the Signatures of the Principal Heads of the said Assemblies they have set forth several Ordinances Decrees Commands and Commissions giving Power to particular Persons to
with them and the said Forreigners the more to strengthen themselves in their Designs and Enterprises and to subdue and dispose of our Kingdom in pursuance of their Resolutions taken in their Assembly of Rochel We deem'd it most necessary to apply a Remedy to it and to make use of all means that God has pleas'd to put into our Hand For these Reasons with the Advice of our Council and of our full Power and Royal Authority We have prohibited and forbid and do prohibit and forbid expresly by these Presents sign'd with our own Hand all our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion of what Quality or Condition soever they be who remain in their Duty under our Obedience and the Benefit of our Edicts and Declarations to depart from quit forsake or abandon their Houses whether in our Cities or in the Countrey where their Habitations are to join with those who are in Arms or with the said Forreigners or to afford any Shelter Favour Succour or Assistance whatever upon Pain of Forfeiting our Favours of being declar'd Guilty of High Treason Deserters of the Kingdom and Disturbers of the Publick Peace and as such to be Proceeded against with the utmost Rigour of the Laws and Ordinances of our Kingdom Promising also that while they continue in their Duty under our Obedience and the Benefit of our Edicts and Declarations we will maintain and preserve 'em as our Good and Faithful Subjects and preserve 'em from all Violence and Oppression So we Command and Ordain c. Given at Beziers July 25. 1622. and thirteenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King De Lomenie Seal'd c. Read Publish'd and register'd c. At the Parlament in Paris August 5. 1622. A Declaration of the King upon the Peace which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Proceding Edicts of Pacification Given at the Camp before Mompellier October 19. 1622. and Publish'd in Parlament November 21. LLWIS King of France and Navarr To all c. As every Christian Prince that fears God ought to have in abhorrence the Effusion of the bood of Mankind created after the Image of the Almighty so also is he bound and oblig'd not only to avoyd the Occasions of Civil and Domestick Warrs but also to seek and embrace all honourable and lawful means to reunite and cause his Subjects to live under the Laws of the Kingdom in good Concord and Obedience And the same Divine Goodness that has known our heart ever since it has pleas'd him to call us to the Government of the French Monarchy is the Judge of our inward Thoughts and every body knows that our Arms have bin no less Just then constrain'd and necessary for the support and defence of our Authority Whether against those who from the Beginning under divers borrow'd Pretences have rais'd up Troubles during our Minority or after that against our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion abus'd and surpriz'd by the Artifices of some among 'em who thought to make their advantages as well of their Simplicity as of the publick Division of our Kingdom whereas our Intentions never have bin other after the laudable Example of our Predecessors of happy Memory then to keep 'em all in good Peace and Union in that Duty and Obedience which is due to us under the benefit of our Edicts and to use 'em as our good and faithful Subjects when they contain themselves within the Bounds of Respect and Submission which are due to a Soveraign Not having spar'd any duty of Remonstrance and Diligence to prevent the Mischief which it was easie to foresee before we came to force and violence to our great Sorrow for the preservation of our Royal Dignity and the Power which God has put into our hands to remove all Jealousies and mistrusts of our Sincerity which have been infus'd into 'em with artifice and design tho' we were never worse then our words to any person to prevent the Misfortunes and Accidents that have ensâ—'d and to let 'em understand together with the Principal Authors and Fomenters of this publick Disorder the real ground of our upright and Sincere Intentions to Cherish and preserve all in peace and in the free and quiet Enjoyment of what is granted and ordain'd by our said Edicts And seeing it is so that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion have been since inspir'd with better thoughts and acknowledging their Errors and this Truth have had recourse to our Clemency and Goodness by most humble Supplications which they have sent us by their Deputies on purpose beseeching us that we would voutsafe 'em our Pardon and abolish the Memory of what is past we always inclining rather to mildness and mercy then to push forward the Rigor and Justice of our Arms tho' they have gain'd us signal advantages sufficient for us to ground the hopes of a prosperous Conclusion and being desirous out of respect to their Submissions and duties to restore Peace to the Kingdom and to reunite our Subjects in amity and concord one among another and in a general and Unanimous Obedience toward our selves and for other important Reasons and Considerations us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Princes Dukes c. We have said ordain'd and declar'd and do say ordain and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our Hand and it is our Will and Pleasure that the Edict of Nantes the Declarations and secret Articles register'd in our Courts of Parlament shall be faithfully fulfill'd to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion in all their Parts and Clauses and as they were well and duly enjoy'd in the Reign of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father and since our coming to the Crown before the last Commotions That the Exercise of the Religion Catholick Apostolick and Roman shall be restor'd and resettl'd in all parts of the Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience where it has bin interrupted to be there freely and Peaceably continu'd without any Molestation forbidding expresly all Persons of what Quality or Condition soever upon pain of being punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Peace to molest or disturb the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service enjoyment or collecting the Tithes Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices and all other Rights and Duties to them appertaining In like manner the Exercise of the Pretended Reformed Religion shall be establish'd in such Places as we shall think good and proper after we have heard the Remonstrances of the Deputies of our Province of Guienne It is our Pleasure also that all the new Fortifications of the Cities Towns Castles Forts and Fortresses held by our said Subjects of the Reformed Religion more especially those rais'd in the Islands of Re and Oleron shall be demolish'd and level'd with the Ground the ancient Walls Towers Gates Motes and Counterscarps still standing in the same Condition with Prohibitions to the said Cities to Fortifie 'em anew and for the
without our leave or the Orders of our Admiral in contempt of our Laws and the secret Practises and Correspondencies held with Forreigners To all which we have been much troubl'd to give Credit considering the good and favourable usage our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed receiv'd And when we understood that the Sieur de Soubise we the Head of his Faction he who has tri'd the Force of our Authority and the softness of our Clemency upon several occasions this was the reason that we were willing to wink at his first Practises and Proceedings in hopes that by our Patience we might reduce him to his Duty But our goodness and forbearance having augmented the Audaciousness of the said Soubise we understand that within these few days he has put to Sea with some Vessels having Souldiers aboard that he has robb'd our Merchants Ships made attempts upon some of our Islands and principal Places and upon the Vessels that were in the Roads and Harbours belonging to 'em and in these Actions committed several Enormities Violences and Acts of Hostility against our Subjects Now in regard that all these Enterprizes and Attempts of the said Soubise discover to our great sorrow an evident and manifest Rebellion against our Authority and a design lay'd betwixt him and some particular Adherents to disturb the general Peace and Tranquility of the Kingdom without any lawful reason or cause on the other side we are extreamly well satisfy'd to understand from our dear and well beloved Cousin the Duke of Tremouille and the Sieurs de la Force and Chatillon and other Persons of Quality as also from the General Deputies of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion refiding near our Person as also by the Deputies of the Pretended Relion at Charenton and those of our Cities of Rockele Nimes Vsez as also to see by an Act in writing which the said general Deputies have presented us with express injuctions from our dear and well-beloved Inhabitants of our City of Moniaban how much they renounce and disown his Actions as unworthy of that Fidelity and Affection which true French-men owe their Soveraign considering they can tend to nothing else but the subversion of this State and their own Ruin Whereupon being desirous to make known what our good Intentions are the Protection which we are willing to grant to the Faithful and Obedient and the Rigor which we intend to use toward Rebels if they persevere in their Contumacy We make known that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Queen c. and of our certain knowledge full Power and Royal Authority we have said and declar'd and say and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our hand and it is our Will and Pleasure that all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall continue in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us without adhering to any Factions and Conspiracies against the Kingdom shall fully and Peaceably enjoy in freedom and safety the Exercise of their Religion together with all the Favours to them granted by the Edicts and Declarations made in their Favour as well by the Deceased King c. as by our selves which we resolve to have inviolably kept and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour putting all our said Subjects together with their Goods and Families under our special Protection and Favour And as for the said Soubise and others who are enter'd into open Rebellion against us having attempted to disturb the Tranqaility of our Kingdom we have hereby declar'd and declare all those that shall adhere to and Favour him directly or indirectly of what Quality or condition soever they be and who shall hold Intelligence Association or Corespondence with 'em both disobedient and Guilty of High Treason As also we declare the Inhabitants of our Cities that shall Countenance or adhere to the Rebellion and Disobedience of the above nam'd or shall give 'em any Harbour Retreat or Quarter among 'em or shall suffer 'em or assist 'em in any sort or manner whatever guilty of the same Crimes and to have forfeited all their Rights Franchises Immunities and Priviledges granted either by the King our Predecessors or by our selves And for that our Intention is always to prefer Clemency before the Rigour of Justice and to afford 'em the Means and Leisure to acknowledge their Faults before they althogether plunge themselves in Faction and revolt we say and declare that if within one Month from the day of the publication of these presents in Parlament the said Soubise or any others who have been guilty of the Actions above express'd shall return to their Duty lay down their Arms disband their Souldiers which they have muster'd together and submit themseves entirely to the Obedience which they owe us we have and shall from this present Time and for the Future forgiven pardon'd and obliterated forgive pardon and obliterate by these Presents all Acts and attempts which they may have made or design'd in this last Insurrection and taking of Arms contrary to our Authority and Service without any enquiries or prosecutions either now or hereafter in any sort or manner whatever as having pardon'd and restor'd 'em to their former Condition and to all Honours Priviledges and Immunities which were granted 'em by Us or our Predecessors under the Exact Observation of our Edicts But if after that time expir'd they persist in their Rebellion and Disobedience our Pleasure is that they be proceeded against with all the Rigour of our Laws by Imprisonment of their Persons Seizure of their Estates demolishing their Houses and other usual Courses in such Cases and that they lose the Benefit of our Edicts and Appeals to the Chambers So we command c. In Testimony c Given at Paris January 25. 1625 and fifteenth of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And Below by the King De Lomenie Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament February 18. 1625. Du Tillet A Writing giv'n by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of Great Britain Guarranty of the Peace in 1626. WE Henry Rich Baron of Kensington Earl of Holland Captain of the King of Great Brittan's Guards Knight of the Order of the Garter and one of his Majesties Privy Council And Dudley Charlton Knight one of his Majesties Privy Council and Vice Chamberlain of the Houshold To all c. Whereas the Sieurs de-Mommartin and de Maniald General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France and other Particular Deputies from the Dukes of Soubise and Rohan as also others from several Cities and Provinces which joyn'd in Arms with the said Lords have made a Peace with the most Christian King by our Advice and Intercessions agreed and consented to by the King their Soveraign and for that the said Deputies have releas'd many things which they thought of great Moment for their security and altogether Conformable to their Edicts and
Briefs which they were expresly charg'd to get by the Treaty of Peace and upon which they would have insisted more earnestly but in deference and respect to the express Requests and desires of the most Serene King of Great Britain our Master in whose name we advis'd and exhorted 'em to condescend to the Conditions offer'd by the abov-nam'd Peace for the good of this Kingdom and the Satisfaction and succour of all Christendom For these Causes we declare and certifie That in the words which were agreed upon between us in order to the accomplishment of the said Treaty and which were utter'd in the presence of his most Christian Majesty by the Chancellour upon the Acceptance of the Peace to this purpose that by long services and continu'd Obedience they might expect from the Kings Goodness what they could never obtain by any other Treaty in things which they esteem'd most necessary as to which in time convenient their Supplications might be heard supposing 'em to be presented with respect and humility there was a clearer Interpretation on his Majesties and his Ministers Part of which the sence and meaning was That they were meant of Fort Lewis before Rochel and to give assurance of the Demolishing of that Place in time convenient and in the mean time of ease and relief in other things which by the said Treaty of Peace continue prejudicial to the said City of Rochel Without which assurance of the demolishing the Fort and withdrawing the Garrison the said Deputies protested to us that they would never have consented to the letting that Fort stand being enjoyn'd and resolv'd to have maintain'd their Right to demolish it as they do by the present Declaration with assurance that the King of Great Britain will labour by his Intercessions in Conjunction with their humble Supplication to shorten the time appointed for demolishing the said Fort for which we have given 'em all the Royal words and Promises they can desire having assur'd 'em that they ought and might rest satisfi'd and contented For the Faithful performance of which and of what is abovmention'd we have Sign'd and Seal'd these Presents and caus'd it to be under-sign'd by one of our Secretaries Given at Paris the 11th day of February 1626. Sign'd Holland D. Carlton And below Augier An Edict of the King upon the Peace which his Majesty pleas'd to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris March 1626. and Publish'd in Parlament April 16. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navar To all c. In regard that Soveraign Authority is no less Illustrious in Acts of Grace and Clemency then in of those Justice and Arms and for that to know how to vanquish and pardon are the highest Marks of Grandeur for the same reason we ought to esteem that Prince most worthy of Honour and Glory who having letn loose the fury of his Arms against those that drew his Provocations upon 'em and subdu'd 'em to their duty is contented to exercise his Clemency toward 'em and to let 'em reap the publick Fruits of it by restoring 'em to Peace whence it comes to pass that God is call'd upon and serv'd in all Places that the Royal Authority is reverenc'd and acknowledg'd by all that the Laws are religiously observ'd the People eas'd from their Oppressions and that the Body of the State uniting Forces together becomes more puissant for their own Preservation and for the Succour and Protection of their Confederates These considerations which we have always had before our Eyes have been the reason that we have us'd so much Moderation to lay asleep and extinguish the Commotions that have so many times like so many Convulsions shak'n this Kingdom making use of Favour toward those who had over inconsiderately engag'd themselves as we have exerted our Vigour resolution and diligence in suppressing and chastizing when we have been thereto constrain'd As to the present Affairs our Conduct has been such as having employ'd both Threats and Punishment in Places that openly stood out in their Disobedience and Mildness Patience and Remonstrances toward others that continu'd in their Duty so that we have restrain'd the bursting forth of that Trouble with which this Kingdom was menac'd by reason of a Civil War and preserv'd the best and greatest part of the Religion in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us Who have no less clearly seen and understood that our Intentions have always been as still they are to maintain 'em in Peace Concord and Tranquility and to cause 'em inviolably to enjoy the Favours bestow'd upon 'em by our Edicts and Declarations All which they who ' have taken Arms and the Cities which sided with 'em having lately well consider'd and having understood the Nature of their Crime the Publick Indignation the Ruin and just Punishment which they drew upon themselves by continuing to Trouble the repose of the Kingdom they had recourse to our Goodness as their only safety and Refuge and by their Deputies have several times besought us with all the submission that Subjects could pay to their Soveragn to pardon 'em to bury things past in Oblivion and to afford 'em Peace Upon which We enclining rather to Mildness and Clemency then to the Ruin and Desolation of our own Subjects having also a regard to their most humble Supplications in the Name of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion who have remain'd within the Bounds of their Duty since we had accepted the submissions of the rest to pardon them for their sakes and to reunite 'em all in Peace and Concord under that Obedience which they owe us protesting and assuring us that they will never swerve again from the same upon any pretence occasion or cause whatever We make known that for these Causes and for other great and weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our Hand and it is our Will and Pleasure I. That the Edict of Nantes the Declarations and secret Articles Publish'd and Register'd in our Courts of Parlament shall be inviolably kept and observ'd to be enjoy'd by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion as they were well and duly observ'd in the Time of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve and since our coming to the Crown before these last Commotions II. That the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion shall be restor'd and re-establish'd in all Parts and Places of our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience where it has been interrupted during these last Commotions to be fully peaceably and freely exercis'd And we expresly forbid all Persons of whatever Quality or Condition soever upon Pain of being punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Peace not to trouble molest or disquiet the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service and other Functions
Exercise and the Right of the Church 511. Oppression continu'd 501. Orleans Duke of commences a Civil War 492. P. PAmiers City of goes to Law with Bishop 392. Papers of the Reformed General 366. Answers to 'em 367. Of the Clergy of Saintes 385. Full of Malice 386. Calmly answer'd by the Court 402 404. Papers answer'd by the Court 113. General Paper of the Assembly of Grenoble 207. Answer'd 208. Papers of the Clergy favourably answer'd 291. Parlaments encroach upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers 114. The Parlament ordains the continuance of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion 224. Their Acts of Injustice 302. Parpailler the Original of the Word 347. Pau the Parlament there forbid the Exercises 425. Payment of Ministers 406. Peace Proposals of it renewed 342 The Court would have the King grant it to have a Lord and Master Ibid. Three several Persons give their Opinions upon it 343. Peace agreed before Mompellier 352 353. Honourable for the Duke of Rohan 355. All the Cities accept it 357. Ill observ'd by the Court Ibid. Peace discours'd of 401. Concluded between the King and the Reformed 411. Peace made with the Reformed 459. Perron Cardinal his Harangue to the third Estate 171. Petit's Project about the Reunion 476. Du Plessis his Death 379. Elected President of the Assembly of Saumur 30. He fortifies Saumur 44. His wise Counsel 58. Trick put upon him to get Saumur out of his hands 421. Politicks Bloody of the Catholick Clergy in France 315. Pons Regulations there against the Reformed 539. Pope his Brief to Lewis XIII 316. Precautions to prevent disorder 4. Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholicks 434. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Guyen 503. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Castres 514. Priests and Monks changing their Religion 442. Priest converted his Children 452. A Priest put to Death for bewitching his Nuns 505. Privas Besieg'd and Betray'd 454. The Kings Declaration upon the taking of it 457. Re-establish'd 498. The Castle retaken 377. Puimirol laught at for his Loyalty 314. Puisieux a new Favourite Adviser of Horse proceeding against the Reformed 359. His Favour short 360. His Promise to the Nuncio 363. Q. QUeen Mother hates Cardinal Richlieu 460. Withdraws into Flanders 471. Queen Regent Characters of Her 30. Offended with the Duke of Rohan 124. She Consents to the removal of Rochebeaucour 137. The Princes discontented with Her Regency 153. She prepares to Assemble the General Estates 166. She takes a Progress with the King 203. She escapes from Blois 319. Her scruples 339. She forms a powerful Party 340. Her Forces defeated procure a Peace 343. Question to insnare the People 526. R. REconciliation of the great ones Projected 132. Regency given to the Queen 5. Reformed unfortunate every where 315. Quitt their Habitations 326. Accus'd of Piring the Bridges of Paris Ibid. Of Firing the Gaol of Lion 327. They reassume fresh Courage 332. Disarm'd 350. The exercise of their Religion forbid 368. A singular Artifice us'd to oblige 'em to call themselves Pretended Reformed 369. Their Condition impared by the Commissioners at Gergeau Remorentin and Tours 382. The Reformed dissatisfi'd with the Kings answers 405. They send Deputies to the King 427. Who remonstrate Ibid. And return with the Kings Answer 427. In great Consternation Ibid. Fear'd at Court 488. Faithful to the King 493. The Condition of the Reformed 5. Who are dreaded and yet afraid Ibid. They fall into a fond Opinion of safety deceiv'd by the Court Artifices 10. They take part with the House of Guise in a Quarrel 94. They abhor the Name of Pretended Reformed 109. Their Strength in the County of Avignon 110. They obtain Gergau instead of Grenoble but dissatisfi'd desire Grenoble again 182 183. Reformed disarm'd at Bourdeaux 223. Inclin'd to the Queen Mothers Service 328. Their faults and the cause 344. Begun to be us'd as Rebels 366. All manner of Justice refus'd 'em 377. To be destroy'd root and branch 397 c. The Peaceable Reformed disarm'd 419 c. Regulations for Villiers le Bel and the Dauphinate 420. Regulations of Vnion 72. Relapsers remarkable Orders against 'em 415. De Retz Cardinal 329. Reunion projected 472. Inclinations of the Ministers towards it 475. And of the People 476. Difficulties that obstructed it Ibid. The issue of it 479. The Truth of it Ibid. Richelieu Cardinal his Maxims 388. His designs of which he is forc'd to delay the Execution 410. Jealousies between him and Buckingham 416. His backside 417. Conspiracies against him 419. He takes a Journey into Italy with the King 453. His Project of Reunion 473. He oppresses the Publick Liberty 491. Much a do to guard himself from Conspiracies 497. His Death 451. Rieuperieux summon'd by the Council 422. Rochechouard particular acts of Injustice there 423 468. Rochel hard press'd by Land and Sea 351. The Priviledges of it disputed 400. Excepted by the King out of the Peace 408. The ruine of it sworn and the King strives to put particular Laws upon it 408 409. Accepts the Conditions somewhat mollifi'd 411. The Condition of it 420. Still blockt up 437. The Irresolution of the Inhabitants 440. They intercept a Pacquet of Court Letters Ibid. Rochel Resolves and Publishes a Manifesto 441. Surrendred 443. Refuses to submit to the English 444. How the Inhabitants were dealt by 446. General Assembly conven'd at Rochel 255. The Circle of Rochel sends Deputies to the King 257. Rohan Duke of 317. Detain'd Prisoner at Mompellier 363. Releas'd 364. He advises the Reformed Cities what to do 366. Meditates great designs 395. Enterprize of Rohan and Soubife Ibid. His Politick Devotions 398. Seconded by his Wife 399. He Publishes a Manifesto 441. Personal Enmity between him and the Prince of Condè 451. Decrees and Declarations against him 453. He treats with Spain 457. He retires out of the Kingdom 463. Accus'd of the ruin of the Churches 467 Serves the King in Italy 494. Breaks with the Duke of Bouillon 118. Differences between him and Rochebeaucour 131 His high Pretensions 136. Reconcil'd to the Duke of Bouillon 150. Engages in the Queens Party 338. His Death 413. Royan surrender'd to the King 332. S. SAcriledge pretended 428. Sancerre seiz'd by the Reformed 250. Saumur an Attempt of the Sheriffs of that Place 151. Scholars of the Academy of Saumur run themselves into a Premunire 496. Forbidden 534. Schomberg Marshal 329. Schools forbid at Rouen 426. At St. Foi Ibid. Order'd distinct Ibid. 448. Sedition at Paris 324. At Orleans 347. At Lion Ibid. The Violence of it 349. At Paris 89. At Rochel 133. At Milhau 173. At Belestar 174. Sedition at Pau against Renard the Kings Commissioner 309. At Tours 406 c. Sessions Grand Sessions in Poitou 507. They put the Churches into great affrights Ibid. And make an important Decree Ibid. Sick People tormented by the Monks 416 417. Visited by the Priests 452. Soubife defeated 332. Solicits for succour in England 351. His succour cast away in
with their Subjects Proofs The Reformed were in a Condiâ—… Six considerations that demonstrate it Respects upon which the King Treats The King his Subjects Arbitrator Maxim of the Clergy in the Question about the Regale The King Warranted his own Edict Successors bound to observe the Treaties of their Predecessors That the Parlaments had a share in Edict That it was necessary not to give 'em the least occasion of Complaint The Clergy The Pope himself A Return to the History The King willing to satisfie the Pope and to mortifie du Plessis The Scandal of false Quotations reflects hard upon the Honor of du Plessis The Challenge that he makes to his Accusers accepted by Perron Conference Granted Difficulties in the thing and about the place rais'd by the Clergy Others of du Plessis's Friends and â—… The Steps of their foul Play Du Perron has Notice but du Plessis has not 2 Du Perron is dispens'd with from givine the five hundred passages under his hand which he had proâ—… 3. The Order and Choice of the Passages is left to him 4 〈…〉 Plessis 〈…〉 threâ—… Artifice of it And for some time refuses these Conditions They Terrifâ— him by threatning to Examinâ— the Passages in his â—… The Conference almost broken off is renewed on unfair conditions 5. Du Perron prescribes the Laws for it 6. Du Plessis Robb'd of his Nights Rest 7. Sixty one Passages are given him to justifie in Eight Hours time 8. â—… 9. â—… 10. He changes two of the first Nominated for two more suspected 11. He choses two of the wavering Reformed The Character of du Frene Canaye And of Casaubon 12. Another Artifice made use of by forbidding the Terms of False and Falsity to be mentioned Du Plessis Condemn'd in Nine passages â—…ctions And Particulars Du Plessis falls Sick and the Conference is broken off The Triumphs and Insults of the Catholics The sequel of the Conference The Parlament remov'd from Chatelleraud to Saumer When they broke up The War of Savoy And it 's success The State of the Country of Gex A New Creation of Offices The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices The Exactness of the Commissioners The Difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken off Limited Exercises Places of Bailliage Burying places 1601. Appeals of the Orâ—â—â—â— The Assembly of Saumer General Deputieâ— Difficulties oâ—…â—â—ir Institution Aâ—â—â—…gâ—s in â—… Nâ—… â—… â—…od at Gergeau â—…â—… The Succession of England The Deuth of the Grandson of the Admiral de Chatillon The Birth of the Dauphin The Prediction of La Riviere Notice given to the Reform'd of a League made against ' em A General Assembly at Sainte Foye The Conclusion of a peremptory Warrant like our Hereof fail you not A Sect â—â— people that beat themselves twice a day and once a night An Ignominious punishment so call'd 1602. The Disgrace of Marshal de Bouillon * A Paper containing the particular Rights or Customs due to the King Sedition at Rochelle The Spanish Cabal in Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed With a Prospect to divert the King's Forces by a Civil War 〈…〉 of Suspicious and Pâ—ars between the Reformed That the assurance of being bâ—belov'd by the King kept 'em in Peace Roni is made Governors of Poitou The Death of Queen Elizabeth Breach of promise to the Edict 1603. The Duke of Rohan The Repeal of the Jesuits A Synod at Gap His Character And that of Chauve The Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith which imports that the Pope is Antichrist The King is offended And threatens The Synods Reasons New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted The False Moderation of Clement VIII Other matters of the Synod Condition of the Repeal of the Jesuits Satyrs against ' em Cotton the Jesuit Wounded Is made the King's Confessor The Character of this Jesuit Questions to be propos'd by him to a Woman possess'd The Pâ—â—â—â—â—vation of Geneva against 〈…〉 Attemptâ— of the Duke â— Savoy The Disguising this Adventure in the Jesuits Writings The Death of the Duchess of Bar. The Progress of dâ— Perron's Fortune The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France The Treason of one of Villeroy's Officers 1604. The Reformed fear that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of la Trimouille And his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow 1605. The Pyramid thrown down New Factions The Assembly at Chatelleraud St. Germain's Letter to the Mareschal de Bouillon Roni is sent the King's Commissary at the Assembly His Instructions 1505. His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies Union renew'd Lesdiguieres enters into it Roni excuses that New Oath A Brief for the keeping of the Hostage Cities The Assembly suffer the Marshal of Bouillon's Places to be taken Other Advantages which Roni obtains of the Assembly The Pope is very well satisfied with it The Deputies of the Assembly are caress'd at Court Assembly of the Clergy 1606. Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiasticks from changing their Religion Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal of Bouillon makes his Peace Treaty with the Rochelois Priests who refuse to pray for the King Powder-Plot Oath exacted from the Catholicks in England The Reform'd of Paris obtain the Exercise of their Religion to be perform'd at Charenton The Lord of the Mannor opposes it in vain A Sedition in Paris Favourable Answers to the Petitions 1607. The Jesuit Seguiran's Enterprize to Preach at Rochel Mortifications of the Jesuits * Which signifies a Dart or Arrow Synod at Rochel Deputies General The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at Court Clear-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is defer'd Vignier order'd to write at large about it The Synod only names two Deputies General Affairs treated in the Synod Foreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies 1608. A General Assembly is allow'd at Gergeau Sully suspected by the Reform'd Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reform'd Conference and Changes of Religion The Solemn Act that passes between the Pope and the French King A resolute Answer of the Kings disowning the promises made in his Name by his Attournies Cotton the Jesuit made Tutor to the Dauphine Fund for such Ministers as should change their Religion Treaty with the Moors who were persecuted in Spain It is spoken by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France 1609. The Kings Domestick Troubles Divers Sentiments about the Alliance with Spain Frauds to renew the Civil War Power of the Jesuits Setled in Bearn Petitions answer'd Synod at St. Maixant Theatre of Antichrist Incroachment upon the Rights of Royalty Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche Discourse of Jeannin about Liberty of Conscience The Prince of Conde ' Flight War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The King 's Formidable Power Calumny against
Names of Pretended Reform'd Religion Complaints concerning the Commissioners Resolution no longer to send particular Deputations to the Court Force of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Gratification New Declarations upon the preceeding Which gives no satisfaction Cahiers answer'd * Petitions or Addresses * Injunction Enterprises of the Parliaments upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers Severity of the Chambers of the Edict The Corps of a Reform'd Gentleman taken out of the ground again by the order of a Commissioner Favours granted to the Reformed of la Tierache Division of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bouillon and the sequel Abuse the Deputies which injoyn obedience The Court makes use of the Doctrine of Patience Ministers Pentioners Wiles and Injustices of the Court. Enterprise upon St. John d'Angely The Duke of Rohan prevents it notwithstanding orders from the Court to the contrary The Queen is offended and things seem to incline to a War * Speaker of the Commons Apperance of accommodation Vnder which the Troubles continue Endeavours us'd to involve du Plessis in the same Who remain in quiet Assembly of the Circle at Rochel Prospect of Reconciliation among the great ones Sedition at Rochel It s origina â— And its violence Negotiations for an accomodation High pretentions of the Duke de Rohan The Queen consents to it only preserving some appearences for her self The Duke beiâ—â— exasperated by new inâ—uries refuses â—â— accept them The Assembly meets at Rochel And charge the Deputies General with new Articles Resolution taken at Court Chevauchee But ill perform'd New Declaration Remarks upon those frequent Edists The Circle Assembles again Rochel seperates from the rest Which puts an end to the troubles Verbal promise to tolerate Provincial Councils Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain What offends the true French men 1613. Ferrier abandons the Ministry Is receiv'd Counsellor at Nimes And is Excommunicated Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier Writing on both sides Appollogies of Ferrier And his end Reconcilement of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bouillon Attempts of the Sheriffs of Saumur * Petitions or Addresses 1614. Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the Vniversity Discontents of the Princes The Duke of Rohan enters into it Artifices of the Marshal de Bouillon Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes Their precipitation is blam'd 〈…〉 A Peace is made Injury done to the Prince of Conde at Poitiers Cities of Surety opened to the King National Synod The King of England's Letters Council of the Lower Guyenne Mutual Subordination of the Assemblies Brief of leave for a General Assembly Letters from the Lords Pecuniary Affairs * Taxes Exemption of Tailles for the Ministers Places of Surety Berger a Reformed Counsellor at Paris turns Roman Catholick Reformed of Gex Churches nâ—â—t as eâ— settled Condition of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Liberality's of the Synod Colleges Bearn â—â—ents Oath of Vnion Letters to the King and Queen The Queen prepares to Assemble the Estates General Declaration the King 's Majoritty Overture of the States * The Commons The Clergy and Nobility unite against the third Estaete Reform'd in the States Independency of Kings Whose Cause is betra'yd by the Clergy and by the Court it self Passion of the Clergy Harangue of Cardinal du Perron Why the Heriticks are tollerated Distinctions of the Cardinal His Conclusion * Peâ—ion or Address 1615. Reflections * House of Commons The third Estate Persists Character of Miron President of the Chamber of that Order The Court silences the Third Estate Illusive Decree of the Clergy And their shameful Prevarications Inequality of the Prince of Conde Preseverence of the Clergy in that Doctrine Sedition at Milhau The Bishop of Lucons Speech * Petition or Address Sedition of Belestat Cah er of the Clergy Leave Permission Continuation of the Cahier Articles propos'd aâ—â—ect â—…â—aâ—nst the Reform'd * Chief Justices Sequel of the said Articles * Places in which the Reform'd were allowed to perform the publick exercise of their Religion Conclusion of the Câ—…her Propositions disliked by the Nobility Declaration of the King Which does not Cure the Evil. New intrigues To which they ingage the People * Petition and Addresses The Parliament And the Reform'd Why Solicet to â—…ain another plaâ—â— instead of Grenoble And obtain Gergeau Which they are not satisfyed with And desire Grenoble again And the Court Consents to it Assembly of the Clergy â—…ur of the â—… And of the Prince of Conde The Prince of Conde invites the Assembly of Grenoble to joyn with him Diversity of Opinions The Kings Progress The General Assembly â—â—nds Deputies to the King â— Pâ—… The Deputies are adjourn'd to Poitiers The Queen gets to her Journeys end without Opposition Particular Petition of the Assembly * Petitions or Remonstrances * In which the Judges were half Catholicks and half Protestants * Oblats or Secular Monks General Petition * The Commons * Answers Petition * Petitions The Answers of the Court give no satisfaction They amuse the Deputies * Petitions The Deputies Communicate their fâ—aâ—s to the Assembly * Petitions or Addresses Lâ—â—â—â—guires keeps a great Awe over tâ—â—â— The Assembly removes to Nimes Against his Will The Assembly mistrust the Lords Lesdiguieres and Chatillon are ingag'd in the interest of the Court. The Duke of Candale Embraces the Reform'd Religion His Levity The Reform'd are hated by the Favourites The Duke d Epernon hates them Mortally The Treaty of Union between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde Which revives the Princes Party Letters Declaration which confirms the â—â—dâ—cts After a very Argumental Preface Effect of the Declaration The Reform'd dâ—â—arm'd at Bourdeaux The Consistory discontinues the Publick Exercise of their Religion Two Advocates declare it to the Parliament 1616. The Parliament ordains the Continuation of the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion The Consistory cites both the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace They appeal to the Parliament * A Chamber composed of Catholick and Protestant Judges The Consistory suspends them publickly from the Communion A severe Decree The Advocate-General Passion The Ministers disown the things alledg'd by the Advocate-General Absurdities * Chambres Miparties in which the Judges were half Catholicks and half Protestants Ridiculous Pretensions * Cene. A continuation of the ill Will of the Parliament * Chamber-Mipartie in which the Judges are part Catholics and part Protestants A False Decree of Inrollment of a Declaration against the Prince Propositions of peace * Petitions oâ— Addresses 1615. The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable The King of England offers his Mediation for a peace The Council of France refuses the said Mediation 1616. Conference and Peace of Loudun The removal of the General Assembly to Rochel The Assembly sends Deputies to Loudun Disingenuity of the Court. The Assembly is almost compell'd to accept a Peace Edict of Blois * Remonstrances and
that nature which have most deserv'd the Approbation of the learned but for an anthentick Monument of the Sentiments of all the most worthy Men of his Religion at that time concerning Oppression and Persecution there were many persons who believ'd that Piece had some affinity with mine and that I should oblige the Reader if I gave him a faithful Translation of it I took it therefore for good Advice and it is done as much word for word as could be without speaking Latin in English or if any liberty be taken to explain some things which the manner of expression or the length of Periods might a little incumber it is not such as can any way render suspected the Fidelity of the Translator To the Most Christian King OF France and Navarr HENRY IV. Done from Thuanus himself in Latin SIR WHEN first I apply'd my Thoughts to write the Story of these Times altho' I were not ignorant at this Laborious Work of mine whater it were would be obnoxious to vaâ—…us Censures This however was my â—…fort that I know my self spurred â—…ward not by Ambition or vain Glory â—…t by the Reward attending a good Conâ—…ence And I was in hopes that the â—…blic Animosities being allay'd and â—…inguish'd by a long series of Time the â—…ve of Truth would one day get the upper hand more especially You reigning King who by the particular Favour of Heaven having subdued the Monsters of Rebellion and eradicated the Fuel of those Factions that have long laid us waste became the Restorer of Peace to France and with Peace have linkt two Things together thought incompatible by others Liberty and Soveraign Power Add to this that we first set our Hands to this Attempt at a time when we could not but bewail the Causes of the Civil War invelopp'd in the Private Affections and Desires of Ambitious Men and all hopes of Peace excluded from Public Counsel and Advice and for that reason thought it so much the more lawful for us to speak freely yet on this side Envy or detraction naked Truth But as this Work went forward which being begun in the Camp amidst the confused Noises of Trumpets and Sieges grew up to Bulk in your Court and now among the Hurry and Clamours of the Barr and the delays of Travel has reach'd your Reign I perceiv'd my Inclinations far different from what they were at the beginning For then my Mind intent on the Variety and Importance of the Transactions to be related and seeking Respite from the Public Calamities was wholly taken up in Meditation and Writing And this has brought a fear into my thoughts that what I wrote surrounded with the clattering of Armes and which might then perhaps be acceptable or at least not unworthy of Excuse will now that our Commotions are appeas'd not only be less pleasing but offensive to the morose and difficult Ears of some Persons it being the general default of Human Kind that men are more prone to do ill than to hear of Evil Actions committed But in regard it is a Law most exactly to be observ'd in History for the Author not to presume to utter Falshoods yet on the other side to be bold and daring in the delivery of Truth I made it my business with all my might to dig for Truth absconded often sometimes more profoundly ingulph'd in the Animosities of contending Parties and thus dig'd up deliver it sincerely to Posterity no less careful left prevaricating in so just a Cause through a preposterous Affectation of prudence I should injure the Felicity of Your Time but seldom known wherein every man is permitted to think what he pleases and to speak what he thinks For my own part how far I am from Dissimulation I hope is well known to those who are acquainted with my Person and my Manners Nor have I liv'd so obscurely that the most Partial can be ignorant of my candid and upright dealing in Public Actions For after once Your Prowess and Your Clemency had reduc'd us to a peaceful Reconciliation I so absolutely forgot all personal Injuries if any had been offer'd and so freely laid aside the least Resentment of 'em both privately and publicly that I may justly assure my self that no man will have occasion to reproach my defect of Equanimity and Moderation in what relates to the Remembrance of things past I might call those to witness whose names will frequently occur in these following Books who when they have wanted my Assistance in any thing relating to that Imployment by You entrusted to my management have always found me ready to do 'em any kindness that might not brand me with Corruption What therefore upright Judges ought to do when they debate the Lives and Fortunes of Men that did we also when first we undertook this History often interrogating our Conscience whether it were touch'd with a smarter sence than usual that might turn us aside from the fair Path which we propos'd to follow To that purpose have I soften'd as much as in me lies the Harshness of some Things by smoothness of Expression I have every where suspended my judgment and avoided all Digressions Lastly I have observ'd a plain and naked manner of Writing that by my Stile I might shew my self no less exempt from Disguise and Ostentation than from the Partialities of Hatred and Favour On the other side I beg both of my own Countrymen and Foreigners that shall peruse these Sheets that they bring nothing of Prejudice along with 'em nor pronounce sentence upon this Labour of Mine till they have diligently read it over I will not deny but that it is a Task superiour to my strength and that the due performance if it requires many Accomplishments which in me are wanting But the Public Good and my ardent Desire to serve my own Generation and succeeding Ages prevail'd with me beyond all other Considerations and when I consulted the satisfaction of that passion I rather chose to be accompted inconsiderate than ungrateful Nor am I so anxious for what may be thought of my Sincerity in reference to which I am not Conscious of any thing that can be laid to my charge or of my Industry in excusing the defects of which I despair not so much of your Clemency or the Candor of the Reader as I am afraid lest what I make the Greatest part of my History may be tedious and irksom to most People who being out of Danger as they believe themselves or are either not so just in censuring the Miseries or else over-remiss and unconcern'd for the Calamities of others For to those other Mischiefs with which this Age in Hostility with Vertue abounds that fatal Discord has joyn'd it self occasion'd by Religion which for almost this whole whole Century has turmoil'd the Christian world with continual Wars and will continue still to vex unless timely Remedies and other than hitherto have been employ'd be carefully apply'd by those whose chiefest Interest it is to manage that
Munificence it may appear â—â—â—â— the uninterrupted course of so many Lâ—rels was not so much Your Encouragement to more Ambitious undertakings aâ—â— cultivate Peace among your Neighbours and to restore Tranquillity and Repose â— your Subjects tyr'd and almost worn â— with the vexation and turmoile of â— preceding Wars Continue and prosper then Great Sâ—â— in your most generous purpose and proceed to establish that Peace which â—â—â— have procur'd your Kingdom and 〈…〉 Country at the Expence of so much â—â— and Labour by restoring the Authority of the Laws as already you have been begun to do and be assur'd that the Mind the Soul the Counsel and Authority of a Commonweal reside altogether in the Laws and that as a Body without a Soul so neither can a City without Laws make use of â—er Organs her Nerves her Blood and Members Consequently that the Magistrates and Judges are but the Ministers and Interpreters of the Law and lastly that we are all the Servants of the Law to the â—nd we may be truly Freemen and enjoy â—he Blessing of our Liberty In hopes of obtaining this Liberty under â—our Reign and taking advantage of the â—â—me recover'd by Your Means in the general Hurry and Confusion and after â—ur Troubles were compos'd I wrote the History of this Age the first part of which â— now make publick to the World and deâ—icateit to Your most August Name for many reasons of greatest Consequence both â— reference to my own Person and the thing it self It would have argu'd me â—angely ingrateful not to acknowledge â—y Advancement begun by your Predecessour of Blessed Memory and by your Majesty still dignifi'd with greater Advantages of higher Preferment And because â—as continually attending both in the Camp 〈…〉 at the Court Your Majesty entrustâ—â—â— me with several Commissions of Importance by the management of which I attain'd to the Knowledge of many things â—â—quisite to carry on the work which we had been in hand This farther Advantage â—o I had from my familiar converse 〈…〉 several Illustrious Personages grown â— in the service of the Court more diâ—ently to examin the Truth of many things â—at were publish'd upon several occasions concerning our Affairs in various Anonymous Pamphlets And thus I improv'd my knowledge during my Attendance on your Majesty in the midst of publick Business till the Duty of my Employment constrain'd me into this Workhouse of the Law The honour of my being known to Your Majesty is of no fresh date For it is now above twenty years ago that I was sent with other Commissioners of Parliament by the deceased King to attend Your Majesty in Aquitaine at what time You were pleas'd to vouchsafe me particular Demonstrations of Your Particular Favour and Benevolence And since that I presum'd to a peculiar Considence that the Fruits of my Wit if it were possible for so barren a Plant to bear any would not be unacceptable to Your Majesty But there is yet another more important Reason why this Work should be devoted to Your Majesty for that he who undertakes an Enterprize so full of Danger must of necessity stand in need of powerful support against the Detractions of repining Calumny nor could I desire a more piercing Judgment then Your Majesties wherewith you govern your own Affairs to examin the Truth of all those Great Transactions which I have transmitted to future Ages For to Your Censure as it behoves me I dare be bold to stand whether you command me to impart the rest or stifle what I have already publish'd which indeed cannot be said so much to be made public as to be laid at your Feet a Specimen to be rejected or approv'd What ever you ordain or command concerning it shall be to me in place of a Celestial Oracle Nor do I question but whatsoever you allow will be unanimously suffer'd to pass currant over all the World Or if there be any who are not pleas'd with your unerring Approbations they must be such who having been advanc'd to high degree by the Freaks of Fortune yet never doing any thing worthy to be remember'd in story think it an Injury to themselves when there is a true accompt given of all mens Actions But as I should wrong my Reputation by a compliance with their unjust desires so neither will my Conscience permit me wickedly to bury in silence their Vices generally in conjunction with the ruin of the State I cannot make a better Conclusion of this Preface then with my vows and wishes Great God the Author and Giver of all our Blessings who with thy only Son together with the Holy Ghost art God in three Persons yet one in Goodness Wisdom Mercy and Power always one in all things who wa st before all things and wilt be Eternally in all things who by thy Prudence disposest and govern'st lawful Dominion without which nor any private Family nor City nor the whole Race of all Mankind nor Nature it self by thee created out of Nothing can pretend to any thing of stedfast and durable Thee with the Prayers of the whole Kingdom I implore and most humbly adjure that what thou hast vouchsaf'd to France and consequently to all Christendom thou wouldst be pleas'd to appropriate the same to us and as an accumulation to thy Blessings to make 'em Diuturnal In order to which we put up to thy sacred Throne but this one Supplication more which comprehends all the rest that thou wouldst preserve the King and the Dauphin For upon their safety we must acknowledge that our Peace our Concord our Security our Wealth and Welfare and what ever else is desirable on Earth depend To which purpose direct his Counsels to rule with moderation that Empire which he has rescu'd from Destruction while the Young Prince springs up like an auspicious Tree that grows upon the Banks of some delightful River to the end he may prove a Protecting Shade to our Children's Children under the security of which to be at leasure to improve the more noble Arts of Peace and promote both Learning and Piety Grant that both may raign together over France in that order which is most acceptable to all good men that by their means the pristin Sincerity and Religion the Ancient Manners the Institutions of our Ancestors and the Laws of our Country may be restor'd to their Primitive luster that all new Monsters of Sects new Fictions of Religions and other Forgeries of Artifice and Ambition to inveagle and corrupt the weak and inadvertent may be utterly confounded and that at length all Schism and Discord remov'd Peace may be establish'd in the House of God quiet iâ— Consciences and security in the Common-weal Lastly we invoke and beseech thee most Great and Merciful God through the Grace of thy Holy Spirit without which we neither are nor can do any thing that as well they who are now living as Generations to come when they shall read what I am now preparing to declare to all the World
Judges were equally divided But the zeal of Religion carried it against the Order of Justice and instead of following according to rule the favourablest side in criminal matters when Opinions are equally divided about them they turned over the Cause to the great Chamber where the Order in case of division was over ruled and the severest Opinions preferr'd before the most mild and equitable The perplexity into which the Court was put by the loss of the Battle at St. Quentin gave the Protestants some hopes they should be allowed a little respite and therefore they assembled with less caution than before and among other meetings they had one at Paris in St. James's street so numerous that it being impossible to escape the eyes of the people who saw them come out of the House where they met The Rabble fell upon them which caused such an uproar that the Officers of Justice were fain to come to appease it In which scuffle some of the Meeters defended themselves against the aggressours and got away and others escaped by several means but however above 100 of them were seised among which were some Maids of Honour to the Q. And that Princess her self who was nothing less than what she had a mind to appear and who desired to pass for a sober chast Lady was not unwilling to be suspected to incline to the Protestant opinions The better sort of People had a high conceit of them and thought them of unblameable Manners but the Rabble were incensed against them by most horrible calumnies for sometimes it was reported they were Jews and used to eat a Paschal Lamb at their Nightly Meetings sometimes that they eat a Pig there instead of a Lamb and sometimes that they roasted Children there and made great chear at those monstrous entertainments after which they put out the Candles and coupled together with all manner of unlawful Embraces Nay and there were some so furiously Zealous against them that they had the impudence to affirm they had participated at those infernal Devotions Several of those thus taken were burnt but the rest fortunately made use of all the shifts they could find out in Law to delay their Sentence during which time the Germans and Swissers of whom the K. at that time stood in great need interceded for them and those severities were by little and little moderated for fear of offending such necessary Friends as they The next Summer the people took a fancy to sing in the Clerks Meadow a place where all the Town used to divert themselves with walking Marot's singing Psalms that were set to very fine Musical Tunes which novelty at first was so pleasing that the next day after the K. and Q. of Navar went thither with an incredible multitude of People but the Clergy were terribly alarm'd at it and endeavoured with all their power to procure all such Assemblies to be supprest and their zeal in that was very singular because they could not endure people should sing in the open Field what they had without controul sung in their Houses several years together and at the Court it self during all which time that singing was never thought any mark of Heresie But ever since that Enterprise to these last years the singing of Psalms has always been insupportable to the Clergy and tho they never employed any serious efforts to hinder the singing of Prophane and filthy Songs which have been too rise at all times yet on the contrary they never pursued any thing with so much eagerness as their endeavours to deprive the Protestants of the Consolation of singing with freedom those holy Canticles About that time first appear'd in France that competition of those two Rival Parties that afterwards had like to have ruin'd it and which was as 't were the Fountain-head of all the other Factions One of them was that of the Princes of Lorain who took advantage by the defeat and taking of the Constable to augment their own greatness The other was that of the Constable himself and his Family who possessed most of the great Employments That Lord huddled up the Treaty of Cateau in Cambresis out of eagerness by a Peace to procure his liberty and opportunity to return to the Court to prevent the ruin of his house But the Cardinal of Lorain made use of the same Treaty to find occasions to destroy him for he had a secret Conference with Granvelle Cardinal Bp. of Arras who complain'd to him how highly persons tainted with Heresie were favoured in the Court of France and named in particular Andelot Brother to the Admiral of Chatillon and Nephew to the Constable which was an Artifice to engage the Lorain Cardinal whose Genius Granvelle very well knew in a Quarrel with the Family of those Lords in assured expectation that by the mutual opposition of those two Parties the Kingdom would be brought into great confusions which would be of considerable advantage to the House of Austria The Cardinal being a vain and busy man and who in his great designs had not always the prudence and constancy to carry them on snapt presently at the Bait thinking to find his account in the News he had heard because he knew the suspicion of Heresie was enough to Exasperate Henry II. to ruin the greatest of his Favourites And accordingly he accuses Andelot upon which the K. immediately sending for him and requiring to know the truth from his own Mouth he answered in so resolute a manner and declared his sense about the Mysteries of the Roman Church in such vigorous terms that the Historians of that time durst not repeat his Expressions At which the K. fell into such a fit of fury that he suffered his passion to transport him to commit very undecent Actions for he would have Kill'd him and in the attempt wounded the Dauphin his Son who was near him In fine Andelot was sent to Prison and depriv'd of all his places But when the K's passion was over the Constable after some difficulty found credit enough to procure his Restoration And so the Cardinal's artifice had no other effect for that time than to provoke against him the Resentment of those puissant Houses and to inform the Protestants That some of the most considerable Lords of the Kingdom were of their Opinion This then hindred not the Reformation to continue its progress for it was embraced by persons of all sorts of conditions It gain'd a great number of Church-men and Men of Learning and was well relished by the most eminent Persons in the very Parliament of Paris so that the severities there went on more heavily than ordinary tho the K. hotly pressed the Execution of his Edict of Chateau-Briant Having then sent a new Order to the Parliament commanding them exactly to observe it Some Spies inform'd him that notwithstanding that their Votes tended still towards moderation upon which he goes suddenly thither when he was
declared Regent and suspended the War with the Protestants by a Truce of 2 months by which she gave them leisure to make an Assembly at Millau where they chose the Prince of Conde for their Chief but this also served their Enemies to recruit their Army and make their advantages The New King Henry III. receiv'd good advice at Vienna Venice and Turin where he was exhorted to give peace to his people but the Queen-Mother and her Favourites quickly effaced all the impressions of those good Counsels The Council was divided into 2 Factions one follow'd the Maxims of the Chancellour of the Hospital and were for peace the other follow'd those of Morvillier Bishop of Orleans who was Keeper of the Seals some time and these were for destroying the Protestants at any rate soever This last party was animated by the particular hatred of the Queen-Mother against the reformed by the ambition of the Guises and by the Intrigues of Spain who had a great influence in the Council Morvillier added the Charm of some Bigottry which he had in his Head and which was enough to dazle the ignorant people The Protestants provoked the Cabal yet more by a Memorial which they presented in which they demanded satisfaction in 92 Articles which touched the disorders of the Court too much to the quick to be heard favourably there and they principally insisted on the calling the General Estates to remedy the miseries of the Kingdom In the mean time the Princes were set at liberty by the King when the Queen-Mother presented them to him at his arrival in France tho there wanted not some to watch them so narrowly that they were little better than Prisoners But at last the Duke of Alenzon retired from Court and a little while after the King of Navar did the same It is observed of this latter that passing by Alenzon he there went to the preaching The Psalm which the Minister sung before the Sermon was the 21st which begins with these words Seigneur leRoy s'ejouira D'avoir eu delivrancee par ta grande puissance c. The King shall joy in thy strength O Lord and in thy Salvation how greatly shall he rejoyce v. 1. He enquir'd if this was sung because of him and when he understood that it was according to the Order that the Psalms were sung for that day he took it for a good presage of Success in his Enterprises Howsoever it was a good while before he fixed intirely to the reformed Religion His Life at that time had more of the Libertine in it than of Devotion But the year after his Servants who saw that this indifference in Religion did not accommodate his Affairs obliged him publickly at Rochel to repair the fault which he had been forc'd to at Paris by the terror of death These Conjunctures extorted from the Court a Truce of six months and in the end a Peace which they needed to break the Vnion of the Confederates and to separate the Duke of Alenzon from their party They granted an Edict to the Protestants such an one as they were used to make when they were not willing to keep it this is that which introduced the name of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd They gave them 8 places of Security and at the same time concluded upon their ruin with the Legate and with Don John of Austria and in the very same year it was openly talked that the Edict should be revoked and that they had granted it only by force They put it under Consultation whether Faith should be kept with Hereticks and it was publickly Preached that according to the Council of Constance they were not obliged to it After this then the Peace was broken and the Estates General which the Protestants had demanded with so much earnestness concluded to destroy them and to oblige Henry III. to make himself chief of the League because he was afraid that some other should This League so famous was form'd of the Vnion of many particular Leagues all which had Religion for their pretence but the principal end of this general League was to set the Duke of Guise upon the Throne and that the King could not doubt of There was a Writing which a certain Advocate of Paris brought from Rome which contain'd the Reasons and Methods for Deposing the Descendents of Hugh Capet and restoring the Crown to the Posterity of Charlemagne which fell into the hands of the Protestants who Published it Viâ—onne Ambassadour in Spain sent another Copy of the same Writing and reveal'd the whole Mystery of the League The King being of a timorous and unsetled temper followed the advice of Morvillier who was as timorous as himself and believed he should more easily destroy this Cabal by making himself the Head of it than by Methods more firm and agreeable to his Dignity He passed further and declared That as he had promised by Oath at his Coronation upon the most holy Sacrament of the Altar to suffer no Religion in his Estates but the Catholick he warned his Subjects not to believe any thing he should either say or do to the contrary and that if he was reduced to make peace he would not keep it but till such time as he could get an occasion to break it But all these Protestations hindred not but in a little time after he made a Peace with the King of Navar. Mompensier who went to see that Prince to sound his intentions advising him thereto at his return and the third Estate likewise helped the King out of his perplexity declaring that they were of advice to bring back the stray'd sheep to the Roman Church by all convenient methods but that they had not counselled the War The Honourable manner with which the King of Navar received the Deputies and the Letters of the Estates facilitated the Treaty He answered in Writing That he was ready to quit his Religion if by any better instructions they could shew that his own was not good This clause was taken as an ill augury by the Ministers of his Court who therefore razed it out but he interlined it again with his own hand The Prince of Conde shew'd a greater Spirit for he would neither acknowledg the Estates nor receive their Letters nor give them an Answer Thus Peace was made and confirmed by an Edict given at Poictiers which they themselves who excus'd it with the Pope acknowledged to be less favourable than any that had been granted to them before But the Bigots were angry at it nevertheless because of the Article which declares the Protestants capable of Offices and Honours In short it struck at the Designs of the Guises and it was easy to extend it to the Princes That their Religion ought not to render them incapable of the Crown since it did not render other Protestants incapable of Employs suitable to their Birth This Calm gave opportunity to Hold some Synods That of St. Foy
held a little after the Edict of Poictiers was remarkable for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde and the Consistory of Rochel which had suspended him from the holy Supper because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict for the laying down of Arms. It was found that the Judgment of the Consistory was too rash and that the Prince on the other side had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory and Deputies were named to reconcile them This Peace as to other things did not cease all Jealousies And therefore to take away all pretences for them there was a Conference held at Nerac where the Protestants had some new favours granted them and some new places of security The King of Navar was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants and all Churches which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or re-established were rated to it and accordingly every one paid his part and took an Acquittance And this was pretended some few years ago to prove that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature The young Gent. of the K. of Navar 's Court began a 6th War which was called the War of the Amorous because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished â—â—s course was stopp'd by the Conference of Fleix after this 5 years passed in peace such as it was the Edicts were observed in some places in others not regarded The King was he that kept them least of all for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own accord And when any of them asked any from him he had always some pretence ready to refuse the â—â— nay he took them from those that possest them already and stirred them up Troubles and Law-suits and always caused them to come by the worst to oblige them to lay them down reserving expresly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Hereticks He would not receive into his Houshold any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion and his Courtiers knowing his mind took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals that their Religion was the cause In one word the King kept his promise to the Estates and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Arâ—s in 5 years causing more Revolts among them than have been seen to happen in 30 years War and Massacres Nay you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embrac'd with great affection yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholick Communion because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholicks for fear of losing their Offices but for the discharge of their Consciences brought up their Children in the Reform'd Religion because they believ'd it to be the safer way to salvation During this false peace all Europe was engag'd in great conspiracies against them whom they believ'd to be the Chiefâ— or Favorites of the Protestants The Duke of Alenzon who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange fell in them They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom In the mean time the security into which the King fell made the Leaguers take Courage Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons They entertained the Catholicks with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen if a Reformed King should mount the Throne and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England At last the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince and drove him to incredible Extremities He was forc't to undergo the Violences of the Duke who had begun the War against him under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholick Prince He durst not murmur tho they disputed the right of Succession during his Life nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him Villeroi who was one of his Secretaries of State was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him oblig'd him to a distance from the Court and shewed him always after that great marks of his displeasure From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's mind who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy under this pretence which they paid but grudgingly as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies They protested they had never counselled the War tho it was notoriously known they had endeavour'd with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts The K of Navar made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council He wrote to others of the Nobles and the 3d Estate where he makes great complaints That they forced the King to make War against him But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Hereticks relapsed Favourers of Hereticks excommunicated deprived of all their Lordships and incapable to succeed to any Principality and particularly to the Crown of France did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself He appealed by his Remonstrance to the Peers of France in Temporals and in Spirituals to the next Council to which he cited the Pope declaring him Antichrist if he refus'd to appear In the Height of the War Claudius Trimouille the Son of a most zealous Leaguer embrac'd the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde and took his Sister Charlotte Katharine in Marriage This Alliance extreamly fortify'd the Reformed Party in Poictou because that House is there very powerful The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde towards the end of the year allayed not their Spirits and the next year France saw her self overrun with Strangers which both Parties had called in for Succours The K. of Navar gain'd the
Horrible Tempest which was pouring down upon them The End of the First Book The History of the Edict of Nants The Second Book The Summary of the Second Book The change of Affairs What the Protestants had hoped for from the deceas'd King The trouble of the new King The Intreagues of the Army and the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Princes of the Blood Of the Officers of the deceased King and of both the Catholick and Reformed Nobility and their suspicions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The King 's wavering and his resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Reformed flatter themselves about the King's Instruction Divers affections of the Catholick Lords The dissipation of the Army The Fight at Arques The effects of the King's Promises in divers Provinces What the Protestants understood by a Protectour The reciprocal Protection between the King of Navar and the Reformed Jealousies and the foundations of them The King is angry at the Proposition of taking another Protector and the Reformed find it unjust and unseasonable A Letter from the Kings own hand upon this Subject The Forces of the King and of the League Divisions between the one and the other Party The Dispositions of the Catholicks and the Reform'd in regard to the Peace of Religion Writings upon the taking Arms for Religion The Battle of Yvry The Siege of Paris The project of Peace for the Protestants The equity of their Demands and the Passion of the Catholicks The project is approved and afterwards rejected Remonstrances upon this Subject and their effect The Bull of Gregory XIV The Edict of Mants Quarrels about the Verification of it of which the Reformed complain The third party and their Designs The propositions of the Clergy that followed the King Forein Army Viscount Turenne Marrys the Heiress of Sedan and is made Marshal of France The Pragmatick eluded by the Clergy The Arts of the Catholicks to gain the King Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy without Fruit. Divers aims in promoting the King's Instruction The Protestants continue excluded from Imployments Rigours about their Burials The continuation of the Artifices to work upon the King's Conscience Politick Interests which tended to the same end The mutual Policy of the Catholicks and Protestants The King's Dissimulation Preparatives to his change The vain Ceremony of his Instruction The King 's pretended Conversion A Formulary which the King refuseth A Trick to content the Pope THis unexpected Murder brought a great change upon affairs and was the beginning of a long Series of troubles No body had time since the truce to take measures either for his security or advancement The Protestants thought they had lost more than others They did not doubt but the last service they had done the deceased King had touch'd his heart and that he had laid aside those miserable prejudices which caused him to have so great an aversion for ' em He had promised to change the Truce into a sound Peace so that they imagin'd they might hope from him the re-establishment of his Edict of 1577. and the revocation of all those that had been extorted from him by the Leaguers They had the same reason to believe that that Prince being sensible of the services which he had receiv'd from the K. of Navar would by little and little plain his way to the Crown But there must be time for that and chiefly to subdue the Leaguers without the destruction of whom neither Religion nor the State could be assur'd of any firm repose But the Death of Henry III. happen'd in a time when there was nothing ripe and where the succession is contested it is impossible but the State must fall into great confusions It is true the King when he died gave great marks of tenderness for the King of Navar whom he acknowledg'd for his lawful Heir and recommended him to the Lords and to the Officers of his Court and Army But for all this the new King met with a world of difficulties as soon as ever his Predecessour expired The Interests were so various between the Heads of the League and the Lords that it seem'd to be impossible to reconcile ' em Every one was willing to take the advtange of this conjuncture and to raise his own Fortunes by the publick misery They put themselves then upon Negotiating and upon making Parties and Cabals without regarding the body of the dead King and much less to revenge him which ought not to have been long deferr'd if their only design had been to find an opportunity There was scarce one Catholick that declared himself for Hen. IV. without making his Market The Marshal Biron who had a great deal of credit in the Army was so vain as to demand the Soveraignty of the County of Perigord and the King who was willing to buy this Lord at any price whatsoever consented to dismember one of the Provinces of the Realm notwithstanding the danger of the consequence but as good luck would have it because every body could not promise themselves as much there were men of Honour who lost those ambitious thoughts but the Marshal took so great an Authority over the Troops and in the Council that in a little time he made himself very uneasy to his Master The Princes of the blood gave more trouble than help to the K. The old Cardinal of Bourbon was his Rival and the Leaguers acknowledged him for K. under the name of Charles X. This old man who had neither force of Mind nor vigour of Body sufficient to bear the weight of a Crown took pleasure in the name of K and might have made some bustle perhaps had he not been in a place where he was not much to be fear'd The Cardinal of Vendome who took upon him the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon after the Death of this old man was unquiet and Ambitious and became the Idol of a third party which he formed in a little time after The Count of Soissons his Brother could not agree with Henry IV. and could more easily raise new stirs than concur to the good of the State The Prince of Conti was deaf and heavy by reason of a natural Indisposition Mompensier was the richest and fully determined to acknowledg Henry IV. but he held off upon his Religion and was for absolutely having him to be a Catholick The Officers of the old Court staid with the K. more by reason of their Interest than Inclination They could hope for no favour from the League because they had been either Counsellors Executors or partakers of those resolutions which carried Henry III. against the principal heads of that Faction And on the other hand were not without great perplexity when they thought on the ill Offices they had done the new K. while he was but K of Navar. Nor were they less afraid of the Protestants to whom they had occasioned a great
him from leaving his Party and the success of the Fight at Arques joyned to the arrival of the English having made the Leaguers retire the King put his affairs into a good posture and gain'd several advantages During the time that this passed the promise which he had made to the Catholicks of his party being sent into the Provinces gave great Alarms to the Protestants These words were read with suspicion which had slipt into the Copies The late King whom God absolve and as they knew these were taken from the ordinary Language of the Roman Church when it speaks of dead persons they fear'd they were let fall from the K. as an effect of a Resolution already taken to embrace the Doctrin of that Church or at least as a mark of little zeal and affection to the Protestant Religion This was chiefly noised about in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge where the discontents began soonest They assembled together in order to a conference at St. John d'Angeli where under pretence 't was uncertain whether the K. would persevere in his Religion they propos'd to chuse a new Protector It seem'd but a Series of certain Intrigues which had caus'd the trouble in the last assembly at Rochel where some unquiet Spirits complaining of the Authority which the K. of Navar took in affairs would have taken away the power which the Protection gave him or limited it by rigorous conditions because they did not intend to chuse a Master in taking a Protector For this reason perhaps they would have chose rather to give this Quality to a man whom they had a mind to honour than to a Prince who seeing no body but the King above him would think all other Qualities inferiour to his Dignity Since the Death of Henry III. they had more reason than ever to renew the same Reflections because the K. of Navar having succeeded him he was thenceforward too great not to adjudge the Quality of Protector as derogating from that of a K The Reason why they mov'd in that business at the conference was because they talkt of suppressing the Chambers of Justice to please the Parliaments which the K. while he was only K. of Navar had established in divers places composed of Protestant Officers before whom the Protestants brought all their Affairs and that they had setled Royal Judges in divers places which deprived the Protestant Officers of their ordinary subsistance That they had restor'd the Mass in divers places against the express Terms of the Truce under the pretence of executing it and that their Protector had done nothing for them since his coming to the Crown That when the Truce was now ready to expire they saw nothing which tended to the peace which the late King had promised They complained also That their Ministers with whose maintenance the King had charged his Finances were worse paid under the New Reign than they had been under the Old Du Plessis in Negotiating the Truce made this a Capital Article and carried it after some Contradictions The Order which was observed for the Execution of this Treaty was That there were sent to the Secretary of State of each Division Rolls which certified the Names and Number of their Pastors which Du Plessis was to sign And upon these Rolls so attested Ordonnances were delivered to the Exchequer out of which it was paid to the Neighbouring Receivers of the places of their Residence Henry IV. was willing to have continued this Order for the Provinces where the Protestants were strong and this lasted till he changed his Religion after which he never setled it notwithstanding the promise he had made Moreover during the first troubles of the new Government this order was ill observ'd insomuch that the persons interessed were not able to support themselves and their condition was more uncertain under a King of their own Religion than they had ever been under any that was their Enemy This made them fear the event both for themselves and the common cause which the King seemed to defend with no great heat and therefore they thought they must rely upon a Protector who might apply himself to their Affairs with less indifference But before we go any further we must explain what the Protestants meant by a Protector for fear it should be imagined that it was a Project of Rebellion which was formed by them under the pretence of this Election The Protestants then having been constrain'd after the cruelties and wrongs of more than 30 years to unite themselves together for their common Defence they put themselves at first under the protection of the Prince of Conde who had the same Interest with them and to whom the Guises owed as little good Will as to the Protestant Religion The natural design of this Protection was to procure security and repose to the people who had embraced the Reformation to carry to the King the complaints and requests of the persecuted party by an authorised Intercessor to repress by the respect of their Protector the enterprises of the Cabals of Zealots or the Intrigues which the Ambitious might form for the ruin of the Protestants to have a Trustee and Guardian of the Faith of Treaties and Edicts which might be obtained for Liberty of Conscience so that this Protection gave to the person to whom it was given nothing but the care of obtaining tolerable conditions for the Protestants and to procure them to be observâ—d when obtain'd by his Solicitations and his Credit and by consequence he could never give any jealousy to any Princes but such as had no design to keep their Faith since to render the Protector of no use there was no more to do but to permit the People to live quietly in peace of Conscience the Protection doth then fall of it self when there is no infractions to redress nor any Injusticeâ—o â—o fear Since all the proceedings of the Protector aim'd at nothing else but to obtain and procure from the King a soâ—id Peace and Tranquility unto a considerable part of his Subâ—â—cts whom the other Disaffected Party designed to oppress The Royal Authority was always respected and indeed under that Protection Since if any thing was restrain'd or limited by this Protection it was not the Royal Authority which the Protestants desired rather to encrease than diminish but the Inhuman Zeal of the Catholicks which after all the Protestant Blood they had spilt by infinite number of Torments talk'd of nothing but the utter destruction and extermination of the rest And if that formed a party in the Realm Equity and humanity will blame them less for it that had but that one way left them to defend themselves than those that by a thousand Violences Wrongs and Frauds forc'd them to have recourse to that Remedy It is true this Protection has sometimes produced War but it was by accident because the infidelity of the Court the ambitious cruelty of the Guises the violations of
tranquillity of a Civil life they should soâ—n see their party strengthened by a numerous accession of Catholicks whose conversion was obstructed only by this consideration that the condition of the protestants was yet uncertain and that it would not quit their cost to embrace their Religion There were some then among the Catholicks who for all their high pretences to Equity and Moderation would have thought they had done a wonderful favour to the protestants in exempting them only from Capital punishment and suffering them to live privately among them after their own way without indulging them any publick exercise of their Religion or admitting them to any share in honourable or gainful offices Some others again more superstitious or more hotly prejudiced would willingly have sacrificed them to the League had there wanted nothing but that advance to have broken it and were afraid of nothing more than of Granting them any favour And Montholon himself who was called the Aristides of his time and to whom Henry the 14th had Given the seals yet was so far from a Reasonable temper in matter of Religion that he fairly return'd them again to the new King for fear he should be obliged to seal any thing under that Reign in favour of the Protestants By which example we may Judge how strongly besotted those devout men were with their mistaken Zeal But there were another sort who tho' they harboured no better intentions towards the Protestants than the others yet were willing to comply a little with the exigences of the times that they might thereby gain advantage to make use of the same artifices that Henry the 3d had before practis'd for 5 years together and with this design they Readily inclin'd to grant the Protestants peace the better to disarm them to make them effeminate and to seduce and divide them and were against proceeding to the extremity of war or to any violences by which the Romish Religion was more likely to lose than get But yet they would have had a peace of so little advantage to the Protestants that there was small appearance they would be contented with such low proffers or be persuaded to place any security in them The Catholicks of this last party made the gaining of time and putting off as long as possible the peace so much desired by the Protestants to be the main spring and moving principle of their whole design Because they saw that in the present Juncture it was impossible to grant them any but what must needs be too advantagious to them And there were three things they desired first to obtain viz. First the Reduction of the King to the Romish Religion Secondly a peace with the Leaguers and Thirdly a firm Alliance with Spain for then they thought their Credit would be strong enough to oblige the King to close with their advices and that all the force of the Kingdom being by that means united the fear of being totally oppress'd would force the Protestants to be content with such an Edict as they should please to give them This party was the strongest in the Council where it began to insinuate it self even in the last Reign and all the wearisome delays used to spin out that business for 8 or 9 years together proceeded from that politick principle Thence came all those Reasons of state with which the protestants were amused every time they importun'd the King to do any thing for them viz. The fear of hardning the Leaguers in their obstinacy of offending the Pope and of Scandalizing the people with which specious pretences they likewise amused the King himself From thence came that Maxim which past almost for a Law at Court viz. That no Edict ought to be Granted in favour of the Protestants till all the Catholicks were first Reduced and satisfied by Treaties It being but Reasonable said they the Children of the Church should be fully provided for before the least favour were done for those which were Excommunicated and declared Hereticks by the same Church Lastly from thence proceeded all those Cavils which were started to elude all their demands and to defraud them of the benefit of those Favourable Declarations which the fear of making them Desperate obliged the Court sometimes to grant them From thence also partly proceeded the infidelity of several Catholick Royalists that thwarted as much as they could the course of his Majesties prosperities and made him lose the fruit of his most advantagious succesles for they were afraid If the Leaguers were once subdued or a peace made with their chief Leaders before the King were turned Catholick there would be no way left after that to oblige him to change his Religion and therefore they made it their whole business to drill on the war till they had brought the King to Mass And letters were several times intercepted especially during the siege of Roan and the negotiation of Duplessis with Villeroy that unfolded that whole mystery and sufficiently evidenced that some of the greatest Lords of the Kings party writ to the principal of the Leaguers to advise them not to make a peace for fear they should thereby loose the opportunity of obliging the King to Quit the Reformed Religion These artifices were not without some mixture of private Interest For there were several Catholicks who tho' they warmly prest the Kings conversion yet in their hearts desired it not because they lookt upon it as a thing that would hasten a peace after which they should be discarded as of no further use and therefore would not have been sorry if the K. had made a little more resistance against the importunities of those that pressed him to change so that both Religion and the State serv'd those Zealous Catholicks but as Play-tools to manage the game of their own private fortunes with the better Advantage Neither was the Protestants party without its faults Some of them dissuaded the K. from changing because they heartily lov'd their Religion and these urged him with motives of Conscience remonstrating to him how exceedingly he was oblig'd to God's goodness for so many signal favours and so many glorious Victories And what a fearful vengeance he must expect would attend him if he should Quit his Service under pretence of facilitating a peace to which it would be much more honourable for him to force his enemies And they which acted by this principle were considerable in number and as constant to the service of the King as to the interest of their Churches But they were not the most pleasing Courtiers and accordingly had but small share in the gifts and Recompenses of the Court as appeared sufficiently by the little that was done for Duplessis De La Noue and some others Lesdiguieres and Roni were none of the number of those Zealous opposers and we shall have occasion else where to speak of the Character of their piety Roni especially was not at all nice upon the matter of Religion and tho' he at
first started some difficulties against the Kings change yet he afterwards shewed more complyance with it than any man For He thought whilst the war continued his fortune would be Retarded and that he should have more to do after the peace at what price soever the King obtain'd it There were some others again that Doubted not that the Kings change of Religion would make them be lookt upon afterwards as the heads of their party and that by consequence they should meet with more Honour from the Protestants and more Respect at Court than before But however all of them agreed at least in this one thing In that they did no violence as did the Catholicks to their Princes inclinations nor imposed any laws or conditions upon him to put any force upon his thoughts So that even after his Change the most Zealous among them never passed the bounds of a whispering murmur and upbraided him with nothing so much as that in an action of such mighty Importance he had not observed the measures becoming his Dignity They forbore not after that to serve and follow him without any condition and the most part of them at their own expences without any supply or Recompence from him Upon due consideration of which he confesses himself by publick Acts and the Catholick Historians publish from his words That the Protestants had done him most signal services And 't is probable they would have yet made greater efforts for him could he have forborn giving them just grounds of Jealousy But at least they were so moderate as to make no separate Parties nor to thwart his Prosperities by any under-hand practices with his Enemies nor to offer to obstruct the conclusion of a Peace for fear their Religion should be oppressed by it That is in general as much as is necessary to be known of the disposition which both the Spirits of Affairs of those times were in for the better understanding of the causes of the following events About the beginning of this Reign several writings appear'd upon the Subject of the times But the most remarkable were those that maintain'd the Arms of the Leaguers to be lawful because taken up against a Prince who making profession of a different persuasion could not be acknowledged without indangering the Catholick Religion So that according to them Religion was a sufficient cause to authorise subjects to take up arms against their Sovereigns Whereas the Low-Countrey Writers maintain'd the down right contrary against those Provinces that had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the K. of Spain nay and in France it self when the Protestants finding themselves driven to the utmost limits of Passive Obedience by the cruel and perfidious treatment of the Catholicks took up Arms to defend themselves the same Adversaries publisht other writings that moved upon quite contrary Principles and proved that even Religion itself could not authorise subjects to take up arms against their Prince but that they were always indispensably bound to obey him tho he were a Heretick Thus the Roman Church makes Laws for others and exceptions only for her self and her Divinity and her Faith change according to her necessities and the alteration of her Interests alters likewise to her advantage the rules even of Conscience it self In the mean while the Sorbon let fly against the K. and condemned as Heretical all propositions that could be made in his favour nay and so far did their zeal out-shoot it self that they decided he ought not to be obeyed no not tho he should come to obtain absolution from his Heresy which prov'd a blow of mischievous consequence because of the great reputation of that renowned Faculty and made the K. afraid of giving any pretence to the Catholicks of his Party and that were not over strongly devoted to his service to do worse About that time he won the famous Battel of Yvry against the D. of Mayenne upon which occasion it may be Remarkt as a thing that shews the state of the Protestants at that time in the Kingdom that Du Plessis marching with all diligence to joyn the Army to which he arriv'd but just the evening before the Battel passed through Chataudun where he ordered a Protestant Sermon to be preacht At which liberty of his the Magistrate being offended Du Plessis was fain to appease him with a kind of excuse and to pretend that it being one of the conditions of the Truce that the Reformed Religion might be freely exercised in the K's Army he had a right to exert that priviledg as commanding a part of it and being upon his March to joyn its main Body and besides that the Army of a K. of France was always construed to extend 30 Leagues round his Camp And yet the K. himself had not so perfect a liberty in his own Army but that he was sometimes under a constraint in the exercise of his Religion for fear of offending the Catholicks For tho he had made D' Amours his Protestant Chaplain to Pray after the Protestant way at the head of his Squadron before he gave Battel yet after the Victory he durst not give publick thanks for it in the field of Battel as he had done at Courtras but was sain to defer it till he came to Roni where he lay the night after the Fight and then it was done only in his Privy Chamber and in the presence but of a few People It was thought that Victory must needs have been a fatal blow to the Leaguers but the Marshal of Biron and the Marquess of O. who had those Aims which I have Remarked made the K. lose the fruit of it by hindring him from following the advice of De la Noue who advised him to march directly to Paris of which it was very probable he would make himself master if he would immediately March and present himself at their Gates before the Leaguers were recover'd out of their present amazement Afterwards they would fain have Prosecuted that Advice and vain endeavours were used to get possession of that Town when 't was too late and the Citizens had taken new courage so that a resolution was taken to reduce it by a Siege But before that undertaking the Protestants labour'd hard with the K. to obtain some favour of him for their better security but the Catholicks still diverted him from it by their ordinary objections drawn from the consideration of the present State of Affairs and of the Leaguers and advised him to put off that Debate till Paris were reduc'd because by the taking of that the whole force of the League would in all likelyhood be crusht And accordingly the K. made use of that pretence to put off a Negotiation of that ticklish nature which he found so full of thorns and perplexing difficulties Upon which occasion 't is said that Du Plessis who could see no solidity in the Reasons alledged for that delay answer'd the K. who would needs maintain them to
take from the Parliaments the right of watching over it and in this design required that they should be prohibited taking any Cognizance of what should pass betwixt the King and the Pope They presented to the King some other Articles upon all which Du Plessis sent a vigorous Memoir to the Parliament of Tours which that Senate approved and it was upon these grounds that he advised the King by delays to frustrate the Pretentions of the Clergy Besides the honour of the Parliament that was concerned to maintain its Possession to preserve the authority and Dignity of the Kings against the Bulls of Rome there was moreover a reason of Interest that obliged it to withstand the demands of the Bishops There had been since the death of the Cardinal of Bourbon seen to grow a new Cabal amongst the Royal Catholicks which was termed the Third Party The pretence of those that formed it was to put the Catholick Religion in safety whose ruine they thought could not be hindered if Henry IV. came to reign peaceably without changing his Religion This Prince was growing suspected to them because he seemed to them too long to put off the Instruction that he had promised them and that they feared by reason of the Prosperity of his Affairs that he would soon be in a condition to make his own Religion to reign in spight of the Rebels The new Cardinal of Bourbon's Tutor and David du Perrón who had been of the Reformed Religion and who was even as they say a Ministers Son were the Authors of this Faction and they pretended to make it a way to the advancement of their Master who was the Idol of that Party They casted for a Foundation that it was necessary to have a King who had always been a Catholick and that consequently would not be suspected but that he must be taken out of the Royal Family that the fundamental Law of the Crown might not be violated So that they could cast their Eyes on none else but the Cardinal of Bourbon This Party grew easily because two sorts of Catholicks joyned in it to wit those that mistrusted Henry IV. and who above all things were for the safety of their Religion and those who tho' they would not leave him yet were willing to make him afraid of losing his Adherents if he did not speedily embrace the Catholick Religion Villeroy and Janin who gave him both advice and the example of it tho' they both were deeply for the interests of the League joyned or at least made a shew of joyning to this Cabal to weaken the King by dividing his Party or for to force him to change his Religion thro' the fear of seeing himself abandoned for another This Faction became so potent as that mention of it was made to the Pope they desiring to have his Authority for a Prop So that the King was wonderfully troubled at it and held him for a long time in grievous Alarms Therefore the most passionate Historians and who seem to have writ for no other end but for to perswade that the Catholicks had reason on their side in every thing have not dared to justifie this Conspiracy and do confess that the Royal Catholicks designed to put the Royalty at a Compromize Du Perron the most ambitious and unfaithful Man of his time revealed unto the King the secrecy of that Party altho' he had been the Promoter of it himself and 't was by that means he gained that Prince's Confidence whose Favour some years after made him a Cardinal The Assembly of Chartres did favour this Cabal and it was resolved there to present the King with a Petition in their Names to exhort him to become a Catholick with all speed because otherwise several who had been faithful to him as the Lawful Heir would take other Measures and should be forced to abandon him This Petition was Printed at Angiers without the Printer's name â—ut not presented Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Bourbon made or according to others caused to be made to the King a Speech in the same sense and with the same threatnings It was â—ndeavoured for the authorizing this Party to establish under the â—ame of Chamber a kind of Parliament at Moulins or at Clermont â—nd it was so publick that they sought to compose it of such as were affected to that Cabal and that it was called publickly the third Parties Chamber The Parliament sitting at Tours was very much concerned at the erecting this Chamber because it could not be done without dismembering from that Court the Countries that should be made to hold of this new Jurisdiction But as it was profitable for the third Party to ruine the Parliament whose constancy when the rights of the Crown and Succession were to be treated of concurred not with these new Pretentions those that entered into this Faction and the Clergy as well as the rest did favour the setling of this Chamber that they might have at their devotion a Soveraign Court of Justice Therefore the Parliament and the Reformed to whom the Creation of this Chamber gave an umbrage for different reasons mutually opposed the Enterprizes of the Clergy It was only the business of Employments that the Parliament and the Clergy did agree in The Clergy complained that there were twenty six Hereticks in the Parliament of Tours and the Parliament stuck fast to the excluding the Reformed from lesser Offices Wherein they all manifested their aversion for Protestants and the same repugnancy to their being in profitable or honourable Imployments The King being urg'd by the Cardinal de Bourbon on behalf of the Assembly of Chartres to give him an answer to three Articles followed the advice of his Parliament and got clear of this Instance by general Answers The first of these Articles was concerning his coming over to the Romish Church He defended himself from it by the ordinary Protestation of being ready to receive Instruction and to procure the end of the differences that divided the Church adding that he found it less honourable to turn into it alone than to bring back the rest with him and excusing himself for not being able to hearken to the Instruction which he had promised by reason of his Military Distractions during which the Voice of the Canons of the Church was stifled by the Noise of the Canons of the Arsenal The second was touching the Peace which the Clergy desired might be concluded by his Intermission Upon which the King was content in general to testifie that he desired a Peace The third was for obtaining permission to send to the Pope as the Assembly of Chartres had resolved directly against an Act of Parliament of Tours which prohibited all communication with the Court of Rome The King answered it was a matter of State complain'd of by the deceased Pope and the Pope regent declared That he thought it contrary to his Reputation to court him whilst he did what he could against him
after the Huguenot fashion nor to accept of an Edict of Abolition and Amnesty in that all Edicts of that nature do presuppose Crimes whereas they intended to presuppose as a Foundation to their Treaties that their Arms were just They scorned an Edict as from a King to his Subjects but a Treaty by which they would acknowledge him but upon certain Conditions they presupposing they had no reason to acknowledge him during the old Cardinal of Bourbon's Life or all the time that he was not a Catholick Du Plessis was far from hearkning unto any such Conditions and pretended before all other things that the King's Authority and Dignity should be acknowledged and presupposed Therefore the Negotiation cou'd not take effect in his Hands notwithstanding it went on very far towards the King's Instruction which the Leaguers resolved to be sure of before mention was made of any thing else The two Negotiators easily agreed upon a Conference between the Doctors of both Religions tho' each of them upon this Subject had particular Prospects Therefore all the difficulty betwixt them consisted in the manner of the thing Villeroy would have the King to be instructed with a Promise of making himself a Catholick For he took the Words to get himself instructed in the sence that the Romish Church has always given them to wit for an irrevocable Ingagement to enter into their Communion after a Conference in shew which in his Language is called Instruction Du Plessis on the contrary would have them to be satisfied that the King shou'd testifie a desire to embrace the Romish Religion if he cou'd do it without wronging his Conscience They agreed at last on an expedient which was that the King should get himself instructed at a limited time with a Desire and Intention to be joined to the Romish Church provided a Method for his instructing was found-out that shou'd answer his Dignity and be able to satisfie his Conscience Du Plessis thought that this Instruction might turn to the advantage of the Reformed Religion in observing two things The first was to hold a serious Conference where the controverted points should be throughly discussed and wherein he made no doubt but the Ministers and the Truth would carry a compleat Victory His design was to assemble the most learned Protestants at Saumur there to study the controverted Matters and to give to each a part a question to be examined with all possible care to discover the beginning the progress the changes of every particular thing and with the Historicall understanding of these Matters desired each one to seek such for Arguments in Law as were proper for the explanation of the Turth The King himself seemed to approve of this expedient and commanded him to prepare that Conference to which he invited du Jon a famous Divine at Newstadt and afterwards at Leyden But the Catholicks wou'd admit of a Formal Conference only and by little and little brought the King over to their Opinion The second thing that du Plessis had an eye upon was that before the stated time of the Conference should fall out the Catholicks shou'd have assurances given them of having nothing innovated in Matters of Religion there would then be two things to be regulated the one in supposing the Kings Conversion happened the other in expecting till it came to pass and he hoped that on the latter point such advantages should be granted to the Catholick Religion for its Honour and Safety that after this the Catholicks would give over the Conversion it self Whence it would follow that the King being less urged to change his Religion could continue in the Reformed In effect he had easily remained in it â—f it had not hindred him to reign in Peace But he loved Rest â—nd Pleasure from which he met in the War and the confusion of his Affairs with too tedious Interruptions and the unseasonable seeking whereof made him sometimes lose favourable occasions of carrying great advantages over his Enemy The Negotiation therefore went on so fast that Villeroy beginning to abate of the high Pretentions of the League it seemed that Peace would be concluded and that the King having heard the Report of du Plessis Revol and he were charged to draw up â—n Edict conformable to the Articles agreed upon in the Confeâ—ence But this Secret was smell'd out it not being known well â—y whom the matter was revealed the Reformed imputing it to the subtilty of Villeroy and the Leaguers who had feigned to â—earken to the Treaty but for to draw more Succours and better â—onditions from the Spaniards and Villeroy on the other hand â—â—cusing du Plessis of Perfidiousness The Royal Catholicks took â—â—re to encourage the Leaguers to stand more stedfast to the Reliâ—â—on foreseeing well that it was intended by the Peace to free the â—ing from the necessity of changing which could never be imâ—osed upon him but by the Tediousness of the War and the Fears of ill Successes Moreover they imagin'd they could never have sufficient Securities given them if they consented that a Reformed King shou'd be establish'd on the Throne seeing he wou'd leave the Crown to an Heir of the same Religion Chiefly in the manner that the Succession then stood they saw nothing that cou'd ease them of their Scruples The Prince of Conde who was the next Heir to Henry IV. was then at St John de Angeli in the Hands of the Reformed and under the Tutoring of his Uncle Trimouille a Lord whose Zeal and Valour caused already Jealousies at Court and acquired him the Confidence of those of his Religion There was a likelyhood that this Prince after such an Education should tread in the Footsteps of his Father and Grandfather and that so the Catholick Religion being no more the ruling one it should fall of it self Besides the Catholicks finding out that they themselves did not design to grant any Favours to the Reformed but because they could do no otherwise under a King that was their Favourer but that they would cause them if it were possible one day to be recall'd when they should have a King more depending on their Counsels they feared the same thing should happen if the King did not change Religion to the Securities that necessity should give the Roman Religion The Catholicks nevertheless obtained in these Conferences the freeing the King of the fear of offending the Reformed by taking the Measures for his Instruction forasmuch as he of all the Reformed who was the least suspected in matter of Religion was very willing of this Instruction to make an Article of a Treaty of Peace The Hope of the approaching Fall of Popery dazled this Sage Politician as well as others and he did reckon a little too fast as did most of the Ministers upon the assured Victories of Truth so soon as it would be brought to light by serious Disputes At the same time the Catholicks shewed their Aversion for the Reformed in what they
Roman Doctrine and the very next day abjured at St. Denis the Reformed Religion It 's true he never would promise to ruine the Hereticks of his Kingdom which the Clergy would have him Swear to Whether he acted thus only through a sincere Affection for the Peace of his Subjects or that it was a premeditated Denial to take away the Fears his Change might give the Reformed Neither would he by any means sign a Formular which had been prepared for him by which he was to Swear one after another to all the Articles of the Romish Faith and in like manner to abjure all the pretended Heresies of the Reformed They were forc'd to draw up one on purpose where Roni interven'd and where without an express Profession or Abjuration of any Article he in sum submitted himself to the whole Doctrine of the Catholicks But as there was a necessity of satisfying the Pope the first Formular was sent him in the King's Name which was counterfeited by Lomenie Secretary of State who had us'd to Sign for him and who imitated his Writing pretty well The King agreed to this Writing which could neither set his Conscience at rest nor please the Court of Rome where the Craft could not be long kept hidden nor make the Reformed believe that he kept their Religion in his Heart tho' he had these different Prospects in this Artifice The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK III. The CONTENTS of the Third Book Mistrusts produced by this Change Boldness of the Leaguers Renewing of the Vnion-Oath Conspiracy of Barriere Pretence of the Rebels that the King's Conversion is not sincere That he must have the Popes Blessing Deputies from the Reformed on their March The King's Precautions against their Reproaches A Letter upon the King's Change The Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction Project of an Edict A Precaution against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation The Reformed not very well contented with the Project neither accept nor refuse it Assemblies permitted Vnion renew'd with the King's Approbation Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers A Design of a Re-union The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The Fears that the King 's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Reformed A Truce prejudicial to the King The Reducing Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed The Coronation Oath The power of the Jesuits Injustices done to the Reformed The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed A Synod at Montaubon Orders Prayers for the King's Prosperity and for his returning to his Religion Disclaims the Province of the Isle of France in several points Assembly at St. Foy Propositions and Regulations for the General Council and for those of the Provinces Secret Articles Sedition of the Croquans Deputies amused at Court Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope The King wounded by Chatel Jesuits banished Pyramid Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed The Courts Thoughts upon the Vnion of the Reformed The King's Thoughts upon this Subject Causes for which it is resolv'd to declare the Reformed capable of Employs The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands Methods for to succeed in it The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado The Attorney General 's ill-grounded Wrangling and the reason of new Mistrusts Assembly at Saumur at first displeases the King who at at last authorizes it Reasons for the permitting it Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities The King 's desired Absolution His Reasons for yielding the first Commissaries chosen for to treat about it Du Perron and d' Ossat The Popes high Pretensions Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary Testimony rendred to the present and past Services of the Reformed Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing it self Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed The Excuses of the Attorneys Punishment of two Protestants at Rome Secret Articles believed to be promised to the Pope THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Countenance of Affairs The Reformed Religion which the Death of Henry III. had put upon the Throne was on a suddain removed far from it and the Heads of that Party began to fear That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion he should by little and little be dispos'd to destroy them Which was so much the more probable that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change he was likewise to consider them as Men who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies and perhaps according to the natural Inclination of Man who never fails to hate those of whom â—e no more deserves to be belov'd to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendred them too good Services â—nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injur'd as a perpetual upbraiding of whom they think to rid themselves by â—estroying these troublesom Accusers And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience by continually upbraiding him with their Services their Misery and his Change They saw moreover that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made â—ut at their Cost La Varenne a Man of Fortune who notwithâ—tanding had a share in the King's Confidence because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks took a Journey into Spain â—nder certain Pretences but in effect to propose a Peace and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta for to see that Princess in the King's Name for to bring him her Picture and to promise to send a Lord of Note if the King of Spain would â—earken to it It is not known whether the King's Intention â—as really so or if he endeavour'd by the Overture of that Proposition to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League But â—is Voyage alarm'd the Protestants both at home and abroad â—o ' England and the Vnited Provinces had been included in the â—roject of this Peace because they feared lest at one time or anoâ—â—er their Ruine to be the fruit of that Alliance But in Franceâ—â—e â—â—e Reformed changed not their Conduct They were content to â—â—rug their Shoulders through Astonishment to exhale their Grief â— bitter Complaints and to expect the Issue of their Deputation whose Members were on their way to wait on the King who had given them fine Promises for
their Comfort As to the Catholicks those that follow'd the King's Party lost the Pretence of their Broils when they could no more reproach him with his Religion But his Affairs with the Leaguers fared in nothing the better for it From the very beginning of the Conference that was again taken up with them they pretended to treat not as Subjects but as Equals and even as Superiours that gave Laws unto the rest They would not treat with the King but with the Catholicks that were of his side They disputed with them whatever can be disputed amongst those that are equal Precedency the Wind the Fire and the Right Hand and would have the Houses to be drawn by Lot and after all they made still such Demands as were impossible to be granted Amongst other Propositions they made that of granting to the Reformed an Edict of Toleration for a time Thus they were forced to part without coming to any Conclusion the King refusing to consent to such hard Conditions and not very suitable to the Condition of his Affairs and the Catholicks themselves that were of his Party being asham'd to desire it of him Some days after the King's Abjuration the League renewed the Union-Oath to rouse the Spirits of those that this Action had shaken A Copy of this new Oath which the Cardinal of Plaisance had Signed and which he was sending to Rome fell into the King's Hands who clearly saw that his Change had not freed him of his Troubles Even Villeroy and Janin who had most assured him that his Religion alone kept these Catholicks from rendring him Obedience temporized as well as the rest The reason of this was that every one was resolved to sell his Reduction and that private Interest was more valued than that of Religion which they had given out to be their sole one There were but very few Examples of an uninterested yielding few Towns oâ— Governors surrendred without bargaining all the rest got themselves to be bought at the dearest rate they could Therefore whilst the Reformed bewailed the change of their King and groaned under the Oppression of their Enemies the Catholicks sold him his own Goods and obtained from him great Sums or great Places as a Price at which they set their Obedience And whilst his ancient and most faithful Servants enjoy'd neither their Consciences nor their Lives in Safety the Rebels who had so often conspir'd against his Service receiv'd all the Favours and Rewards Notwithstanding all this about a Month after he had embrac'd the Romish Religion a Plot against his Life was discover'd Peter Barriere a Disciple to the Jesuits had undertaken to kill him He was apprehended and punish'd as his Crime deserv'd The Pretence of these new Difficulties was that his Conversion was not sincere and that before he could be acknowledg'd a true Catholick he must be reconcil'd to the Pope and receive his Benediction Mean while the Deputies from the Churches were on their way to Mantes The King was not willing to see them because â—e expected nothing but Reproaches from them And Q. Elizabeth upbraided him more bitterly then he expected They of Geneva wrote to him after the same manner and he question'd not â—ut his own Subjects would talk to him in the same Language Therefore he took all Precautions possible to secure himself against the free and bold Discourses that he expected from them Whereupon he commanded du Plessis to let him know what the â—eformed did say of his Change as if he had a mind to accustom himself to such Remonstrances This du Plessis did in a pretty â—â—ng Letter but yet more sharp and smart wherein heplainly set â—â—rth their Thoughts upon all the Circumstances of this Affair â—e told the King that the Reformed had hopes that he would have â—â—ken care for them without putting them to Trouble about it â—â—t that instead of giving them an assured Settlement he had not â—â— much as taken the Rope from their Necks seeing the Edicts of â—e League were still in force in several Parliaments That notwithstanding the Reformed did not desire as the League that the â—aw of the Realm should be alter'd for their Profit or that of a â—â—reign Prince nor as the Royal Catholicks that the King according to their Pleasure should change his Religion and much â—â—s that the Kingdom should be torn into pieces to satisfie a â—all number of Men That they desir'd Peace only for their consciences and the Security of their Lives every one according this Quality and Birth which is a common Right and not a â—â—â—vate Priviledge they being resolv'd to obey their Prince without excepting against his Religion That they complain'd that their Petitions granted by so many Edicts of his Predecessors and maintain'd by himself could not be hearkned to under his Reign which had they not expected and had it not been for the Affection they bare him they might justly and profitably have used the Methods they had been forc'd to make use of under the former Reigns That after a long Patience they saw him quit his Religion without providing for them in any manner whatever That the Vulgar thence concluded that whether he had turn'd of his own free accord or thro' necessity there was no good to be expected from him any more That the wiser sort were in hopes he would never have forgot the Favours God had showr'd down upon him nor the Services of the Reformed but that they feared at the same time that he having forgot them in the midst of his Prosperities and not having set them at liberty when so many Victories gave him Authority to do it would for the future want resolution to do them good and that those who had been able to shake his Conscience would likewise force him to make an ill use of his Power To which they added the Examples of the past and the present Discourses of several Catholicks That they doubted of his Constancy of protecting them having seen what he had done more especially finding that there was a greater distance betwixt pure Religion and Idolatry then betwixt Idolatry and Persecution because a Man must meet with Difficulty to pass from Good to Evil But â—â— grow worse and worse is so easie that it is scarce perceptible â—â— Plessis moreover observ'd that the King had been impos'd upoâ— their Insinuations to bring him to Mass which having fully discover'd he told him that it was evident the Catholicks intended to carry him on further that he would be oblig'd to send â—â— Rome where no Absolution would be obtain'd without Penance that Popes had sometimes enjoin'd that of making War against the Infidels that after the same manner the Consecrated Sword would soon be sent him to fight against the Hereticks meaning the Reformed the Loyalest of his French-men and the sincerest Subjects and that he should be brought thereto by little and little â—â—der divers Pretences to overcome his good Disposition Then
he shew'd the King the Progress of the Conference begun with the League the Delays of those that had made him change the â—â— conveniencies of the Truce the cause of fearing that as he was thereby treated as Head of a Party he might be oblig'd by the Peace to become the Captain General against the Huguenots that the Peace without them could not be manag'd without Injustice nor without giving them lawful Suspicions Whereupon he represented what Extremities the Catholicks were delivered from under Henry III. by the Reformed and how the â—atter had reason to suspect that if a Peace was concluded without them all the Difficulties of it should be removed to make them smart that the convocating the Deputies of the Churches was a Cheat seeing that without waiting their coming they deâ—ated on their Condition and that of their Posterity and that â—hey made the King give such Promises as one day would be us'd â—o make void all that he should grant them that there were effects â—hat corroborated these Suspicions that Protestant Sermons were â—â—ready banish'd the Court and Armies and consequently the Reâ—â—rmed seeing it was impossible for them to live at Court withâ—ut serving God or to expose themselves in the Army without â—…y hope of Comfort and without assurance of Christian Burial â—â—at they were contriving to debar them from all places in the Exâ—â—equer Courts of Justice and City Magistracy for which they had â—…ver yet been importunate with him that it was not just they â—ould injure their Posterity to that degree as to leave them in â—â—e Kingdom to be rank'd among Jews and Leapers instead of â—hat was owing to their Services that they could better endure to â—â—e under the late King's Truce that granted 'em the Exercise of â—â—eir Religion at Court and in the Army the Salary of their Miâ—â—sters out of the Exchequer Places of Safety in every Baiâ—ick or Senescalship and that besides had promised them a â—estitution of the Edicts before the year was ended Finally 〈…〉 added by way of Advice That these Considerations had weaâ—…d the Patience of the King's Servants who knew not what â—â—swer to make that now there was no time for Delays that â—â—â—ir minds were tyr'd yet heaving and tossing and upon seeking â—â—emedy from Despair that to take off their desire for a Proâ—â—tor it was requisite the King should free them from that neâ—â—â—sity by being himself the Person by preventing 'em and taâ—â—â—g 'em into his Care that he knew what would benefit or annoy â—… that he needed no more then only call to mind the Petitions that he had presented for them to his Predecessors that they had lost nothing of their Justice and that they ought to have gained somewhat by the Increase of his Authority seeing it was in his power if he pleas'd to be the Judge and Advocate the Obtainer and Donor all at once The Catholicks seemed to fear lest these different Motions should not make an Impression deep enough on their Minds therefore they exasperated them by insulting Language Some of them call'd the Reformed Sots and Blockheads that knew not how to take hold of the occasion and had suffer'd the time to slip that was fit for their purpose This sort of Drollery was so much the more nipping because that when they press'd the King to think on them it was cast in their Teeth that they had mistaken the time and were threatned that one day they might very well lose what they should obtain this way And they have ever since been thus dealt with All the Methods they have taken or propos'd for their Safety have been accounted punishable Rebellions as also whatever they have done to keep their Enemies from destroying them And when they suffered without muttering one Word all the ways that have been undertaken to oppress them they were styled Stupids and Rusticks that knew not how to defend themselves Plessis's Letter having prepar'd the King for such Discourses as the Deputies were like to assail him with He desir'd again â—â— see him at Chartres to accustom himself to the Presence of the Reformed as well as to their Remonstrances perswading himself that if what he should say made any Impression on his Mind â— would suffice to perswade the rest who put an extraordinary Confidence in that Gentleman He saw him therefore and excus'd himself the best he could striving to make him believe that he Change was altogether feign'd and forc'd so far as to detest those that had done the like in imitation of him and protesting that he had Sacrificed himself for his People and chiefly to procure with more ease the Peace of the Churches which he then call'd as he did a long time after our Churches as if he had still heâ— some Communion with them These Reasons were the Satisfaction that he gave the Reformed of his Court to whom he Change seemed inexcusable and would tell them even befoâ—â— he had put it in execution that he made himself an Anathema for his Brethren whose rest he well saw could not otherwise be procur'd Du Plessis seem'd not to be satisfied with these Excuses nor to build upon the hopes the King gave him of reforming Religion but the assurance which he gave him that his affection for the Reformed was not alter'd might be a greater satisfaction to him In the mean time the Royal Catholicks having made themselves Masters of the King by his change were nothing the juster towards the Reformed they omitted no occasion of rendering them suspected or odious in which they spar'd not Calumny itself It was for that purpose that a Rumour was spread amongst the People that duPlessis had intended to murder all the Catholicks of Saumur on the Eve of St. Bartholomew to revenge the Reformed that had been serv'd so twenty years before at Paris He understood very well the malignity of this Artifice which tenâ—ed to render all the Reformed suspected of a like design in all â—he places where they were the strongest because it was more â—han probable that a Lord of that Wisdom and Authority would â—ot alone undertake the project of this Vengeance which would â—e too small for to extend only on the Catholicks of Saumur Therefore he was willing to refute that Calumny in due Form He complain'd to the Parliament of it information was â—ade against the Authors of this Report which was easily â—inc'd to be false but the party impeach'd was not punish'd as Plessis's expected On the other hand the Catholicks strove â—ith great vigour to keep the Deputies of the Churches from â—â—ming into the King's Presence whether they fear'd that their â—â—ght might shake him he being as yet not well grounded or â—at they strove to hinder the Favours he was prepar'd to grant â—â—em to make them forget his change But the King being very â—ath to send back the Reformed Deputies without hearing them the â—atholicks endeavour'd to keep him at least from seeing themall and â—ould fain have admitted
another place And his vivacious and couragious manner of supporting the Hereticks afterwards render'd him still more suspected The King hated him because he thought himself despis'd by him tho' he had done him great Services And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Aire of a Threat it was always taken in ill part because they thought him capable of doing more then threaten These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another and laid before each other the King's Easiness the Tricks and Artifices of Rome the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers who sufficiently shewed by the Articles of their Treaties their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion There were also a great number of Lords Governours of Places Captains and Persons in Authority who lay under the same Terrors among whom there were some who having seen the times wherein Massacre and Treachery were so rise made no question but there was a design to destroy the Reformation as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity The Catholicks did those who were thus Character'd the Honour to call 'em Brouillons Troublesom Restless Disturbers of the Publick Peace As if People with whom they had so often broke their Words were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienc'd and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions Du Plessis who made a Conscience of Religion was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it and a great part of the Affairs that tended that way were manag'd by his Counsels But in regard he was a Person of known Probity the King still put a Confidence in him and follow'd his Advice in many things because his Enemies themselves acknowledg'd 'em to be both prudent and sincere tho' they were often utter'd with great Boldness and Liberty He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies who appeas'd those who were over-hot and furious who put a stop to those that ran too fast and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches yet never fail'd in his Obedience There was no body that labour'd so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience during Negotiations for Four years together at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials through the Severity Delays and Artifices of the Court before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions These various Inclinations appear'd in all the National Assemblies both Temporal and Ecclesiastical which were held for naming of Deputies and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy There were some of those particular Assemblies wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the Kingdom or whether there should be a Form of Government erected to stand upon their own Legs without Protection But the whole was referr'd to the General Assembly to be there consulted Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bouillon who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector or some other Prince of his House and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom setting aside the Princes of the Blood whose Interests were such that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by ' em He was in hopes by this means that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousie under a Superiour then if he enjoy'd it in his own Name But the Reformed more especially they who were call'd Consistorials were weary of Personal Protection and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caus'd 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny There could be no National Synods assembl'd since the Year 1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban a City far remote from the Court and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause made amends for that long Interval of lost Time and handl'd Affairs of great Importance The first of all their Cares was to order Publick Prayers for the King's Prosperity to the end it might appear that his changing his Religion had not disingag'd 'em either from obeying or serving him And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange who refus'd to pray for the King tho' he were a Catholick and Crown'd with the usual Ceremonies This Diametrical Opposition of Duty in the one and Contumaciousness in the other plainly made it apparent on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were when they heard those whose Religion the Prince had relinquish'd pray to God according to the usual Custom for the Success of his Arms while they whose Doctrine he had embrac'd refus'd to name him in their Supplications to Heaven But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Prosperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion the same Assembly order'd that Prayers should be said at the same time that God would vouchsafe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person to make him some Remonstrances After this the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em the Reformed in those Quarters had been oblig'd to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importunately su'd for This Proceeding was disown'd by the Synod as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Mantes where they had obtain'd a Promise of a new Regulation which should enlarge that Edict and the Society gave in charge that their Complaints should be carry'd to the General Assembly at St. Foy which was conven'd the Month following The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict were because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds that they could no longer be assur'd of having any Advantage by it that something was â—…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League That the Reformed since that time having perform'd many faithful and important Services it was but just that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Priviledges they should grant â—…em new ones in recompence for their loss of Blood and Hardship â—ndergone That in short that Edict was granted at a time when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood who was
Relaxations in both sides New Possession acquir'd in 1597. Principle Articles which the Count de Schomberg grants under the King 's good pleasure Debate whether they should be accepted with a Proviso 〈◊〉 definitively Cavils in Council about the Articles Interruptions of the Treaty Last Instructions New Cavils which the King puts a stop to by his Constancy The Assembly implores the Intercession of the Queen of England and the United Provinces New Delays partly Malicious partly Innocent WHILE this Affair was under Negotiation at Rome the Reformed in France who perform'd their Exercises at Chastaigneraye were massacred by the Soldiers of the Garrison of Rochefort who boasted that they had the Duke of Mercoeur's Warrant for what they did The Lady of the Place who had already signaliz'd her self by other Acts of Violence observing that the Reformed who assembl'd together from sundry places in the Neighbourhood carry'd Arms about 'em for their own Defence because the Garrisons of the League were always scouting abroad forbid the Meeters under pretence that she might not forfeit her Garranty to come arm'd upon her Ground and seconded this Inhibition with so many Threats that the poor People obey'd And in that condition it was that the Garrison of Rochefort surpriz'd â—…em met together in the House of one Vaudorè a Reformed Gentleman There were about two hundred massacred without sparing either Sex or Age. An Infant also that was carry'd thither to be Christen'd was kill'd among the rest Nor could the Innocency of another who would have given Eight Sols for his Ransom procure him the least Mercy And the Reason alledg'd by these Hang-men to excuse their Fury was That the Duke of Mercoeur had forbid 'em to suffer any of the Huguenots to redeem themselves And moreover they were sure as they said that the Duke in making their Peace would procure 'em a full Pardon for that horrid Impiety The Lady of Chastaigneraye who had contriv'd this bloody Execution with so much Artifice made it â—…er Pastime after the Fact was committed to be inquisitive after the Number and Names of the murder'd People and to inform her self whether such or such against whom she had a more peculiar Antipathy were comprehended in the Butchery This piece of Barbarism put the Reformed into a Ferment equal to the Merit of the Fact They call'd Assemblies to consider of it They arm'd themselves for their Defence against the same Violences in the Neighbouring parts or to make the like Returns and some that were more chaf'd by their Excess of Cruelty that talk'd of nothing else but of righting themselves upon the Catholicks They besought the King never to pardon the Authors of such a Massacre but to bring 'em to Justice as Robbers unworthy to be look'd upon as Soldiers The King gave out Letters Patents which declar'd that this same Act of Cruelty should be comprehended in the number of Military Violences for which Treaties of Peace generally provided an Act of Oblivion In pursuanee of which La Trimouille and du Plessis caus'd some of these Executioners that fell into their Hands to be hang'd up But the Punishment of Five or Six Scoundrels was not look'd upon as a sufficient Reparation for the Massacre of so many innocent Persons For which reason it was that the Reformed complain'd above two years after that Justice had never been done 'em for this no more then for several other Outrages which had been every day committed to their vast Prejudice in sundry parts of the Kingdom Moreover while the Negotiation went forward at Rome it was that they set all their Springs and Engins at work to get the Prince of Conde out of the hands of the Reformed The Verification of the Edict was not sufficient to perswade 'em to a surrender of his Person because it had only serv'd to give 'em new occasions of Complaint Therefore it behov'd 'em to set new Slights and Stratagems on foot neither would the King stay to make it his business till the Pope impos'd a necessity upon him One of their Artifices to sound their Intentions was loudly to give out that they well knew the Reformed would never deliver him up and to support this study'd Fear of theirs with all the Considerations that could hinder 'em To which they added Reflections upon the Prejudice which would accrew by their Refusal to the King's Affairs Nor did they forget to slip in dexterously by the way that they should be forc'd at length to take him out of their hands by force They gave 'em also clearly enough to understand that they were not to expect either Peace or Security while they continu'd obstinate in their Resolutions to be Masters of the Person of the young Prince That their Refusal to deliver him up to the King would be taken for an apparent Rebellion that they would be look'd upon to have forfeited all the Favours that had been granted and that there would be a fair Pretence found out to unite with those Foreign Powers against 'em that so passionately thirsted after their Destruction These Considerations wrought upon three sorts of People The Timerous who after Thirty Five Years Wars which had cost the Reformed so much Hardship Treasure and Blood desir'd only to live in Repose and became faint-hearted upon all appearances of a new War The Courtiers who never troubl'd their Heads much about the Time to come provided they had the Liberty of their Consciences and that their Religion were no Obstacle to their present Fortunes And lastly the Wiser sort who thought there was a necessity of Peace to settle and preserve 'em in their Stations that there could be no end of a new War but with their Ruâ—ine that it would be a Reproach to their Religion to re-kindle a War in the Kingdom when it was in so fair a way to be extinguish'd but that on the other side 't would be a great Honour to their Doctrine which the Catholicks accus'd of infusing the Spirit of Faction and Disturbance into People to contradict 'em in an Affair of such important Consequence But there were other People to manage besides the Reformed if they intended to have good Success in their getting the Prince of Conde into their Hands For the Death of the Prince his Father was accompany'd with such Circumstances which had fill'd the Minds of Credulous People full of Jealousies and the Prosecution commenc'd against his Widow suspected to have contributed to his Death had perswaded many People that she had strange Reasons which spurr'd her on to that Extremity The Prince of Conti and the Count of Soissons were in the number of those that really thought or would seem to believe that there was something in the Birth of that young Prince which did not permit that he should remove 'em from the Crown More especially the Count of an ambitious and turbulent Spirit and one that agreed but ill with the King was most to be fear'd and
Affairs that lay upon his hands In the mean time he earnestly exhorted 'em to continue their Services on Picardy side where he had great reason to fear the Attempts of the Spaniards against whom War had been declar'd but a little before with a great deal of Ceremony because till then the Hostility between the two Nations had been but indirectly carry'd on by reason of the League which they assisted with Men and Money For the Council thought it a shame to brook any longer that oblique way of attacking France and therefore that now the War was to be carry'd into the Enemies Country to hinder the Succours which they gave the French Rebels The Duke of Bouillon was one of those that press'd this Resolution most home and the Vnited Provinces who saw a certain Advantage for themselves in declaring a War labour'd it on their side as well as Queen Elizabeth 'T is true that Princess appear'd not a little offended that the King did so little for the Protestants of France and she grew jealous of those Proceedings that renew'd their Terrors and their Distrusts She was afraid of being the Victim of a Peace with Spain and of being abandon'd by a Prince whom she had so generously succour'd in Distress But to re-establish a Confidence between the King and Her Marshal de Bouillon was sent to negotiate with her a new League against the Spaniard Nor was it a difficult thing to obtain it But in regard the Queen laid to Heart the Affairs of Religion her Ministers propos'd the obliging the King to grant a favourable Edict to the Protestants of his Kingdom There was now a necessity to break off the Treaty or consent to a Promise that would have been attended with dangerous Consequences partly through the Disgust which the Pope would have taken at it partly by reason of the great Obligation which a Foreign Power would have laid upon the King's Subjects by vertue of this Article since they would have been more beholding to Foreign Favour for their Security then to their Prince But the Duke of Bouillon would never suffer any such Article to be inserted in the Treaty nor that any separate Act should be drawn up with which the English offer'd to be content for fear it might be imputed to him that he had been employ'd upon their Importunities and that he had abus'd his Credit and his Plenipotentiary Power to make that Attempt upon Royal Authority for the benefit of Religion However the Proposal made it evident that the Reformed would find Protection abroad if once they were in a condition to stand in need of it In the mean time the Queens good Intentions terminated in this that she secretly sollicited the King to grant all necessary Liberty and Security to the most faithful part of his Subjects and the Reformed had often recourse to that same Intercession But the Enterprize prov'd not so successful as it was just and necessary and the King lost several considerable Places And from thence it was he took an opportunity to exhort the Reformed to do him new Service and jointly with him to turn their Arms against their Common Enemy But the Coldness which the Deputies observ'd in the King's Answers and the Inoongruity which they found between requiring from the Reformed new Services and referring 'em till another time for the Reward of Services past produc'd a very great alteration in their Minds It seem'd to them that an Affair which regarded the Life and Conscience of so many Thousands of good Subjects was as urgent as any other and in regard they desir'd no more then only to be treated like true and faithful French-men they could not brook to be put off till another time for the Examination of their Demands For their parts they look'd upon it as a flat Refusal of the Security which they desir'd or at least for a Declaration clear enough that they requir'd time to cavil upon an Affair of so great Importance to their Welfare Therefore they thought it not to be endur'd that they should be invited to shed the Remainder of their Blood against a Foreign Enemy while they were refus'd Security against their Domestick Foes and that they should be told abruptly that the King was not at leisure to provide for the safety of them and their Families The King also went about to perswade 'em that the Breaches made by the Treaties with the Leaguers of the Edict in 1577. were not considerable and that the great Benefit which accrew'd to the State by those Breaches was such that the Reformed might well sit down by the Loss with Patience as if it had been just that they should purchase at the expence of their Security the King's Reconciliation with their most implacable Persecutors For these Reasons it was that they propos'd in the Assembly the having recourse to more effectual Remedies They also discours'd among other Expedients of putting themselves into the same Condition they were in before the Truce between the two Kings and to regulate the Custody of their strong Holds the Administration of the Finances and the Method of Justice in the same Order as they were at that time Such a Resolution was enough to make the Court and the Parliaments look about 'em who each for their own particular Reasons were afraid of nothing so much as to see the Reformed Cantoniz'd And in regard the Springs of Fear and Interest more forcibly move the Minds of Men then those of Gratitude and Equity this irksom expedient appear'd to be the best of all to bring the Catholicks to a reasonable Composition However this Coldness of the King proceeded not so much from Nature as Infusion And therefore he repented of this rigorous Usage so soon as he saw the bad effects of it But he was continually spurr'd forward to these affected Severities by the Sollicitations of the Pope and the Catholicks The Pope would fain have perswaded him to destroy the Reformed Root and Branch but the King would never hearken to that and stood so positively to the Negative when they made him the Proposal that after that there was no body at Court who durst propound it to him any more But he listed more willingly to those who to bring about their ends fetch'd a larger Compass and who advis'd him to stay till he was rid of all his other Incumbrances that he might be in a condition to have the Reformed under his Girdle and to prescribe 'em Laws like a Soveraign that acts according to his Will and Pleasure This Council flatter'd the King who in that was like all other Princes who believe it more agreeable to their Supreme Authority to give what they please then what is demanded from ' em But those Catholicks of which the greater part were Leaguers in their Hearts or else prepossessed with that false Zeal which breath'd nothing more into 'em then the Ruine of those they call Hereticks had other Designs than
to the Royal Authority and with a Boldness of Rebels who wou'd make the King to understand that they staid there to take new Resolutions if they were not contented with the Answer he shou'd give their Deputy Passionate Historians make every thing on this side as odious as they can altho' the intention of the Assembly was much more innocent The Deputies were accustomed after having put up their Requests and named those which shou'd carry them to the King to return again and expect the effect of their Solicitations and contenting themselves with meeting together if affairs required it but this were an endless trouble There were already two Years past since the Assembly of Saint Foy had been going backwards and forwards and yet had obtain'd nothing and when those which were sent to the Court received any Answer there was so much time lost in communicating it to the Churches to the Councils of Provinces and in naming Deputies for a General Assembly that it was impossible to avoid tediousness Therefore to bring things to a more speedy issue the Assembly of Loudun resolv'd not to depart until they saw some conclusion of the Affairs for which they had met together and what they had order'd Vulson to tell the King was only a simple Declaration of the resolution they had taken And indeed this might confound the Council who found matters went more according to their minds in the preceeding Conduct because the Year was run out before another Assembly cou'd deliberate upon their Answers and this method served to gain them time and to defer them to a Conjuncture wherein the King might bring Affairs to such a pass as he might treat with the Reformed more at his pleasure whereas now they perceived that the Assembly were resolved not to part until they had brought things unto some certain conclusion and this without doubt hastened things more than ordinary and also hindred the ill-minded Courtiers from an opportunity of finding out new Illusions to amuse them But the King having taken the thing according to the sense his Council had represented to him was resolved to answer this Declaration of the Assembly by a Mark of absolute Authority and therefore commanded the Assembly to break up and to depart every one to his own home assuring the People of the good-will of the King whereof nevertheless they carried no other Testimonies than general Promises Such a Command made with a sort of a menacing Air rendred all these fine words suspected The Protestants doubted not but the secret design of this separation was to deliver the Court from these importunate Solicitors who too strongly demanded the effect of those Promises which they had no mind to perform and it is not to be wondred at if this Answer displeased the Assembly since some of the Council who was not so very severe had no hand in it and even Lomanie writing upon this Subject to Du Plessis confessed to him that he knew not why the Secretary of State had conceived it in such terms and he did not doubt but that he himself was offended and that he had some secret reservation The Assembly therefore was very much offended with this Answer and believing they ought to defer their breaking up until they had consulted together what was necessary to be done in this unfortunate Conjuncture they concluded they were no longer to expect any assistance from the Court but henceforth to seek it in their own strength The Deputies were authorised by the Provinces to do whatsoever shou'd be judged useful for the common Cause so that the Assembly was ready to depart having resolved to put the Reformed again into the same condition they were before the Truce with the two Kings But Du Plessis who feared the Consequences of these desperate Resolutions and the Effects of the Resentments that the Deputies might stir up in the Provinces did an act worthy his Wisdom and the Fidelity he ow'd to the King He went to the Assembly and was so far from advising them to break up that he proposed the fortifying themselves with a great number of considerable Persons and to enter into a Mutual Promise not to separate any more till they had obtain'd an Edict with sufficient security This they agreed to and invited such persons to them as were fitly qualified to strengthen their Assembly by their presence All that were in the neighbouring Provinces came to them La Trimouille who had never assisted before appeared there with the rest But the Courage of many Persons failed when they came to sign the Union that Du Plessis had proposed because they expected no relief from the Court therefore he signed first upon which all the rest resolved to follow his Example Thus Wisdom prevailed with them and altho' their Patience was tired yet it was not quite spent they gave Du Plessis time to write to the King and to represent to him the disorders that might proceed from a separation of the Assembly He plainly told him what the Deputies had reason to complain of the Rigours of the Parliaments the Injustices of the Officers which forbad paying the Garrisons of the places their Fears Distrusts and Suspicions and the Proposition of bringing themselves again into the same condition they were in before the Truce And to appease all these Disturbances he again renewed his Advice to the King of sending a Commissioner on his account to treat with the Deputies he nominated the President of Thou because he lookt upon him to be a lover of Peace He applied his Advice to the Example of Henry the Third who sent Bellieveure to Montauban in 1584. to treat with the Reform'd and he begged the King not to believe the affair of small importance because every person amongst them was resolved to see what was to be expected for their security Hesperian who carried the Letter with more particular Instructions upon the Subject in which was contained the Reasons the Reformed had to be afraid with an Account of their Complaints and the Motives that ought to oblige the King to yield to the desires of these alarmed persons As the King's coldness was caused by the displeasure the Catholic Zealots had made him conceive against the Proceedings of the Reformed so it was not very difficult to change his thoughts when they gave him better Reasons for it therefore whether he was touchâ— with the Remonstrances of his faithful Servant or that the effect of his harshness had convinced him that his Counsellors had made him take wrong Measures he gave pressing Orders that the Assembly shou'd not break up He promised to send somebody to treat with them and fixed a time when he wou'd send him and strongly enjoyn'd the staying the Deputies until the arrival of his Commissioner Thus the Mischief that the zealous Catholicks had done was very near repaired by the wise Advice even of those whom they had offended and the Reformed by this Expedient were hindred from any ill
Religion did visibly diminish and that tho' the King was now opposed at home and attacked abroad yet he had done nothing more than the late King nor even without the advice of the Catholicks of his Party that this Edict confining Heresie to certain places re-established every where the Roman Religion insomuch that one would hardly have believed that the Reformed after having so much contributed to the preservation of the Kingdom and strengthned themselves during the War with above 50 strong Places would ever be contented with it in a time when they might perhaps have extorted more from the King almost overwhelmed with other Affairs that the King was very commendable for having so well managed the Interest of the Catholick Religion or was at least more excusable for his connivence than his Predecessors upon which he brought in the Parable of the Tare which is left standing when it cannot be snatched off without spoiling the Corn he laid a great stress upon the Examples of all other Catholick Princes and on that of the King of Spain who tolerated the Moors and to bring back the Dutch to their obedience offered them Liberty of Conscience and a free Exercise of their Religion He made it appear next that the oppositions of Parliaments are but Forms since they know well enough that they must obey at last and that after all no other Constraint was put upon them but that of the publick Necessity Then he hinted at the ill Thoughts the Reformed might have entertained of the King had he left Rouen before seeing the Edict verified what would have been their Jealousies and how well grounded how cunning the Faction was countenanced by the Spaniards or what Dangers the Church and the State were like to be brought into by renewing the War At last he concluded with putting the Pope in hopes that this Peace would bring all other things to a State most agreeable to his Holiness Those that are not well read in the Policy of the Roman Court may perhaps wonder at this Verification making such a noise there though at the same time they did not speak a word of the publick Treaty that was beginning with the Reformed under the very Nose of the Legate who could not chuse but give notice of it But 't is a Maxim of this refined Court's Policy That Affairs must be handled in a manner like Plays where the Actors never speak as they think and know how to distinguish what is to be taken notice of and what to be dissembled According to this the Gentlemen of Rome when they are not able to obstruct an Affair do before its conclusion pretend to be ignorant of it because it would be an Affront to see it concluded after having vainly opposed it but when 't is past Remedy then they fall a Murmuring to shew their dislike of it Thus the Pope delay'd his complaining of the new Edict that was preparing until it was fully concluded because then the noise he made about it could do no harm to France but might allay the Murmurs of the Spanish Faction The Commissioners came to the Assembly but at the beginning of February who immediately after their arrival protested that the King could grant no more than what was set down in their Instructions for which they gave only the reason of the bad posture of the King's Affairs that permitted him not to do better what desire soever he had to favour them This reason of State was in the bottom nothing else but the Discontents which the King 's favouring the Reformed might give to the Holy leaguemen who not being throughly pacified might take a pretence from thence to stir up new Wars The King indeed feared it and could not put any trust in those so lately reconciled Enemies who watched him almost as a Slave nay the circumstances of the time seemed to render his fears more reasonable for the Spaniard who still held an Intelligence with that half-suppressed Faction had opened the Frontiers in several places But the Reformed were offended at that reason of State yet not pacified for upon the whole matter they thought the design was to make a sacrifice of their Repose and Security to the Passion of their ancient Persecutors and to say the truth to do nothing in their favour for fear of giving offence to the League men was but to tell them plainly enough that the King had better leave them in their Misery than displease their implacable Enemies who might have an occasion to be dissatisfied if the Reformed were put out of their reach wherefore that reason of State had no great effect in the Assembly who could not relish that by a State Maxim the interest of so many faithful Subjects should be sacrificed to the caprice of a violent Cabal that their great Services should be forgotten their Persons exposed to new Cruelties and sufficient Security denied for their Consciences and Lives Therefore they declared to the King by one of their Members that they could by no means be contented with what was granted them and that the Oppression the Reformed liv'd under would at last force them to seek for a relief in themselves The Commissioners whose Powers were always bounded by certain limits which it was not lawful for them to go beyond being sensible that the Reformed were in a discontent wrote to Court that they thought it much to the purpose to break the Assembly but that the Deputies must be sent home with whatever satisfaction could be given them The Count de Schomberg and the President de Thou then at Tours negotiating a Peace with the Duke of Mercoeur wrote to the same purpose and the Count's advice was to satisfie those People which he call'd People sick not with Rebellion and Factious Passion but with Jealousies and just Fears for what might happen to them as we have it in the most impartial Historians It was not doubted in Spain but that the Reformed would be tired at last with so many Delays and come to Extremities and these two wise Counsellors saw well enough through the Artifices and various Shiftings of the Duke of Mercoeur that he waited to see what the Business of Religion would come to that he might take a Resolution accordingly Wherefore they advised the King to pacifie things at home the better to make War abroad Du Plessis wrote the same and the Reformed offered after sufficient security had been given them to imploy their whole force either to reduce the Duke or beat back the Spaniards beyond their ancient Limits Now the words of the Reformed being maliciously construed as if they had threatened to take up Arms tho' they did never so much as mention it and had only declared they would no longer expect relief from the Court but maintain themselves as well as they could in case of Oppression Their Words I say brought the Court into an extream Perplexity insomuch that the Jealousies increased in both Parties and the Court
feared more mischief from the Assembly than perhaps the Assembly designed to do and on the other hand the Assembly apprehended more harm from the Court than was there prepared for them Thus in dubious Affairs Fear is often mutual and there is a kind of emulation who shall shew most Resolution and Courage when really the Fright is equal on both sides The King severely complained to the Assembly by his Letters and laid openly the Fault at the doors of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille but there happened such Divisions in the very Assembly as did e'en almost ruin their Affairs It may be 't was â—n effect of the usual Intrigues of the Court who designedly had drawn the Assembly nearer home the better to have them within the reach of its Caresses and Favours Not but that it might be also the effect of that Misfortune commonly attending the union of divers Persons differing in Genius Abilities and Interest who tho' agreeing in a general Design do often fall out about the choice of necessary Expedients It is with them as with that Harmony by which the World subsisteth through a correspondency of several discording Causes which might easily break out of that just proportion whereby they agree if they were not preserved and maintained by an Almighty and Divine Hand Thus the union of many Men who aim at different ends may break of it self tho' they often have the same Motives for acting concertedly when each one wou'd regulate the Conduct and Interest of all others by his own Maxims and Prejudices The Assembly who ascribed the Progress of those Disorders to the influence of the Court to prevent more Mischief thought it fit to remove elsewhere and accordingly came to Saumur on the Fifth of March This removal might be agreeable to both Parties to the King to whom du Pâ—â—ssâ—â— might be very serviceable there in allaying with his Wisdom the Heat of the most forward and accordingly the King had sent for him a while before and commanded him to go to Vendome and endeavour to bring them to a better Temper and it was agreeable to the Reformed also in that the Authority of du Plessis his Prudence and Equity might heal their Divisions and bring them all to an unanimous Effort for the common Cause In the mean while Matters went on slowly and the Assembly being very little satisfied with the Commissioner's delays which were supposed by several Members to be designedly made they carried their Discontents along with them to Saumur Nay on a Report spread abroad that the King was secretly treating of a Peace with the Arch-duke their Jealousies increased and they thought that the Court used so many delays to the end that if a Peace could be made before any thing was concluded with the Reformed the King might be in a condition to grant them only what the Catholicks pleased But a little while after the Assembly was settled at Saumur there happened an Accident which did extreamly allarm all sorts of People the Spaniards having surprised Amiens the defence whereof was left to its Inhabitants they defended it very ill This Blow made a great noise through all Europe France was counted lost the old Caballs began to revive and the consternation was so great that People knew not what course or resolution was best to take the King himself was disheartened in this Misfortune and fell from that greatness of Soul he had always been Master of before In short one may judge what condition France was thought to be in by what happed in Britany Brissac who was Deputy Lieutenant in that Province and a late reconciled League man caused an Assembly of the Nobility to be held there in his presence being therein as 't was said countenanced by Mompensier and the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille There they proposed to put themselves under the Protection of the Queen of England by the Name of the good French People bons Francois taking it for granted that the King after that loss was no longer able to keep his Kingdom and defend his Subjects against a foreign Invasion The same accident occasioned great Agitations amongst the Reformed some were for taking up Arms and endeavoured to draw to their Opinion all such as were capable to bear them insomuch that one moved for an Attempt upon Tours whither some Troops were to be sent in the Name of la Trimouille others thought that they ought not to make use of such a dismal occasion and that it was even more honourable for them to desist from their former Demands than to make new ones As for the two Dukes they pushed on briskly their Proposals and endeavoured to perswade them that War was the only remedy they had left But almost all the Churches rejected it the great Towns whose example might have drawn in the rest and the best part of the Nobility were deaf to it so that the Project of the two Dukes fell to the ground It was nevertheless reported abroad that Discord had alone hindred the Reformed from voting the War because the Nobility and Consistory men renewed their old Quarrel and fell out about the management of the Money that was to be raised the Nobility claiming it as their right and the Consistory men being for Commissioners to be appointed by the respective Churches for the safe management of it But all these Intrigues as it was given out miscarrying through the dissention of the different Parties every one at Court after the retaking of Amiens valued himself for having no share therein and strove very hard who should make the first discovery to the King so that all the odium fell upon the two Dukes who had been the authors and promoters of the whole matter From whence it follows that their misdemeanour might be misrepresented and made a great deal more than really it was since in Reports of that nature Men use to say more than they know and consequently run the hazard of telling more than the truth As for the Motive of the two Dukes 't is not easie to guess at them The Catholic Writers charge them with designing to make advantage of the Disorders of the State that they might get by force those Preferments that were denied them but the President de Thou who saw the matters nearer than any body else as being present in all these Transactions gives us a more innocent Motive of those two Dukes He ascribeth their Design to Necessity and the Publick Calamity because in the General Confusion of the Kingdom every one did almost despair of his own safety and thought he ought to seek his security from himself for the proof of which he saith that as soon as Amiens was retaken they submitted to what Terms the King was pleased to prescribe to them because then their former hopes of enjoying Peace under a King capable to defend them were without doubt revived That is in a word that we may
reckon these great Mens Motions amongst such things as are qualified by the event and indeed had the King miscarried before Amiens they had been admired as Master-pieces of State-policy whereas they have been represented as so many Crimes because the good Fortune of the King did soon put him in a condition to upbraid their Authors with them Upon the whole matter since all this was an effect of some Lords private Passions and Heats which were repressed by the Patience and Tranquillity of the greatest number 't is most unjust to father upon the whole Body the attempts of some of its Members especially since that the soberest part of them proved the strongest and in a manner forced the rest to lay down their Arms. The King all this while was reduced to great Extremities having neither Money nor Troops and not knowing who to trust to almost all the Lords of his Court having had a hand in the foreign Conspiracies against him and the League-men lately reconciled to him were still suspected and Biron himself who had perswaded the King to take heart again and to besiege Amiens mistrusted these secret Enemies whom he called New Converts Besides the King's Treasurers were so absolutely out of Cash that they wanted Money even for the Charges of the King's Houshold so that curing the Siege of Amiens the King did more than once complain to Roni that he had no Cloaths suitable to his Dignity This obliged him to stoop a little below the Royal State and to beg a Subsidy from his Subjects in a manner a little too humble for a great King When he heard that the Assembly was to remove from Saumur to Vendome he ordered presently Count Schomberg and de Thou to repair thither and endeavour to bring them back to Vendome thereby to save Vick and Calignon his Commissioners the trouble of going so far Their Instructions were full with Complaints of the Assembly's Proceedings but above all of their authorising the seising of his Revenues with Menaces that he wou'd not permit them to make new Demands any more adding withal that he had rather lose with his Enemies than be slighted and disobey'd by his Subjects But the loss of Amiens made him alter his Language he wrote to the Assembly at Saumur by Monglat on the twelfth of March and his Letter contained nothing but gentle Exhortations to content themselves with his Offers or to put by their Demands to another time and besides there were many earnest Intreaties to put an end to their Session and prefer in this urgent occasion the publick good to their private interests justifying thereby the sincerity of their intentions To this was joined a Letter of Lesdiguieres to them wherein he said that he was going with all speed from the Court to his Government of Dauphine to watch the Duke of Savoy's Motions for fear he should attempt something on that side whil'st the King was busie in Picardy and likewise exhorted them not to take occasion from the loss of Amiens to multiply their Demands A little while after the King wrote also to du Plessis in a stile which expressed very lively the great perplexity he was in This faithful Servant had complained to the King of Count Schomberg's Answer to the Deputies of the Assembly it being in his judgment too cold and insignificant to pacifie their minds but severe enough to offend them Therefore the King's Answer to du Plessis was moving and quite of another strain there he vow'd that if the Reformed could but know the state of his Affairs they wou'd be sensible he could do no more for them Next he represented his present condition as a great deal worse than it was when he was but King of Navarre because he had no body to trust to and none to assist him then stooping a little below the Majesty of a King he desired him to prevail so far with the Assembly as to rest contented with his Answer lest he should be forced to make Peace with the Spaniards The Count of Schomberg being arrived at Saumur with the other Commissioners gave notice of it to the Assembly and required them to send some of their Members to him that they might hear the King's intentions but the Assembly would not treat with him by Deputies not out of any contempt to the Royal Authority or to treat with the King upon even terms as some slanderers gave out but because they thought it more safe to treat publickly than by private Deputations So they refused to depute and invited the Count to come to their Assembly that they might hear what was his Charge to them He refused a while to agree to it because of his Character of the King's Commissioner but at last he yielded to the Assembly's desire He sent Vick to them and by him they knew the King's Propositions but they did not like them and they made the Commissioners an Answer that pleased them not It was put very near into the same dress as the Commissioners Instructions were returning Compliments for Compliments and as all the Terms of the Commission that were either pithy or obliging amounted to this that the King was still resolved to grant them nothing or to put off their satisfaction so soon as the new service demanded of them was over so all their Protestations centred in this that they could desist from none of their just Demands and that they were ready to employ both their Estates and Lives for the Service of the State so soon as satisfaction should be given them Their Answer to the King was very near in the same strain for they expressed therein an extreme sorrow for the taking of Amiens and complained of the lingering of Affairs as a cause which kept the Reformed from giving his Majesty new Proofs of their affection to his Service promising for the rest that so soon as the state of their Consciences was secured they would be readieâ— than ever to give all that was dear to them for his Service but next they insinuated that they could not desist from their Demands for the sake of that publick good that was urged to them because both they and all the Reformed were fully satisfied that the security of their Religion of their Persons and Families was no less a publick good than the retaking of Amiens That the King being informed of the Assembly's Dispositions by his Commissioners and by Monglat who brought him their Answer order'd new Proposals to be made to them and slackned a little upon some points of small importance which however could not satisfie them so that he resolved to try them with a new Letter before he set out for his Enterprise upon Amiens He had formerly writ to Count Schomberg and complained of the Assembly and to affect the Hearts of the Reformed he had not forgot to make the best of a slight indisposition that he had about that time concluding he must certainly sink under the weight of his
for its defence and had therefore secretly extorted a Promise from him never to do any thing in behalf of the Reformed before he had reconciled all such as had a hand in the League which he deni'd not when he was blamed by some for his delays endeavouring sometimes to make the Complaisance he had for the Catholicks go for a piece of Prudence advantageous to the Reformed in that the Edict he would give them should appear by so much the more voluntary and less extorted by force that there should be less Troubles and Discontents in the Kingdom but they took it in a quite contrary sense and were afraid that after all his other Troubles were over he would force them to submit to his own terms In the mean while the Commissioners at their return from the King before Amiens had brought Instructions which confirmed in part the things granted by the former but several new Difficulties were started upon some Articles as amongst others about the manner of paying the Garrisons and re-establishing the Mass at Rochel which that reformed City would not consent to As for the Garrisons there was so little safety in depending upon the Orders of the King's Treasurers for paying them that they demanded that in case of refusal or delay it should be lawful for them to cause the Money to be seized in the Provincial Exchequers But when after a long debate they had agreed upon the matter and removed all difficulties they must go to the Council for its approbation which was no easie matter to obtain several tricks being made use of to oblige the Deputies to desist but they stood firm to their resolution and the King on his side commanded his Council to stand to what had been concluded by his Commissioners He had nevertheless been offended at the Assembly's begging the Intercession of the Queen of England and of the Vnited Provinces in short they had sent some Persons of Quality as Deputies to these two States in order to desire their Mediation and Interest for obstructing the conclusion of a Peace with Spain which they apprehended to be levelled at the utter ruin of their Cause intreating them to charge their respective Embassadours to look to it and advising them besides to draw into the same Precautions all such other States as this Peace was like to be fatal to Next they gave an account to the Queen how far they had gone in the Treaty of Religion what they had gained about the Liberty of Publick Worship and what had been granted in this point over and above the former Grants of the Concession of miparted Chambers with the Priviledges allow'd to Parliaments of the free admittance of the Reformed to all Charges even of Judicature it self which Article had been obtain'd with a world of difficulties and which they were to enjoy by a new Creation in their behalf of six Places of Counsellours in the Parliament of Paris of the several Sums granted them for paying the Garrisons of their places of safety which they made up one hundred strong enough to maintain a Siege and hold it out against a considerable Army of the Settlement agreed upon for their Ministers subsistence in a word of all that had been concluded upon with the King's Commissioners concerning the Liberty and Security of their Religion But 't was no longer seasonable to take notice of those slight Misdemeanors which the King knew very well were not the effect of any rebellious Intentions in the Reformed but of their Allarms and Jealousies renew'd every day by his Councils delays and shiftings The Reformed were certainly in the right on 't for by that means the final conclusion of this affair lingred away even beyond the end of the Year and there was certainly affectation and malice in some of those delays which cannot be denied if we consider that the paying of the Garrisons and repairing of the Places was their greatest business and the matter whereon the greatest difficulties were renewed though Roni was the Man who could do any thing in the Treasury and was able had he been willing to assign as good Funds to those of his own Religion as he did to the Roman Catholicks But it must be confessed also that some of the same delays were occasioned meerly by accident by sickness absence or other excusable impediments of some whom the King had appointed to view the Articles of the Assembly and to prepare the Form of the Writs which being made out by unquestionable Proofs the Reformed did not despond at all but waited patiently till all these Difficulties were removed by time The End of the Fourth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nants The Fifth Book The Contents of the Fifth Book A Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed blamed by some The Importance of its Contents It beginneth with excusing the freedom of those Complaints Maketh Remonstrances to the King about the delays of his Council and the general state of the Reformed By what degrees the King had been drawn from them The design of their Petition General Complaints made by them against all the French against each Order of the State and the Clergy in particular The Publick Exercise of the Reformed Religion obstructed and Private Devotions hindred Instances of great Violences The Boldness of the Parliament of Bourdeaux The Exercise interrupted or forbidden in several places by divers Decrees in the Army at Rouen the King being there Complaints on the account of the places against the Catholick Gentlemen and against the Treaties with the League men The singing of Psalms hindred Books seized and burnt Religious Assemblies prohibited Consolation of the Sick Consciences forced in divers actions Christnings and other things concerning Children The Prince of Conde Keeping of Lent and Holidays Schools Colledges Offices The Poor ill used Places where the Reformed dare not dwell Remarkable Injustice done at Lyon Trades Violences Wicked Acts. Seditious Words and Speeches Passionate Judges and Parliaments Great difficulties in re-establishing the Edict of 1577. Special Instances of the Ill will of Parliaments Burials made difficult hindred Tombs violated A strong free and pithy Conclusion Reflections upon this Book New Delays and Difficulties upon particular Places The Assembly breaketh up The state of the Garrisons Appointing of Governours Annual renewing of the state of the Garrisons the number of the places of safety Private Interests The Edict delay'd till the Month of April when there are no more Leaguers Jealousies of the Assembly The King being armed granteth the Edict Conclusion made at Nants Particulars of the Difficulties on each Article 1st Demond A new Edict Reasons pro and con 2d Demand Free Exercise its extent New Concessions The advantage secured to the prevailing Religion A second place of Exercise in each Bailiwick was no new thing Difficulties about the Place about the Proofs Difficulties about the Tombs 3d Demand The Subsistence of the Ministers A Sum of Money promised by the King Schools
certain private Places wherein the Reformed intended to establish or keep it which the Court would not grant Moreover They demanded that their Assembly should continue at Vendome until the Edict which was granting was verified in all Parliaments which the King would grant only for that of Paris requiring them after the verifying of the Edict there to break up and return to their respective Provinces But this made them jealous that the Court aimed at dispersing the Assembly afterwards to elude with more freedom the execution of the Edict when none were left to sue for verifying the same because Edicts in France having no force of Laws before that Solemnity this might be still subject to a thousand Tricks and Exceptions in those Parliaments where the same had not been yet performed The King was necessitated to give the Reformed some satisfaction upon these Points because he was resolved to put off the verification of the Edict till the Legat's departure the time whereof was still very uncertain and that he was of opinion that the doing it in his presence might have been an Affront put upon him Therefore it seems that to gild over this new Delay and make it acceptable to Men disheartned by so many others and who justly feared that this would prove prejudicial to their Interest or at least put back the conclusion of their Affairs it seems I say that the Court ought to have complied with their desire of continuing their Assembly Such as had an interest in the keeping of the places of security wondred at the King 's proposing to leave to the Council the setling the state of the Garrisons and as they had not all of them the like credit at Court such as had little or none at all were afraid that this was an Artifice in order to deprive them of their Places Besides the King would name the Governors before the Party named had taken the Certificate of the Provincial-Assembly in whose Jurisdiction the Place was seated because if the Certificate should precede it might then seem that the Reformed should give the Government not the King which would have been a breach made to the Royal Authority But on the other hand the Reformed would needs have the entire disposal of the choice lest that if the Governments of their Places should become Court-Preferments the Parties so preferred would be also Court-Creatures and care but little to please the reformed Churches as being able to maintain themselves without them They had a great mind also at Court to change the state of the Garrisons every Year but the Assembly were afraid that it might be a color for weakening and shortening the same nay for taking them away one after another for they were well informed that the King was against leaving so many Places in the hands of the Reformed who before that time had never had above seven or eight granted them for securing the execution of the Edicts whereas now they kept above two hundred both great and small and that he was also afraid that the Catholicks might conceive a jealousie from the state of those Garrisons because of the great number of Places that were to be set down therein but the Assembly agreed on a publick state in which such Places only might be named as both Parties should think sit provided always there was a secret one for the security of the rest Private Interests were none of the least occasions of new Difficulties Those of Rochel could obtain none of their Demands no not so much as a confirmation of their Charter because the King who had still a resentment of what had passed there whil'st he was Protector of the Reformed had a mind to make them sensible that he had Power enough to punish them for it The discussion of all these Difficulties which the Council would always be trifling about even after they had been adjusted by the great Wisdom of the Commissioners caused the final conclusion to be put off till the Month of April insomuch that the Catholicks got the Point they had so much wished for viz. That no Edict should be granted to the Reformed before the Catholicks were all satisfied The Treaty with the Duke of Mercoeur was concluded towards the end of March and even the Peace with Spain made before the Edict for though it was concluded on the first of May yet all the Articles thereof had been long before agreed upon The King had long before that time been advised to march towards Britany with a Royal Army in order to rescue that Province out of the hands of the Duke of Mercoeur who hitherto had been but weakly attacked and had never treated in earnest but when he saw himself e'en upon the point of being abandoned by the Spaniards and that the King was coming upon him with great Forces in effect after he had trifled several Years with Sham-Treaties at last the King marched that way so soon as the approaching conclusion of the Peace with Spain set him at liberty to do it His coming allarmed the Assembly at Chatelleraud and they were in no small fear that the King would suddenly fall upon them either to force them to accept his own Terms or to disperse them through fear of falling into his hands At the same time the King's Commissioners pressed them to come to a conclusion which conduct was variously interpreted by Men long since distracted by Allarms and Jealousies The most distrustful thought it a kind of violence offered to the Assembly so eagerly to press the King's offers upon them at a time when he was in a manner at their doors with a powerful Army This Passage is to be well observed as one of the most notable Circumstances of the time wherein the Edict was granted and as a most proper Argument against the Calumny of the Catholick Writers who have represented it as a Grant extorted by force But to make a right Judgment of the Case we need but look upon the Troubles and Jealousies of the Assembly on the approach of the Royal Army and indeed they accepted the Edict when they were disarmed and in a manner at the King's discretion whereas the King granted it when he was armed and had the Assembly within the reach of his Canon This long Affair was at last put to an end to the great grief of some and to the full satisfaction of others Some Catholicks there were who grumbled at so many Concessions on the other hand some Reformed complained that they had obtained so little but there wanted not some in each Party who thought the advantage to be equal on both sides and who being truly desirous of Peace were apt to allow of any thing which might conduce to it During the King's abode at Anger 's almost all the Difficulties had been adjusted there tho' he had spoken so high and uttered such Menaces that thereby the Assembly was well nigh brought to despair
to the King of Navarre over the River Loire a Place in each Bailiwick for the sick and wounded of his Armies This Article of the Truce was very ill executed either because of the sudden Death of King Henry the Third or because there was no occasion for it in some Places where the Reformed had no Troops Three Places only were given them by vertue of that Article of the aforesaid Truce insomuch that when Henry the Fourth granted them a second Place of Bailiwick he did only perform what had been promised them giving nevertheless a larger extent to that favour than it had before since he permitted then the free Exercise in those Places to all sorts of People whereas the Truce had granted it only for the sick and wounded and made perpetual what his Predecessor had granted only with a Proviso But there was little appearance that this Prince after having received so great and important Services from the Reformed would make their Condition worse by the Peace which he promised them than it had been by the Truce and it is easie to guess that he would never have taken away from them by an Edict of Gratitude what had been granted them by a necessary Treaty Great Debates were also made on the Nature of the Places where the Exercise was granted whether within the Walls of Towns or in the Suburbs whether in Burroughs or Villages There were some upon the manner of declaring the Places where the new Possession gave the Right of Exercise because the surest appeared the less advantagious for it was proposed to get all those Places numbred one by one in the Edict or to comprehend them all under some general Character There was it seems a great deal more security in the first but the second gave a larger Extent to the Privilege because they hoped that in the Execution of this Article means might be found to facilitate the keeping of the Exercise in some Places where perhaps it might be contested if their Number was sent to the Council There was at least a sufficient Ground to fear it for the King had commanded his Commissioners before they came to a Conclusion upon this Point to send him the aforesaid Number that he might see if there was any ambiguity concerning them Therefore the Reformed stood to the general Clause but because the Catholicks would not permit them to settle themselves in so many Places they also troubled them about the Proofs they were obliged to give in either to prove that the Exercise had been or ought to have been made in such or such Places according to the Edict of 1577 or to shew that it had been actuall performed where the new Edict allow'd it The Protestants pretended That Praying publickly together with Singing of Psalms Marrying or Christning ought to go for sufficient Proofs but the Catholicks who foresaw and feared the consequence of such Proofs if once allow'd could never be brought to an Agreement upon this Point and the King 's refusing then to admit of those Acts alone and distinct one from another as a sufficient Ground for the Right of an Exercise has since afforded to our late Interpreters of the Edict of Nants a very specious Pretence to maintain that the same Acts were not sufficient Proofs for the Right of the Exercises in some Places in which they nevertheless found it continued for seventy or eighty Years together But it is a Case which needs a Distinction for Prayer once made without any other Acts of Religion and Marrying or Christning occasionally might not indeed be solid Proofs of the Right of an Exercise but the same joyned together continued and performed with all the ordinary Circumstances of publick Worship ought in these latter Times to be taken for Authentick Proofs of an Exercise so long since established All Points having a reference to that Demand as the Liberty of Visiting and Comforting the Sick even in the Hospitals of assisting the Prisoners of exhorting the Criminals and following them to the Place of Execution it self The Exemption from several things at which the Consciences of the Reformed were offended as being parts or Circumstances of the Catholick Worship and several other Articles of the same nature met with proportionable Difficulties before they could be agreed upon but that concerning Burials occasioned the warmest Debates of all the rest The Catholicks having through a blind Zeal contrived Canons which under colour of Piety destroy all Sense of Humanity in forbidding all such as the Councils or Popes have declared Hereticks to be buried in Holy Ground as they call it their Clergy could not endure the Reformed should enjoy this general Right of Mankind in common Church Yards nor even the Gentlemen of that Religion in the Chappels of their own Houses or in the Churches wherein they had a Right of Patronage On the contrary the Reformed though no longer infatuated with the ridiculous Conceit That one Spot of Ground is holier than another earnestly demanded that the same Church-Yard should serve for both Parties either because the Nobility and Gentry were desirous to preserve the Rights of their Fiefs oâ— that the Reformed in general could not brook that Distinction in Burials by which they thought themselves injuriously reflected upon For Hereticks being excluded out of common Church-Yards by the Canons the Burying of the Reformed in other Places was a plain Declaration of their being Hereticks and besides it exposed them by such a publick Blur to the Hatred of the Catholicks a People always zealous even to Fury and Madness against any thing that appear'd to them in the Shape of Heresy Indeed there was little Appearance that the Reformed could ever enjoy a quiet Life or a happy Society with them who were taught to hate their Countrymen in their very Graves and to deny them the Honour of a Common Burial and who could not see without Scorn nor frequent without Horror those Men whose dead Bodies in their Opinion would prophane and fully the Places where they lay buried This important Article was explained by the Edict or executed by the Commissioners after such a manner as proved in our Days the fatal Spring of innumerable Vexations and Injustices The third Demand was concerning the Subsistence of the Ministers and the Maintenance of the Schools The Reformed were willing to be freed from paying Tenths to the Clergy to whom they ow'd nothing since they did not own them as their Pastors and they thought it unjust that being at the Charge of maintaining their own Ministers they should also contribute to the Subsistence of the Priests of a contrary Religion They demanded That at least their Ministers should be pay'd out of the publick Mony according to an Article of the Treaty of Truce with Henry III. They also desired Schools for the Instruction of their Children with a publick Allowance for the Masters and moreover that the Reformed should be indifferently admitted to places of Doctors of
forgot not however to suffer himself to be entreated before he would perform the Ceremony And the want of a Dispensation stuck so close to his Heart that if Roni had not found the way to droll him into a Compliance all the Authority of the King would never have been able to have brought him to Reason This Expedient put an End to the Difficulties of the Marriage But the Pope was as inflexible after Consummation as before and shew'd himself as obstinate in denying the Dispensation as the Princess had appear'd Resolute in refusing to demand it He also complain'd of the Kings Precipitancy for being so hasty in an Affair of such Importance He fill'd the Dukes Conscience with Scruples and Terrors so that the Prince liv'd a long time with the Duchess his Wife as if they had never been Marry'd Which was the reason that the Duchess was sollicited more then ever to change her Religion and that not only Instructions Promises and Flatteries were made use of to overcome her but Artifices and Lies There could be nothing more Impudent then that same Cozenage of Commelet the Jesuit of which she her self gave du Plessis an Account some Months after she was Marry'd This Jesuit was so bold as to tell her that du Plessis being accus'd for having inserted several false Quotations in his Book of the Eucharist had promis'd to go to Mass if they could but shew him one that was such as they said that he had been convinc'd before the King upon which the King loading him with Reproaches he went out of the way no body knowing what was become of him Never was Lye told with more probable Circumstances nevertheless there was not a Tittle in it but what was found to be meerly Forg'd The Duchess knew it very well and Commelet gain'd so little upon her that in a Letter which she wrote to du Plessis upon this Subject she assur'd him That her Converse with the Jesuit had but the more confirm'd her in her Religion Seeing therefore they could do no good upon the Princess the King was very Importunate at Rome to incline the Pope to Sentiments more Moderate D'Ossat found out Presidents of a Dispensation granted in the like case to Persons of Inferiour Quality The Duke also went himself to Rome under pretence of the Jubilee to desire Absolution but the Pontiff would by no means yield to any thing Nevertheless 't was believ'd that the Prince had obtain'd a private Absolution in regard the Pope gave him leave to gain the Jubilee and to visit the Churches where Indulgences were given out and for that upon his return Home he liv'd with the Duchess after a more Conjugal manner then he had done before But the Report being every where spread abroad that she was with Child the Pope grew much more mild foreseeing that if he did not confirm the Marriage the King would be oblig'd to seek without him for some other way to secure the Title of Legitimate to the Infant that should be Born Nevertheless this Attonement of the Popes Wrath signify'd little or nothing for the Report of the Princess's being with Child prov'd altogether groundless and the Princess dy'd at the very time that the Pope consented to the Marriage I have related this Affair in a continu'd Series to the end I might have no more occasion to return to it again tho the business was spun out in a Negotiation of three or four Years The Reformed look'd upon the Perseverance of the Princess in their Religion to be a great Victory in regard it secur'd 'em several Advantages which could not be refus'd to her Person and which made greatly for the Honour of the whole Party Their Ministers Preach'd at Court while she was there and that was often done in the same place where Mass had been said but some hours before When the Princess went or return'd from France into Lorrain or from Lorrain into France her Minister who attended her always Lodg'd in the same Abbies where she lay and in the same Episcopal Palaces upon the Roads and there she likewise caus'd him to Preach The Catholics receiv'd this Mortification and the Reformed this Satisfaction at least once a Year for that she never fail'd every Year to Visit the King her Brother She had also Sermons Preach'd in her own Apartiment in Lorrain and it was a kind of Triumph for the Reformed to see their Religion introduc'd by this means into the same House from whence their most violent Persecutors were gone but just before Du Moulin who was known to the Princess by reason of the Conferences held upon her account wherein he had often deliver'd himself was highly in her favour The Ministers of the Church of Paris were bound to Quarterly Attendance upon her and generally it fell out so that the time when she took her Journies happen'd to be in Moulin's waiting so that in a little time he acquir'd a great Reputation which drew upon him the Hatred and Persecution of the Catholics But at Paris they were busie about an Affair of Importance quite different from those already related The Catholics had taken all Advantages of the Delay of the Verification of the Edict It was attack'd by all the Orders of the Kingdom both before and after the Legate's departure That Prelate however not caring either to have any Reproach put upon him or to have the Lye given him never desir'd that the greatest Oppositions should be made against it in his Presence and there was a great deal of noise upon this occasion after his departure The Clergy the Parliaments the University the Sorbonne started all the Difficulties imaginable The Sorbonne refus'd their Consent till the Reformed took their degrees among ' em The University was for shutting the Gates of the Colledges against 'em nor would they admit 'em either to be Masters of Arts or Professors or to the Regency The Faculty of Physic was most difficult to be overcome as if it had been the Grand Concern of the Physicians to Quarrel with Heresie and they always continu'd their Aversion ever since that time But the Clergy made the most weighty Opposition They Assembl'd at Paris in May nor did they fail to send their Deputations and Remonstrances to the King according to their usual Custom But their Deputies in all their Harangues were much less violent then their Predecessors had been they talk'd no longer of Destruction and Extermination Their Discourses breath'd nothing but Peace the sweetness of which Flatter'd all the World and you should hardly hear 'em so much as mention the word Heresie All their Discourse ran solely upon the Disorders in Ecclesiastical Discipline and upon the Alienations of the Spiritual Demesnes the Augmentation of which the Clergy never fail'd to demand under the Name of Restitution For which reason they were importunately urgent for the Release of Pensions assign'd to the Laity upon Benefices and to the Payment of which the Incumbents
certain and lasting and by consequence that Princes and Subjects might lawfully and effectually Treat together Whence it came to pass that to renew the Reciprocal Obligations of these Treaties the Kings at their Coronation Swear to maintain the Clergy in their Priviledges and that every one of those who enjoy Benefices by the King's Nomination Swear Fealty to him before they take Possession The Kings of France also make no doubt of the validity of these Treaties which appear'd from the Politics of Lewis XIII of which in due place during the Wars about Religion which lasted about ten years under his Reign he always avoided the Name of a Treaty as well in the Articles of Cities that surreuder'd to him as in his Edicts with which he amus'd the Credulity of the people because he would be Master of the Advantages which he Granted the Reformed to the end said he That all the Liberties which he left 'em to enjoy should depend meerly upon his Pleasure and his Word From whence 't was evident that when he consented to any thing by a Treaty he thought himself no longer Master of it Consequently that he was convinc'd that Treaties between Kings and their Subjects are as binding as those between other Men and their Equals and that when there are any such Treaties between 'em the Prince has no more Right to Violate 'em then the Subjects themselves Which is grounded upon this that altho the Iuequality be very great between the Soveraign and the Subject yet there remains a certain Equality which the difference between Empire and Subjection cannot destroy That is to say an equal Obligation to be Just Equitable and Sincere without which 't is impossible that they should mutually render to each other what is mutually their due Now this equality is sufficient for Treaties in regard that upon these Foundation it is that all their Efficacy is establish'd If it be pretended that at least generally and according to Order Subjects are to Treat by way of Petition and Remonstrance and w it for the Determination of their Prince without Negotiation and demanding it by Treaties I will suppose this to be generally True and in Affairs that follow the Regular Course of Government But there are doubtless some Cases that admit of another way of proceeding wherein the Subjects may demand a Treaty and look upon whatever they gain by it as obtain'd by a Treaty This is evident in Civil Wars where Rebels themselves whose taking Arms is Unjust do not always surrender at Discretion but return to their Obedience upon Conditions agreed on with their Prince Now it would be a most Palpable Absurdity that Rebellion should give Subjects a Liberty to treat with their Soveraigns and that never any thing should be able to render Authentic the Treaties of Faithful Subjects This would be an Invitation of the Subjects to revolt every time they would be assur'd of their Priviledges to pretend they could never obtain a Confirmation of 'em by Treaties unless they were Rebels If ever then there were any Occasions upon which Subjects might be allow'd to Treat with their Princes the Treaty upon which the Edict of Nantet was grounded most certainly was one First one Part of the Kingdom had declar'd against the other and had persecuted it by all the Ways that a most mortal and inveterate Hatred could Devise And this Persecution had lasted till the Time of the Edict for above Fifty years They were not content with Vexations and Cavils to perplex and Harass the Oppress'd Party but they were come to the last Extremities nothing would serve 'em but Extermination and they had shed the Blood of the pretended Heretics in all parts by all manner of Butcheries Secondly These Violences had Oblig'd the Persecuted to Unite together in Defence of their Liâ—es and to Repel by Force of Arms the Fury of their Enemies Which being grounded upon the Law of Nature it self cannot be lookt upon as unlawful but by those who believe that Innocent people forfeit their Innocency when they will not suffer their Throats to be Cut without defending themselves 3. By this means there were two Parties form'd of which the one was the Aggressor the other stood upon the Defensive Part and which having Interests as different as Destruction and Preservation and Forces that were not so unequal that the one could exterminate the other without exposing themselves to half the Danger either the Kingdom would have been laid desolate by continual War or both Parties must Treat together for the common Tranquility 4. The King 's had taken sides in these Quarrels not only because it was in their Name that so many poor people were Condemn'd to terrible Torments but because they were the persons themselves who had rais'd Armies to destroy 'em who had brok'n Treaties revok'd Edicts of Peace and who had Order'd and put in execution several Massakers 5. Henry III. went farther then all this He had Sworn to destroy all the Reformed Root and Branch and never to be at Peace with ' em He had declar'd himself Head of the League which was made under a Solemn pretence to exterminate 'em as a Wise Man observ'd of the King That he was become Head of a Party and of a Common Father an Enemy of one Part of his Subjects And then it was that those Persecuted Subjects who could not have pretended to any such Right before were Authoriz'd to Form a Party that might lawfully Defend 'em since their Prince had declar'd a merciless War against 'em and had Devoted 'em as Victims to the Fury of their Ancient Enemies Their Arms could then no longer be lookt upon as taken up against the King's Authority but against the Violence of a Destroyer Against an Enemy in whom they could no longer confide since he had Sworn never to observe any Treaties of Peace that ever he made with 'em but till he found a fit Opportunity to break ' em 6. The Change which happen'd by the Death of the Guises and afterwards by that of the King had not Cancell'd that Distinction of Parties seeing that the Catholics who were United before to make War upon the Reformed being then divided into two the Reformed were actually in War with those who follow'd the Duke of Main and with the other liv'd in a kind of secret Enmity conceal'd under the Name of a Truce On the one side the War still continu'd on the other it was still suspended At that time there was a Right which render'd 'em capable of Treating one with another to terminate their Divisions by a Peace Hen. IV. also having relinquish'd the Catholics and set himself at the Head of the Catholics whose Religion he had embrac'd the Reformed were under the same condition as they were under his Predecessor that is to say in the Condition of Enemies to the rest of his Subjects whose security depended upon the Sincerity of a Truce He was willing 'tis true to have
Assembly of Chateller and had remov'd to Sauthe twenty fourth of Novemâ—â—r the foregoing year where they had pass'd the Winter without much advancing Affairs because the Duke of Savoy being come into France about the Dispute of the Marquisate of Saluces which he had Usurp'd and the King had a mind to Recover the Council was wholly employ'd in Negotiatians and Intrigues But it seem'd they had no design to Adjourn till the Edict was Executed throughout the whole Kingdom lest it should be but disadvantageously Executed when there was no body to look after it 'T is true that the Edict forbid Assemblies of this Nature and this at Saumer seem'd to be a formal breach of this Article But they did not think they were oblig'd themselves to be the first to put the Edict in force seeing the Catholics cross'd the Execution of it with a thousand Obstacles from all sides The Place and Time made t more suspicious then ever and 't was difficult to be apprehended what the Discontents about du Plessis grumbling in that Assembly might then produce In a word what had pass'd at Fontainbleau much troubl'd Mens Minds But du Plessis never having made a general business of his own personal concerns would not deviate from his usual wont upon this occasion nor took advantage of this opportunity to trouble those who had so unworthily Treated him Besides the common Interest of Religion forbad the making a Publick concern of a pretended disadvantage of a particular Person for fear the Disgrace of this imaginary Defeat should fall upon the Doctrine of the Party However du Plessis and the Reformed in good time found the means to be Reveng'd on the Pope and to give New Cauâ—es of Mortification to the Court of Rome The Assembly nevertheless did not break up so soon and it was but the next â—â—ar after that they deliver'd the King and Court from their fear of New broils The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VIII The Aagument of the 8th Book THE War of Savoy and the success of it The Estate of the Country of Gex The Keformed Governours of Places on the Frontiers of Italy A New Creation of Offices The Execution of the Edict different according to the plâ—ces The Negligence of the Reformed and their Prejudices The Exactness Commissioners The difficulty on the Edict of 1577. favourably taken away Limited Exercises Places of Bailliage Burying Places Appeals of Ordinances The Assembly of Saumer General Difficulties on their Institution and Alteratious in the Form of Naming ' em The Synod at Gergeau Papers Answer'd Gex Te Succession of England The Death of a little Child of the Admiral de Chatillon The Birth of the Dauphin and prediction of M. de la Riviere Notice given to the Reformed of a League form'd against ' em The general Assembly at Sainte-Foy and their matters The disgrace of the Marshal de Bouillon The Sedition at Rochelle The Spanish Cabal in the Council presses the Destruction of the Reformed in hopes to withdraw the King's Forces by a Civil War Jealousies and Fears are sowed among the Reformed whom the Assurance of being in the King's favour preserves in Peace Roni is provided of the Government of Poitou The Death of Queen Elizabeth The Character of King James the First who succeeds hâ—r Breaches of the Edict The Duke of Rohan The Recal of the Jesuits The Synod at Gap The Theses of Ferrier Professoâ—â— at Nimes His Character and that of Chauve An Article made to be inserted in the Confession of Faith which imports that the Pope is the Antichrist The King is Angry and threatens The Reasons of the Synod New Editions of the Confession of Faith where the Article is inserted The Artifices of the Court to evade this Decree The false Moderation of Clement the Eight Other Affairs of the Synod Conditions of the Recall of the Jesuits Satyrs against ' em Cotton Wounded Is made the King's Confessor The Character of that Jesuit Questions which he ought to propose to one possess'd The preservation of Geneva against the Attempts of the Duke of Savoy The palliating of this Enterprize in Writings of the Jesuits The Death of the Duchess â—f Bar. The Progress of du Perron's fortune The Treachery of an Officer of Villeroy The Intrigues of Spain in the Court of France WHile the Execution of the Edict was a foot the King made his Expedition into Savoy and in the Progress of this Journey did many things that were very obliging to the Reformed but very ungrateful to Rome The Ministers of Gâ—nema came to pay him their Respects near to St. Catherines Fort which the Duke of Savoy had caus'd to be Built to annoy the Town who made open War upon it under the Protection of France Beza being then above fourscore years Old made him a Speech and the King receiv'd him so Graciously that the Catholics were Jealous The King call'd him his Father A Title rarely us'd among the Reformed and their Pastors but of which the Monks are very Proud and which they have in a manner appropriated to themselves among the Catholics It was therefore a great Offence to them to give the same Appellation to a Minister of the Heretics and to him too who of all the Ministers since Calvin had done most hurt to the Roman Religion by his Reputation by his Counsels and by his Works On the other side the Garrison having deliver'd up this Fort to the King he restor'd it to those of Geneva who ras'd it to the Ground with all imaginable Expedition The Legat which the Pope had sent to Trear of a Peace between the King and the Duke was enrag'd at this business He complain'd and threatn'd as if the Roman Religion had been thereby brought to the Brink of certain Ruin The Edicts which were made for Heretics were never worse receiv'd at Rome then this little Accident One might have said that Geneva had been a New Carthage the preservation of which bereav'd Rome of the hopes of being the Mistress of the World However it behov'd to be pacify'd after a fruitless Clamour because 't was to be wish'd that the King were remov'd farther from Italy where the Neighbourhood of the French always causes some suspicion He was brought to consent to an Exchange of the Marquisat of Saluces for Bresse the Country of Gex Bugey and Val-romey which the Duke of Savoy not withoutsome regret surrender'd to him Those of Berne had made themselves Masters of this Country where the Neighbourhood of this Canton had introduc'd betimes the knowledge of the Reformed Religion The Dukes of Savoy had tolerated it there with a Proviso for a time so long as they were Masters there in expectation that a Council would have determin'd the Controversies But some years after the End of the Council of Trent they commanded all their Subjects to submit to the Doctrine that had prevail'd in that Assembly This rigour
the Low-Countries some Preacher or other had the boldness to Preach in favour of the Negative And at divers times Libels were dispers'd about concerning this matter A Capucin who was suspected to have learn'd his Lesson at the Court of Savoy put off a thousand extravagancies on this Subject in Italy and in Rome it self But there was a stop put to the course of these mischievous Intentions by the Authority of the Superiour In the mean time as the Birth of the Dauphin made all the World talk La Riviere one of the King's Physicians a great Astrologer and much possess'd with Predictions Erected a Scheme of his Nativity the King that gave a little too much heed to these Vanities either through his own Inclination or by the Example of Roni his Favourite who gave much way to it or by the Inducement of the Queen who was prepossess'd as almost all the Italians are the King I say having oblig'd him notwithstanding several denials to tell him his Judgment of this Child according to the Rules of his Art answer'd him half in Choler that he should Reign that he should destroy what his Father had Establish'd that he should scatter all that he had husbanded that he should leave Posterity under which all should grow worse and worse The State which at this day the Religion and the Kingdom are in may make this Prediction to be Rank'd among those which make most for the Honour of Astrology But there were very dangerous Motions in the State which were stirr'd up by Forreign Intrigues The Court was full of Male Contents which were there engag'd under divers pretences Biron a Man of a Presumptuous Spirit and without Judgment was so deeply involv'd in 'em that it cost him his Life But 't was believ'd that the King was yet strong enough to quash this Conspiracy as long as he had the Reformed at his Devotion this is the Reason that nothing was wanting to engage 'em in the Party They were admonish'd as by way of Friendship that the Peace of the State was the way to their Ruin that there was a powerful League concluded against 'em seeing that the Peace of Savoy was negotiated that there was a Project laid for a kind of Croisade that the Catholic Princes had sworn it by their Deputies that the Oath was given upon the Eucharist by the Legat that every one was Tax'd at a certain Sum and a certain number of Souldiers that the League was to last till the Protestant Religion was exterminated that there were two Originals of this Treaty Sign'd by the Pope the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy and that that Duke had one in his Hands which he offer'd to Communicate to the Reformed To this were added the greatest promises of security that could be thought on provided they enter'd into the League that was propos'd to ' em This Advice was confirm'd by that which one Brochard Baron gave to Marshal Boâ—illon touching the Leagues Sworn against the Reformation This Baron who call'd himself the Nephew of Cardinal Baronius boasted that he was sent by the Pope to the Catholic Princes to make 'em Sign the Project of New Croâ—sade and before all things to have presented the Book of this Institution to the King of Spain He said that the Instructions of those that were entrusted to engage the Princes to a Protection of this League recommended chiefly three means to succeed in the Conversion of Heretics The first was to institute Missions to instruct those that were gone astray by good Sermons and Examples The second was to tolerate the Enterprises of Magistrates against the Liberties of Heretics and to make use of Politic Artifices and Pious Frauds to take away their Priviledges The Third was to use Force and Arms to reduce ' em The Jesuits business was to sow great Divisions between the Great ones and in the Provinces And great Liberality was to be shewn to the first Converted to serve for a Bait to others He aver'd that there were five and twenty thousand gain'd in England that were able to bear Arms and Ministers enow to hope that the Reformation would be Condemn'd by the the Mouth of the very Ministers themselves He discover'd great Designs that were laid against all the Protestant States and he pretended that a great part of the Nobility in Germany were corrupted I know not whence he had got the Mysteries he laid open in his Discourses but in the sequel the things he spoke have been so exactly practic'd and with so great success that if his Relation may be judg'd by the Event rather then by the Picture he made of the Design he must be look'd upon as one that spake positive Truth This Baron not being rewarded as he expected went into Germany and Holland to put the same Ware off there and if he did not perswade those who had a share in the Governmente he found the people more apt to believe him There were Preachers who during the Siege of Rochelle remember'd his Discourse and apply'd it to the State to which the Reformation was reduc'd at that time in France and Germany To elude his Testimony they would have had him pass for an Incendiary who had invented one part of what he said Nevertheless there was not in all his parts one story made at random There was Erected a little while since at Thâ—non a Town belonging to the Duke of Savoy a Friary for Conversion of Heretics and to render it more Venerable to the people it was call'd by the pitiful Name of The Congregation of our Lady of Compassion of Seven Griefs This New Society was no sooner set up but they Writ to the Catholic Princes to invite 'em to enter into this League D'Ossat did not deny to the King that they writ to the Pope But he assur'd him that the Pope rejected this vain proposition as capable of Uniting the Protestants for their mutual Defence which could not but endamage the Catholic Religion and give a fair Opportunity to the Turk to extend his Conquests over Christendom during the Divisions of Europe This Prelate likewise accus'd the Duke of Savoy for having abus'd the Commissions and Procurations of this Fraternity on which the Work of this imaginary League was built to serve him in his Designs to imbroyl France For the rest he describes this Baron as a Man the most fickle and inconstant that ever was He had been a Priest and during that time had committed a Murther he turn'd Protestant it may be to avoid the punishment he had deserv'd He marry'd but being soon weary of a Marty'd Life he return'd to the Roman Religion which in the sequel he forsook a second time This is according to the Picture the Cardinal makes of him But tho there had been nothing to have been said against Baron the Duke of Savoy was too much suspected in point of Religion to gain Credit among the Reformed He had not the Reputation of having
too much Honesty and if they judg'd by what d'Ossat says of him he was a Prince of a strange Character and who had always some contrivance in his Head against the Peace of Europe In the mean time the Reformed were Assembled at Sainte Foye where they were not satisfy'd with naming Deputies General but where they Treated on many things that regarded the General and the particular of Churches A little while after there was a Paper presented to the King the first Article of which after having Congratulated him upon the Peace of the Kingdom and upon the Birth of the Dauphin demanded a Re-establishment of the Edict in the state it had been Granted at Nantes and this demand was supported with a pretence that the King had promis'd this Re-establishment as soon as the Affairs of the Kingdom could permit it The Chief of the other Articles demanded that the Parlaments which had not verify'd the Edict but under certain Modifications should be oblig'd to take 'em off That some Immunities should be Granted to Colleges that the Reformed should found in pursuance of the Liberty which the Edict gave ' em That the Counsellors which were plac'd there should be oblig'd to serve in the Chambers of the Edict many years and that but half of 'em should be chang'd every time some Change was desir'd They were not Answer'd upon this Paper till in the Month of March in the year following and the Answers were first resolv'd on with the Deputies and about three Weeks after reported to the King who approv'd of ' em The first Article was absolutely deny'd 'em under pretence that there was no great matter in it that these little Changes were made for the common good and to facilitate the Execution of the Edict that the Advice of the Principal of the Reformed had been had as being call'd to the Deliberations that had been made upon these matters that they could not be revok'd and that there was no promise given to do it It may be judg'd by this either that those promises were not made but by people whom the King was not afraid to disown as there are always at Court Managers of business by whom she puts people in hopes of an event for which she has no mind to be answerable or that the Reformed had taken for serious promises certain windy Words which were giv'n 'em to put 'em in Heart that things might Change and that then they would cause Restoration to be made 'em of what the present Juncture constrain'd 'em to suffer 'em to be depriv'd of 'em Or that in fine the Reformed at the Court had invented these promises as a secret to keep off the Reproach of having so easily consented to these Changes Upon the other Articles they had all the satisfaction given that they could desire But because they ask'd the Liberty of continuing their Assembly under the pretence of the Difficulties the Parlament made of Executing the Edict the King declar'd in his Answers that he had given such Orders for the redress of 'em that this continuation of the Assembly was needless But they set forth much larger Papers at Sainte Foy and without stopping long at the repeated denial that the King had made to resettle the Edict in the same State that it was settled in at Nantes they did not forbear to demand again a little after the same things by Retail which they cou'd not obtain in Gross This is the reason that in demanding the Execution of the Edict throughout the whole Kingdom such as it had been verify'd at Paris they had hopes one day to repair those breaches which the Council had made therein Insomuch that they seem'd not to accept it but on condition Many Provinces were Nam'd in these Articles to which the Court had sent no Commissioners others where they had not been but in the Capital Cities many particular Places where the Exercise was not granted but under certain Restrictions as I have already observ'd They complain'd that in judging the Right of Possession acquir'd by the Edict of 1577. they limited themselves strictly to the 17th of September having no regard to the Proofs of the Exercise that was had in the same month before and after that day if it had not been likewise prov'd that it was had precisely upon that day This almost reduc'd the Reformed to a Non-plus and made an illusion of this Right because that the 17th of September fell that Year on a Tuesday a day wherein the Reformed cou'd not have had their Public Exercises but in a kind of Hazard It was demanded that in the places where the Commissioners Nam'd the Kings Judges for their Sub-Delegates those Judges should be oblig'd to take an adjoyn'd Partner of the Reformed whom the Reformed themselves shou'd appoint to labour diligently together and Scot free in the Execution of the Commissioners Orders They complain'd that in many places the Catholics wou'd not suffer the Reformed to Inhabit That they drove the Tradesmen out of certain Towns That they wou'd not allow 'em as Journey-men in their Shops That they spoke Injurious things to 'em unpunish'd when they went to their Exercises That the Preachers in their Sermons The Advocates in their Pleadings took the same Liberty without being repress'd That the Royal Judges in many places did not do Justice in the Abuses committed their Persons That in many Diocesses they caus'd 'em to be Inroll'd and put certain marks on their Houses to distinguish 'em from those of the Catholics That wherever there were yet any Colleges of Jesuits in the Kingdom that is to say in the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux they had found out another manner of distinction causing the Houses of the Catholics to be mark'd with the Cross or Garlands of Flowers to the end that those might be better taken notice of that wanted such Ornaments That at Vervins they put a Minister out of the Town who travelling that Road arriv'd there upon Easter-day and that they refus'd so much as to give his Horse Stable-Room 'T was a Complaint that in several places the Judges hinder'd 'em from Building Churches tho the Exercise were there permitted That in many others that were Nam'd the Exercise likewise was hinder'd either through the opposition of the Lords of the Places or by the Orders of the Commissioners It was reported upon this occasion that at Aubenas where the Marquis of Montlaur committed a Thousand Violences tho the Commissioners had caus'd the Steeple the Bell and the Church-yard to be Surrender'd to the Catholics and left the Town-house to the Reformed for their Exercises the Jesuits had built a Chappel against the Wall through which they had made a hole that they might see all over the place that they caus'd a Bell to Ring during the Exercise and that they had set up a Cross over the Entry It was demanded That the Lords might enjoy the Right of their Precincts and Jurisdictions and
a few Hours after Rasis to arrive in times and Caution the Inn-keeper to have a care of himself So this miserable Wretch escap'd and he was found Drowned 20 or 30 Leagues from Paris upon the Bank of the Marne which he would have foarded in his way to Flanders His Death seem'd no less suspicious then his escape and many believ'd that Villeroy conniv'd at the one and procur'd the other I was not rational to think that a Man who had been above five and thirty years in the Ministry of State should not know that the first thing he ought to have done was to have seiz'd on the Officer And the Neglect of so necessary a Precaution gave occasion to suspect that the Master had some Reason to desire that the Servant should escape But the King was willing to take the sorrow that Villeroy express'd for a Proof of his Innocency And he accepted of the bad Excuses of this Minister as if they had been better Insomuch that he continu'd in the Ministry as before and if perhaps he lost something of the King's Esteem and Condence at least he lost nothing of his Dignity The End of the Eight Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK IX The Argument of the 9th Book THE Reformed are afraid that the King gives way too much to the Jesuits He Answers their Papers favourably Gex The Genius of La Trimouille and his Death The Process of the Cardinal de Chatillon's Widow The Pyramid pull'd down New Factions An Assembly at Chatelleraud Matters which were there to be treated on St. Germains Letter to Marshal de Bouillon Roni Commissioner for the King at the Assembly His Instructions What Reception he had His Speech Provincial Councils Deputies General General Assemblies The Vnion renew'd Lesdiguieres comes into it Roni Excuses this New Oath Breviats for the Guard of Towns of Hostage The Assembly suffers the places of Marshal Bouillon to be taken Other advantages that Roni gain'd of the Assembly with which the Pope is well contented The Deputies of the Assembly caress'd at the Court An Assembly of the Clergy The Artifice to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion An Edict in favour of the Clergy Roni Duke and Peer of France The Marshal de Bouillon makes his Peace The Treaty with those of Rochel in favour of the Catholics Priests that did not Pray to God for the King Gun-Powder Treason The Oath exacted of the Catholics of England The Exercise permitted at Charenton for the Reformed of Paris which the Lord of the place opposes in vain Papers favourably Answer'd The Attempt of Seguiran the Jesuit to Preach at Rochel A Mortification of the Jesuits The Synod at Rochel General Deputies The Question about Antichrist renew'd Deputies gain'd at the Court The Quick-sighted of the Church and Fools of the Synod The Question is deferr'd and Vignier order'd to Treat largely on it The Synod Names only two Deputies General Affairs Treated on at the Synod Forreign Ministers Malwin call'd to Rochel The King refuses the Nomination of the Deputies He permits a General Assembly at Gergeau Sulli suspected by the Reformed Affairs of the Assembly Places lost by the Reformed Conferences and Changes of Religion The Assembly Complies with the Kings desire An Assembly of the Clergy The Resolute Answer of the King and his disowning a promise made in his Name by his Attorneys in the Matter of Absolution Cotton the Jesuit the Dauphins Master A Fund for the Ministers that shâ—ll change their Religion The Treaty with the Morisco's Persecuted in Spain is â—roke off by the Bigots Lesdiguieres Marshal of France The Kings Domestic Vexations Divers Sentiments on the Alliance of Spain Frauds to renew the Civil Wars The Power of the Jesuits Establish'd at Bearn Papers Answer'd The Synod at St. Maixant The Theatre of Antichrist A Blow given to Seignioral Rights The Jurisdiction of the Chambers A Book found at La Fleche The Discourse of Jeannin upon Liberty of Conscience The Edict in favour of the Morisco's The Escape of the Prince of Condé War declar'd against the Arch-Duke The Formidable Power of the King His Dâ—signs His unexpected Death THE Reformed had a great share in these particular Accidents because they look'd upon all those who held Intelligence with Spain as their Sworn Enemies and they believ'd that all the Projects of that Court design'd their Ruin at the bottom insomuch that they were always listening to discover the designs of that Cabal and to hinder that it did not grow too powerful in France where they had if it may be so said no Friend but the King Besides they were not so assur'd of him as not to have some distrust of his Constancy and the little Resolution they had observ'd in him upon the Account of Religion made 'em fear that he had besides as little in Point of Acknowledgment and Friendship They saw that he suffer'd himself to be too much possess'd by the Jesuits and they complain'd sometimes alluding to the Name of his Confessor that he heard his old Friends no more since he had his Ears stopp'd with Cotton They saw likewise in him amidst his great Qualities great Weaknesses And that to have Peace at home he was so far Patient and Compliant that the meanest Citizen wou'd have hardly done so much There was besides great Reason to fear that to Content the Queen whose Intentions were no way favorable to 'em he wou'd break with 'em and suffer himself to be led to an Alliance with Spain of which they did not doubt but their Destruction was a necessary consequence These apprehensions which were but too reasonable as it appear'd under another Reign oblig'd 'em to Arm themselves every day with new precautions The King who believ'd that these Alarms might serve for a pretext to those who were not well affected to his Government was very willing to dissipate 'em by the Testimonies of the constant Will that he had to maintain the Edicts and whatsoever discontent he had of particulars he favour'd the General Cause as much as 't was possible for him And this about the time that I speak of he made appear by his manner of answering the Papers which the Deputies General presented him They complain'd among other things of certain Monuments of the late Wars which the Catholics preserv'd as it were to render the Memory of those Troubles eternal Thus in the Cathedral Church of Bazas was to be seen an Inscription which call'd the Reformed Heretic Hugenots and which imputes to 'em Profanations and Ruins The King had often commanded the Bishop to erase those violent Terms but the Bishop wae not willing to obey him They complain'd again of the affronts which were done in some places to the Ministers and their Children of the delay of Establishing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion in many places where it shou'd be according to the Edict of 1577 of the trouble that they found when the places design'd
thus made it would be easy also to take the main Places from them Moreover those Garisons belonging to privite Persons were properly those that were most likely to trouble the King not only by reason of their number but also by impowring their Lords to act sometimes against the King's Authority It was a hardship upon the King not to be able to deal with them without a formal Siege and without waging a just War against them even at the hazard of offending the whole Party which was perswaded that their Safety depended on the keeping of those Places Insomuch that whenever the King express'd some displeasure to see so many Places in the hands of the Reform'd it was only in relation to those that were possess'd by particular Persons which were the whole Subject of Roni's Negotiation with the Assembly of Chatelleraud The Marshal of Bouillon had Agents who were not wanting to give advices upon that Subject and to represent how much his particular case was interwoven with the General Safety On the other hand the Reform'd were so far from being inclin'd to suffer their Places to be taken from them that in order to secure themselves against the Conspiracies that were daily form'd against them they desir'd a Prolongation of the Time which was allow'd them for the keeping of them Moreover they also pretended to keep those the King had given to some of the Reform'd since the Edict or such as did belong to Persons who having lately embraced their Religion had been assur'd that they should be maintain'd in the Possession of their Holds or Places So that this Affair was interwoven with divers Difficulties which no body knew how to unravel St. Germain one of the Deputies-General was a Creature of the Marshals and held a close Correspondence with him and the Marshal by his means held a Communication with all the Churches For that reason he was very desirous to have him continu'd in that Employment The thing was to be debated in the Assembly and therefore the King who had only at first allow'd Deputies to reside with him about the Affairs of the Edict for a season resolv'd to make it an Ordinary Commission on conditition that the Assembly should nominate Six Persons to him out of which he should chuse Two that he might not be oblig'd to continue St. Germain or to receive another of his Character Before the meeting of the Assembly St. Germain writ to the Marshal to communicate his Sentiments to him about the present Conjuncture And his Letter was either Intercepted or Copy'd by some of those who gave the Court an account of all that pass'd There were several in every Province who drove that Trade some to deserve the Pensions they had or to obtain some others out of a kind of simplicity which induc'd them to believe that the Court-party was always the most Innocent because the King's Name was ever at the Head of it By their means the Court was inform'd of divers Propositions that had been made in the Provincial Assembly in order to be carry'd into the General St. Germain in the said Letter press'd the Marshal to depute some body to the Assembly He also urg'd divers Reasons for which in his Opinion the King ought to be mistrusted his Submission to the Councils that came from Rome the Authority he allow'd the Jesuits the great Charge he had been at for the Election of a New Pope to his mind after the Death of Clement the 8th The demolishing of the Pyramid on the account of which so much severity had been us'd that some People having caus'd the said Pyramid to be Ingrav'd representing all the Sides and Inscriptions of it to preserve at least the Image of that Monument the pulling down of which griev'd all True Frenchmen care had been taken to discover and suppress the Plate to please the Jesuits Moreover St. Germain represented the mischief Roni was able to do He added the reasons that should oblige him to quit the General Deputation which he could no longer hold without exposing himself to displease the King or the Reform'd because that on one side he would be accus'd of doing too much and on the other of doing too little He acquainted the Marshal that Roni was afraid of not holding a Rank suitable to his Dignity in the Assembly by reason that the King refus'd to give him a particular Commission to preside in it He said that it was impossible to foresee with certainty the Inclinations of the Deputies that were to compose the Assembly but however that he would do well to write to them which would be of some use He was somewhat at a loss to find a proper Person whom the Marshal might trust with his Deputation and therefore advis'd him to give that Commission to the Deputies of Guienue who might accept it as a dependency of their particular Charge the Deputies of every Province commonly taking upon them the management of the Affairs of the particular Members thereof This expedient was likely to break the Measures the Court took to hinder private Persons from sending Deputies in their own Name to the Assembly For besides Marshal de Bouillon they were diffident of Lesdiguieres of the Duke of Rohan of la Force of Chatillon of du Plessis and several others Therefore in order to apply a proper Remedy to all these Disorders the King resolv'd to send Roni to Chatelleraud with large Instructions they were of two kinds the first General the others Secret in form of Addition to the first By the first he was order'd to remonstrate to them that the Assembly was not very necessary since the only end of it was but to receive an Account from the Deputies-General of what they had done for three years last past which might be done with less noise However that the King had freely granted it in hopes that it would serve to congratulate the Peace which the last Edict had afforded Upon which Subject he was order'd to declare that it had been punctually perform'd that the King was resolv'd to maintain it that care had been taken that it might be done to the satisfaction of both Parties as it appear'd by the Answer that had been made to the Petition presented by the Catholicks and Reform'd by which all Affairs of Consequence had been immediately regulated He was further to say That the King after having given so many Testimonies of his good Will would be very much concern'd should they pitch upon another Protector he having all along been so to them and being resolv'd always to continue so That such Assemblies for the future would become of ill Consequence the Edicts allowing none but such as relate to Discipline in which no Persons were to be admitted but such as were to see it perform'd That as to what related to Civil Government they were to apply themselves to the Judges and for favours to the King who is the Dispenser of them That the reasons for
Foreign Power that he was Sovereign in his Kingdoms even in Ecclesiastical Causes This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years and serv'd to create Divisions among the Catholicks of England of which some maintain'd it lawful and others contrary to their Consciences The Pope joyn'd with the last which was the Party of the Jesuits But there were some English Priests who neither believ'd the Pope nor Jesuits in that point and who exhorted the Catholicks to take that Oath without scruple The King himself writ in defence of his Oath and his Book had the success I have express'd elsewhere In France the Jesuits advanc'd their Affairs with a wonderful facility And tho several Cities refus'd to consent to their Establishment they notwithstanding daily obtain'd new Favours However they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reform'd a Boon By the Treaty of the Reduction of Paris the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allow'd them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues It had been allow'd at Ablon a place a little nearer than that Article mention'd But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day especially in the Winter time It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christned the Reform'd at that time not allowing Baptism to be Administred out of their Assemblies They alledg'd that several Children dy'd by the way which might have been Christned had the place of their Exercise been nearer which reason was capable to move the Catholicks upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism Moreover Foreigners and the Lords of the Court complain'd that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God and to the King in one and the same Day by reason of the great distance to which they were oblig'd to go to make their Devotions which at that time seem'd more inconvenient than ever The Dutchess of Bar's Death having depriv'd them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court which they had enjoy'd whilst she was a live Therefore the Reform'd desir'd to have a place nearer to remedy those inconveniences And the King being desirous to favour them of two places which they had pitch'd upon granted them one which was the Village of Charenton near the Abby of St. Maur within two short Leagues of Paris They obtain'd his Letters Patent for it bearing date the 1st of August by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days The King by the same Letters reserv'd to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be form'd upon that Subject and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to meddle with it That Affair did not pass without difficulty tho it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it viz. the Parisians who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction It was the Lord of Charenton who oppos'd it grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reform'd in Mannors belonging to Catholicks against the Will of the Lords thereof but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council Nevertheless the Successors of the said Lord have renew'd them from time to time as if they had been concern'd at the improvement of their Mannor the Village which of it self was one of the poorest in the Kingdom being grown one of the most considerable and richest by the incredible Trade it occasion'd there every Sunday But notwithstanding all those Oppositions the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion has been continu'd there until the Revocation of the Edict The Rabble was not so easily supprest as that Lord's endeavours Soon after that new Establishment they excited a violent Sedition at St. Anthony's Gate which is the nearest to Charenton against the Reform'd at their coming back from their Temple Tho the Magistrates immediately repair'd thither it was not in their power to remedy it And the consequences might have prov'd of very ill consequence had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there His Presence restor'd Peace and Union into the City and confirm'd the Reform'd in the possession of the favour he had granted them About the same time the King receiv'd the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably which were very large and very material The most considerable Articles were That the Modifications of the Edict made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions might be cut out That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet That the Comissioners already nominated might be oblig'd to execute the Edict in Burgundy in Dauphine and in other places where it had not been done yet That the Charges of their Journey might be allow'd them to remove all pretence of delay That the Ecclesiastical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be exempted That the Restriction of the second might be remov'd which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships That the Poor might be receiv'd into Hospitals and share in the Publick Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants and that they should not be molested upon the account of Religion or otherwise That the Reform'd Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made might not be oblig'd to contribute towards them That in such Places where they had allow'd no Church-yards to the Reform'd they might be allow'd to bury their Dead in the Old Church-yards and that the Ecclesiasticks should not be allow'd to disturb them in the same or to take up the Corps which the Official of Anger the Bishop of Alby and the Cardinal of Sourdis were accus'd to have done to some that had been buri'd above Six some even Eighteen Years That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Reform'd either at their coming back from Divine Service or when they held their Conferences or Synods That Officers might not be allow'd to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces That the Ministers might be allow'd to Visit the Sick and such as were Condemn'd to Dye and that the Priest and other Catholicks should not be allow'd to divert them from their Belief That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities Casting of Bells Reparation of Churches and the like conformably to the Second of the particular Articles which the constraints impos'd by the Judges and the Precipitation of the Syndies render'd of no use even forcing the Reform'd to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins Jesuits and other Ecclesiasticks
the Bishop was the most Zealous Opposer thereof The Jesuit Cotton endeavour'd to lay the blame of it upon the Duke of Sully and to make the King believe that he was the Person who had hinder'd them from entring into that Important City accusing him to have written against them to the Bishop That Prelate who was not their Friend clear'd him from that Aspersion and in order the better to convince the Jesuit of Calumny he sent the King the Letters which Sully had written to him upon that subject Those who have written Cotton the Jesuits Life or rather the Romance which they have intitl'd his Life have mention'd Sully's Accusation by that Jesuit but did not think fit to mention his Justification by the Bishop Nothing can evidence the esteem which the Catholicks themselves who were true Frenchmen had of the probity of that Sect better than what pass'd between some Jesuits and a Canon of Nostredame or our Lady of Paris The Jesuits to honour their Church of La Fleche daily sollicited the King to grant them his Heart to put it there after his Death The Chapter of Nostredame pretended that it was an Ancient Priviledge belonging to that Church to have the keeping of the Kings Hearts Insomuch that the Pretension of the Jesuits met with great oppositions in those Canons who were unwilling to yield them so considerable an advantage During those Contestations a Canon being netled at the Jesuits Impudence ask'd them Cruelly alluding to the Name of that City for which they desir'd that Honour which of the two they desir'd most earnestly to put the King's Heart in La Fleche or to put La Fleche into the King's Heart They often receiv'd such Mortifications but the success of their designs serv'd to comfort them for all and they despis'd the World because they had the Chief of the Council at their Devotion and that the King fear'd them In the Month of February the King answer'd the particular Petition of the Province of Normandy The Reform'd complain'd in the same of several things in which they were disturb'd without regard to the Regulations that had already been made on their behalf They remonstrated particularly that by the absence recusation or illness of the Reform'd Councellors who serv'd in the Court of the Edict it often happen'd that Suits were try'd and none of the Reformed present whereupon they desir'd that one of the two others might take the room of him that was absent They complain'd of the Summons the Councel granted to people who oblig'd them to go to plead in suspected Parliaments That the Lords in whose Mannors Places were allow'd them for the exercise of their Religion disturb'd them in the Possession of the said Places to oblige the Communities to allow them a Vicar Substitute or Deputy which they desir'd to be free from by a Fine once paid That at Roan on Solemn Festivals they only open'd the Wicket of the Gates for them which hinder'd them from assisting at Divine Service That very inconvenient places were allow'd them for Burial the Judges only allowing them in Highways and Dunghils or in Commons distant from all Habitations even which they refus'd to do unless paid for their pains The King granted them upon all these Points favourable answers he order'd that in the absence of the Councellor in waiting in the Court of the Edict the Eldest of the two others should officiate in his stead that no farther Summons should be granted contrary to the Edict and that those that had occasion'd the complaint should be brought before the Council there to be revok'd unless conformable to the Regulations That the Lords should content themselves with an lademnity once paid to be referr'd to expert Persons by the consent of both Parties or Persons nominated for such an Office That the Gates of Roan should be kept open on solemn Days for the convenience of the Reform'd at least those two that lead towards that place which was allow'd them for Divine Service and that the Judges should allow convenient places for Burial in places belonging to the King or Commonalties or otherwise that a place should be bought at the common Cost of the Reform'd and Catholicks which the Judges should be oblig'd to do without Fees and that within the Fortnight mention'd in the 28th and 29th Articles of the Edict of Nantes Nothing of moment pass'd elsewhere besides the National Synod that was held at Rochel The Reform'd had sollicited to obtain it the year before but the King who was afraid of scandalizing the Legat who was coming into France to Baptize the Dauphin in case he should allow the Reform'd to hold a Synod in that Conjuncture they preparing again to speak about Antichrist refus'd to grant it at that time and they were forc'd to have patience and to put off their Synod to the following year Several things were done or propos'd in it which displeas'd the Court and the King omitted no means that Affairs might be determin'd in it to his liking As soon as the Synod was assembled they deputed three of their Members to the King according to their wonted Custom They were order'd chiefly to obtain three things of him The one was to proceed to the Nomination of Two Deputies General in the room of those that had serv'd ever since the Assembly of Chatelleraud 2dly That the time of their Service might be limited to one year And the third That the Reform'd should only Nominate Two Persons to the King which he should do them the favour to accept But the King was positive to the contrary That the said Nomination should not be mention'd the two last not having been long enough imploy'd That the Deputies should serve three years in order not to allow Political Assemblies yearly under pretence of Nominating others That the Reform'd should name Six Persons to the end that he might be the better enabled to chuse such as were agreeable to him Sulli kept the Deputies at Paris as long as was necessary to work upon them after which having dispos'd them to what the Court desir'd he dismiss'd them for the Synod and gave them Letters as written from himself tho' it was really done by the King's Orders In one of the said Letters he endeavour'd to incline the Assembly not to insist upon the Affair of the Deputies General by reason that they should not have time enough to think upon it and that the number of the Members of the Synod was inconsiderable illness having hinder'd some of the Deputies from repairing thither By another Letter apart tho' bearing the same date he gave his Opinion about the Question concerning Antichrist which was to be renew'd in the Synod There were some Provinces the Deputies of which had acquainted the King that they carry'd Memoirs thither upon that subject Sully advis'd them not to disturb the Peace they had so much desir'd by unseasonable proceedings assuring them that the then Pope would use none but
which Vignier had compos'd upon that matter according to the desire of the preceding Synod and committed it to the Examination of the Academy of Saumur in order to have it Printed with the Name of the Author The said Book appear'd soon after Entitul'd The Theatre of Antichrist Among the other effects it produc'd it induc'd Gontier a Jesuit to Preach against the Thirty first Article of the Confession of Faith of the Reform'd which he did before the King in so seditious and so insolent a manner that the King reprimanded him severely for it but lest the Catholicks should accuse him upon that account of favouring the Reform'd and of suffering their Writings to pass unregarded he also suppress'd Vignier's Book The first Incroachment that was made upon the Royalty's belonging to Reform'd Lords was made that Year by a Decree from the Chamber of the Edict of Paris That Decree maintain'd against the Widow of a Lord de Vieille-vigne to whom those Rights belong'd in a certain Parish of which she had the Presentation a Gentleman who usurp'd them for this reason only That he was the only Catholick Gentleman in that Parish and that this Lady professing the Reform'd Religion came never at Church The Advocate General maintain'd the Cause of the Catholick and pretended that no wrong was done to the Lady by the Sentence of which she was appealant because she was only depriv'd of her Rights for the Time being which preserv'd them to her when she should be in a condition to reassume them This Decree was confirm'd by the Opinions of the King's Council and imported that the enjoyment thereof by the Catholick should in no wise prejudice the Lady nor her Successors being qualify'd for the said Priviledges that is being Roman Catholicks The Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers was also incroach'd upon that Year upon pretence that it was abus'd Bordes an Augustine Monk and Giraud a Councellor of Thoulouse were accus'd of an Assassination the Circumstances of which were very odious The Monk sought a shelter in the principal Cities of the Reform'd at Tonsceins Milhau and Nimes and having embrac'd their Religion he desir'd leave to be try'd before the Party-Chamber of Languedoc He affirm'd that the only reason of his being persecuted at Thoulouse was because they had observ'd Sentiments in him contrary to the Catholick Doctrine He alledg'd the usual Cruelty of that Parliament who in abhorrence to his change of Religion would sacrifice him without mercy The thing being heard before the Council of State the King sent back the cognizance thereof to the Parliament of Thoulouse The Reform'd complain'd of that Incroachment upon their Priviledges believing themselves wrong'd every way by the said Decree In case the Monk was accus'd wrongfully it was a piece of Injustice to hinder equitable Judges from taking cognizance of it to refer it to implacable Enemies And if he were guilty they wrong'd the Integrity of the Reform'd Judges to think that they would favour an execrable Assassinate on pretence of his having embrac'd their Doctrine for a Protection But whether the Crime were too well known and the Hypocrisy of the Monk too notorious or whether the Clergy had credit enough to carry it from the Reform'd their Complaints did not hinder the Parliament from having the Case try'd before them and from condemning the Accus'd rigorously But a thing happen'd that Year at La Fleche which comforted them for that small Disgrace the which gave a Lustre to their Fidelity and show'd how much the Catholicks were inclin'd to conspire against the State A Book well bound and guilt was found in the House of an Inhabitant of La Fleche a City where the Jesuits had their chief Residence at one Medor who taught some Children of Quality whose House was scituated near an Inn which had for Sign the Four Winds in a Street of the same Name Half the said Book was written part of it with Blood and abundance of Subscriptions to it written in the same manner The Book was discover'd by a Woman who gave notice of it but that was not a proper time to see every thing And tho the Circumstances might probably have given great suspicion against those that were concern'd in the Book the Inquiries that were made about it were soon stopt I cannot forget neither that Jeannin formerly passicnately in love with Leagues but a man of great sense who was greatly concern'd in Publick Affairs being sent into Holland where the King of France had for a time sent Reform'd Ambassadors he propos'd to the States from the King to have a Toleration for the Catholicks the number of which was considerable in their Provinces He made a very fine Discourse to prove the Justice thereof and it is likely that he spoke his thoughts since we find in his Memoirs a Discourse like it in favour of the Reform'd under the Reign of Lewis the XIII He said that the Catholicks had concurr'd with them for the service of the State at that very time when they were depriv'd both of Liberty and Religion the restitution of which they expected by means of the Peace That no Servitude was so intolerable as that of Conscience That the Provinces had shewn it by their Example having had recourse to Arms to free themselves from that Slavery That the same had been done in other parts of Europe and even in France That God seem'd to have allow'd the happy success of that War to show that Religion was to be taught and persuaded by the Movements which proceed from the Holy Ghost not by force or constraint That the King having found by experience that the means us'd by his Predecessors had only serv'd to augment the Troubles in Religion and in the State endeavour'd to extinguish the Animosities which arise from diversity of Religion by Peace That he had deriv'd considerable Advantages by his moderation for the Reform'd Religion which he allow'd in his Territories and by the observation of his Edicts whereas before they were only granted to be violated that having found the benefit of that Counsel he gave it freely to his Friends That the United Provinces had found the Catholicks in their State when they form'd it for which reason they ought to suffer them there That such Sovereigns as have not found the Two Religious in their Countrey might well refuse to admit that which is not receiv'd there but that it would argue no wisdom to oppose it in case they endanger'd their state by it That the rigour of the Provinces against the Catholicks that were there would be a dangerous Example and would prejudice the Reform'd in such Places where they were weakest that there would be no danger in giving them some Liberty since that if they had been faithful during the War without it they would be so much the more so after having obtain'd it again He afterwards answer'd divers Objections which were partly the same that had been made in France
of Conde that they are sued by several of those who during the Troubles have bought Temporal Estates belonging to the Church requesting that no Actions may be allow'd the Purchasers against them or any of those who by their Command have made the Contracts of the said Sales It is granted to them in his said Majesties Name that all necessary Letters Patent to discharge and indemnify them for the said Sales shall be particularly expedited for them on condition that the money shall be reimburs'd as it is specifi'd in the General Articles of the Edict XXIII His Majesty shall promise and swear to observe and maintain the Edict that shall be made upon the said General Articles and to let those of the said Religion and others that have been ingag'd in their Party injoy the benefit of the same He shall also oblige the Queen his Mother and the Duke of Anjou his Brother to promise and swear to keep and observe the said Edict XXIV The same shall be done by the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde XXV All which Promises and Oaths shall be made in writing sign'd by the Hands and seal'd with the Arms of those that shall make them the which shall be reciprocally put and deliver'd into the hands of his Majesty and of the said King of Navar or such as shall be by them deputed to receive them XXVI The said King of Navar shall be allow'd after the Conclusion of the Peace to send to the Queen of England and to Duke John Casimir to acquaint them therewith and Passes and Convoys shall be given by his Majesty to those that shall be sent thither by the King of Navar. XXVII All such of the said Religion as are still in possession of Benifices shall be oblig'd to resign them within the space of Six Months to Catholicks and those who have promises of Pensions upon the said Benefices dated before the 24th of August 1572. shall be henceforward paid for the same and the payment of the said Pensions continued and those who owe the said Pensions shall be oblig'd to pay the Arrears in case any are due provided they have actually injoy'd the Fruits of the said Benefices excepting the Arrears due in the time of the Troubles XXVIII And as for those who are not of the said Religion yet have follow'd them during the time of the Troubles they shall re-enter into the same Possession and Injoyment of their Benefices as they had before the 24th of August 1572. And those who by private Authority without order or gift from his Majesty have enjoy'd and receiv'd the Fruits of the said Benefices belonging to the abovemention'd shall be oblig'd to return it to them and to resettle them into the same XXIX Upon the Request of those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party to annihilate all the Bonds Notes and Promises made by them together with all Judgments given upon the same against them upon the account of the Imployments Places and Offices resign'd unto them before the last Troubles or since for which they have not been able to obtain Letters Patents by reason of the said Troubles the which said Imployments and Offices have in the mean while been granted to others they also requesting the reimbursement of the Money paid by them for the same either into his Majesty's Exchequer or to the Resigners It has been declar'd That upon their giving his Majesty an account of the particulars of the Cases in question his said Majesty will remedy the same and cause Justice to be done unto them XXX The Officers of Justice shall also decide the particular Debate and Request of the Parties about the Annihilation desir'd by those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party of the Leases made by them of their Estates and Inheritances since the said 24th of August in order to re-enter into the Premises returning the Fines by them receiv'd XXXI His Majesty's Officers in the City of Rochel the Mayor Sheriffs Consuls Common-Council and other Inhabitants of the said City shall be continu'd and maintain'd in their Ancient Rights and Priviledges and shall neither be prosecuted molested or troubled for their Orders Decrees Imprisonments both within and without the City the Execution of their Judgments afterwards as well upon the account of some pretended Enterprizes attempted against the said City in December 1573. as by a Ship call'd the Swallow and the Execution of the Judgments given against those that were on Board of her or for any other Acts whatever of all which they shall be absolutely discharg'd They shall have no other Governor but the Seneschal neither shall any Garison be put into the said City and Government Neither shall any be put into the Cities and Places belonging to the Government of Languedoc except such as had Garisons in the time of the late King Henry XXXII His Majesty shall confirm the Declaration granted by the late King to the Inhabitants of Pamiers professing the said Religion for the Annihilation of the Decrees given for some Excesses committed in the said City in the Month of June 1566. and the said Declaration shall be presented to that end to his said Majesty XXXIII The keeping of Eight hundred men to be paid by his said Majesty has been granted to the said King of Navar and others of the said Religion to put into the Cities that are allow'd them for their safety in which his said Majesty shall not be allow'd to put any Governor or other Garison And he shall also Charge the Governors and Lieutenant-Generals of his Provinces that whenever they shall pass through the same to visit them they shall avoid all occasion of dispute with those of the said Religion XXXIV The said King of Navarre shall present unto his said Majesty those he shall design to employ for the guarding of the said Cities the which shall be employ'd there accordingly by him And in case any of the said persons so employ'd should behave themselves insolently there and abuse their said Office not observing the said Edict of Pacification the said King of Navarre shall be obliged to turn them out and to present others to his said Majesty to be put in their place XXXV The City of St. John d' Angeli shall be left to the Prince of Condé for his Abode during the Time and Term of Six Years until he may effectually enjoy his Government of Picardy in which his Majesty will have him continued XXXVI The said Prince shall promise unto his said Majesty well and faithfully to keep the said City of St. John and at the end of the time abovesaid the same to redeliver together with the Castle into the hands of the person deputed by his Majesty to that end in the same condition it now is without any innovation or alteration and without the least delay or difficulty upon any account whatever Moreover it is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure
That all the Ecclesiasticks shall freely return into the said City perform Divine Service freely and enjoy their Estates together with all the Catholick Inhabitants and the said Prince shall take all the said Ecclesiasticks and other Inhabitants under his Protection and Safeguard to the end that they may not be hindred from performing the said Divine Service molested or troubled in their Persons or in the enjoyment of their Estates but on the contrary restor'd to the full possession of the same XXXVII The said Prince of Condé shall present and nominate unto his said Majesty the Person to whom he shall trust the keeping of the said City to the end that Letters-Patent may be granted him for the same by his said Majesty as it has been done heretofore XXXVIII For the Guard and Safety of the said City shall be allow'd to the said Prince 50 men maintain'd at his Majesty's Charge besides the Dividend the said King of Navarre shall allow him out of the 800 men that are left to him for the Guard of the other Cities his said Majesty willing that the 850 men allow'd as aforesaid to the said King of Navarre and Prince of Condé shall be employed for the Garison of the said Cities as it has been agreed and that they shall be employ'd no where else without express Command from his said Majesty to avoid oppressing of his people and to remove all cause of Jealousie from among his Subjects His said Majesty also meaning that the said 850 men shall be disbanded at the expiration of the Term allow'd and the time of the Restitution of the said Cities XXXIX By the General Articles the City of Montpellier is left in keeping to those of the said Religion for the Retreat and Safety of those of the County of Languedoc but his said Majesty means it in case the said City be still in the hands and in the power of those of the said Religion on the day these Articles shall be granted and sign'd in this City of Bergerac and not otherwise in which case instead of the said City his Majesty shall allow them another of those that are at present within their Power in the said Countrey of Languedoc at their Choice XL. His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors to require and desire for all his Subjects of whatever Religion they be That they may not be troubled as to their Constience nor be liable to the Inquisition in going and coming Negotiating and Trading throughout all Spain Italy and other Foreign Countries Allies and Confederates of this Crown provided they do not offend the Civil Government XLI All Pieces of Ordinance belonging to his said Majesty that have been taken during the present or precedent Troubles shall be immediately restor'd and put into his said Majesty's Magazines except such as are in the Cities given for Surety which shall remain in them an Inventory being made of the same in order to their being restor'd at the Expiration of the aforesaid Term of Six Years XLII Whereas if all that has been done against the Regulations on both sides were indifferently excepted out of the General Pardon there is no man in the Army but might be prosecuted and troubled which might occasion new Troubles it has been thought fit to grant that none but execrable Crimes shall be excepted out of the said General Pardon viz. Ravishments of Women Incendiaries Murthers Robberies committed treacherously and out of private Revenge against the Laws of War Infraction of Passports and Safeguards together with Murthers and Plunders without Command out of consideration to those of the said Religion and others who have been engag'd in the Party of the King of Navarre or the Prince of Condé grounded upon particular occasions that have oblig'd them to command and order it XLIII It shall be ordain'd That whatever shall be taken on either side by way of Hostility or otherwise upon any acconnt whatever proceeding from the present Troubles from and upon the 17th of the present month on which the Articles have been granted agreed upon and sign'd in this City of Bergerac shall be liable to Restitution and Civil Reparation XLIV As for the City of Avignon and Venaissin County his Majesty desiring that the Inhabitants thereof may share and enjoy the fruit of the Peace he hopes to settle in his Kingdom by the assistance of God both out of consideration to our Holy Father the Pope and because the said City and County have always been under the Protection of the Kings his Predecessors and that it is a thing very material towards the establishing of the said Peace in the adjacent Provinces his said Majesty will intreat his said Holiness to allow the Subjects of this Kingdom who have Estates in the said City of Avignon and County as also to the Subjects of the said City and County who are of the said Religion to be restor'd and reestablish'd into the entire and peaceable Injoyments of their Estates which they have been depriv'd of upon the account of the Troubles past and of the said Religion without their being liable to be troubled in the said Possession upon the said account Which being done those who occupy and detain at present in the said Country Cities and Places belonging either to his Holiness or his Subjects shall be oblig'd to deliver them forthwith and without delay into the hands of such as shall be nominated by his said Holiniess for that purpose For the effecting of which the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde shall dispatch a Gentleman on purpose to those that are detainers of the said places to signify the same unto them and to require and order them to obey which in case they refuse to do the said King of Navar and Prince of Conde do promise both in their Names and in the Names of those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party neither to Aid Comfort or Assist them His Majesty also promises That in case after the Restitution and delivery of the said Places in the hands of such as shall be ordered by his said Holiness any of his Majesty's Subjects having Estates in the said Cities and County or of his Holiness's Subjects professing the said Religion should be disturb'd in the injoyment of their said Estates upon the account of the said Religion he will grant them Letters of Mart and Reprisal upon the Estates that are possess'd by the Subjects of the said City and County of Avignâ—n in the Countries under his Obedience which Letters shall be directed to that end to the Judges to whom of Right the Cognizance of such things appertains XLV The Sums that are necessary to be rais'd for the payment of what is due to the * Reisters both for the present and precedent Troubles shall be impos'd equally upon all his Majesty's Subjects And whereas those of the said Religion pretend that the main part of the Money destin'd for the payment of the said Reisters
to facilitate the Execution of the last Edict of Pacification The said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides at the said place of Nerac on the last day of the Month of February last past His Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratify'd the same wills and requires that they shall be put in execution according to their Form and Tenor and to that end that the Letters-Patent and all necessary Dispatches of the same shall be forthwith made and sent Done at Paris on the 14th Day of March 1519. Sign'd Henry And lower De Neufville The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles containing a Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well of the precedent Edicts made upon the same Subjecct even in the Year 1577. as of the Articles agreed on at the Conference held at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament on the 26th of January 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Notwithstanding that since the Agreement and publication of our Edict of pacification made in the year 1577. we have us'd our utmost endeavours for the putting of the same in execution and to oblige our Subjects to follow and observe it even so far as to put the Queen our most honour'd Lady and Mother to the trouble of repairing to the principal Provinces of our Kingdom to remedy and provide against according to her usual prudence the Difficulties and Obstacles which depriv'd our said Subjects of the benefit of our said Edict whereupon follow'd the Articles of the Conferance at Nerac between the said Lady accompany'd with some of the principal Princes of our Blood and Lords of our Privy-Council and our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of our Subjects who profess the pretended Reform'd Religion Yet not having been able to our great regret to avoid the Troubles being renew'd in our Kingdom we have endeavour'd and us'd all the most proper and most agreeable means we have been able to devise to extinguish them and to deliver our said Subjects from the evils of War having to that end by our Letters Patent impow'd our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Anjou to cause our said Edict of pacification to be entirely executed together with the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac Who being since according to our Intention gone into our Country and Dutchy of Guyenne and there having upon the said Subject conferr'd at large with our said Brother the King of Navar and the Deputies of our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform'd Religion there conven'd and assembled The Articles annex'd to these Presents under the Counter Seal of our Chancery were there propos'd Which said Articles being sent to us by our said Brother we having examin'd and consider'd the same out of a singular desire to banish out of our Kingdom the Impieties Extortions and other Accidents occasion'd by the said Troubles to re-establish the Honour and Service of God make way for Justice and to relieve our poor people Have out of our own Inclination full Power and Authority Royal approv'd and ratify'd the said Articles The same do approve and ratifie by these Presents sign'd by our own Hand And it is our will and pleasure that the same shall be follow'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd according to their Form and Tenor in the same manner as our said Edict of pacification Therefore we command and require our Trusty and well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of our Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers to whom it may concern or their Lieutenants to cause the said Articles hereunto as aforesaid annex'd to be read publish'd register'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd in the same manner as our said Edict of Pacification and the Articles granted in the said Conference of Nerac making all those that are concern'd fully and peaceably enjoy and receive the benefit of what is contain'd therein putting a stop to all Troubles and Impediments to the contrary For such is our pleasure and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Blois in the Month of December in the Year of our Lord 1580. and of our Reign the 7th Sign'd Henry And upon the Fold by the King Pinart And seal'd upon Knots of Red and Green Silk with the Great Seal and Green Wax And it is also written upon the Fold of the said Letters Visa Articles propounded and set forth in the Assembly and Conference held at Flex near the City of Sainte-Foy between the Duke of Anjou the King 's only Brother by vertue of the power given unto him by his Majesty and the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion he answering for all the King's Subjects of the said Religion to be presented to his Majesty to be by him if such be his pleasure granted and approv'd And in so doing to put an end to the Troubles and Disorders happen'd in this Kindom since the last Edict of Pacification made in the Month of September 1577. and the Conference held at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. and to restore the King's Subjects in Peace and Vnion under his Obedience and so to provide by a good and speedy execution that henceforward nothing may happen among them to the prejudice of the said Pacification Article I. THAT the said last Edict of Pacification and secret and particular Articles granted with the same together with the Articles of the aforesaid Conference held at Nerac shall be really and in effect observ'd and put in execution in all and every particular which shall hold and stand good not only for the things happen'd during the preceding Troubles but also for such as shall or have happen'd from the time of the said Conference until now and that all the King's Subjects of both Religions shall enjoy the benefit of the Declarations Grants Discharges and General Pardons contain'd in the said Articles Edicts and Conferences for what has been done and committed taken and rais'd on either side during the present Troubles and upon the account thereof as they should have done for what had happen'd during the precedent Troubles excepting what is expresly derogated by the present Articles II. The Articles of the said Edict concerning the re establishment of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion for the celebration of Divine Service in such places where it has been discontinu'd together with the enjoyment and gathering of the Tythes Fruits and Ecclesiastical Revenues shall be entirely executed follow'd and observ'd and those who shall transgress the same shall be rigorously punish'd III. In putting the 1st 2d and 11th Articles of the Edict in execution the King's Attorneys General shall be enjoin'd as well as their Substitutes in
Bayliwicks Seneschalships and other Royal Jurisdictions to inform against and make prosecution in the King's Name against all such who shall move Seditions c. and in publick shall utter Scandalous Expressions or any wise transgress the said Edicts Articles and Conferences in order to have them punish'd according to the Penalties inflicted by the same The which being omitted the said Attorneys and Substitutes shall be responsible for the said Infractions in their own particular Names and depriv'd of their Places without ever being restor'd or re-establish'd to the same And the Bishops and other Ecclesiasticks shall be requir'd to keep and to oblige the Preachers instituted by them to keep and observe the Contents of the said Articles and his Majesty commands the same most expresly to all others who speak in publick on the Penalties contain'd in the Edict IV. In consequence of the 4th 9th and 13th Articles of the said Edict all those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion of what condition or quality soeverare allow'd to be and safely to inhabit in all the Cities and pars of this Kingdom without being disturb'd or prosecuted upon the account of the said Religion under any pretence whatever they behaving themselves according as it is order'd by the aforesaid Articles of the said Edict They shall not be oblig'd to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on the Festival Days on which it is order'd but only shall suffer them to be hung and adorn'd by the Authority of the Officers who belong to those places Neither shall they be oblig'd to contribute towards the Charges for the Reparations of Churches or to admit Exhortations when sick or at the point of Death either by Condemnation of Justice or otherwise from any but those of the said Religion V. The 1st Article of the Conference shall hold and remain in force altho the King's Atorny-General be a Party against the High-Justicers who were in actual possession of the said Justice at the time of the publication of the said Edict VI. In executing the 8 Article of the said Edict those of the said Religion shall nominate unto the King four or five places in every Bayliwick or Seneschalship of the Quality mention'd by the Edict to the end that being inform'd of the convenience or inconvenience thereof his Majesty may chuse one of them there to establish the Exercise of their said Religion or they not proving convenient to provide another for them within a month after the said Nomination which shall be as convenient for them as can be and according to the Tenor of the Edict VII And as to the Burying places of those of the said Religion the Officers belonging to those parts shall be oblig'd within a Fortnight after their being requir'd so to do to provide them convenient places for the said Interments without delays on the penalty of Five Hundred Crowns in their proper and private Names VIII Letters Patent shall be pass'd directed to the Courts of Parliament for the registring and observing of the secret and particular Articles made with the said Edict And as for Marriages and the Differences that shall arise upon the same the Judges Ecclesiastical and Royal together with the aforesaid Chambers shall take cognizance of the same respectively according to the said Articles IX The Taxes and Impositions that shall be laid upon those of the said Religion according as it is express'd in the 3d Article of the said Conference shall be executed all Oppositions or Appeals whatever notwithstanding X. Those of the said Religion shall be allow'd the Exercise thereof in the Cities and places in which it was perform'd on the 17th of September 1577. according to the 7th Article of the said Edict XI The King shall send a Chamber of Justice in the County and Dutchy of Guyenne consisting of two Presidents 14 Councellors a King's Attorney and Advocate persons of worth lovers of peace of Integrity and proper Abilities which shall be chosen by his Majesty and taken out of the Parliaments of this Kingdom and Great Council the List of which shall be communicated to the King of Navar to the end that any of them being suspected Persons it may be lawful to acquaint his Majesty therewith who shall elect others in their room The said Presidents and Counsellors thus ordain'd shall take cognizance of and judge all Causes Processes Differences and Transgressions of the Edict of Pacification the Cognizance and Jurisdiction of which has been by the said Edict referr'd to the Chamber compos'd by the same They shall serve two whole Years in the said Country and shall remove their place and Sessions through the Seneschalships of the same every six Months in order to purge the Provinces and to administer Justice to every one upon the spot Nevertheless it has been agreed that by the establishment of the said Chamber those of the said pretended reform'd Religion shall not be depriv'd of the priviledge and benefit which is granted them by the said Edict by the establishment of the Tripartite Chamber ordain'd by the same The Presidents and Councellors of which being of the said Religion shall remain united and incorporate in the Court of the Parliament of Bourdeaux according to their erection there to serve to hold a Rank and sit from the very day they have been receiv'd there and shall enjoy all the Honours Authorities Preheminences Rights Profits and Prerogatives as the other Presidents and Counsellors of the said Court. And as for the Provinces of Languedoc and Dauphine the Chambers that have been appointed for them by the Edict shall be establish'd and constituted there according as it is specifi'd in the same and by the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac And the next sitting of that of Languedoc shall be in the City of And that of Dauphine shall be establish'd according to what has been heretofore ordain'd XII The said Presidents Counsellors and Officers of the said Chamber shall be oblig'd to repair forthwith to the places appointed for their Sessions there to exercise their Office on pain of losing their said Offices and to serve actually and reside in the said Chambers without departing or absenting from thence without leave registred from the said Chambers which shall be judge in the Assembly upon the Causes of the Ordinance And the said Catholick Presidents Counsellors and Officers shall be continu'd there as long as can be and as the King shall judge it necessary for his Service and for the Publick Good And in licensing the one others shall be put in their places before their departure XIII All Sovereign and other Courts of this Kingdom are forbidden to take cognizance and judge Processes either civil or criminal in which those of the said Religion are concern'd until the Day on which the said Chambers shall sit or afterwards on pain of nullity Charges Damages and interest of the Parties unless they shall proceed voluntarily in the said Courts according to the 26 Article of the
shall answer in their own and private Names for all the Infractions that shall be made of the said Edict for want of punishing of the Infractors both in a Civil and Corporal manner according to the nature of the Offence XLVI And for the remainder of what is contain'd and ordain'd by the said Edicts Conferences and Articles it shall be executed and observ'd in every particular according to its Form and Tenor. Done at Flex near Sancte Foy the 26th Day of November 1580. Thus sign'd by the Duke of Anjou the King's Brother with his own hand Francis And by the King of Navar 's own hand Henry XLVII Since the signing of the Articles at Flex on the 26th of the last Month it has been agreed between the said Duke of Anjou and the King of Navar and those of the pretended Reform'd Religion that instead of the City and Castle of La Reolle mention'd in the 31st of the said Articles the Cities of Figeac in Quercy and Monsegur in Bazadois shall be left to the King of Navar and those of the said Religion for the surety of their Persons and shall keep them during the time that is remaining of six years granted by the Edict of Peace on the same account as the other Cities have been left to them And for the surety of the said Cities the King shall maintain for the said King of Navar two Companies of Foot each consisting of fifty men over and above the number of the other Garisons granted by the Secret Articles And good and valuable assignations shall be given for the maintenance of the said Garisons and the said City and Castles of La Reolle restor'd in the same condition as the other Cities not given in guard The whole according to the King's pleasure Dene at Coutras on the 16th Day of December 1580. Thus sign'd with the own hand of the Duke of Anjou Brother to the King Francis And the said own hand of the King of Navar. Henry The King having seen and maturely consider'd word by word the intire Contents in these present Articles propos'd in the Conference held between the Duke of Anjou his only Brother at Flex and Coutrax the King of Navar and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion who were assembled there to facilitate the execution of the last Edict of Pacification the said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides in the said places of Flex and Courtras his Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratifi'd them wills and requires them to be observ'd and executed according to their Form and Tenor and that the Patents and Dispatches that are necessary be immediately made and sent Done at Blois the 25th Day of December 1580. Thus Sign'd Henry And underneath Pinart Read Publish'd and Registred Heard by and thereunto Consenting the King's Attorny-General in consequence of the other Letters concerning the Case of the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom heretofore Publish'd and Registred at Paris in Parliament the 26th day of January in the year 1581. Thus Sign'd Du Tillet The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom Given at Nantes in the Month of April 1598. and Published in Parliament the 15th of February 1599. Together with the Particular Articles interven'd upon the same also verifi'd in Parliament HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Navar to all those present and others to come Greeting Among those infinite Graces it has pleas'd Almighty God to impart unto us the greatest and most remarkable is To have given us the Constancy Virtue and Force not to sink under the horrible Troubles Confusions and Disorders which were on foot at our coming to the Crown of this Kingdom which was divided into so many Parts and Factions that that which was the most lawful was almost the least and yet nevertheless to have born up so stifly against that Storm as in the end to have overcome it and to be now entred into the Haven of Safety and Repose of this State The absolute Glory whereof be ascribed to him alone and to us the Favour and Obligation in that he was pleas'd to make use of our Labour for the performance of so good a Work in which it has been visible to the whole World that we have over and above the discharge of our Duty and Power done something further which perhaps at another time would not have been so agreeable to our Dignity which we have not been scrupulous to expose to that end since we have so often and so freely expos'd our own Life for the same And in this great Concurrency of such Weighty and such Perilous Affairs which could not be compos'd at one and the same time We have been oblig'd to follow this order first to undertake such as could not be determin'd otherwise than by Force and to defer and suspend for a time such as were and could be treated by Reason and Justice Such as the General Differences among our good Subjects and the Particular Grievances of the soundest part of the State which in our Opinion will be more easily cur'd after having remov'd the principal Cause thereof which was the Continuation of the Civil War Which having by the Grace of God succesfully ended and Arms and Hostilities being quite laid aside throughout our Kingdom We hope for as favourable a Success in the other Affairs that still remain uncompos'd and that thereby we shall obtain the Establishment of a good Peace and quiet Repose which has ever been the aim of all our Wishes and Intentions and the only Prize we look for after so many Toils and Hardships wherein we have pass'd the course of our Life Among those Affairs we were oblig'd to delay one of the chief has been the Complaints we have receiv'd from several of our Catholick Provinces and Cities in that the Exercise of the Catholick Religion was not universally re-establish'd there according to the Edicts heretofore made for the Pacification of the Troubles upon the account of Religion As also the Supplications and Remonstraces that have been made to us by our Subjects of the Pretended Reform'd Religion both upon the unperformance of what is granted them by the said Edicts and their desire of having some Additions made thereunto for the Exercise of their said Religion the Liberty of their Consciences and the Surety of their Persons and Fortunes pretending just Causes of new and greater Apprehensions by reason of the last Troubles and Commotions the chief Pretence and Foundation of which was their Ruin All which not to overcharge our selves with too much business at one instant as also because the Terror of Arms does not suit with establishing of Laws tho never so good we have still defer'd from time to time to make provision for and take care of But now since it has pleas'd God to give a beginning to our injoying of some Repose and Tranquility We esteem that we cannot imploy it better than in applying
in some other adjacent Countries as by their Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws they are appointed and as by the Supreme Power of the Right Honourable the Senate of Zurick they are authorized with the Orders of that Church Published with the Approbation of several Bishops Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE TO THE First Volume A. ABsolution of the King the pope rigorous Pag. 136. desir'd by the King 166. the Pope's high pretensions 167 Accommodation of Religion propos'd 10 Alva Duke of his bloody advice 38 Alenson Duke of Protector of the Reformed 44. he retires from Court 45 Alliance with Spain Sentiments thereupon 440 Amboise the Enterprize what it was 23 359 Amience 139. surpriz'd 224. and the effects of it 235 d'Amours Chaplain to Henry IV. 74 Amiral de Chastillon in great favor with the Queen 32. accus'd for the death of Guise 34. impeacht for the same 36. attackt by Calumnies 38. reconcil'd with the Guises 39 he re-establishes his Party 40. the Catholics resolve to destroy him by treachery 40. wounded 42 d'Andelot his Courage 18. dies 40 St. André President signal for his Cruelties 21. assassinated Pag. 22 Annexes their anciént use 38. what they are 306 Antichrist the Pope so call'd by du Plessis 309. the Question about Antichrist discuss'd in the Synod of Gap 455. so inserted in the Confession of Faith 457. Question renewed about Antichrist 427 Appeals of the Orders 423 Armand Jesuite order'd to come to Paris 454 Army the King's disbands of it self 60 Artifices of the Queen dazle the Admiral 32 39. incredible Artifices of the Court 41. of the Catholics to gain the King 106. continued to shake the King's Conscience 112. Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing the King 129. and to hinder him from satisfying 'em 131. of the Court to corrupt the Ministers 134. to per suade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde 176. Artifices of the Court to gain the Reformed 303. Artifices of Perron against du Plessis 405. Artifices of the Catholics to incense the King against the Reformed 443. to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion 414 to renew the Civil War Pag. 440 Assembly at Melun 72. at Gergeau 433. at Milhau 44. at St. Foy 133 145 157. permitted by the King 424. at Loudun 205. commanded to separate 209. the Effects of it 210 211. remov'd to Vendosme 218. returns to Saumur 224 Assembly General at Saumur 162 164 c. remov'd to Chastelleraud 230 again assembled 423 Assembly another permitted at St. Foy 133. A General Assembly at St. Foy 434. Complaints there made 436 c. which remain'd a long time in the hands of the Council 442 Assembly General at Chastelleraud 230. they beg the Intercession of England and the United Provinces 239. alarm'd by the King's march into Britany 268. Complaints of the alterations made in the Edict 238. particular Complaints exhibited 340 Assembly General at Chastelleraud 477. redoubles the Suspicions of the Court 482. Affairs to be there handl'd ib. suffers Bouillon's places to be taken from him 411 Assemblies Politic du Plessis Sentiments of 'em 78 456 410 Assemblies at Paris 17 16 Assemblies of the Clergy at Paris 436. at Mantes 79. at Chartres 102. favors the third Party 103 412 Aubespine Inventer of the Gag his lamentable death 15 Aubigne 411 B. BAilliage second place in the Balliage allow'd for free exercise Pag. 219. places of Bailliage freed from being places of exercise 421. a second place in each Bayliwick no new thing 275. the second place deny'd 452 Baptism forc'd 254 Bar Dutchess of Vide Madame Battel of Dreux 34. Moncontour 40. Arques 61. Courtras 50. Yvri 74. of which they lose the fruit St. Quintin 16 Battus the Fraternity of 'em 441 Bearn a Revolution there 35. they introduce the Reformed Religion into the Country of Gex 415 Bellujon 409 Beraud a famous Minister and one of the Deputies of the Assembly at Chatelleraud 326 Berquin Lewis 9. Bettier's warmth 323. rebuk'd by the King 324 Beza accus'd for the death of Guise 34. call'd Father by the King 415 Biron Marshal 76 432. he demands the Soveraignty of Perigord 55. concern'd in Conspiracies 432. his death 444 Bishops of France favour the Reformation 8 Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed 243 c. Reflections upon this Book 264. a Book found at la Fleche 444 Books sought for in Booksellers houses 252 437 Bordes a Monk accus'd of Assassination 443 Bonillon Duke of his Character 143. 145. presses the War ' against Spain 181. sent to Queen Elizabeth ibid. opposes the Queen of Englands Mediation ibid. he will not trust the Kings generosity 200. Duke of Bouillon 226. raises Souldiers for the King 234. exasperated 265. His Disgrace 444. His intreagues against the Court 481. his Places taken from him 411. he makes his Peace 516. King afraid the Protestants would take him for their Protector 477 Bourbon Antony King of Navarr his Inconstancy 31. dyes of a wound 34 du Bourg a Counsellor of Parliament condemned to be Burnt 22. Breaches of the Edict 452 Brevet for keeping the Hostage Cities 411. Brevet brought to the King for the nomination of Deputies 429. Breef from the Pope to the Clergy presented by Cardinal Joyeuse 437. Brevet for 45000 Crowns for payment of Ministers 528. for the Reformed to continue their places four years longer 411. another of the same day for a year more ibid. Brisonet his Inconstancy 8. Brochard Baron 432. 433. Bull of Gregory XV. 79 Bulls obtain'd to support the War against the Hereticks 40 Burying places rigorous upon 'em in reference to the Reformed 111. Difficulties concerning 'em 277. the affair of Burying places refer'd to Commissioners 345. 421. C. CAball of which the Reformed are rendred suspected 200 Cabrieres Affairs there 14 Caheirs or Papers delivered in by the Reformed 340. answered 342. answer'd 428. presented to the King 434. answered 435. much larger at Sre Foy 436. full of complaints ibid. and 437. c. Calumnies cast upon the Reformed 355. Calumny against Rochel refuted 455. Calvin 11 du Frene Canaye 404 Capuchin his Tricks upon the Birth of the Dauphin 431 Capuchins conspire against the Life of Hen IV. 314. a Mission of Capuchins sent into Piemont by the Duke of Savoy 314 Cardinal de Chatillon marrys and despises the Popes Censures 35. his end ibid. the Process of his Widow c. 478. de Joyeuse 206. justifies the King to the Pope 333 de Soudis 438 of Vendome 100 Casaubon 404 Catherine de Medicis vid. Katherine Catholics their persidiousness at Court 46. Catholick Nobles 56. Catholick Lords their various affections 59. Catholick Royalists their different dispositions to a Peace in Religion 69. their Infidelity 71. their Passion 76. their Affronts put upon the Reformed 128. their suggestions to the King 183 Cavils of the Proctor General 161 Cayer a famous Minister 113. Chambers Burning 21 Chambers supprest 18 Chambers half one half
t'other or Miâ—â—â—â—â— 281. at Guien 329. Articles concerning 'em 438 Chambers of the Edict 327. at Roven 328 Chamier a famous Minister 229 456 Chancellor de l' Hospital 44 Charenton the Reformed of Paris obtain the exercise of their Religion there 420 Charles I. of England his Character 452 Charges or Employments 283. Articles concerning 'em 440 Charles IX 28. his profound dissimulation 44. his death 44. Charpenter his character 42 Chartres Bishop of 118 Chartreux See Conspiracy Chastillon See Amiral Death of his Grand-child 430 Cardinal Chastillions Widow her Suite 478 Chauvel a famous Minister 456 Children 131 254 Churchyards see Sepultures Clear-sighted and fools of that Synod 428 Clement VIII Pope his false Moderaration 460 Clergy their proposuions to the King 104 Clergy their great Credit 14. their Propositions 104. their Intreagues 203. oppose the Verification of the Edict 323. their obstinacy 327. their Maxim about the Question of the Regale 393. they raise difficulties about the Conference between du Plessis and Perron 397. the Clergy make their Remonstrances 390. they obtain several favourable Regulations 415. their demands reduc'd to six Articles in the business of the Rochellois 417. sollicit a Fund for payment of Pensions to Ministers changing their Religion 437. refuse a Conference about the Kings Conversion 118. a kind Article granted 'em 415. Clerk John burnt at Metz 8 Coligni's their Power 19. 20 Colledges of the Protestants their Estalishment obstructed 255. not permited to admit Regents and Schollars 437 Colledges Protestant Immunities demanded for 'em 435 Colloquie or Classis 306 Colloquie of Poyssie 30 Commissioners appointed to draw up an Edict 109 The Kings at the Assembly of Laudun 217. 218 221 For execution of the Edict 345. 417. their Exactness 419 For the Conference at Fontain Bleau appointed by the King 401. alter'd by the King 403 Commelet the Jesuit his Impudence 319 Conde Prince of Conde Imprison'd 28. acquited 29. prest by the Queen to take Arms in her defence 32. makes new complaints 38. he betakes himself again to Arms 39. an attempt to surprize him which he escapes 40. kill'd at Bassac near Jarnac ibid. Prince of Conde Son runs a great Risco 42. he escapes into Germany 44. refuses to acknowledge the States 47. his death 50. and his Wife accus'd for the Fact ibid. Prince of Conde Son born 50. in the hands of Trimanille 110. out of the hands of the Reformed 159 c. his flight into Flanders 447 Conde Princess 174. c. Condemn'd and sick the Reformed forbid to comfort 'em 252 Conference at Nerac 47. 131 111. at Poissy 30. at Flex 48. ibid. at St. Bris 50 Between Villeroy and de Plessis fruitless 107. between du Plessis and Perron granted 397. almost broke off 403. quite broken of 409. the sequel of it 410 Conference formal 109 Conference in shew 117 Conferences set 118 With Cotton the Jesuit 434. 445 Conference engag'd to maintain the Doctrine of the Reformed Religion 119 Conferences in reference to the Kings Sister 316 Conferences of the Reformed forc'd Conspiracies of Barriere against the Life of the King 135. of Chastell and the Jesuites vid. H. IV. Capuchins and Chartreux 314. of M. Biron 444. Powder-Plot 448. General against the Reformed 41. of the Spaniards against the Queen of Navarr 37. against the Chiefs of the Protestants 48 Conversion of the King 119 Conversions Alamode 435 Cotton Jesuite order'd to come to Paris 454. 455 463. wounded 464. he propounds questions to the Divil ibid. made the Kings Confessor 464. his Question about the Preservation of Geneva from the D. of Savoy 465. he blames the D. of Sully 425. made Tutour to the Dauphine 437. Confessor to the King 464. Council General created 150 Croakers dissipated 154 Croisade design'd against the Reformed 432 Cruelties in France against the Protestants 15. 16 20. Cruelty of the Court 24. of Monluc and des Adrets 33. committed at Rome 171. D. DAnet Bishop of Lavaur present at the Council of Trent 12 Dauphin his Birth 431. la Riviere s Prediction upon it 431 Declaration project of a Declaration for procuring the Peace of the Protestants 75. rejected 77. given at Germans 159. infavour of the Protestants 100 two Declaratious put forth 99 Demoniac pretended 346. the Issue of it 374. c. Deputies of the Church on their way to Nantes c. 125. of the Assembly Saumur attended the King 180. their discontents 182. order'd to meet the King at Chartres 128. Deputies general 425. amus'd at Court 154. difficulties in their Institution 426. frequent Deputies permitted at Court and frequent changes in the manner of naming 'em 427. present Papers and Complaints to the King 476. the augmentation of their Number not lik'd 409. Deputies from Chastelleraud caress'd at Court 413. demanded of the King by the Syof Rochel 427. gain'd at Court 428 E. EDict of Chasteaubriant 12. 19 Edict of Amboise 34 Of Toleration Of January 32. confirm'd 33. restor'd without restriction 39 Edict of Peace 35. Another for revocation of the former Another which deprives the Reformed of their Emploments 40 In favour of those that desir'd to live at Peace 39. pretended only ibid. Of 1577. or of Poitiers 47. 76 77. verifi'd in the Parliament of Rouen 219. the difficulties upon it favourably taken off 420 Edict of Vnion against the Rformed 50. Of Nantes 80. cavils about the verification of it ibid. At Traverci 202 Of Nantes concluded 269. the difficulties that arose upon every Article 270. the several demands that occasioned the delays of it 271. c. secret and particular Heads added to it 292. collateral promises by private Patents to strengthen it 293. c. sentiments of the Reformed upon it 303. why the Reformed were contented with the Edict 307. difficulties about the verification of it 321 verifi'd and Registr'd 329. Questions upon the Nature of the new Edict 363. the Benefit of it ib. the Justice of it 369. Grants nothing to the Reformed c. 372. what is granted by it does no body harm 374. it ought to be irrevocable 375. the Edict of Nantes a Treaty 381. objections against the Edict answer'd 396. the execution of it 417 In favour of the D. of Manenne 203. Edict for Bearne touching Religion 337. Obtain'd by the Clergy 415 In favour of the Moors 446 Edicts severe against Lutherans 12 Confirming the Treaty of Amboise 36 For reducing the Leaguers intended but goes not forward 130. c. Elizabeth Queen of England desires an Article in favour of the Reformed 181. Her death 450. Enterprize of Monceaux 39 Epernon Duke of quits the Army 60 Etampes Dutchess of favours the Reformation and Embraces it 9 Etrees Gabriele 166 Evocations eluded 259 Exercises of Religion hindred 250. the Limits of 'em 420. publick exercise of Religion obstructed 247 Places for free exercise of Religion 305 F. FActions the two great Factions of France their Original 18. France divided into three Factions 43. Council of France divided into two Factions 45.
Factions raigning in the League Kings party 69. Factions new in France 481 New Factions in France 481 Ferrier a famous Minister 455 456. his Character ibid. teaches the Pope to be Antichrist 455 Fevre a Protestant Minister 8 Fleche the Quibble about it concerning the King's heart 425 Formularie refus'd by the King 119. another sent in the King's Name to the Pope 120 Foreigners call'd into France 34. and the English let into Havre de Grace ibid. Foreign Ministers admitted into the City of Rochel 431 Francis I. enclin'd to favour the Reformation 9. enrag'd against the Protestants 12. refuses to read Calvin's Dedication 11. publishes an Edict against the Lutherans 12. his death 13 Francis II. 20. the state of the Court in his time ibid. his sudden death 28 G. GAbriela d'Estrees Henry IV's Mistress 166 Gagg invented 15 Garisons of the Reformed retrench'd 213. the Consequences 214 286 287. the payment of 'em 290. Garisons or places which the Reformed had in their keeping 298. lost by the Reformed 4â—5 Geneva the Ministers of Geneva pay their Respects to Henry IV. 414. the King's Civility to the City 415 Gex state of the Country of Gex 415 416. the Country of Gex solicits the confirmation of their Regulations c. 477 Gigord a Minister of some Repute scandalized by Cotton 435 Giraud a Counsellor of Tholouse accus'd of Assassination 443 Gonzier a Jesuit his impudent Preaching before the King 442 Governors of places reformed upon the Frontiers of Italy 416 Gratification 371 Gratifications and Promises 412 Guise Duke of his resentment against the Admiral 34. kill'd at the Siege of Orleance ib. Guise Duke of the Son his boldness 49 50 51. forces the King from Paris 50. his death and that of the Cardinals 51 H. HArangues of the Clergy 321. their Character ibid. their common stile 412 Harangue of the Reformed Deputies at Folembray 201. Harangues of the Deputies 321 Havre de Grace retaken from the English 36 Henry VIII of England 9 Henry II. of France persecutes the Protestants 13. protests against removal of the Council back to Trent 13. his death 19 Henry of Valois elected King of Poland He returns into France 44. he makes peace with the King of Navarre 46. he renews the War against the King of Navarre 49. he swears a second time to the Edict of Vnion 51. extremity of his affairs ibid. he makes a Truce with the Reformed 52. lays Siege to Paris ib. assassin'd ibid. Henry of Bourbon King of Navarre runs a great Riseo 42. he retires from Court and his good Omen 45. he disclaims what he had done for fear of death He receives the Addresses of the States 47. he upbraids Henry III. 49. his Appeal against Sixtus Quintus ibid. meets with great difficulties 54. his uncertainty 58. his resolutions upon the Conditions propos'd by the Catholics 59. offended at the Proposals for another Protector 66. he writes a Letter with his own hand upon the same Subject 67. his dissimulation 115. his conversion 119. wounded in the mouth by Chastell 156. his Sentiments of the Assemblies 158. his Proctors unfaithful 169. Articles of Penitence 170. complain'd of by the Reformed 171. his coldness to the Reformed 183. his Wishes 186. his Perplexities and Distress 226 227. he alters his Language to the Reformed upon the taking of Amience 265. his remarkable words 322. Another remarkable Saying of his 326. his Expedition into Savoy 414. he calls Beza Father 415. his Civilities to Geneva ibid. his exchange for the Marquisate of Saluces ibid. his favourable and equitable mind toward the Reformed 442. his Severity to the City of Rochel 445. offended about the business of Antichrist 458. he strives to hinder the Article about Antichrist but cannot 459. he answers the Papers of the Reformed favourably 476. he talks openly of making War against Marshal de Bouillon 482. he deals doubly with the Jesuits 424. he refuses the Nomination of Deputies 433. his domestic vexations 439. his formidable power 448. his designs in his latter end conjectur'd at 449. he causes the Queen to be crown'd 450. his mild Answers to the Reformed 476. assassinated ibid. Huguenots the derivatiâ—â—â—f the word 25. I. JAmes Stuart King of Scotland his weakness 449. he would not suffer mourning for Queen Elizabeth 450. his Character 451. his Book of the Power of Kings ibid. Jane Queen of Navarre Conspiracy against her 37. dyes poyson'd 42 Jannin advises the King of the third Party 103 Jannin Minister of State his discourse about Liberty of Conscience 444 Jesuits setled at Paris 30. they creep into favour 140. their establishment sollicited 313. their boldness and credit ibid. Reasons why the King favor'd 'em 315 Jesuits recall'd into France 453. the Conditions of their Reâ—oration 462. Satyrs against it 463. they advance their Affairs in France 417. solicit the King that his heart may be bury'd at la Fleche 425. their power settl'd in Bearn 441. favour'd highly in France 481. the chief of the Council devoted to 'em and fear'd by the King 425 Images abominable Superstitions toward 'em 21 Infidelities 31 45 48 252 418 452. Injuries 214 248. unpunish'd 436 Injustices 31. 36 37 119 140 175 200 c. 256. Inquisition attempt to bring it into France 27 Inscriptions prejudicial to the Huguenots 476 Instructions of the King the different prospect of 'em 108. vain Ceremonies of 'em 117. of the Prectors contrary 168. new ones given by the King to his Commissioners 238 Interests various at Court 18. political to shake the Kings Conscience 112 Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soisons 177 Intreagues strangely carry'd on in France 235. of Spain in the Court of France 469 Jurisdiction of the Party Chambers encroach'd upon 443 Seigneural Jurisdiction damanded in Episcopal Cities 437 Justice deny'd ibid. K. KAtherine de Medicis 17 20. her double dealing 29 Kings may treat with their Subjects 384 L. LEague Triple between the Pope King of Spain and Guises against the Protestants 33. at Tholouse against the Protestants 36. Guisian League 46 Leagues against the Reformed 442 Leguers boldness 50 Legat in France renews the fears of the Reformed 213 Lesdiguieres his Character 143. his letter to the Assembly of Saumur 227. his Religion 308. recommends Cotten the Jesuit to the King 454. enters into the Vnion of Nantes 413. made a Marshall of France 438. his Fears 470 Letter of St. Germans to the D. of Bouillon 402. of du Plessis to the the King 125 Letters from Q. Elizabeth in behalf of the D. of Bouillon 445. from the Synod of Rochel to the D. of Rohan 429 Liberty of Habitation denyed the Reformed 256 Lorrain Cardinal of his Inconstancy 31. he goes to the Council of Trent 34 M. MAdam the Kings Sister her Marriage sollicited 315. her Constancy 316. the King severe to her 317. the Pope's scruples upon the Match ibid. marry'd without a dispensation 318. advantages the Reformed got by her perseverance 320 her Death 468 Malwin a Foraign Minister called
to Rochel 431 Marriage of Hen. IV. the dissolution of it carry'd on 349. c Of Cardinal de Chatillon 35 Of Ecclesiasticks Marie Brosiere 346 Marie Stuart Q. of France and Scotland 20 Marsac Lewis Martyr'd 15 Mass re-establishd in the Country of Gex 419 Massacre at Vassi 32. at Sens 34. of St. Bartholomew 42. at Chastaigneray 175 Maxim of the Catholick Court 71. of the French Court 71 Mayenne Duke of escapes and relieves the Leaguers 51. pursues the King 61. his Justice 324 Meaux and other Towns reduc'd 138 Melancton invited into France 9. Mercoeur Duke of his pretentions 155. he Treats with the Reformed 237 Merindal vid. Cabrieres Metz. Ministers Protestant 113 Ministers excluded from the general Deputation Ministers of Geneva 414 Ministers Foraign 431 Mirande 433. 436 Mission Dragoons 314 Mistrusts from the Kings change 122 Montgomerie his Death 44 Monks hate the King 313 embrace the Reformed Religion 414 Montmorancy Constable huddles up a Peace at Cateau 18. his Death 39 Montholon his Sentiments of Religion 70 Morvillier Bishop of Orleans 45 Moors hardly us'd in Spain 446 Mouchards 21 Moulin a famous Minister 316 N. KIng of Navar vid. Antony K. of Navar Negotiations three Important ones with the Pope 311. c. Nobility Catholick their various Affections 59 de la Nove Fracis 72. 429 433. 409 Nuncio Popes 99 O. D'O Marquis of his character 56. his saying 141. 147 Occasion of this History 5 Oath requir'd of the Reformed Oath of Vnion renew'd 124. Precautions against the Order of the Holy Ghost and of the Coronation 132. of the Consecration 139. difference touching an Oath referr'd by a Reformed to a Catholick 350. exacted from the Catholicks of England 419 Observations General upon the Edict of Nantes 354 Orange Prince of assassin'd 48 Government of Orange tak'n from Blasons 404 d'Ossat his Testimony of the Reformed 157. Commissioner for the Kings Absolution 167. appeases the Pope 220. he justifies the King to the Pope 333. d'Ossat 434 Outragious Affront committid against the Consecrated Host 414 P. PAncarte what 445 Parabere a Reformed Lord 406 Parliament of Paris Counsellers of it suspected for their Religion 19 Parliament of Paris joyns with the Clergy to oppose the verification of the Edict 224. disgusted at throwing down the Pyramid 401 Parliament of Aix 250 Of Bourdeaux 249. 257 Of Bretagne 350 Of Grenoble 439 Parliaments their Rigour 438 of Tholouse 418 of Tholose and Bourdeaux 437. they uphold the Jesuits 313. of Tours 79. 102 Patriarch threatned to be created in France 155 Peace at Amboise 34. at Chartres 39. Peace with the Reformed a third time 43. Peace as soon broke as made 46. Peace for five years such as it was 48 Peace propos'd between the two Crowns Peace of Religion a new project of Peace for the Protestants 75 Du Perron Author of the 3d. Party 102. ambitious and unfaithful 103 Perron 113. Bishop of Eureux ibid. Commessioner for the Kings absolution 167. accepts du Plessis challenge 397. his foul play to Plessis 399. juggles with Plessis 405. his advantages over du Plessis 407 Progress of his fortune 469. a Cardinals Hat procured for him ibid. Petition particular from the Province of Normandy 425 Petitions of the Reformed favourably receiv'd by the King 421. Petitions answered 441 Philip II. K. of Spain 21 Piles one of the Valiantest of the Protestant Army 111 Placards 11 Places belonging to the Reformed disputed 401 Platform and Design of this History 5 du Plessis Mornai his saying to H. IV. 75 du Plessis Mornai 76 77. his â—â—sire in the Kings behalf 119. his Character 145. he procures the sitting of the Assembly at Saumur 162. useful to the King 224. Presides at Saumur 230 he writes the King a long Letter concerning his change 125. he writes a Treatise of the Eucharist 309. consequences of it ibid. c. it makes a great noise 394. Mortifi'd by the King for writing it 395 he challenges his Accusers 397. fowl play shewd him 399 a snare laid for him 401. more fowl play offer'd him 403. condemn'd in nine Passages 407. he falls sick 409 Politicks a Faction in France their nicknames given 'em by the Synod of Rochel 428 Pope Gregory XIV his Bull of Excommunication 79 The Pope makes overtures of Reconciliation with the King 157. his cunning dealing with the King 185. complains of the verification of the Edict 15 77 200. Poor to participate without distinction of the benefit of Hospitals and Alms 423 Powder Plot 418 Power Arbitrary a Project against it 23 Pragmatic 106 du Prat Cardinal 11 Prayers for the King order'd by the National Synod 146 Preachers seditious 436 476 Precedency disputed by the Parliament of Tholouse 340 Priests refuse to pray for the King 418 Preparations for the King's change 116 Primrose a Foreign Minister 432 Princes of the Blood their Characters and Interests 55 Processions 12 Project of an Edict 130. not had by the Reformed 133 Protector 61 145 Psalms sung publicly 17. prohibited and the Psalm-Book burnt by the Hangman 252 Publication of the Council of Trent 336 337. resolutely deny'd by the King 437 Pyramid erected 156. thrown down 480 Q. Quarters see Annexes R. REflections general and particular upon the Conference of du Plessis c. 408 Reflections upon the Complaints of the Reformed 354 Reformation Interests that oppos'd it 4 5. the beginning causes and progress of it 7. the entrance of it into France ibid. received at Meaux and Bearn 8. Progrss of it in Germany 9. progress of it 19 Reformed not long quiet in France 37. New occasions of Jealousie 38. progress of their Churches 48. they enter into a third War 40. their hopes of Henry III. 54. Reformed their interests after the death of Henry of Valois 56. and their Suspicions 57. flatter themselves about the King's instruction 59. they propose chusing a new Protector 61. what they understood by Protector 63. their jealousies and the grounds of them 65. their dispositions in regard to a peace 72. reasonableness of their demands 76. excluded from employments 110. afraid of the King's reconciliation with the Pope 137. Acts of Injustice done 'em 140 c. declar'd capable of offices 160. testimony concerning their past and present services 168 Reformed why accus'd not to love Monarchy 23. reported to be quite out of Favour with the King and why 200. new Suspicions and Subjects of Complaint 206. their patience 212. a a continuation of their requests 213. the Reformed excus'd 231. they serve the King before Amience 233. put off with new delays 265. they forbear insisting upon several Articles of the Edict 326. in a condition to treat with the King 386. their negligence and their prejudices 418. particular complaints by them made 441. they desire they may not give themselves the name of pretended Reformed 461. a Boon granted to the Reformed 419. strive to discover the designs of the Cabal 475. they fear the King gives too much way to the
Pacification of the Trouble of the Kingdom given at Nantes April 1598 with the particular Articles intervening upon it c. 526 Particular Articles extracted from the General which the King granted to those of the pretended Reformed Religion which the King would not have compris'd in the General Edicts nor in the Edict which was made and fram'd upon those given at Nantes in April last c. 553 A Breviat granted by Hen. the Great to his Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion April 30. 1598. 563 FINIS MARIE R. WILLIAM and MARY by the Grace of God King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faith c. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree Condition and Quality soever within our Kingdoms and Domiminions Greeting Whereas our Trusty and Well-beloved John Dunton Citizen and Stationer of London hath represented unto Us That he is Printing an English Translation out of French of the Edict of Nantes in Four Volumes and that in regard of the great Costs and Charges it hath already been and will be to him he hath humbly besought Us to grant him our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing thereof We are graciously pleased to gratifie him therein and accordingly we do therefore hereby grant unto him the said John Dunton Our Royal License for the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Book for the Term of Fourteen Years from the Date hereof strictly charging prohibiting and forbiding all Our Subjects to Reprint the said Book in whole or in part or to imprint buy vend utter or distribute any Copies or Exemplaries of the same or any part thereof Reprinted beyond the Seas within the said Term without the Consent and Approbation of him the said John Dunton his Executors Administrators or Assigns first had and obtained as they and every of them offending herein will answer the contrary at their Peril whereof the Master Wardens and Company of Stationers of Our City of London the Commissioners and Officers of Our Customs and all other Our Officers and Ministers whom it may concern are to take Notice that due Obedience may be given to Our pleasure herein signified Given at our Court at White-Hall the 30th day of June 1693. in the Fifth Year of Our Reign By Her MAJESTIES Command J. TRENCHARD The SECOND VOLUME OF THE HISTORY Of the Famous Edict of Nantes CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF ALL THE PERSECUTIONS That have been in FRANCE During the Reign of Lewis the XIII Faithfully Extracted from all the Publick and Private Memoirs that could possibly be procured Printed first in French by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Friezland And now Translated into English With Her Majesties Royal Priviledge LONDON Printed for JOHN DUNTON at the Raven in the Poultrey MDCXCIV THE PREFACE OF THE Second Part. WE left the Reform'd at the end of our First Part in a tolerable condition and in a tranquility which settled it self by degrees under the Protection of their King After the hardships of War Infidelitys and Massacres they began to relish the sweets of Peace with assurance by the love of a Prince who had not forgot their Services They thought themselves secure against the Malice of their Enemies and were under no apprehensions for their Consciences or Lives If they retain'd the least doubts or suspicions they only proceeded from a Prudence which consider'd the future and consequently oblig'd them under a King who was favourable towards them to take measures against the designs of another who might perhaps not entertain the same kindness for them This was the Aim of their Assemblies both General and Particular of their Councils of their Synods of their Associations Petitions and Demands All this was lawfu They had had so many dismal proofs of the Maxims of the Church of Rome in respect to those that are declar'd Hereticks by them that they had no reason to confide too much on the appearences of the Peace that Church had granted them They were not ignorant that the Popes had only consented to it because the Catholick Religion did lose considerably by the War and that the Court of Rome finds its account much better in the intrigues of the Cabinet and in the arificies of a fraudulent Policy than in Military Expeditions which they do not understand So that the Reform'd who had learn'd to be wise by an experience of fourscore years could not without relapsing into that ancient simplicity which had done their Fore-fathers so much harm and which their very Enemies had often upbraided them with in an insulting manner neglect to take precautions to secure themselves against the secret snares which the Church of Rome can set with so much Art and prepare at such a Distance Tho the King sometimes gave them causes of distrust yet he was not averse to their Pretentions and had he lived as long as his Constitution and Vigor seem'd to promise he might have put them in a condition which would have oblig'd the Catholicks to cultivate a Peace which they could not have broken without exposing themselves to sustain at least part of the damages of such a Breach It is true that he was stopt sometimes by a political consideration when the Jesuits and the Catholicks of their Party had filled his Head with the dread of a Cabal ever ready to break out ever dispos'd to receive malecontents and to asist them ever Mistress of the Government by reason that by the number of the places of surety and by the credit of the Lords who enter'd into that Vnion it was strong enough whenever Factions should be form'd in the Kingdom to incline the Ballance to that Party they should side with Moreover they told that Prince that it did not consist with his interest to suffer a Confederacy of part of his Subjects amongst themselves for their own preservation as if it had been against his Authority and that it had form'd a state within his Kingdom having Cities of their own Laws Interests and Politicks contrary to the common good of the Kingdom The King who was haughty passionate and jealous of his Grandeur easily suffer'd himself to be deluded by those shadows and at those times let fall words which gave cause to believe that he thought the Reform'd too great too formidable already to grant them any new favours But then those little heats were as soon allaid as they were assum'd His resentments were only lightnings the matter whereof was as soon consum'd as it had taken Fire there neither remain'd the least track of the heat or smoak of it All his anger was evaporated by a Frown and a threatning Word He thought himself sufficiently reveng'd when he had express'd that it was in his Power to take his revenge when ever he pleas'd Those who are well acquainted with the Character of that Prince know that this was his real temper which cannot be look'd upon as a Weakness since the principle of it was
Noble and worthy of a true Hero He lov'd his Subjects and Domestick quiet His love of quiet made him angry when ever he was possess'd with the thoughts that any body design'd to disturb it But his love to his Sujects extinguish'd that Fire as soon as he reflected on the necessity that oblig'd the Reformd to provide for their safety Those that have collected the words which his anger inspir'd him with while his Mind was possess'd with some suspicion ought at the same time to have observ'd that those little flashes were the effect of his Temper the heat of which often dictated words to him which he should have been very sorry any body should have drawn Consequences from His Menial Servants were never surpriz'd at them because they daily found that he was easily appeas'd again without being courted to it and that he often made the first steps of reconciliation towards those that had given him a pretence of anger particularly when they were Friends he had a good opinion of His temper was very different towards the Enemies of the State Without exclaiming against them in words tho he was sometimes guilty of it even when Prudence requir'd the contrary he persisted in the desire and design of bringing them to Reason This shows that he was not naturally inclin'd to refuse the Reform'd such lawful means as were necessary for their safety Only he did not design to leave the Cities of surety perpetually in their Power Neither had they any thoughts of keeping them for ever Perhaps some Lords might have particular designs upon that Subject but the Reform'd in general only insisted upon the keeping of them upon the account that the King being mortal as well as other men he might chance to Dye at a time when the Minority of his Successor might create great Troubles to them So that if they could have kept them untill the Danger of a Minority had been past they would more easily have been inclin'd to restore them to the King since they would have been no longer necessary to them But the very Word of Minority was sufficient to frighten them and their fear was not so ill grounded as to be esteem'd unworthy of Persons of Wit and Courage The weakness of Francis the II. and the Minority of Charles the IX had been so fatal to them by the Authority Catherin de Medicis had thereby Vsurp'd to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood which she exercis'd in a very odious manner That they had a great deal of Reason to dread falling again into the same misfortunes under the Regency of a Princes of the same Name and during the Minority or Weakness of a New King whose Capacity was not known Thus it is apparent that the Reform'd that fear being excepted saw themselves in a state of Peace and Prosperity the perfect settlement of which was the only thing they could desire in order to be happy and had the King liv'd but twelve years longer That time would have been sufficient to remove part of their scruples They would have seen a Dauphin of twenty years of Age capable to Reign himself bred up to all the Maxims and Designs of the King his Father accustom'd to see two Religions among the French Thy would have seen the Edict confirm'd by Possession civil and intestin Peace foster'd by custom between those of different Religions the Catholicks dispos'd by degrees to see them injoy certain liberties in a word the prejudices that had excited so many animosities and Wars against the Reform'd dissipated by habit and repose which would have allay'd the Passions and heart-burnings on all sides But all was alter'd of a sudden by the Kings unexpected Death and that fatal Catastrophe hapning at a a time when the ancient Difidencies and Jealousies were not absolutely stifled added new ones So that we shall now behold the Reform'd entering under that new Reign in a doubtful condition which having held them long in Cruel agitations and incertainties threw them at last into a deplorable Ruin Partly as when a Ship toss'd by the Winds and Billows which drive it against the Rocks having nothing but the courage and skill of her Mariners to defend her against that violence finally sinks on a sudden notwithstanding their resistance and industry by the redoubling of the Storm Therefore we may consider them in this part of the History as well as in the first in three different conditions The first was a preparative to their approaching ruin which all the circumstances of Affairs gave them presages of The History relates the reasons they had to be afraid the divisions of the State and Court and the secret machinations by which their Oppression was contriving by degrees The second was an open declaration of a design to destroy them which proceeded already from the project to the Execution by the speediest tho the most odious means Fraud and Violence The History shews us in this point their Disunion Weakness and Decay The third was a state of Constraint and Seruiâ—ude in which the Oppress'd durst not complain and found themselves reduc'd by their Weakness to look upon it as a favour That they were only cavill'd with instead of being totally ex irpated by Fire and Sword The History also acquaints us how that from the time of their being disarm'd and reduc'd to the mercy of their Enemies if any stop was put to their final destruction it was only in regard that the then state of Affairs both at home and abroad did not permit them to reduce so many thousands of People to the utmost extremity who were able to defend their Lives Thus the Reform'd return'd by degrees into the same condition in which their Fathers had been formerly when they were expos'd to Racks and other Outrages In the first Part of this Work we behold them passing from Oppression to War and from War to Quiet and Prosperity In the second Part we find the Scene alter'd again they fall a new from Prosperity into the Miseries of War and finally from War into an Oppression which Policy only hinder'd their Enemies from pushing to extremity Their Enemies have not been wanting to accuse them of having abus'd that degree of Happiness and Power in which they were at the King's Death and of having occasion'd their own Ruin by Factions and continual Enterprises But nothing can be grosser or more unjust than that Imposture It is true that they endeavour'd to secure themselves when they beheld their good Prince in the Grave The jealousies they had entertain'd before that fatal accident which had been combated by the kindness he often express'd to them reviv'd a new when the reason they had to lay them aside was remov d by his Death and they found themselves reduc'd at that time to that doubtful floating condition which they had endeavour'd to prevent while they could rely on the favour of an equitable Prince Those things seem'd to them more considerable and pressing when they
send Deputies to obtain his favour Threatning while they Intreat Arming while they Implore his Mercy amidst a thousand Terrors by submissions and intreaties executing while they hesitate and are deliberating taking of Places the keeping of which is still allow'd them for some years turning out their Governours violating his own Briefs while they to avoid the reproach of taking Arms with too much precipitation differ to put themselves in a posture of Defence which in a word ruins them half before the War is declar'd against them If to all this you add a world of infidelities committed by the Council of that Prince the constant practice of the Roman Church in what relates to Treaties made with Hereticks Henry the 3d's Declaration the Maxims of which had been inspir'd to that King by the Jesuits who had had the care of his Education that surprisiing Declaration by which Henry the 3d. had acquainted the World that the Reform'd ought never to trust to his Word when ever he made a Peace with them because he would never do it unless it were in order to take his time better and to renew the War again with advantage If I say we add all this and several other considerations that may be drawn out of History it will appear clearly that the Reform'd were more than convinc'd that their Enemies design'd to exterminate them That they kept barely upon the defensive That they were forc'd to take Arms but too late for their preservation That they tarry'd untill the Catholicks proceeded from craft to threatnings and from threatnings to effects before they lost their patience That a Peace was only granted to deceive them That they did not break it neither the first or second time whatever their Enemies say and in a word that they only defended themselves weakly and as it were in going back against a manifest Aggression Their King had at that time evidently renounced the Title of common Father of his Country as well as Henry the 3d. and by enâ—ndeavouring to destroy a numerous and very potent part of his Subjects he had given them a Just occasion to defend themselves The Chatholicks would never have had so much Patience had they foreseen at as great a distance that a Prince design'd I will not say to destroy their Religion and their main Privileges but only to retrench one of their most useless Ceremonies and as I may say to extinguish one of the Tapers of their Alters I will not insist on the secret design of the Court of France to deprive the People in General and without distinction of Religion of the remainder of their Liberty The Potent Cities of their Revenues Privileges Exemptions and Franchises The Nobility of their Lustre and Credit The Parliaments of their Power and Majesty This design was cover'd with the pretence of Religion while the Reform'd had Citys in their Power However the Court express'd it self so clearly about the Case of Rochel that no body could pretend to be Ignorant of the reasons they had to declare a War That City was under Subjection without being a Slave It was in France partly what the Imperial City's are in Germany The King Commanded in it but the Authority of that command was limited by Laws The King had been perswaded not to content himself with that limited Power What they desir'd of the Rochilois was only to renounce acquir'd advantages which had been confirm'd and as it were consecrated by Treaties by Services by Edicts by all that is most holy and most inviolable in humane Right Therefore that City was ruin'd only because they were unwilling to submit to slavery So that the War that was wag'd against it tho useful according to a certain Policy which allows everything Just that succeeds was nevertheless at the bottom the most manifest oppression that ever was heard of as well as that of the Principality of Bearn But I should be too Prolix if I should urge all that could be said to prove that the resistance of that Place and of all the Reform'd was not unlawful As for the third degree in which this History represents the Reform'd I have no long remarks to make upon it The Decay of their Religion appears in it in a thousand wayes Their Enemies begin to quarel with them upon the least Trifles Annexes Synods Books Projects of reunion the Rights of Temples and several other Articles become continual occasions of Debates and Disputes Offices and Trades the exemption of Ministers the Rights of professing their Religion the Liberty of abiding in all parts of the Kingdom become the subject of a thousand Contestations The Respect â—â—e to the misteries of the Roman Religion according to their pretentions expose the Reform'd to a thousand Troubles To all the enterprises of the Clergy to the violence of their Harangues and of their Petitions and to the progress of their designs against them whereby it is easie to judge that their Ruin was Sworn â—he Death of the Cardinal soon after follow'd by the â—ing by a Minority by a weak and wavering Regency by reason of the Ministry of a Stranger not well settled yet prov'd the true reason of their being allow'd some years Respite THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes VOL. II. BOOK I. A Summary of the Contents of the First Book The Court is surpris'd at the Death of the King Precautions us'd to prevent Disorder The Regency is given to the Queen The condition of the Reform'd who are dieaded and are afraid themselves False measures taken by the Duke of Sully He is advis'd to look to himself He is kindly entertaind at Court The Marshal Duke of Bouillon serves the Queen The Edicts confirm'd by a Declaration Remarkable Expressions The free Exercise of Religion confirm'd at Charenton The Reform'd deceiv'd by those Artifices think themselves secure New reasons of Diffidence which awaken them The Vengeance of the King's Death is neglected Impudence of Aubigni and Cotton the Jesuits The Court avoids penetrating into the Causes of the King's Death Prisoners releas'd Suspicions of the most speculative The double Alliance with Spain is resolv'd upon The Marshal of Bouillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde to side with the Reform'd again but in vaâ—n * Cahiers answer'd Disgrace of the Duke of Sully who is remov'd from the Treasury and from the Government of the Bastille He writes to the Queen A General Assembly allow'd for Chatelleraud but put of to Saumur by a new Brief The Marshal de Bouillon gain'd by the Queen Instructions for Provincial Assemblies Excuse of the demands that seem'd to be new Farther Instructions The Assembly of Saumur and the quality of their Deputies In what manner those of Bearn assisted at it Defective Deputations tollerated The Marshal of Bouillons inconstancy about the Presidentship of which the reasons are unknown Du Plessis is Elected President and excuses himself in vain Discontent of the Marshall Duke who reconciles himself in outward appearence with the Duke
expressing their Obedience and in Actions and Deportments which might testifie their Fidelity This praise perhaps was a little too great for an Obedience of a Fortnight's standing but the Commonality is often taken that way They are ingag'd to give what is requir'd of them by supposing it to be given already People are ingag'd in honour and are dispos'd to render themselves worthy of the Praise which flatters them by giving it to them before they have deserv'd it The second was that experience had taught Lewis the 13th's Predecessors that Fury and the Violence of Arms had not only been inefectual to bring those back to the Roman Church that had quitted it but that it had rather prov'd disadvantageous to them which had oblig'd them to apply themselves to mildness by granting the free exercise of the P. R. Religion The third was that the Edict of Nantes had establish'd a firm Peace among the Subjects of both Religions which had never been interrupted since The fourth was that the Edict of Nantes being Perpetual and Irrevocable had no need of being confirm'd by any Declaration It was natural to judge by this Clause that this last Edict was only given to explain the sence and force of the words Perpetual and Irrevocable and that iâ— determin'd the signification of it in the most natural and plainest sence that could be given in the Common dialect We easily believe what we wish besides it is natural to believe that others look upon those things as truths which appear to us certain and undeniable Therefore as the Reform'd look'd upon those four Points as evident truths and did passionately desire that every body might look upon them as such they easily believ'd that the Court had the same thoughts The major part of them suffer'd themselves to be blinded by it and imagin'd that a King who did declare so plainly that his hands were tyed by the Edict of which he became Garantee and Executor in the King his Father's room would never do any thing against those irrevocable and perpetual dispositions Moreover the Court in order the better to heighten the sincerity which they design'd to make a show of publish'd a Brief that same day which confirm'd the favour the Reform'd had receiv'd four years before from the late King by permitting them to perform the exercise of their Religion in the Town of Charenton And to omit nothing that might contribute to deceive the simple Persons were appointed to insinuate among the People that nothing waâ— so proper and so necessary in order to revenge the King's Death which the publick Voice imputed plainly to foreign Intreagues as a good understanding and Peace between the Catholicks and the Reform'd Persons of that Character were not wanting to intrude among the Curious and Idle sort of People who met together to discourse about publick Affairs and they never fail'd to say that it were better to perish than to leave that cruel death unpunish'd Those words mov'd the Reform'd to the very bottom of their Hearts because they imagin'd that all those that were oblig'd to revenge it were induc'd to it by the Principles of Affection which mov'd them By those Artifices those People were brought back again who fled at first out of fear and all the rest were deluded into an assurance of safety and never perceived their Error till it was too late to remedy it The Clergy harrangu'd the King and Queen that year but they only mention'd their own affairs At least it did not appear that they ask'd any thing against the Reform'd whose jealousies they were unwilling to renew Nevertheless they perceiv'd through all those affectations that evil designs were hatching against them and that it behov'd them to seek out better Sureties than the bare promises of the Court They were soon inform'd that a private Council was held there in which none but Italians or Jesuits or old Leaguers or Biggots were admitted that nothing was talk'd of there but the Marriage of the King and of his eldest Sister with the Infanta and Infant of Spain The breaking of ancient Alliances the removing of the Reform'd from all affairs of State The Annihilation of Edicts all which things were suppos'd to be link'd together the one leading of necessity to the other Notice was taken of the abusive answer of Villeroy to Sully in a Council at which the Queen was present and in which they were treating about Expedients for the safety of the State The last oppos'd the putting of a Garrison in Lyons where it was no longer necessary by reason that by the Conquest of Bresse the said City was no longer a Frontier to which Villeroy reply'd that it was nevertheless necessary to keep Forces there because it was in the Neighbourhood of Lesdiguieres and of the Huguenots who were as much to be fear'd as the Spaniards The Reform'd also observed with grief that all the Kings designs were buried with him and that the Council hardly minded the affairs of Cleve and of Juliers for Honour and for form sake The whole project of that War was alter'd and the third part of the Forces the King had design'd for it were not sent thither The Command of the said Army was given to the Marshal de la Chatre tho it had been promis'd to the Marshal de Bouillon which alteration was made at the solicitation of the Pope's Nuncio who was affraid the said War might prove advantagious to the Protestants and that the Reform'd being Commanded by a General of their own Religion would be too severe towards the Catholicks For the same Reason most of the Forces that were rais'd by Lesdiguieres in Dauphine in order to be joyn'd with the Duke of Savoy were disbanded All the hopes that had been conceiv'd of seeing the Kings Death reveng'd vanished in a short time Since that far from going about it with that Vigour that was expected it was observ'd that even those who were oblig'd in duty to prosecute it took care to stifle what ever might be capable to discover the mistery of that Parricide There were so many Instances of the coldness the Court had express'd to revenge the Death of that Prince that it almost form'd a demonstration of a desire to the contrary There seem'd to be a great deal of constraint and study in their Mourning and whereas they affected the contrary of all the Maxims of the late King people presum'd that they were not much concern'd at the Death of a Prince who had put so long a constraint upon their inclinations It was daily observ'd by some words that fell from those who should have been most concern'd at that loss that they did not look upon that accident as a great misfortune and the remembrance of the domestick vexations the King had been so much troubled with in his latter years gave great cause to suspect that those who had occasion'd them had but little regret at his Death The speculative added to
allow'd them out oâ— the 15000 Crowns of augmentation might be assign'd to theâ— upon other Funds and that something more might be allow'd to them to build their Temples The success of the Solicitations which the Deputies oâ— the particular Assemblies had made at Court had been â—â— unfortunate that in order no longer to offend the Court which took no delight in being troubled with Deputies the Synod resolv'd for the future to imploy the Deputies General to the end that their representations being deliver'd to the King by Persons that were agreable to him they might obtain more favourable answers Therefore they charg'd them with a large Cahier and with the Solicitation of such things as they should have demanded at another time by a particular Deputation It is observable that the number of the Reform'd was so considerable at that time in the County of Avignon that they esteem'd themselves strong enough to form a Province a part They desir'd three things of the Synod To be receiv'd in the communion of the Churches of France To make a particular Province without being mixt with those that were adjacent and to be assisted with some Sums â—â— Money to make the said Establishment The Synod â—nted them the first Article referr'd the second to a political Assembly and excused themselves upon the third â—t but that the Synod had some Money good out of the preceeding years but they design'd it for other uses They â—â—ok several Sums out of it to gratifie private persons Among the rest Thomson Minister of La Chataigneraye had a â—ompence given him of three hundred Livers for the Book â—â— which he had given the Title of The Chace of the Roman â—ast and Vignier had a gratification of two thousand Livers for the Theatre of Antichrist which he had writen by â—â—mmand of the National Synod of Rochel This may â—ve to show that the Synod had not alter'd their Sentiments â—ut the matter of Antichrist Soon after the breaking up of the Synod the Court being â—ss'd on several sides to revoke the Declaration which â— made so much noise and being moreover disturb'd aâ—t the troubles that were forming in Saintonge and at Roâ—l which might be attended with ill consequences put â—â— a new Declaration which under pretence of removing Scandal which the preceding had occasion'd did notwithstanding confirm it It suppo'd that the preceding had â—y been granted at the request of some particular Perâ—s who were afraid of being prosecuted for having assisted Assemblies which had been held without leave and for haâ—g been guilty of some suspicious actions as Listing of â—n which had given them some disquiet by reason that â—â—e of them had been inform'd against in the Chambers â—he Edict But whereas some People look'd upon that â—don not so much as a remedy for the fears of those who wisely think they stood in need of it as a desire to lay a â—mish upon the general the King was willing to remove all â—nner of pretence from the disaffected and to satisfie the â—d Subjects who joyn'd the Zeal of their Religion to â—ir obedience and only desir'd to enjoy the benifit of the Edicts in Peace He said that the number of those was much the greatest and comprehended those in it who haâ— most power to help to maintain publick Tranquility Therefore he declar'd by way of Esclaircissement upon the Declation of the 24th of April That he was very well satisfi'd with the Reform'd in general and that for that reason he did forget the faults of particular persons which shoulâ— no wise reflect upon them for the future provided that theâ— kept within the bounds of their Allegiance and of the observation of the Edicts This new Declaration was dated Jully the 11th It waâ— drawn in Terms which at the bottom signifi'd nothing and which showing that the first had been publish'd upon certain informations made on purpose to serve for a pretence to the Act of Grace they had a mind to give reduce it to a particular Pardon in which the generality seem'd noâ— to be concern'd But at the bottom the King not naâ—ing those he was satisfi'd with nor those of whom he conplain'd it remain'd still uncertain and undecided to whom thâ— said Pardon did belong which many and even the greateâ— number of those that had assisted in the Assemblies woulâ— not accept of and consequently they had as much reason to complain of the second Declaration as of the first Moreover the Assemblies remain'd still under condemnation as unlawful and consequently prohibited for the future Therefore that expedient prov'd inefectual and lest the Evil might go farther they were forc'd once more to takâ— it in hand again I have observ'd that the Synod had indeavour'd to grounâ— the right of Particular Assemblies upon the Court 's having receiv'd their Cahiers and given favourable answers to the same The truth is nevertheless as I have said it elsewhere that the Deputies were dismiss'd in a kind of insulting manner and that they had not the satisfaction to bring back those answers They were made to the Cahiers as presented by the Deputies General without looking upon theâ— coming from particular Provinces Three Cahiers were â—us answer'd on the 17th of April The first contain'd several Articles extracted out of the Cahier of Saumur There â—as one among the rest relating to little Schools whereby â—e King was desir'd to remove the restriction of the number mention'd in the Answer to the 18th Article of the Cahierâ—â— â—â— Saumur and that the said Article should no wise prejudice the concession of the Edict which allow'd Reform'd Schollars to be receiv'd without distinction into the publick Colleges There was another which desir'd that the Reform'd Associates which were deprived of a deliberative â—oice by the Answer to the 34th might have it in Judgments in those places where the Reform'd were the strongest they â—ow'd it without contestation to the Catholick Associates â—â—e King did grant the last and as to the preceeding he reverâ—d the restriction in relation to such places in which the Exerâ—e of the Reform'd Religion was allow'd in the Subburbs proâ—ed they were Children belonging to the Town or Subburbs â—â—d he allow'ed the said Schools in the Town it self but he only â—ow'd the Children of the places adjacent to be sent to School â—he Suburbs and he also confirm'd the privilege of sending children to publick Colleges as it was allowed by the Edict The second relating to the Administration of Justice was answer'd the same day and among other things the King confirm'd the preceding Settlements which render'd the chambers of the Edict Judges of their own Jurisdiction and power but he added a word to it which opened a way to â—â—ve the said Concession reducing it to the Settlements made and observ'd So that under colour of granting all he granted nothing since the Reform'd had no need of a new â—â—w for such places in which the old ones were
forbid Provincial Councils for the future To anâ—… the other Articles nevertheless according to the â—en's promise not as being propos'd by that Assemâ—… which was reputed unlawful but as contain'd in a â—…tion presented by the Deputies General before Rouvray's â—hey To publish a new Declaration confirming the â—cts and granting a general Pardon for all those that â—…ld remain within the bounds of theâ— Allâ—giance The 〈…〉 Resolution ended by the project of sending the Marshals of France to perform their Circuit or Progress in thâ—â—â— respective Provinces according as it had been practis'd aâ—ciently and according to the obligation of their said Offâ—â—â— accompanyed with Officers of Justice and Forces to check aâ—â— punish the Guilty and to aid and assist the Good Tâ—â—â— was a threatning resolution which signified properly thâ—â— they would oblige the Duke de Rohan to obey by foâ—â—â— of Arms and punish him like a Rebel if they could caâ—â—â— him Those Circuits or Progresses which were sormâ—â—â— part of the Civil Government of the Kingdom and whiâ—â— were ordain'd to protect the weakest against the strongâ—â—â— and to incourage the oppress'd to complain finding theâ—selves assisted by Law and by the King's forces against 〈◊〉 might of the oppressors had been of no longer continuaâ—â—â— than Liberty They had been suspended for a long time and considering the behaviour of the Court and the Pâ—â—gress of Arbitrary Power it was easie to Judge that thâ—â— would not be re-establish'd or that they would not 〈…〉 in order to administer Justice The Marshal de Bâ—â—illon was to be one of them that it might not seem to 〈◊〉 an affair of Religion The Marshal de Brisac was to 〈◊〉 joyned to him in that Progress and the Forces were to 〈◊〉 divided as well as the Generals But finally whether 〈◊〉 were to Cost a Province or two they were resolv'd 〈◊〉 force the Duke of Rohan to obey and his resistance 〈◊〉 imputed to the mildness of the means that had been â—â—till then in order to reduce him Nothing of all this was put in execution but the Dâ—claration that was publish'd within a week after it whâ—â—â— was the third that appear'd that year It first enlarâ—â—â— upon the endeavours the King had us'd to maintain Pâ—â—â—â— among his Subjects according to the Maxim of the 〈◊〉 King who having granted the Edict of Nantes in ordâ—â— to remove all the fears and jealousies of the Reform'd 〈◊〉 relation to the Liberty of their Persons of their Consciâ—â—ces of their Honours and of their Families had happâ—â—â— govern'd his People in peace by the observation of that â—… of the secret Articles Breefs and Settlements made consequence thereof The King added that his endeaâ—â—s had not hinder'd his Subjects in general and even 〈…〉 Reform'd from entertaining jealousies of each other â—â—ch had induc'd them to augment their Forces to make â—â—ision of Arms to hold Councils and Assemblies which â—ather imputed to an ill grounded fear than to ill â—… having ever found the generality of the Reform'd 〈…〉 affected to his Service He said that the best way to â—â—edy that evil and to avoid the consequences thereof 〈…〉 to observe the Edicts inviolably in order whereunto â—order'd the Edict of Nantes that of the 22d of Mayâ—o â—o The private Articles the Decrees the Regulations 〈…〉 other Letters expedited in consequence thereof for the â—…rpretation of the execution of the Edict to be read and â—…lish'd anew in the Parliaments After which he aboâ—…d all Decrees Acts. or Proceedings and Expeditions â—…de against the Reform'd under any pretence whatever 〈…〉 impos'd a perpetual silence to his Attornies General â—…r Substitutes and all others upon that Subject by reaâ—… that he was of opinion that the infractions committed 〈…〉 the Reform'd only proceeded from slight jealousies and 〈…〉 from ill will and that he was in hopes that for the fuâ—…e they would keep within the bounds of the Edict Fiâ—…y he forbad all manner of Communication of Assemâ—…s the establishing and holding of Provincial Councils â—…ing of men and all actions directly or indirectly contraâ—… to the Edicts on pain of being punished as disturbers of 〈…〉 publick peace This Declaration was publish'd on the 15th of Deâ—…ber The Spirit and Stile of the others appear'd visibly 〈…〉 it which only tended to represent the Reform'd as peoâ—… that were ever ready to take up Arms. Nothing could 〈…〉 of more use to the Court than always to give them the â—…me even of the injustices that were committed anst them The project of their Ruin was built upon â—…t Foundation and the minds of the People had been prepar'd so well upon that Subject by that Policy 〈…〉 even some of the Reform'd blam'd the suspicions and 〈…〉 cast of their Brethren It is from thence that the exclâ—…ors have drawn all the Common Places of their Invectiâ—… Nothing can be more specious in appearence to conviâ—… the Reform'd of having ever had a Turbulent Factiâ—… inclination than to produce Pardons upon Pardons granâ—… to them and to see the prohibition of persevering in the enterprises daily renew'd against them However the juâ—…fication of their Conduct will appear by the Remonstrâ—…ces of the Parliaments and by the Manisestos of the â—… who reproach'd the Queen directly with the inobseâ—…tion of the Edicts But before â— proceed to that we 〈…〉 observe that the Reform'd were sensible of the Policy those Deelarations and that they were loth to recâ—… them by reason that they knew that they concem'd themselves by submitting to them Therefore the Deputies the Circle being come to Rochel on the 25th of 〈…〉 Month according as it had been resolv'd at their separatiâ—… made great difficulties upon the State in which affairs 〈…〉 to them They were neither pleas'd with the Decâ—…on nor yet with the Answers made to the Deputies Genâ—… because they did not find those answers in Writing altogeâ—… conformable to those they had receiv'd a month before 〈…〉 Rouvray in the Queen's Name The prohibition of â—…vincial Councils troubled them more than all the rest 〈…〉 the more the Court seem'd adverse to allow them the 〈…〉 they esteem'd them necessary for their safety Inâ—… that the Deputies General were oblig'd to use their 〈…〉 endeavours to appease them and Du Plessis to do the like which proving ineffectual the City of Rochel was obligd seperate from the rest of the Deputies and to declare 〈…〉 they thought there was no further necessity for the coâ—…nuation of the Assembly But the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 come thither in order to make them alter their reâ—…tions by his presence they were like to come to bloâ—… and to oblige the Body of the City to retract The â—… prevented it by securing the Cantons that could make 〈…〉 the strongest Thus to avoid making War with the â—… the Reform'd were upon the point of waging it â—…st one another and to spare their ancient Enemies trouble to ruin them It is observable that the Mayâ—…nd President of Rochel were
thought necessary for the King's honour who 〈…〉 often declared that he would not allow any to be made 〈…〉 him The Queen looked upon them as Invectives agâ—… her Regency The Marshal d'Ancre as an affront offered 〈…〉 those that envied him The President Jeanin as a reproâ—… of the discipation of the Finances which were not improâ—… in his hands The Dukes d'Guise and de Epernon who wâ—… disatisfied with the-Parliament offered their Services to 〈…〉 King against that venerable Senat. So that all things seemâ—… to conspire to mortifie that Illustrious Body The next day â— Decree was given in the Council in the King 's Naâ—â— which order'd the Decree of the Parliament to be â—… â—…ated as well as their Remonstrances That the Decree â—…ould be taken out of the Registers and that of the Council â—…t in the room of it all this was preceded by very abusive â—…pressions stiling the behavour of the Parliament unlawful which was a treatment they were little us'd to Whitsunâ—…de salling out while the Parliament was deliberating upon affair and afterwards the King's Progress towards Pyrenees spended Peoples minds and made them forget the thing for while but that injury done to the most venerable Body of â—…e Kingdom strengthen'd the Princes Party with a specious â—…etence of complaint and increas'd it by a great number 〈…〉 Malecontents The Marshal de Bouillon labour'd on the other hand to â—…evail with the Reform'd by his Intrigues to joyn with the â—…ince of Conde He flatter'd Rouvray who was one of their â—…st heads and who was one of the Deputies General with â—…e hopes of being sent Ambassador to the Vnited Provinces â—…es Bordes Mercier who had been Deputy General with the â—…omise of a Counsellor's Place in the Parliament Berteville â—…ith the assurance of the General Deputaion which he had â—…ng aspir'd to He blinded all those that hearkned to him â—…ith the expectation of a great Reformation in the Governâ—…ent which would secure the Edicts against the attempts of â—…pain and Italy revenge the King's Death recover the hoâ—…our of the Monarchy against the prevarications of the Clergy amend the lavishness of the Finances and deprive the â—oreigners who were universally hated of their odious authority But his strongest argument to prevail with the majority of the Reform'd was the concequences of the Alliance with Spain and to frighten them with the secret Articles â—…hat were agreed upon Moreover he writ to the Court to â—…how among other things the Reasons they had to dread the â—ffect of those Marriages Jeanin made an Answer to him â—pon that Article which might have satisfied the most difficult if he could have persuaded that there was any sinceâ—…erity in the promises and words of the Court The Laws said he establish'd in France to live in Peace which have been observ'd so long already will make us look with horror on any Couneils that might tend to disturb it Therefore unless some wicked and ill advis'd Subjects occasion a breach the Peace and Tranquility establish'd by the Edicts will last for ever That was very fine if the Reform'd could have believ'd it true But experience made them sensible that there was no trust to be given to promises and that while they were attack'd almost publickly by a thousand Wiles it would have been ridiculous to imagine people did not laugh at them when they preach'd such unlikely things to them So that the Marshal easily found â—…e dispos'd to believe that those discourses were no oracles or that Jeanin did not hold the Maxims of the Court During those Transactions the Reform'd continu'd their sollicitations to have another place granted them instead of Grenoble where they were allow'd to hold a General Assembly While they endeavour'd to obtain another place for sear of not being free there the behaviour of Lesdiguieres gave them a new pretence to refuse it The Husband of Mary Vignon whom he had kept scandalously along while and whom he had made Marchioness de Treffort was killâ—… in such a manner as perswaded every body that Lesdiguieres was the author or accomplice of his Death That new scandal created a horror in the Reform'd who could not resolve to put under the Authority and in the Power of a man capable of such actions a great number of their most confiderable Members who should be oblig'd to pay a thousand respects to a man who was suspected to be guilty of so odious a Crime They were afraid with reason that their Enemies would take an occasion from thence to accuse their Religion of being too indulgent and toremiss in their Morals The Court being willing to gratifie them in that point consented at last that they should hold the Assembly at Gergeâ—… where another had been held in the late King's Reign This place pleas'd them no better than the first Their pretence was that the preceding Assembly had been inconvenienc'd there for want of Lodging but the true reason was that theey thought that place too near Paris and that they were sensible that the Court had pitch`d upon it to keep the Assembly in Awe The Deputies General made new Petitions to obtain a â—…re convenient place and whereas the Court refus'd to â—mply itâ— occasion'd divers imovemerts in the Provinces 〈…〉 which some propos'd to take a more convenient place without relying on the Curtesie of the Court to no purpose They also propos'd a meeting at Montauban there to agree â—…out a place in which the Assembly might neither want Liberâ—… nor Convenience In the interim some extraordinary affairs â—…ling out which oblig'd Lesdiguieres to make a Journey 〈…〉 Court and they expecting to be freer in his absence which 't was thought would be long enough to afford the Asâ—…mbly time to form their resolutions they thought fit to â—…sire Grenoble again and to declare publickly that they â—…ould make use of the Brief they had obtain'd the precedâ—…g year This alteration at first created jealousies in the â—…ourt who could not imagin it to be done without Lesdiguieres having given the Reform'd some secret assurances of not â—…posing them He had shown by the manner of his assistâ—…g the Duke of Savoy against whom the King of Spain made â—…ar that he stood upon his honour some times The Queen â—…d engag'd that Prince in that War and had promis'd by â—esdiguieres to assist him But after the conclusion of the â—arriages she refus'd to execute that Treaty by reason â—…at she was willing in order toplease the King of Spain to â—…rce the Duke of Savoy to makea Peace However Lesdiguieresâ—…ssisted â—…ssisted him notwithstanding the reiterated orders he reâ—…iv'd not to do it and whereas he could not do it in the â—…ing's name who disown'd it he did it in his own The example seem'd to show that tho he was devoted to the Court he knew nevertheless how to disobey when he pleas'd ut after that bold action he made his peace so soon and with so much ease that it
look'd as if the Court had conâ—…ived at it underhand As for the suspicion the Court had of his being ingag'd secretly with the rest of the Reform'd â—…e easily destroyed it He assured the Court of his Services and of his Fidelity and sent Bellujon there on purpose with his Instructions and to receive their Orders He had â—…ong resisted the removal which the Reform'd did sollicit being as desirous to have one of their Assemblies in his poâ—…er as they were fearful of trusting it into his hands Therefore when he found that they desired it of their own accorâ—… he was one of the first that took them at their word aâ—… the Court being satisfied with him gave them a new Briâ—… which allow'd the holding of the Assembly at Grenoble Bâ—… whereas Lesdiguieres presence was more useful to the Coâ—… at Grenoble than elsewhere they put of his Journey to another time The Reform'd being deceiv'd on that side hâ—… no pretence left to go from their word The Deputies â—…pair'd to Grenoble towards the middle of Jully and contraâ—… to all appearences the Prince of Conde's Intrigues prevailâ—… over the credit and cunning of Lesdiguieres But during those Petitions of the Reform'd and the delâ—… of the Court the Clergy as I have already said Assembly at Paris for the renewing of the Contracts they commoâ—… make with the King once in Ten years But whereas they â—…ver give any thing without receiving they did not fail 〈…〉 advance their Enterprises against the Reform'd and to pursâ—… the project of their Ruin which they had form'd in the 〈…〉 states It was with that Intention the Coadjutor of Roans maâ—… a Speech to the King on the 8th of August he represented tâ—… State of the Roman Religion in Bearn to be so dismal and 〈…〉 deplorable that for want of Priests the Catholicks coâ—… not Christen their Children there till they were 20 years 〈…〉 Age and he represented as one of the greatest misfortune that the Ministers were paid there with the Revenues of the Church He said moreover in order to make the Reform'd more odious that the Roman Religion was favour'd moâ—… by the Turks than by the Reform'd of Bearn and those 〈…〉 cities tho plainly disprov'd by the replys of the Reform'd anâ— by the knowledg of all People were disperc'd and receivâ—â— as undeniable Truths He complain'd that the Abby of 〈…〉 Anthony de Viennois had been lately given to a young Secular presented by an Heretick and to move the more pâ—… against that injustice he said that miracles were performâ—… about the Tomb of the late Abbot He also return'd thâ—… King thanks about the reception of the Council of Trâ—… which he had promis'd but he made a little too much haste â—…on that Article It is true that the King had promis'd to â—…blish it but it was prevented by the Troubles that began 〈…〉 break out and perhaps he was glad that one of the Arâ—…es of the Peace of Luudun disingaged his word and hinder'd 〈…〉 from doing what the Kings his Predecessors had constantâ—… refus'd to do Before the end of the same month the Bishop 〈…〉 Beauvais began the same Song over again and made strange â—…licitations about the affair of Bearn complaining that the â—â—tholicks were depriv'd of the use of the Sacraments both 〈…〉 their birth and at their Death for want of Priests to 〈…〉 minister them He was very pressing upon the affair of â—…lhaâ— which happen'd the Winter before and tho the Catholicks had done as much at Belestadt since he desir'd that 〈…〉 compensation might be made of those two affairs Nevertheless the reciprocal sollicitations of the Catholicks and 〈…〉 the Reform'd did not permit those affairs to be seriâ—â—sly dicuss'd Their complaints only produc'd a delegatiâ—… of Judges who neither pleas'd the one nor the other â—…d whose judgment prov'd inefectual The Peace of Louâ—…n abolish'd the remembrance of those two affairs and the â—…e pass'd thus in spight of the Clergy for a compensation 〈…〉 the other In the same Assembly the Clergy who had no success in the â—…nquest of Ministers drew an ample Regulation for the distribution of 30000 Livers which they had design'd for the Pensions of â—…ose that should turn Catholicks and being sincible that the number of those Proselites was as yet too small to employ that little â—…m they consented that untill their zeal had made aâ— greater progress they should give the remainder of the said Sum to others besides Ministers provided it were only given to persons of Meâ—…t It appeares by those Regulations that the Clergy was disaâ—…sfi'd even with those they had corrupted since they took so much â—…re to hinder that Money from falling into ill hands But notwithstanding all that they met with no success in their â—…retended Conversions and even after the affairs of the Reform'd were ruin'd they were forc'd to imploy their Money to â—…ther uses In the mean time the Court had no manner of regard 〈…〉 the People and broke their promises with as little regaâ—â— as if they had design'd to make Malecontents They re-eâ—…blish'd La Paulette or the annual duty they had been obliâ—… to revoke because it had been desir'd with great Earnestreâ—… and the Queen went her self to the Bastille from whence 〈…〉 took 800000 Crowns which were remaining there of 〈…〉 fourteen Millons in ready Money which the Duke of â—…ly had hoarded there by his good management So that it looâ—… as if they had a mind to favour the designs of the Prince 〈…〉 Conde who was preparing to hinder the accomplishment 〈…〉 the Marriages with Spain His Discontents had remov'd him 〈…〉 degrees from the Court and in that Retirement he flattâ—… himself of being powerfully assisted both at home and abâ—… he was in hopes that the King of England and the Vnited Provinces who could not be pleas'd at those Marriages woâ—… assist him powerfully and indeed he had receiv'd great promises of it He expected that the Forces which were beâ—… Useless by the Peace of Savoy lately made and wereupâ—… the Frontiers of Germany would assist him and perhaps 〈…〉 would have prov'd so had he had Money to buy them 〈…〉 every thing fail'd him and he found himself Ingag'd in aâ—… which he could never have got honourably out of had 〈…〉 the Reform'd succor'd him at their own Cost The Queen 〈…〉 secretly prepar'd every thing for the accomplishing of her â—… signs amus'd the Prince with Negotiations and Sent Villâ—… several times to Coussi to confer with him there about 〈…〉 means of an Agreement But during those Treatys they 〈…〉 bauch'd his Creatures from him either by perswading tâ—… that the Prince only design'd to make his own Peace and 〈…〉 it was already far advanc'd or offering them more poâ—… and profitable advantages under her than they could expâ—… under the Prince of Conde Insomuch that many of them â—oâ—… Gratifications or were dazled by Promises They broke 〈…〉 the measures he took with Stangers and
Prince of Condé gave notice to those of his Party to do the like or to send Deputies â—ut he troubled himself no farther with their Interests than was just necessary for the advantage of his own The Marshall de Bouillon found his account in it by reason that the Court was willing to favour him so much as to oblige him not to renew the Troubles The Dukes of Rohan and of Sully got nothing by it Nay the first was neglected â—o that degree that he was not so much as summon'd to appear â—…t the Conference in which he came without being Invited â—hither But it was not long before he show'd the Prince of Condé how sensible he was of that slight The Duke of Sully contributed considerably towards the Conclusion of a Peace and it would have been very difficult to have perswaded the Reform'd to it without him Yet he was never the more favourably us'd for it in what related to his own particular Affairs and he received no manner of favour beyond the General The Reform'd were not mention'd until all the rest were satisfy'd after which the Prince of Condé obtain'd some things for them lest he should seem to farsake them quite after having receiv'd so proper and so necessary a succor from them But the Court did not forget their old Maxim which was to grant them nothing but what they could keep in spite of them and to favour them as little in the rest as possibly could be The Conferences lasted about three Months at Loudun during which time the Assembly of Nimes obtain'd leave of the King to remove to Rochel to be nearer to the place of the Treaty Thus from a Conventicle which was look'd upon as particular disown'd by the rest and unlawful it became a General Authoriz'd Assembly The Prince of Condé fell dangerously sick during these Delays His Illness chang'd the face of Affairs and Projects were forming already of what was fit to be done in case he should die The Queen who seem'd to be most concern'd in that Accident because the Prince was the only Person who could dispute her Authority nevertheleâ—s dreaded the Death of her Enemy because she foresaw that it would break of the Treaty of Peace which would expose her and her Creatures to new Dangers and the State to new Confusions So that the Prince's Recovery was look'd upon on both sides as equally advantageous to all and the fear of his Death had dispos'd every body to put an end to those Tedious Conferences He became more tractable himself while he thought he should Die and thought he was oblig'd in Honour and Duty to end a War before his Death which he had occasion'd He persisted in the same Sentiments after his Recovery being desirous of rest The most difficult having made their Conditions the Assembly of Rochell only remain'd disatisfy'd Sully undertook to prevail with them to receive the Conditions his Majesty was pleas'd to grant them In order to which he repair'd thither with the English Ambassador who joyn'd with him in order thereunto The Assembly was better united than they had been at Nâ—mes And whereas their Resolution of joyning with the Prince of Condé had only been carry'd by two Voices their Opinions prov'd more uniform about the Sureties they thought necessary for the execution of the Treaty of Peace So that Sully's undertaking prov'd pretty difficult Nevertheless he succeeded in it because he omitted nothing that could perswade making use of Reasons of Authority and even of Money which often proves the most convincing of all Arguments He prevail'd with the Assembly to send Ten Deputies to Loudun with a Power to accept the Conditions that had been agreed upon with the King's Commissioners However they only granted them that Power on Condition that they should have leave to continue their Session until the Verification of the Edict were past That the Armies should be actually Disbanded That Tartâ—â— should be restor'd to them which place the Reform'd pretended had been taken from them by Surprize and that Commissioners should be dispatch'd forthwith to put the Edicts in Execution in the Provinces But Sully at his return far from receiving Thanks for his pains was disown'd for having ingag'd so far in the Prince's Name and in order to show that he had done nothing without Authority he was oblig'd to produce his Instructions The Reason of this disavowal was that the Court would not consent to the Continuation of the Assembly after the Conclusion of the Treaty However that difficulty was remov'd by obtaining leave for the Assembly to remain at Rochel until a time prefix'd and that the said delay should be imploy'd by them in the Nomination of Deputies General Sully drew an Instrument upon that Subject which was at first approv'd of by all Parties only altering a few words Moreover the Assembly sent a new Power to their Deputies to Authorize them to approve it After which the King's Commissioners retracted and would alter the Instrument in several things This Game was play'd twice or thrice Sully was disown'd and then own'd again in what he did The Writing was agreed to and alter'd so often that those who were imploy'd about it had no longer any Patience The Reason which made the Commissioners so difficult is that the principal Persons being satisfy'd the Court had a mind to use the Assembly haughtily and to oblige them to receive what they would give them with submission They were sensible that the Lords would not renounce the Advantages they obtain'd to better the Condition of the People Finally the Prince being inform'd by Sully of the Difficulties which delay'd the Conclusion put an end to them like a Prince who consider'd no body but himself He whisper'd something to Villeroy and soon after did the same to Sully After which he declar'd that Villeroy had granted what was desir'd and at the same time he Sign'd the Treaty without allowing any body time to answer him This abrupt Conclusion vex'd the Deputies of the Assembly extreamly but they could find no Remedy They discover'd by several Instances that it was a design'd thing to oblige the Assembly to receive whatever Conditions the Lords had thought fit and that they had only been desir'd to send Deputies out of Formality On Tuesday Morning before they had Sign'd even before their having given their Consent to what the others had concluded Orders were sent to the Minister who was in his Pulpit to acquaint the People that the Peace was made and to exhort them to return God thanks for it This made those murmur who knew that there were difficulties undecided and made them judge that it was a forc'd Peace which they were obliged to accept of for fear of falling into greater Inconveniences And indeed the Marshal de Bouillon himself forgot the Interests of the Common Cause because he had secur'd his own He Exclaim'd higher than any Body against the Assembly though they had only follow'd
of Sancerre Lord oâ— the Place animated with the same Spirit as all the other Catholic Lords who had made sundry such undertaking in divers places being unwilling to leave his City in 〈…〉 Power of the Reform'd had found the way to re-establish himself in it and to get the upper hand there Couâ—… Marans his Eldest Son lived there in order to keep all thingâ— in the State his Father had settl'd them But the Inhabitâ—… turn'd him out alledging that since the said City had been surpris'd from them they had a right to retake it Moreoâ—… the only thing in debate in this Affair and in all others of the same Nature was barely the Guarding of the said places They neither disputed the Revenues nor Rights of Fieâ—â— with the Lords but they pretended that there ought to be no Garrison settled by them in the same and that those 〈…〉 of places were to be left to the Guard of the Inhabitants The Affair was carry'd before the Council which at any other time would undoubtedly have favour'd the Lord against the City because their design was to make the Reform'd loâ—… their places of Surety beginning first by those of Marriage and by such as they held against the Inclination of the Catholic Lords But the Court had other Prospects at that time They were unwilling to increase the Party of the Male-contents by vexing the Reform'd Therefore they deposited the City and Castle of Sancerre into the hands of the Inhabitants to be Guarded by them until farther Orders For which Letters Pattent were Granted to them The same reason induc'd them to publish a Declaration on the 30th of September which confirm'd the Edict of Blois and the Treaty of Loudun The pretence of it was that all the Lords who had left the Court after the Imprisonment of the Prince of Conde had only done it out of Fear that they design'd to revoke it and they added farther as if it had been certain that they â—â—d had no other reason for it that they had assur'd the â—…ng of their good Intentions and had express'd to him with Respect that they only desir'd to live in quiet All â—…is was Invention and it only tended on their part to â—…ke their time and measures And the Queen made use of with great Policy to perswade distant Provinces that the affairs were in a fair way of Accommodation and thereby to destroy the Correspondencies that might be form'd there against her Authority The Duke of Sully who was come back to Court again after the Peace and who was call'd to council was against that Declaration which he neither â—…ok'd upon to be sufficient to bring back the Male-contents or Honourable for the King because that the Lords who were gone would have time to shew the falsity of what it conâ—iâ—'d before it could make such Impressions in the Provinces as the Queen desir'd But the Court was in hopes of the contrary having so often experienc'd the Credulity of the people that they did not question but they would be decided by those specious Protestations The Duke d'Epernon was one of those the Marshal d'Anâ—… was Jealous of because his haughty Humour did not perâ—it him to humble himself before him Therefore seeing â—…s Enemy recall'd to Court and more in favour than ever â—…e Old Ministers turn'd out and the Queen's Creatures put in their Room the Bishop of Lucon Secretary of State and Mangot Keeper of the Great Seal he was afraid lest the hatred of the Favourite might prove prejudicial to him He resolv'd to put himself in a posture of defence in case any should dare to Attack him But his Pride not allowing him to joyn with the other Male-contents because he could not have the Chief Command among them he was forc'd to seek another pretence to take up Arms. Rochel afforded it to him He pretended that important City was one of the Dependencies of his Government The City on the contrary pretended an immediate dependence from the King not to be oblig'd to suffer any Souldiers but their own Inhabitants or to have any Governor but their Mayor whom they Elected yearly Their Pretence for it was that having formerly been under the Power of the English they had voluntarily submitted to France on that condition The Truth is that the most Ancient Historians confess That they obtain'd so many Privileges and such advantagious Conditions that they tended as much to put them at Liberty as to change their Master The only Objection against them was that having been taken since by the English and afterwards retaken by the French they were no longer to be consider'd in the State in which they were put by the first Treaty but 〈…〉 having receiv'd new Conditions when retaken by force by the Kings of France The Duke d'Epernon made use of that Pretence And the Council also us'd the same when they resolv'd to ruin the Power of that City which so many Privileges daily increas'd But they reply'd that the Inhabitants had not violated their Treaty when the said place was taken by the English that having only been forc'd to submit to a Superior Power without Fraud or Treason at a time when the King was not in a Condition to succor them they had not forfeited their first Conditions that the English after the taking of it had left them their Privileges Thaâ— the French not having retaken it by Storm and against the Will of the Inhabitants could not deprive them of them that the City had contributed towards its return under the French Dominion both by the Affection the Inhabitants had preserv'd for it and the little Assistance they had given the English Whereby it was evident that they had lost nothing by being restor'd to the Power of their Lawful Sovereign and that they were restor'd to it with their former Advantages They added that the Kings of France had confirm'd all their Privileges several times since their being retaken and moreover had augmented them by New Concessions Whereupon they laid a great stress upon what happen'd to Lewis the XI a Prince who having oppress'd the Liberty of his Kingdom in many things was not of a humour to do that for a City that had lost her Freedom which did not belong to it by an evident indisputable Right He made his Entry in Rochel on the 24th of May 1472. He Swore before Gaubert Cadiot who was Mayor of the Place to preserve all the Privileges of the City which are all set down in the Act. The King was upon his Knees before the Crucifix during the Ceremony and oblig'd himself to succor the City in case of need even with his Person and to Death inclusively We may say that the said Oath is the most perfect Abridgement of the Fundamental Obligation of a Sovereign towards the Preservation of his Subjects After this Oath was taken the Mayor Cadiot took the Oath of Allegiance to the King in the behalf of the whole City This did not hinder
made none but only express'd his Astonishing by some Words when Vitri acquainted him that he was his Prisoner But this Action of Vitri was justify'd and that Service made him a Marshal of France The State of Affairs was quite Alter'd by that Death The Queen being penetrated with Grief was depriv'd of all Authority Her Creatures lost their Places those she had remov'd from Court were recall'd The Male-contents submitted themselves and the King Granted them a General Pardon in the Month of May in which acknowledging that they had only taken Arms for their safety against the Insolent Violent and Pernicious designs of the Marshal d'Ancre who imploy'd the King's Forces contrary to his Intention to ruin them that after his Death they return'd immediately to their Allegiance and that they had implor'd his Pardon very submissively he revok'd the Declaration that had been given against them Abolish'd the remembrance of what was pass'd confirm'd the Treaty of Loudun and the Edict of Blois and Order'd that all his Subjects as well Catholics as Reform'd should live in Peace under the Benefit and Authority of his Edicts After which the favour of the New Favourite was exerted against the Miserable Remains of the Marshal's Family even to Inhumanity His Lady was Executed for pretended Crimes of which she was found Guilty more upon the Account of the hatred of the Public than by any solid Proofs Luines was Adorn'd with his Spoils and saw himself so great-all of a suddain that he was Astonish'd at his own Fortune He made use of his Authority in a manner yet more Odious than the Marshal d'Ancre whom to say the Truth he neither surpass'd in Birth or Merit His Favour was only for himself he injoy'd it amidst Seditions and Civil Wars and he ingag'd himself into Foreign Cabals to the great detriment of his Country I must also add that in order to maintain his Credit he Marry'd the Daughter of the Duke de Mombazon of the House of Rohan This perswaded the Duke of that Name that he would be consider'd by that Favorite who was Honour'd by his Alliance But the Duke being come back to Court after the Treaty of Loudun had reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Queen who had receiv'd the Excuses â—â— made to her about his taking Arms very favourably All that he had obtain'd by the Treaty was the assurance of the Government of Poitou provided he could obtain the Duke of Sully's Demission because there was an Article in the Edict which promis'd expresly that the King would Grant no more Survivorships When he had obtain'd the Demission he was oblig'd to come to Court in Person to obtain his Letters Patent for the same He did it boldly enough tho he thereby expos'd himself to the Mercy of Persons of which some hated him Mortally and the others were very Faithful Nevertheless it prov'd to his Advantage and the Queen gave him his Patents which the change of Affairs hinder'd him from injoying Yet notwithstanding he apply'd himself to the Service of that Princess with so much Fidelity that he made an End of Ruining himself at Court and that far from drawing an advantage by the Alliance of that New Favorite he created an irreconcileable hatred between them It will be necessary to know the particulars which were the Motives or occasions of the following Wars During these Transactions the Deputies of the Provinces that were Invited to Rochel were got thither for the most part and that Assembly created equal Jealousies on all sides by reason that the State being divided into several Parties â—â— body knew which they would joyn with But the Marshal's Death and the Queen's Exile having appeas'd the Troubles the most specious Reasons of the Assembly were remov'd They sent Deputies to the King upon this unexpected alteration to Congratulate the recovering of his Authority Those Deputies did not see the King who refus'd to treat them as Deputies from a Lawful Assembly But after that the Answer â—…e sent them was not disobliging The King refer'd to hear them when the Assembly should be Dissolv'd they were desir'd to behave themselves as good Subjects ought to do when they have something to desire of their King to draw their 〈◊〉 Cahiers To separate forthwith and to retire into their Respective Provinces That upon that Account the King would favour them in all things that were reasonable and â—…st Therefore they broke up at the return of their Deputies according to the Advice of the Wisest who remonstrated to them with a great deal of Vigor That it behov'd them to â—how by that mark of Obedience that they did only Assemble when they had just reasons to fear but that they dissolv'd of themselves as soon as ever those fears were dissipated They â—â—serted an Article in their Cahiers which related to the Churches of Bearn desiring that no Innovations might be â—ade in that Principality either in Church or State But they show'd yet better how much they concern'd themselves â—â— the Affairs of that Province by an Act they made which oblig'd all the Churches to assist those of that Province in â—…ase of Oppression and Necessity by some Alteration of the State â—…ither in the Ecclesiastick or Politick part if those Churches â—…plor'd the assistance of those of France They order'd the Provinces of the Upper Languedoc and of the lower Guyenne to Assemble by their Deputies with those of that Soveraignty of necessary to endeavour to prevent their being oppress'd They writ to the great Lords to Intercede for the Reform'd of Bearn and they exhorted all the Councils of the Provinces to recommend them to the Deputies General The Affection they express'd for those threatned Churches prov'd useless And the King 's very Answer to the Article which spoke in their behalf destroy'd by one word which was Inserted in it on purpose all the hopes of their being favourably us'd The King promis'd to preserve all his Subjects of the Country of Bearn both Catholicks and Reform'd in the Possession of their Ancient Privileges and to maintain Peace and Union there as among the other Subjects of his Realm The Equivocation of the word Ancient was a plain Argument that the Council design'd to look upon the present State of Bearn as a Novelty And to restore the Catholicks there to all the Advantages they had lost by the attempt they had made against their Lawful Queen The Assembly Inserted in their * Cahiers some other important Articles viz. Concerning the Exemption of the Ministers and the Declaration given upon that Subject which the Court of Aids still refus'd to verifie the Necessity of Reform'd Associates for the Instruction of Criminal Causes the discharge of certain Offices which were impos'd upon the Reform'd tho they thought they could not Officiate them without wounding their Consciences concerning the Privilege of Reform'd Magistrates and Officers not having discharg'd their Trust in their Offices to be prosecuted in the Chambers of
that Breach of Faith might throw all the Churches He oblig'd the King to write to the Major and to the Peers of Rochel to inform them that he had not given the Assembly Leave to meet there and to forbid them to receive it But that proving ineffectual he issu'd out a Declaration at Grenade on the 22d of October which declar'd that Assembly unlawful In order to ruine their Pretence the King deny'd his having promis'd any thing to the Assembly of Loudun at their Breaking up And â—â—id moreover that all the Articles he had promis'd were actually perform'd and as if the Desolation of Bearn had not prov'd the contrary they made him say that the Reason of his Journey to Bourdeaux was only to get Leitoure out of the Hands of Fontrailles The Noise the Reform'd made upon this Breach of Word was great and prov'd ineffectual Besides the Vexation of being deceiv'd like Children they had the Grief to find that the Court deny'd it all The Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines Lesdiguieres and Chatillon fail'd in their Garrantee It was not very easie though to persuade so many Persons to whom the same Promise had been made so solemnly that they had promis'd them nothing Therefore they began first with Cavils very much below Persons of that high Rank They found out little Equivecations upon the time of the beginning and ending of those six Months They said that the Prince and the Favourite had promis'd nothing in the King's Name that they had only spoken in their own and that they had only ingaged to interceed with the King who had been the sole Master of the Event The Duke de Mombason bred in another Reign in which Sincerity was accounted Virtue remember'd his having been the Bearer of that Promise to 〈◊〉 Plessis who having written a very sharp Letter to him about it the Duke sent him an Answer on the 1st of November in which he declar'd positively that he had said nothing to him but what the King and the Duke de Luines had charg'd him several times to say in proper Terms But whereas a Witness of that Consequence was irksome in that Affair the Jesuit Arnoux writ another Letter in the Duke's Name Dated December the 10th It was full of Excuses about the Conduct of the Court conformable to the Declaration of Grenade which consequently left the Complaints of the Reform'd in their full force That feign'd Answer was printed to destroy the true one which had been printed also and the Duke durst not disown it publickly for fear of Offending his Son-in-Law but yet he own'd in private that he was the Author of the first which du Plessis had receiv'd and that he had not written the Second Nevertheless as all these Illusions did not appear sufficient to excuse a Breach of Word the Jesuits suggested another Pretence viz. that the Reform'd being Rebels they had forfeited all the Favors that might be granted them It past at first for an adjudg'd Case that they were Rebels they were Condemn'd without Inquiry or Examination as if it had been notorious They pretended notwithstanding that their Conduct had been very Innocent since they had only taken Arms till then for Affairs of State in which Religion was not concern'd and in which the Catholicks had been concern'd as well as the Reform'd the Motives of the Conduct of which the King had approv'd by solemn Treaties but in their own Affairs they had imploy'd no other Methods but such as were â—…llow'd of since the Edict viz. Assemblies Deputations Petitions Remonstrances c. Nevertheless that Pretence was so conformable to the Designs of the Court that it was receiv'd there as a Principle and by Treating the Reform'd as Rebels they forc'd them to become so The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK VII A Summary of the Contents of the Seventh BOOK THE Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban which the Consuls excuse and the Catholicks aggravate The like Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges about the Inrollment of the Declarations at Castres Troubles at Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel Retaking of the Castle of Privas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reform'd who are driven to Despair Collusion with Chatillon and Mommorency Orders from the Court to lay down Arms. Taking of Walons Siege and Taking of Wals. Walons is Re-taken and Restor'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls ouâ— with the Assembly The small Affection he had for his Religion He Marries Mary Vignon against the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes publick Acknowledgment Stratagem of the Duke de Luines in order to gain him Double Commission to Treat with him What Empire Deagean takes over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Disputes of Religion Bressieux imploy'd to ruin the Work of Deagean Bullion succeeds in it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his Friends Policy of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohâ—n and de la Trimoville render'd ineffectual by Favas Du Plessis and Du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in Danger of being made Prisoner Coldness of James the First about the Affairs of the Palatinate Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the Hands of the Council of France He makes his Escape happily Effect of his Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which put a Stop to the Negotiation New Conditions of Acommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon to amuse the Reform'd The old Councellors of State are against War The Duke de Luines is not inclin'd to it neither but the Queen the Prince of Conde Puisieux the Clergy the Pope and the Spaniards prevail for War Some are for Exterminating all and others are for Sparing the Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons of the Second which is follow'd and succeeds Reasons Publish'd to Blind the Reform'd New Difficulties about the Time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes away from Paris unexpectedly and takes away the Offices of Receipts from the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War in the midst of the Negotiations of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardise of the People of Orthez La Force Retires All Bearn is subdued Blindness of the Reform'd Seditions at Tours and elsewhere The Court steps the Progress of it The Sedition Revives Punishment of some of the Guilty which deceives the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assembly defend themselves in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshal de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly Lesdiguieres Breaks off with them The Assembly draws a Project of Defence Division of the Provinces in Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparable Fault of
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Confessor to the King seconded it with all their Might Jeanin and the other old Ministers who were not heartily inclin'd for a War oppos'd it and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the contrary in threatning a War and in the mean time to prepare for the last in case the Reform'd should refuse the first on Conditions worthy of the King The Duke de Luines joyn'd with the last but for other Reasons He saw no Money ready for the War he had rather apply the Finances to his own and to his Friends Advantage than to a doubtful Enterprise He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies He was not secure of the Foreigners He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him in marching with the King towards the Southern Provinces In fine the Number of the Reform'd Lords made him dread Diversions where-ever they had any Authority But he was so happy that all those Difficulties were level'd He gain'd most of the Great ones Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff The Marshal de Bouillon remain'd long Newter Lesdiguieres fool'd himself and many others follow'd his Example He met with no Oppositions from Abroad The King under pretence of a Journey into Picardy secur'd himself on the side of the Netherlands and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately Cadenet Brother to the Favourite who was created Duke de Chaunes easily prevail'd with the King of England who thought himself oblig'd to lose all the Opportunities which a good Politician would have improv'd to make himself Arbitrator of Europe when there was a Necessity to succor Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto The Vnited Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France It is true that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State and seem'd to favour the Party of Barnevelt they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria did not permit the States to fall out with an Allie so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth The Court sow'd the utmost Divisions among the Reform'd They endeavor'd to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the Assembly They endeavor'd to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel either as designing to promote their own Advanvage at their Cost or as designing to become the Center of their Union and to ingross all the Authority Though all the Reform'd were not susceptible of those Diffidences yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositions of the Mediators with as much Application as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace People were strangely surpriz'd to find in the middle of those Negotiations when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprize that the King repair'd to Fontainebleau from whence he writ to the Duke de Bouillon and to Du Plessis and some others that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey and that it oblig'd him to repair to Tours and perhaps farther if it were necessary to be near at hand to give his Orders He mix'd with this Advice Assurances of his good Intentions in favor of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty The next day after his Arrival he revers'd the Priviledge of Elections and removed the Offices for the Receits of his Revenues out of the Cities held by the Reform'd by an express Declaration and transfer'd them to Catholick Cities under pretence of hindering the Reform'd from seizing upon the Royal Treasure But he restor'd that of Saumur by a Brief to satisfie du Plessis for whom a far greater Affront was preparing This Edict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace and they continu'd their Mediation some with Sincerity and others to please the Court which was desirous to amuse the Reform'd by those Appearances So that Conferences were held still in which all things seem'd to tend to an Accommodation The Constable seem'd to open his Mind freely to the Deputies and to consent to a Peace upon tolerable Conditions For which reason the Agents and Mediators left Paris with Pavas to repair to Rochel by divers ways and upon different Days in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas's Departure a Council was held in the King's Presence in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot and Eight thousand Horse to be distributed in the Provinces according as it should be necessary The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council La Force was depriv'd of all his Places the Survivorship of them was taken from his Son the Marquess de Mompouillan who created Jealousies in the Favorites and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments and by the Share he had in the King's Favour and he was order'd to retire from the Court That Prince permitted those who govern'd him to dispose of his Inclinations as they did of his Finances and of his Authority and always approv'd the Reasons that were alledg'd to him no longer to love what he had most lov'd The Pretence us'd for that Disgrace was That Peoples Minds began to be heated again in Bearn and that the Affairs there seem'd to be upon the Point of a new Revolution La Force was inrag'd that instead of making him some Reparation for the Affront he had receiv'd from Poyane who had taken Arms not only without his Leave but without his Knowledge the Court had sent him an Order by Saludie to lay down his Arms approving the Actions of Poyane The Marquess de la Force press'd his Father to resent that Affront and look'd upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury to oblige an old Governor of Province an ancient Officer of the King's Houshold to disarm before the Governor of a Town who ought at least to have honour'd him as a Superior and to communicate his Designs to him though he were excus'd from receiving Orders from him Moreover it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force to send Orders to an inferior Officer without acquainting him with it Therefore the Bearnois being already as uneasie at the Alterations that had been made among them as they were fatal to their Liberties the Discontents and Intrigues of their Governor soon dispos'd them to improve the Occasion The Earnestness the General Assembly express'd for their
and to sound Policy the Catholick Children had learnt those Songs and the said Martin dying soon after it they sung the said Songs while his Corps was Carrying to the Ground Some of those that accompany'd the Corps being disturb'd at that Noise gave one of the Children a Box on the Ear. The simple Catholicks who diverted themselves at those Childrens Play and who often excited them to do what they durst not do themselves cry'd out that he was kill'd because he was a Catholick Whereupon the People rose immediately fell upon the Reform'd abus'd wounded and affronted all those they met The Night did not appease their Fury The next day the Seditious went to the Church-yard of the Reform'd dug up the Corps which had been flung into the Ground in haste tore it in pieces and committted a thousand Indignities against it From thence they went to the Temple and burnt it They plunder'd the House of the Sexton and committed great Violences against him This Rage lasted three days but finally it was appeas'd for want of Matter by reason that the Reform'd hid themselves and that the most considerable retir'd in such Places where they expected to find most Safety The Magistrates barely made some weak Informations of the Fact and imprison'd some of the most Miserable but as if the Reform'd had been as Guilty as the rest some of them were also secur'd to keep the Catholicks Company Those Mutineers seem'd to have look'd upon the King's Journey to Fontainbleau as the Signal of their Enterprize and the People judg'd by the Coldness of the Magistrates that they were certain the Court would approve those Proceedings Nevertheless the thing was look'd upon to be of too much Consequence in that Conjuncture to be wink'd at The Court was sensible that the Impunity of those Violences would open the Eyes of those they design'd to blind by the fair Promises of the Observation of the Edicts and that in case Despair should re-unite the Reform'd their Ruine would prove a difficult Task Moreover it was an Example of very ill Consequence which appear'd in that the People rose at Pottiers as well as at Tours beat down the Wall the Reform'd had built about their Church-yard broke the Tombs violated the Sepulchres and endeavor'd to demolish the Temple Those Violences did not extend to Persons by reason that the Place in which the Reform'd perform'd the Exercise of their Religion was at a great distance from the City and that the Magistrates who dreaded Reprisals put a stop to the Disorder But the Punishment of the Seditious was very inconsiderable and did not terrifie the Mob so much as to hinder them from committing the like Excesses in divers other Places as at Croisie at Mâ—uze and elsewhere The Court dreading the Consequences of the Sedition of Tours receiv'd the Complaints of the Reform'd who desir'd that an Examplary Punishment might be made of it and in order to blind them with an apparent Satisfaction the King issued out a Declaration on the 20th of December by which he took the Peaceable Reform'd into his Protection and injoyn'd the Parliaments and all other Officers to whom the like Edicts are commonly directed to make them injoy a Liberty suitable to the Edicts Moreover he sent the Mild Malleville Master of Requests to Tours with a Commission to try the Guilty without Appeal The said Commissioner without making any Informations but those that had already been made by the Judges of Tours put the Reform'd at Liberty and Condemn'd some of the Catholick Prisoners to Dye That Severity renew'd the Sedition and the People being in a greater Fury than ever ran to the Prisons broke open the Doors put the Condemn'd at Liberty Plunder'd the Houses of the Reform'd and among the rest that of a Notary whose Minutes they tore The Commissioner being Terrify'd was constrain'd to hide himself and the Mutineers could not be appeased untill the Magistrates promised them to obtain a General Pardon for their Crime that the Catholick Prisoners should be put at Liberty and that the Process should be burnt The King whose Authority was concern'd in that Second Sedition took his time to do himself Justice and leaving Fontainbleau to march towards Poitou he came to Tours and there caused four or five Wretches to be Executed who had been concern'd in that Tumult but the most considerable escap'd The Execution of those Wretches calm'd the Minds of those that had been terrify'd by those Violences committed in so suspicious a Conjuncture The Reform'd kept at Home and saw without any Emotion the Weight of the War fall upon the small Number of those that follow'd the Orders of the Assembly Moreover They accus'd them of Obstinacy and of being the Cause of their own Misfortunes by an affected Consideration of future Misfortunes In a Word the Effect of that Shadow of Justice which the King did the Reform'd on that Occasion was such that the very Catholicks wondred at it and made Jests of the Simplicity of those Wretches An Historian who speaks of those Affairs like a passionate Catholick nevertheless says upon that Subject That he does not wonder that the Vulgar whose Impetuosity is blind should be caught in such a Snare but that he cannot imagine how it could deceive the Grandees the Gentry and the Officers of that Sect who had been repnted till then Wise Politicians On the Fourth of the same Month the King published yet another Declaration before his Departure from Fontainbleau of the same Stile with all the rest It began with a Protestation of having all along been desirous to cause the Edicts to be observ'd as the most effectual way to make his Subjects live in Peace of having wink'd at the Infractions committed by some of the Reform'd of having endeavour'd to make them sensible of their Duty by Divers Edicts publish'd on purpose From thence it proceeded to the Motives of the Declaration given at Grenade in the Month of October last past to interdict the Assembly of Rochel and complaining that it had not hinder'd the Reform'd from assembling in the said City and elsewhere from ordering divers Acts of Hostility as by Reprisals from Electing Chiefs from Fortifying of their Garisons from Raising Men and Money from Listing Soldiers Casting of Artillery Buying of Arms and other Amunitions It added That notwithstanding all this the King had granted several things desir'd by the Memorials presented to him by the Deputies General But that finally he was resolv'd to go as far as Touraine and to march himself towards Poitou and elsewhere to be near to apply a Remedy to those Evils being resolv'd to maintain the Publick Peace to cause the Edicts to be observ'd in favour of such as should keep within the Bounds of their Allegiance and to chastife the Rebels Whereupon he confirm'd a new all the Edicts and Declarations and order'd them to be kept in favour of those that were and should remain within
the said Bounds of their Duty whom he took as well as their Families and Estates under his Protection and special Safeguard commanding his Officers and Governors of Cities to see it performed He order'd the same thing for the Catholicks to the Officers of the Places in which the Reform'd were the strongest After which he came to Blois from whence he repaired to Amboise and afterwards to Tours to Thouars where the Dutchess de la Trimoville receiv'd him and finally to Saumur out of which he turn'd Du Plessis in a very Unkingly manner While the Court was so diligently imploy'd about the Preparations of War the Assembly was near as diligent in putting themselves in a Posture of Defence being equally troubled with the little Union they observ'd in their Bosom and with the little Authority they had in the Provinces and the continual Contradictions of those who thought they were the Wisest who did nothing but Preach Obedience to them As soon as they were inform'd that the King had refus'd to hear their Deputies they order'd them to put those Remonstrances in Writing which they were to have made by Word of Mouth They did it accordingly and in order that every body might be acquainted with them they publish'd them After having declar'd that the Reason which oblig'd them to make them publick was that they were not allow'd to speak to the King they set forth all the Promises that had been made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name the Prince of Conde's and the Duke de Luines and they related the very Expressions they had us'd and among the rest what the King had said to those who carry'd the Nomination of the Deputies General to him that he would perform the Promises of the Prince and of the Duke They complain'd that those Solemn Promises had been violated and having observ'd at what time the King took his Progress into Bearn they thought it was a great Injustice to impute it as a Crime to the Assembly to have met upon the Word of a Prince of the Favourite and of the King himself After which they proceeded to the Particulars of those things in which the Court had not perform'd their Promises viz. That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine had not been deliver'd though it was an Affair but of half an Hour That the Reception of the two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris had been deferr'd as long as possible could be That it had not been perform'd till after the Convocation of the Assembly That only one of them had been receiv'd in Reality the Reception of the other being evaded by the Clause of Modification which oblig'd Le Cog to resign his Place to a Catholick That every thing had been alter'd in Bearn and the Assembly of Rochel declar'd Criminal without hearing the Persons concern'd That the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion had been interrupted at Clermont de Lodeve though it was a Place of Surety That the Catholicks hinder'd the Execution of the King's Orders by Force of Arms and the Proceedings of the Commissioners sent to re-establish it there That the King's Council declar'd that the King's Authority was concern'd in it but yet that they Authoriz'd it by Conniving at it That Privas had been taken from the Reform'd though it was a Place where according to the Edicts and Briefs nothing ought to be Innovated That during Eighteen Months last past the Court had detained the Sums promised for the Maintenance of the Garisons and for the Sallaries of the Ministers That Seditious Sermons against the Reform'd were tolerated That their Dead were taken out of the Ground again That their Temples were burnt That their Ministers were turn'd out That the Delivery of the Places in which they were to perform the Exercise of their Religion was hindered and among the Places in which those Excesses were committed they mentioned Moulins Bourges Baux in Provence Lion Dijon That their Cahiers were not answered and that when any of the Articles were answered either the Answers were not put in Execution or they were contrary to the Intention of the Edicts That the Commissioners sent into the Provinces either refus'd to perform their Office or perform'd it ill by a visible Collusion That all this proceeded from the Council and Malice of the Jesuits They Concluded Imploring the King's Favour and earnestly desir'd the Revocation of the Declaration which treated them as Criminals protesting that they only desir'd the Liberty and Safety of their Religion to remain inviolably ty'd to their Allegiance The Marshall de Bouillon writ from Sedan to the King the same day that the Remonstrances appeared He freely expressed the Reasons of Diffidence that had been given to the Reform'd by the Threatnings of Revoking the Edicts that is to take away the Liberty of their Consciences the Safety of their Lives their Estates and Dignities He said that the Affair of Bearn had been anticipated that the Promises had been ill executed that Garisons had been put in divers Places without Necessity that the Assembly of Rochel was us'd with too much Severity He intreated the King to hear the Remonstrances of their Deputies and to reject the Councils of those that advis'd him to force the Consciences of his Subjects But the Council was hardned against those Advices which tended to Peace and seem'd not to relish them only the better to take their Measures The Jesuits answer'd the Reproach that was made against them of exciting a War in Writing In order to refute it they made use of the Sermon the King's Confessor had lately Preach'd at Court that the King was oblig'd to protect all his Subjects even those that were of a different Belief from his That Answer tended to persuade that their Society was innocent of all the Ill they were accus'd of and that they only apply'd themselves to Convert those that Stray'd and to prevent the Progress of Heresie by their Sermons and Writings They made it a Crime for the Reform'd to suppose in their Complaints that the King suffer'd himself to be govern'd by the Jesuits And they said that all the Articles set down in their Petition were false and for an Instance of the Innocence of the Society and of the little Share they had in the Violent Councils that were daily given to the King against the Reform'd all their Actions were represented in it in a manner full of Fury and Venom That Apology could not deceive those who had any Sence It was very well known that the Theology and Morality of the Jesuits are always Slaves to their Policy and that it is impossible to guess their Sentiments by their Sermons It was easie to oppose to the Moderation of the Jesuit Arnoux the Seditious Sermons of the Monks of the other Orders who being more Impetuous and Hairbrain'd than the Jesuits declar'd inconsiderately in their Pulpits what those cunning Politicians had the Art to cover with a profound Dissimulation Even at
Sâ—â—mur a Franciscan Fryar had had the Boldness to say comparing those who were for tolerating the Reformed to the Soldiers that Spit in the Face of Jesus Christ that for his Part who was afraid of no body he declar'd publickly that a War was necessary We may Judge by that what Liberty they took in Places of less Consequence than Saumur where they stood in no dread of the Reform'd Moreover it was very well known that in the Application of the Jesuits towards the Conversion of those they call'd strayed all means were lawful alike to them and that according to their Maxims success rectifies the most Violent and most Unjust Expedients Lesdiguieres before and after his coming to Paris acquainted the Assembly with all that Deagean inspir'd him with and endavour'd to persuade them that they were to blame to complain The Assembly answer'd him pretty Vigorously and took him to Witness himself of the Royal promises upon the Account of which they did repair to Rochel But when he Writ to them from Paris with Reproaches and Threatnings declaring that he would bear Arms against them unless they did submit to the King's Pleasure they answer'd him upon the same Tone which broke off all manner of Correspondence between them He had play'd his part so well till then that he had deceiv'd the most clear sighted and that he seem'd equally well affected to the Peace of the State and the preservation of the Churches His Refusals of joyning with them being mix'd with such specious Reasons and with such moving Protestations that even those that did not believe him did not know what to Answer him During the War of Privas the Provincial Assembly of Anâ—â—sâ— deputed the Marquess de la Charse to him who represented all the Grievances under which the Reform'd Labour'd to him He omitted nothing to persuade him to take some useful Resolution for the good of the Churches He imploy'd in his Discourse all the Motives of Religion of Honor and of Interest the good of the State the Advantage of the common Cause the particular interest of his Person and of his Family Remonstrances Reasonings Conjurations c. But he could not prevail upon his Mind which was prepossess'd by Deagean Lesdiguieres lessen'd as much as he could by his Answer the Subjects of Complaint and of diffidence alledg'd by the Marquess He endeavour'd to prove that all the proceedings of the Court were Just and gave no other Advice but that of â—…ing and of submitting But he accompany'd his Advice with so many fair Words and with such 〈…〉 of his Affection for the Churches that the Marquess â—…s constrain'd to seem satisfy'd with his Refusal and â—…o seem to believe that he spoke from the bottom of his heart He never put off his Mask till he came to Paris and oblig'd himself to serve against the Churches But as there were Members of the Assembly at Rochel â—…o acquainted the King with all the Transactions there so â—…ere were Persons at Court who gave the Assembly a â—…ithful Account of all the Resolutions that were taken here against them So that after they knew that the King was gone from Paris they did Nominate Nine Commissioners to draw a settlement of War And on the â—…oth of May after having heard that Seditions were made 〈…〉 all parts against the Reform'd That the King had made 〈…〉 settlement of near 50000 Men on his side that he had made a New Edict which at the the bottom was only a Declaration of War That he was gone from Fontainbleau fully resolv'd to begin it in Poitou That consequently there was no longer any reason to rely on Negotiations they agreed upon 47 Articles prepar'd by their Commissioners which Regulated the Distribution of the â—…nces the Generals that should Command there 〈…〉 Power their Office the Authority of the Provinâ—… Councils and of the Assembly the Discipline they â—…d observe in their Arms The manner of Treating â—…ners of War and of managing Military Enterprises that should be freed from Spoils and what should be observ'd for Correspondence They also contain'd Regulations for the Finances and the manner of Raising them of receiving them and of laying them out The last made Provision for the Subsistance of the Reform'd that should be oblig'd to quit their usual abode and to abandon all their Estate during the War But the first was the most remarkable by reason that it contain'd the division of all the Churches of the Kingdom into Circles which were to have each their General and to furnish a certain part of the Men and Sums that were necessary for the common defence Those Circles had been Instituted long ago But they were only compos'd at first of some Neigbouring Provinces who were to Assemble themselves by the Deputies of their respective Councils as soon as any of them should be attack'd and were oblig'd to assist each other as soon as requir'd They had Uunited those in such a manner which were able to maintain their Correspondence with less difficulty and that border'd in part upon each other Some Alterations were made about that Institution upon the Occasion of the approaching War particularly in that a Man of Quality was created General of every Circle So that the said Division seem'd to be form'd upon the Model of the Circles of Germany from whence the very Name of Circle was borrow'd Those Circles were of an unequal Extent according as the Provinces of which they were compos'd had more or less Churches or strong Places and by that Inequality of Extent the Reform'd had endeavoured to make them partly equally strong There were Eight of those Circles The first was composed of the Isle of France oâ— Normandy Pickardy Beausse Berry Anjou Maine Pâ—che Tourane excepting the Isle of Bouchard which was joyn'd to another Circle The Generality of that great Circle was design'd for the Duke of Bouillon Moreover the Office of Generalissimâ— of the whole Party was offered him but he refus'd it upon the Account of his Age and of the Gout which he was very much troubled with He remained Neuter as to Action but he often gave the Assembly good Advices which were not followed Among the rest he advis'd them to put a Carisâ—n of Six thousand Men into Saumur by reason that it was not likely that the King would leave a Place of that Consequence behind him and that if they did put a sufficient Garison into it to resist the first Effort of his Arms the War would soon be at an end The Assembly believed him and sent Forces to secure that Place but upon some ill Advice they were countermanded after they had begun their March Soon after it when they heard that the King was marching that way they were sensible of the Fault they had committed in not providing the said City with Men Amunitions and Money They endeavoured to repair that Fault by Diligence but the King made yet more Diligence than the Assembly
and before the Relief they sent was got half way he had turned Du Plessis and his Garison out of Saumur The Second Circle composed of Poitou of Bretagne and of the City and Isle of Bouchard was to be Governed by Soubise Brother to the Duke of Rohan La Trimouille had the Government of the Third which was to contain Angoumois Saintonge and the Islands The Lower Guyenne made the fourth Circle and La Force was Governor of it The Fifth given to the Marquess his Son comprehended Bearn and the Dependencies thereof The Vpper Languedoc and the Vpper Guyenne which made the Sixth was to be Commanded by the Duke de Rohan The Seventh which contained the Lower Longuedoc the Cevennes Givaudan and Vivarets was to be Governed by Chatillon And the Eighth composed of Burgundy Provence and Dauphine was left to Lesdiguieres from whom it could not be taken Rochel made a Circle apart in that Division and there was a particular Exception in favour of them in the Forty seven Articles I have mentioned which exempted them then and for the future of having any Governor besides their Mayor Of all those Circles none but the Vpper Guyenne made any Resistance that year so that it proved by so much the more easie for the King to vanquish that he had in effect but the Eighth part of the Reform'd of his Kingdom to deal with since even in that Circle which made some Resistance several Towns and Captains made none at all The Catholicks made a great deal of Noise about these Settlements and for that the Assembly had caused a new Seal to be engraven in order to fix it to their Ordinances and Commissions The Constable himself represented that Action as a publick Declaration of their Resolution to withdraw from their Allegiance to the King of designing to establish a New Holland in France and to settle a Republick there of which the Assembly retained the Superiority It was easie to persuade it to the King who was bred with an Aversion to the Reform'd and was evâ—â— susceptible to the Jealousies that were inspir'd in him about his Authority But to say the Truth it was a wretched Reproach for if the War was just on the side of the Reform'd the Regulations made in order to sustain it and the Seal engraven in the Name of their Union could not render it Criminal The Question was whether the Reform'd were in the Right to take up Arms by reason that granting that it could be no Crime in them to make Laws to unite themselves nor to agree about a Seal as a General Mark to know each other by Moreover the said Seal was only an Emblem of their Religion the same as is still often met with in the first Page of the Books of Religion written for the use of the Reform'd There only were some Words ingraven about it which signify'd that they took up Arms for Christ and for his Flock The first Letter of the last Word not making a good Impression upon the Wax the Sence was different and the Words that appeared signified only for Chrâ—â—â— and for the King This Diversity might persuade some People that they had two Seals and there are some Writings of Catholicks in which there are Remarks that 〈◊〉 that some have read it one way and others another 〈◊〉 I find nothing positive about it in the Memoires I have seen Besides these Regulations the Assembly did defend themselves by Apologies and Manifesto's while the King press'd them with Sword in hand All the Lords upon the Discontents of which they reckoned had made their Peace with the Constable and serv'd against them The Duke de Mayenne commanded a Body of Men in Guyenne The Prince of Conde commanded another in Berry where he besieged such Places as did not open their Gates to him and disarmed the Reform'd that made no Defence He took by a Form of Siege Sully and Sancerre and the Reform'd of Blois of Tours and other Places where they were not much to be feared were obliged like the rest to suffer themselves to be disarmed Count de St. Paul being assisted by the Marshal de Vitri made himself Master of Gergeau and thus the Reform'd had no Retreat left them about de Loire The Duke de Longueville disarm'd them also in Normandy and they received the like Treatment in all the Provinces the King left behind him This Proceeding so contrary to the last Declaration which promised such great Matters to those that should remain at Home cast a Terror and Repentance in the Hearts of all those unfortunate People who regretted too late their having reposed so much Confidence in a Court accustomed by the Duke de Luines to violate them as soon as they â—oâ—â—d a specious Pretence to do it The fair Words of those who committed those Violences could not remove their Consternation being then afraid that the Catholicks would only wait for the happy Success of some Battle or â—â—â—e to Massacre them Insomuch that many of them 〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom or retired in such Places where they were in hopes of meeting Friends and Protectors 〈◊〉 was crouded with them Even those who could not resolve to quit their Estates sent their Children or Wives into Places of Safety and remained at Home almost persuaded that they should be the Victims of some Bloody Orders or of some Popular Sedition But nothing made so much Noise as the Trick that was put upon Du Plessis who was the King's old and Faithful Servant The King sent him word that he designed to take up his Quarters at Saumur and Villarnoul his Son-in-Law was told positively that he had sent to Court to learn the Kings Intentions and that no more should be done on this Occasion than had been done on others when the King and Queen Mother had lodged there That Du Plessis should only draw out the Garison of the Castle for Form sake and that after the King had tarry'd there as long as he thought convenient he would leave him the Government of the Place as he had possessed it till then Lesdiguieres and the Constable engaged their Words to him for it positively Nevertheless Du Plessis was turned out of the Castle under Pretence to Lodge the King there and they did not so much as allow him one Chamber for his Family Soon after it he was told that the King designed to keep Saumur at least for three Months longer and finally he was offered a Recompence for it He never would accept any Composition and he expressed a great deal of Concern to find that after Two and thirty Years Tryal of his Probity he was suspected of not being able to preserve the same Probity to the end of his Life He insisted strongly upon that there remained still near four Years of the Time for which the last Brief confirmed the keeping of the Places of Surety He proposed Means to remain in the said Place without giving the King
Soldiers But this Siege as well as that of St John d' Angeli had cost the Lives of several of the Nobility so that they resolv'd to sacrifice these poor Wretches to their revenge The Fault oâ— those that permitted these Barbarities was laid upon the common Soldiers however for fear of the same usage at another time two or three of those who had cut the Cord were hang'd for a shew of satisfaction While the King press'd hard upon Clairac he receiv'd a Breif from the Pope wherein he congratulated his Victories exhorted him not to lay down his Arms till he had subdu'd Rochelle and depriv'd the Heretics of every thing that serv'd 'em for their security He extoll'd his Enterprize to the Skies and gave him great hopes of an issue correspondent to such prosperous Beginnings together with strong assurances of the protection of the Saints Among the rest of his Eulogies there was one very particular That he had follow'd the Example of his Ancestors who had paid as much Honour to the Instigations of the Popes as to the Commands of God The more sincere sort of Catholics acknowledg'd this Breif to be a real Truth tho others who were asham'd of it would fain had it pass'd for supposiâ—…ious 'T was dated the Tenth of July During the continuance of this Siege and the following â—onths the Duke of Mayenne continu'd the War in the Quarters assign'd to his Conduct and made himself Master of Mas 〈…〉 Verdun Mauvesin and the Isle of Jourdain giving satisfaction â—o the Governors But to the end that all men might have their â—hare in the miseries of the War the Sums which were promis'd â—he Governors were paid 'em by the Inhabitants of the parts adjoining The Duke of Espernon employ'd his time in burning â—…he Houses and Mills about Rochel and the Duke of Montmoâ—…nâ—y perform'd some petty Exploits in Languedoc which tended all to annoy the City of Nimes The Duke of Rohan who expected that Montauban would be attacqu'd after the rest kept himself in the parts adjoining to Castres and Albi to provide â—…r their security and held himself up with much more Courage then good Fortune The Assembly of Rochel sought for succor from all parts but nothing succeeded to their wishes â—ll Foreigners refus'd 'em the assistance which they implor'd The Intrigues of Vatteville Mont-chrestien whom they had sent â—…to Normandy with several Commissions to raise men prov'd â—…ortive by his death Mombrun who endeavor'd to raise some â—orces in the Dauphinate was not able to do any thing considerable by reason of Lesdiguieres's return who prevented him â—nd the Count de Suse who had a design upon Grenoble being known by a Catholic Peasant that serv'd him for a Guide was â—…d into a Precipice with his Followers from which he could â—ot save so much as one single person and he himself had â—…erish'd thro the Rigor of the Parlament had not the King commanded 'em to surcease their prosecution So that till then all things gave way to the King 's good Fortune insomuch that â—…e made himself Master of about Fifty Towns of which several were able to have given him as much trouble as St. John 〈…〉 Angeli yet all submitted before so much as one great Gun â—as fir'd upon 'em nor do I reck'n in those which either he or â—ny of his Generals had bin forc'd to besiege But Montauban put a stop to the Career of all this Prosperiâ—y The City and Parlament of Tholouse had engag'd the King to sit down before that Place at a time when the Season was already far spent and that his men were quite tir'd out with labour and the hardships which they had undergone But Montauban was such an annoyance to Tholouse by reason of the Excursions which the Inhabitants made ev'n to the Gates of that great City that the Tholousains promis'd to supply the King with ev'ry thing that was necessary for the Siege provided he would but undertake it And the good Success which had all along till then attended him made him easily believe that Montauban would be as little able to withstand the Torrent of his Prosperity as the rest Thereupon the Duke of Mayenne and Marshal de Themines had Orders to make the Approaches The former of these two had made himself Master of several Towns in the Neighborhood but he could not surprize St. Antonin notwithstanding that he had gain'd the Governor whose name was Penaveire That faithless person had sold him the Town for Two thousand Crowns for the payment of which the Duke had subscrib'd a Writing But the Consuls coming to desire some Order from him which concern'd 'em he gave 'em the Writing by mistake Upon sight of which the Consuls testifying their Astonishment by their Looks the Governor perceiv'd his Error but put it off with a good face and a ready presence of mind However he could not remove the Jealousies which thâ—â— Accident had rais'd so that after that he could not deceive the Consuls who trusted him no longer but stood upon their own Guard In the mean time the Siege of Montauban prov'd unsuccessful La Force and the Count d'Orval Son of the Duke of Sulli were got into it and held it out like men of Courage And as for the Correspondences which the King held in the place they all fail'd because that they who were the chief Conspirators were slain and the rest were discover'd The Duke of Rohan also reliev'd it with a considerable Reinforcement notwithstanding all the Precautions of the King's Generals or the Duke of Angoulesm who kept the Field with a flying Camp After that several Proposals were made for a Peace but the King refusing to grant any Accommodation but only to the Duke of Rohan and he denying to accept any other then a general Peace those Projects came to nothing nor could they â—…nd any Expedient to colour the raising the Siege However the King was forc'd to draw off after he had wasted near three months time before that place Chamier a Minister and Professor in Theology who was slain with a Cannon-shot was one of the most considerable among those whom the Besieged lost But the King mist a great number of brave Gentlemen and among the rest the Duke of Mayenne who was kill'd in the Attacques of Ville-Bourbon He was a Prince of a surpassing Prowess but who made too great an ostentation of it and took delight to expose both himself and others without any shelter to the Enemies shot out of a Vanity little becoming a great Soul However it brought him to his end at length as he had in the cause that many others by his Example had sacrific'd their Lives to the same vain-glorious Emulation They of Montauban had notice that the Army would suddenly dislodge by a Soldier of the Religion who the evening before the Siege was rais'd fell a playing upon the Fluâ—e the Tune of the Sixty eighth Psalm which the Besieged took for a
Signal of their deâ—â—verance nor were they deceiv'd They who had bin the occasion that the King receiv'd this â—isgrace threw the blame upon the Reformed who serv'd in his Army But the Constable who had collected from several Circumstances that his power with the King was declining began to reflect upon the Advice which had bin several times giv'n him to have a care of Civil Wars of which the least ill Success would make him bear both the reproach and the loss He perceiv'd it more especially at Tholouse where many ill offices were done him 'T is true that he was still in so much credit as to procure the Banishment of the Jesuit Arnoux from the Court who tho he were beholding to him for his Preferment ceas'd not however to plot and contrive his Ruin The King also took another Confessor of his recommendation Nevertheless the Constable began to consider that 't was high time to think of Peace and all that he lookt after was which way to recover the Reputation which the King 's Military Glory had lost before Montauban to the end he might put the more honourable Conclusion to the War But he dy'd before the end of the year during the Siege of Monhurt He also underwent the same destiny with all the rest of the Favorites For he was neither piti'd by any body nor lamented by his Master All his Grandeur dy'd with him and he hardly left behind him sufficient where withâ—… to defray the Expences of his Funeral During the Siege of Montauban the King gave Audience to the Deputies of the Assembly of the Clergy which being met and having began their Session at Paris had bin remov'd to Poitiers and from thence to Bourdeaux They offer'd the King a Million of Gold provided he would oblige himself to lay in all out in the Siege of Rochel They consented only that the King should erect Receivers Offices and Provincial and Diocesan Comptrollers of the Tithes Cornulier Bishop of Rennes made a Speech to the King and sang triumphal Paeans before the Victory He return'd the King Thanks for what he had done for the Church hoping that in a short time there would be but one Religion in France He reckon'd the War according to the Principles of Ecclesiastical Charity among the wholsom and gentle means of which the King made use to bring things to a happy Conclusion He accus'd the Reformed with great Passion of all the past Troubles and of having aspir'd to shake off their Yoke with an Intention to share the Crown among ' em He added several Complaints which he accompani'd with all the Aggravations that could embitter 'em that they had turn'd the Churches of the Diocess of Rieux inâ—… Stables that they had carri'd away the Pyxes wherein the Sacrament was kept that they had shot the Crucifix through and through with their Musquets that they had ti'd it to their Horses Tails and dragg'd it to Tonneins that they had salted their Meat in the Fonts of Baptism after they had carri'd it in Procession round about the Church as they did in a certain place within the Diocess of Pamiers that in a place adjoining to Mompelier they had cut off a Curate's Nose and when they had done threw him headlong from the top of the Steeple However 't was not then a proper Season to take notice of these Extravagancies supposing his Stories had bin true which could be thought no other then the hair-brain'd Pastimes of Licentious Soldiers nor to desire that Punishment might be inflicted upon the Guilty only as the Bishop of Luson did in 1615. when he presented the Papers of the Chamber of the Clergy at the rising of the States There were also muster'd up many more Crimes of the whole Religion nor were the Innocent distinguish'd from the Guilty And he demanded extremity of Remedies as being to be appli'd for the Cure of extraordinary Mischiefs and the more vigorously to move the King he quoâ—ed the Examples of sundry Princes whom Heav'n had punish'd for neglecting the extirpation of Crimes of the same nature He applauded the King for having taken up the Rod of Iron â—nd exhorted him roundly to pursue his Resolutions He could not find any milder term through his whole Speech for the Reformed Profession then that of Irreligion nevertheless his passonate vehemence against the Professors of that Doctrine did not take him off from thinking of the Affairs of the Clergy nor from manisesting his great care for the preservation of their â—…mmunities and Revenues He desir'd that the Reformed might not perform their Exercises within the Ecclesiastical Demeans â—…nd Lordships but above all that the Agreements which the Clergy had made with the King might be punctually observ'd He built his Request upon a Maxim which would have bin of great advantage to the Reformed had it bin inviolably adher'd â—…o The Word of God said he is call'd Truth In like manner the Promises of Princes ought to be firm and stable not vaâ—…k nor feigned and this he was for having take place chiefly 〈◊〉 what concern'd the Church But in regard there was no queâ—…ion to be made but his tacitly impli'd meaning was That the â—…iâ— of that same constancy of the King's word did no way belong to the Heretics he farther desir'd That the Tempest conâ—…r'd up against 'em might not be allay'd after the usual manner but that all the places of security might be utterly demoâ—â—sh'd He blam'd Violence in matters of Religion when it did not tear up Errors by the Root and acknowledg'd That whatever was introduc'd by Force was neither of long continuance â—or of any value toward the propagation of Faith which ought to be free But for all that he prest the King to imitate Philip Augustus and the Father of St. Lewis who utterly extirpated the Albigeois the Heresy and their Habitations So that according to the Principles of that pious Cruelty he made no scruple of commending and justifying Violence so it were put in practice for the extermination of the Reformed and their Doctrine He exhorted the King more especially to reduce Rochel into a Country Town and to disperse the Reformed into the Villages in imitation of Constance who confin'd the Gentiles thither and who for that reason were call'd Pagani or Villagers upon which immediately the whole Empire became Christian This Harangue tho full of venom and virulence was not however without a certain briskness which is requisite for Invectives that they may not seem tedious But the death of the Duke of Maine had like to have caus'd great disorders in the Kingdom The Reformed were in danger of being massacr'd at Paris when the news was first brought thither That name was in high veneration among the common People who bare the League in remembrance Insomuch that the multitude resolv'd to revenge his death upon the Reformed in that great City who were the most quiet and peaceable throughout the whole Kingdom All the whole week from the 21st
without so much as demanding at least by way of compensation what had bin plunder'd from the Reformed And for suffering the loss of great quantities of Arms stor'd up with great Expences But he had done one thing contrary to the interests of the Party which did him more harm then all that was laid to his charge For he had drain'd the Province of Cevennes by a Levy of Six thousand men which he had sent into the Venetian Service And this was the reason that the Province could not raise the one half of the Soldiers that were promis'd when the Duke of Rohan was constrain'd to take Arms. This displacing of Chatillon put the whole Circle into an extraordinary Confusion for that Chatillon's Party was very potent in those Quarters They who were not Members of the Assembly nor had any share of the Public Command complain'd that the Assembly abus'd their Authority and some Provinces murmur'd against it Berticheres whom they had elected for Lieutenant General endeavour'd to keep his ground without any Superior to the end that having a more spacious Country to surrender he might be able to make an Accommodation so â—uch the more advantageous with the Court. And indeed there was nothing which preserv'd to the Reformed what was â—â—ft in the Circle but that Affairs at Court were not in much better posture where the Constable's death had wrought great â—lterations Every one aspir'd to be Master of the King's Favour that they might have the sole Authority in the Government But whether it were that the Pretenders obstructed one another or that the King who as I may say was but just â—ot out of Wardship as yet too sensibly remember'd the â—…oable which the greatness of his Favourite had put him to or whether his distrust of those who were about his person kept â—im upon his guard against Surprizes he would not suffer himself to be prevail'd upon all of a sudden by any new Affection so that in the mean while the Cardinal de Retz Schomberg Grand Master and Superintendant and de Vic to whom the Seals were committed took upon 'em the greatest share in Affairs The Prince of Condé who was desirous that the King should continue the War join'd with 'em in regard they were all of â—…e same mind and this is one thing very remarkable that the Marshals of France and such as might pretend to the same Digâ—… appear'd as much inclin'd to Peace as the Officers of the â—ong Robe and the Finances were averse to it The Prince therefore and the three Ministers who were of his Opinion 〈…〉 as much as lay in their power to stop the King's return to Paris where they expected nothing less then to be oppos'd by the old Ministers and where the Prince was afraid lest the Authority should devolve again into the hands of the Queen Mother To this purpose having persuaded the King to march toward Bourdeaux they propos'd to him the making himself Master of Chatillon a Town belonging to the Marshal de Bouâ—… upon the River Dordogne and the Expedient they had â—ound out to compass their design was to treat with the Garison of the place which stood Neuter as the Master did in the same manner as they had practis'd with du Plessis The effect of their Consultations therefore was that the King should enter into the Castle under pretence that 't was his pleasure to lodge there and that when he was in he should turn out the Garison that kept it for the Duke of Bouillon But this City as well as all the rest which belong'd to that noble person was comprehended in the same Treaty upon the confidence of which the Duke liv'd peaceably at Sedan and never concern'd himself in the War so that the Proposals of surprizing it was manifestly opposite to Honesty and Sincerity However that sort of Policy that mov'd upon the hinges of Craft and Injustice was justfiâ—'d while the deceased Constable was in favour Nevertheless iâ— regard the honest men were more numerous then they whâ—… gave this pernicious Advice they persuaded the King to abandon the Attempt and so it â—ell to the ground The King then having left the best Orders he could in the Provinces to hinder the Reformed who were brought very loâ— in Poitou and Guyenne from rising agen return'd at length â—â— Paris where the old Ministers recover'd a little credit with him and inclin'd him to Peace The Chancellor and Jeannin deem'd it very necessary and made no question but that it was more proper to destroy the Reformed then War There is to be seeâ— a small Treatise compos'd by the last of these two which perhaps may be lookt upon as one of the most authentic Pieces thaâ— are to be produc'd in favour of the Reformed and which utterly overthrows the Pretence which was taken from their suppos'd Rebellion to exterminate ' em He acknowledges almost in express words That the Catholics were the Aggressors iâ— that War and that the Reformed acted meerly in their own defence at least it is to be deduc'd from his discourse by evidenâ—… Consequences He presupposes That it behov'd the Reformed to be united since it was evident to 'em that there was a designâ— upon their Religion and he sets down several Reasons why they had cause enough to think so That so long as they believ'd the King's Intentions to be no other then to chastise Rebels there were many who continu'd in perfect Obedience but that they found themselves no more kindly us'd then they who had tâ—kn Arms That the principal Members of the Council publicly gave out that the King would no longer permit any other exercise of Divine Worship then that of the Catholic Religion That the Preachers stust their Sermons with Menaces of the same nature â—…d endeavor'd to persuade men that the following of any other â—…unsel was profane and savor'd of Impiety whence it follow'd â—…at the War would prove more bloody and universal then it had â—…n if the Reformed united as it behov'd 'em to be for their common Interest shou'd put themselves into a posture of deâ—…nce Farther also and that clearly enough he asserts That â—…e Aim of those who advis'd a War was to take their opportunity because the Foreign Protestants being busi'd at home â—…u'd not attend the succor of those that were oppress'd in â—… He made excellent Reflections upon the Wars which â—…d been all along continu'd against 'em with the same design 〈…〉 destroy 'em sometimes by Fire and Sword sometimes by Deâ—…it and Treachery Thence passing to give Sentence upon the â—…casion that had constrain'd their Enemies to grant 'em such a number of Strong-holds he concludes That after the Massacre â— St. Bartholomew and the Siege of Rochel there was a necessity 〈…〉 allowing 'em a greater number to secure 'em says he against â—r Perfidiousness and Infidelity He observes how much the â—eace which they were suffer'd to enjoy for five years together under the Reign
of Henry III. was to their disadvantage through the Policy of that Prince who excluded 'em from all â—…ratifications a powerful means to infect the minds of those â—ho are oversway'd by their own Interests The King himself perform'd the office of a Converter and his Reasons which he â—â—compani'd with Favours or Denials as he thought proper â—egâ—in'd to his Religion all those who had a design to please him several also who continu'd in the Reformed Religion for their â—…wn Soul's health yet bred their Children up in the Roman Religion for the security of their Fortunes Jeannin adds farther â—â— demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the â—eformed for that when they had a mind to betake themselves â—o their Arms after a long rest they always found it a difficult â—…ing to rouze up from their Repose and Tranquility those â—ho had for some time bin tasting the delights of Peace â—eâ—ides that there was less danger in attacking 'em after they â—ad â—â—â—eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an â—â—sy life And he was so possess'd with this Opinion that as he wrote before the Peace to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉 make it so he publish'd another Writing after it was concluded to advise 'em to keep it But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side theâ— who assail'd him in his weakest part prov'd most successful anâ— for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fix'd in his minâ— they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at thâ—… head of an Army To say the truth there was a strange alteration 〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris But it seems he thoughâ— a Peace would not be for his Honor in the present Conjunction On the other side the Reformed had almost every where regain'd fresh Courage The Duke of Soubise had recover'd their Affairs in the Lower Poitou and in the Islands La Force had re-incourag'd to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold He had wrested St. For oâ— of Theobon's hands by means of a Female Intrigue in regarâ—… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen Toâ—…neins Clairac and several other Strong-holds once more acknowledg'd the Reformed for their Masters The Duke of Roâ—aâ— elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc had by 〈…〉 Policy and Prudence his Frankness and his Patience reconcil'd the Differences which had for some time disunited that Province so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign which had cost him so much men anâ— money The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday and by receiv'd Intelligence that the Duke of Espernon having drawn oâ— all his Forces for the security of his own Governments there waâ— not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head against the Duke of Soubise therefore he was constrain'd to begin his Campaign in those Quarters where the Duke either for want of Judgment or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours Royan was surrender'd to the King after a Siege of some few days and these Successes buri'd in oblivion the Treaties of Peace which had bin observ'd till that time and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother were enforc'd to return as they came On the other side the King upon some jealousy of the Duke of Treâ—…ouille who had remov'd to Sedan the Prince of Talmont his Eldest Son afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente whom he had left at Thouars under the tuition of the Dutchess Dowager dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place and secur'd the Castle for himself which was of some consequence at that time After this the King march'd into Guyenne where he presently retook all that The Reformed were Masters of and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force In pursuance of which he honour'd him with the Batoon of Marshal of France which had bin promis'd him above Twelve years before Moreover he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thousand Crowns to recompence him for the loss of his Governments which both he and his Children were oblig'd to quit Thus it comes to pass sometimes that Rebellion is more fortunate then Merit and that a man by rendring himself formidable secures to himself the reward of his Services La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy where the King solemniz'd the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before But la Force treated only for himself obtaining for his Friends no more then a bare Act of Oblivion which created him many Enemies in the Countrey where many of the Nobility had follow'd him before Moreover 't was twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belong'd to the Reformed and made some Scruple to surrender it which resistance they would fain have had to have bin lookt upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son But that Advice was rejected as well for fear of the Consequences as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave who obstinately oppos'd it The King now hastning into Languedoc was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way and for that the Cities which he had no design to have attack'd surrender'd merely out of fear of being besieg'd Negrepelisse and St. Antonin small Cities not far distant from Montauban were taken by Assault and all the Cruelties imaginable committed The Women suffer'd all that could be fear'd from the sensuality of Brutish Common Soldiers and the Men were almost all massacr'd The Pretence was That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Garison which the King left there the year before and that St. Antonin had stay'd took long before it surrender'd They also who retreated to the Castle first of all after the Town was surrender'd had their share of the same usage And when they had surrender'd at discretion the Council order'd twelve of 'em to be hang'd There were some that follow'd the King who by no means approv'd these Cruelties who rescu'd as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches and redeem'd some Women and Virgins that were threaten'd extremity of outrage with their own Money But the King who was naturally good natur'd and under whose Name these Cruelties were committed was more concern'd then any body So that his abhorrence of such Barbarities
be a difficult thing to meet with such a violent Harangue and where the most innocent things or at least the most to be excus'd by the necessity that constrain'd em were blacken'd after the most odious manner imaginable The torments of an infinite number of poor Creatures that were destroy'd in all places where the Catholics came the burning of Tonneins Monhart Negrepelisse and other Towns their frequent Insurrections against the Reformed their forcing Conversions of which that War afforded various Examples would make those tremble and their hair stand an end that read the Story should â— set 'em forth in the stile of this Harangue But this is the Character of the Catholic Prelates whatever it be that never so little touches the Respect which is due to their Grandeur is by them cry'd down for Sacriledge and is never to be excus'd But whatever they do in order to the destruction of those that offend 'em though never so opposite to all the Laws of God and Nature is lawful and clear from all Reproach and Censure Thus the City of Foix the Metropolis of that Province being inhabited by some Reformed Families the Monk Viâ—â—arte a Capuchin being sent thither by the Bishop of Pamiers went thither toward the end of the last year to do all the mischief he could under pretence of preaching the Advent Sermons and return'd thither to preach the Lent Sermons of this year But his seditious Declamations his Monastical Controversies his Conferences offer'd to the Ministers the pious Violences of the Governors of the Province and the City and the Treachery of some persons won over to their Party brought over all the Families to the Church of Rome There was not one withstood this Hurricane but the Minister and his Wife who was permitted to retire not so much out of Humanity or Justice but to give the greater lustre to the Monk's Victory And the Minister was spar'd to be a testimony of the desolation of his Church and to carry the news to the places of his retirement To which purpose they caus'd a Trumpet to attend him who under pretence of conducting him sounded forth the Triumphs of the Monk over the Minister and his Flock both in the streets of the City and in the Countrey Nor had the Reformed at Foix any other then a limited Exercise as I have said already In the mean time the Ecclesiastics of Foix gave this Monk a Certificate which made him lookt upon as the only Author of these goodly Conversions and which assur'd the world that no other violent means was made use of then that of the Word of God But 't is observable that they never bethought themselves of attesting in behalf of these New Converts that there was nothing but what was free and voluntary in their change The Art of Converting was then but in its Infancy Time brought it to some perfection for that in our days they never fail to cause these sort of Attestations to be sign'd by those that had suffer'd the utmost extremity of Violence at their hands Moreover the demolishing the Church which was done by the bare Authority of the Inhabitants without staying for the King's Orders follow'd the Monk's Victory close at the heels and the Catholic Churches of the City shar'd among 'em the Spoils of the Reformed It may be judg'd with what moderation this Affair was carri'd on by the precipitancy of the Catholics who â—ever consulted their Sovereign upon two Points of that importance It may be said perhaps in their behalf that they did nothing without the private encouragement of the Court who â—ook in good part what ever was serviceable toward the Conversion of the Heretics But the Archbishop of Ambrune haranguing the King upon his return to Paris after the Peace made â—vent a little farther then all this He made the King an Apostle 〈◊〉 his Speech and to support his new Eulogy with a Reason â—e added that the King procur'd Conversions by his Prudence and the concurrence of his just Arms. The meaning of his words is easily apprehended which seem'd to intimate that in Conversions of this nature Terror wrought no less effectually â—hen Instruction While the King lay at Bezieres where the Bishop of Momâ—… had made him a Speech he put forth a Declaration dated 〈◊〉 25. which renewing the ill-observed Promises of the King's Protection to those that liv'd in Obedience and staid at home under the benefit of the Edicts forbid all the Reformed to â—â—uit their Habitations whether in City or Countrey upon pain 〈◊〉 forfeiting all the Favours that had been afforded 'em and to 〈◊〉 proceeded against as guilty of High-Treason Deserters of the Kingdom and Disturbers of the Public Peace The Preâ—ence for these Prohibitions was That the Reformed forsook their Houses to join with those that were in Arms or with Foreigners that drew toward the Frontiers and threaten'd the Kingdom with an Invasion The truth is that the greatest part of those that quitted their Houses were forc'd to wander 〈◊〉 where in search of their security The heats of the Catholic Rabble the seditious roaring of the Monks in their Pulâ—… the uncontroul'd Licentiousness of the Soldiers the proâ—… of Protection a thousand ways broken Capitulations ill observ'd the frequent Tortures of those who surrender'd at discretion the enormous fury of the Rascally Mobile against the bodies of those who had undergone the utmost extremity and Torments yet stedfast to the end and several other Circumstances of the present condition of the Reformed in France were â—…rrible that they expected a Massacre every day which every body strove to avoid by withdrawing into places where there was more probability of safety But to speak the truth the Court was not free from Alarums and if the Confederates had but had a little ready money they would have made the Court repent their declaring War against ' em Count Mansfeild who was enter'd into the Confederacy against the House of Austria and who after the overthrow of the King of Bohemia had maintain'd his ground with good reputation at that time besieg'd Savern in Alsatia with a considerable Army but before he could take the place he was constrain'd to retreat for fear of the Imperialists who were within some few days march of him with three Bodies of an Army much superior in number to his In his retreat he was constrain'd to cross Lorrain which the Duke who had not his Forces ready durst not deny him Now the Count not having money 〈◊〉 no other way to keep his men together but by the liberty which he allow'd 'em to do what they pleas'd so that there was 〈◊〉 likelihood that he could subsist any long time provided his Parties could be hinder'd from roaming about from their maiâ— Body Marshal de Bouillon therefore liking well the opportunity and weary of the Neutrality which he had observ'd since the beginning of the War and desirous to make one smart Eâ—… say
â—â—d forfeited their Right if they had any That they were the perpetual occasion of renewing the Troubles That it was beâ—w a King to think there should be such Reasons of mistrust between him and his Subjects that his word and Faith should â—â—t be as good as Places of Security 'T was also there maintain'd That at first those Cities were not given to the People â—â—t to the Princes of the Blood who had sided with 'em That â— reality they were of no use to the Reformed because the â—ant of 'em never could warrant 'em from being attacqu'd by â—e King That 't was not to be thought that the King had any â—â—sign to ruin the Reformed tho he had taken their Cities from â—â—â— And he prov'd That 't was nor the Aim of the Council either by an Extract out of a Book call'd Les Armes Victoriâ—ses du Roy wherein it was made out that it was a great piece of injustice to force the Conscience and that there was nothing incompatible with the welfare of the State in the Toleration of â—wo Religions This Francophilus was of opinion That the Reformed might be suffer'd to hold Ecclesiastical Assemblies under certain Conditions to reduce Colloquies from four to one in a year but to hold Provincial Synods but once in three years nor for one Province to hold correspondence with another noâ— to have any more National Synods or if they had not to meâ—â— above once in six years with the King's permission and in such a place as he should be pleas'd to appoint under the oversight â—â— a Commissioner to be present on the King's behalf As for Politie Assemblies he deem'd it necessary that they should be suppress'd as pernicious or to suffer 'em only at some time three years after the National Synods He observ'd that the Nobility were never present at those Assemblies but only to flatter and get Pensions whether in Peace or War at the expence of the Common Cause That the Commissioners of the Third Estate had the same Ends That it was dishonest unprofitable and dangerous for Ministers to leave their Churches to be present â— those Meetings And in a word he would have all these Meetings to be very rarely held and after another manner then tiâ—â— that time they had bin allow'd As to the Money of which the Reformed demanded restitution he was of opinion That â—â— ought not to be restor'd 'T was in his opinion Money ill bestow'd which serv'd only to defray the Expences of Assemblies where nothing but War was talk'd of The disingaging of private Persons was to be referr'd to the King's Prudence who was â—â— judge upon whom it was proper to confer his Favours and how far it was fitting for him to extend 'em provided those Favour were requested not with their Arms in their hands and with Rebellious Expostulations but with tears in their Eyes and testimonies of Repentance He concluded That if Peace were offer'd upon Conditions dishonourable to the King a War would be more advantageous The Contents of that Treatise may well be thought to be written by a Person well inform'd of the Court's Intentions since that afterwards they put in practise every thing that he asserted The War then was continu'd and after the taking of several Little Places that might annoy the Army the King sate down before Mompellier But the Prince of Condé who had the Command of these petty Enterprizes discharg'd his duty after a most cruel manner Always some unfortunate Creatures were 〈…〉 to be executed in those Cities that were surrender'd 〈…〉 himself and 't is a wonderful thing that those Rigorous Proceedings did not animate the Reformed to be more obstinate in their Resistance For there was not any Place that yielded which could not have held out much longer or that might not we obtain'd at least an honourable Capitulation Lunel was â—e of those unfortunate Cities where the Garison that sustain'd â—e Siege underwent all the Cruelties that could be expected or â—r'd from a faithless Enemy For that instead of being safe conducted as they ought to have been they were almost all 〈…〉 to pieces by the Soldiers of the Prince's Army who gave but â—â—â—y slight and superficial Orders to prevent the slaughter All â—e Paggage which they carry'd out was pillag'd and they who â—â—d committed this Barbarous Action re-enter'd Lunel with a â—ring confidence carrying away those people Prisoners who â—â—ve them any hopes of Ransome and making them the Porters â— their Booty as if it had been the Prize of a just and lawful â—ar But by good luck for some of those Prisoners Bassomâ—rre happen'd to be at the Gate as the Soldiers were coming â—â—t who caus'd some of 'em to be hang'd order'd the Prisoners to be set at liberty and their Baggage to be restor'd ' em â—owevert his was all the justice that was done to recompense the â—ughter of the greatest part of the Garison that march'd out â—â—ch an Action as this committed by the Reformed would have â—â—en a copious Subject for Fenouillet's Eloquence to have engag'd upon Moreover Several of these Places had bin half demolish'd and the Reformed being too late convinc'd of the truth of what 〈…〉 had often formerly repeated to 'em that the too great â—â—mber of Places which they coveted to hold in their hands did not weaken up and keep their Forces too much separated they â—â—eâ—e desirous to preserve their Men for the most important Ciâ—â—s as Nimes Vsez Mompellier and some others Their Reâ—â—tance in those of lesser Importance was only to amuse the Eneâ—ys Army and that they might waste their Time their Ammunition and their Men. Which makes it apparent whither the Catholicks had any reason to complain that the Reformed demolish'd their Houses and levell'd the Fortifications of their Castles since they as little spar'd their own Houses as such Townâ— also which they had no mind to defend The Duke of Mommorency likewise obtain'd some small Advantage over the Reiters and the Lansquenets But the reducing of Aiguesmortes which Chatillon surrender'd to the King was of greater consequence He had held it a long time as 〈◊〉 were in trust and he was so well fix'd there that the Assembly who depriv'd him of the Government of the Circle and who put him out of Mompellier notwithstanding the numerous Party which he had there could not dispossess him of that Place All that they could do was to declare the City 〈◊〉 Associate with Chatillon in his Desertion and to look upon 〈◊〉 as a Town in hostility against ' em Nor had they made but a very lame Answer in the behalf of that Nobleman to the Manifesto publish'd against him by the Assembly The whole was reduc'd to a bare denial of those things which were laid 〈◊〉 his Charge which in reality were too evident or to excuse some things as done out of a good Intention All the rest was only stufft with Recriminations and Reproaches But his Advancement
came to the Army to put a final end to it One of those things which occasion'd the greatest trouble was that the King would needs enter into the City and that the Inhabitants were afraid that if they did admit him he would make 'em pay dear for the Expences of so long a Siege Neverthelefs the King disdaining to promise one of his Cities by a formal Treaty that he would not have entrance into it there was a necessity of endeavouring to persuade the Inhabitants to submit To this purpose the Duke of Rohan had leave to enter and make the Proposal to the Citizens He did so bâ— whether he undertook that Commission rather to inform himself of the true state of the Town then to persuade the People to a good liking of the Proposal or whether it were that he could not remove out of their minds the fear of being made a new Example of the Infidelities of the Court he return'd without being able to obtain the Consent of the City to admit the King Upon that he promis'd to send 'em Relief because the Town was in great want of men but he met with so many difficulties after the Duke of Vendome's and the Constable's â—en were arriv'd in the King's Camp that at length he resolv'd â—pon a Peace Thereupon it was concluded in despight of the Prince of Condé who for madness to see that he had so little Credit â—nd that an Affair of such Importance should be conceal'd from â—is knowledge quitted the Court and travell'd into Italy On the other side the Duke of Rohan with the Commissioners â—f Cevennes Nimes and Vsez came to Mompellier and the â—9th of October the Edict of Peace was publish'd in the Camp before Mompellier This Edict was set forth in the Form of â— Pardon wherein the King before all things took care to assert the Justice of his Arms taken up against the Reformed whose Rebellions he ascrib'd to the Artifices of those who thought to make advantage of their Simplicity and the Troubles of the State and he took God to witness that his Intension had always bin to procure the Peace and Welfare of his Subjects After which he declar'd that he had granted a Peace upon the humble Petitions and Supplications of the Reformed who had besought it by their Commissioners sent on purpose together with a Pardon for their Offences By this Peace he confirm'd the Edicts not only of the deceased King â—ut his own He likewise confirm'd the Secret Articles but â—e added the word Enregister'd wherein he had an Aim that â—o body mistrusted and which was afterwards the foundation â—f many Cavils He re setled the Roman Religion in several places where the exercise of it had bin interrupted and recor'd to the Ecclesiasticks their Tenths their Revenues and their Houses He also re-establish'd the Reformed Religion in places where it had bin disturb'd by the War He ordain'd that the Cities remaining in the hands of the Reformed preserving their ancient Fortifications should demolish their new â—nes for which they gave Hostages and he forbid the fortifying of any place under any pretence whatever He extended the benefit of the Peace to all those that would submit in fifteen days after publication of the Edict He put down all Politic Assemblies if they were not authoriz'd by his Express Permission but he consented to their holding Consistories Colloquies and Synods according to custome provided that nothing were handl'd therein but meerly Ecclesiastical Affairs He granted an Act of Oblivion for all that had happen'd since the first of January 1621 as full and with the same Restrictions as that which had been granted by the 76th 77th and 86th Articles of the Edict of Nantes He added a particular Amnesty for what had happen'd at Privas wherein he comprehended Brison who had been the Author of those Commotions and who had kept his ground there ever since the beginning of the year As for the Accompts and the Sentences or Decrees that had bin issu'd out against the Reformed who had born Arms they were regulated according to the Articles of the Edict of Nantes that mention'd the same things and the Judgments pronounc'd between Persons of their Party by the Judges setled in the Provinces by Authority of the Chieftains were confirm'd the Prisoners on both sides were releas'd without Ransom All Persons of what quality soever were restor'd to their Estates their Dignities and Employments The observation of this Edict was regulated according to the Form prescrib'd by the 82d Article of Nantes and the King promis'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces to see it duly executed This Edict free'd from much trouble a great many Persons against whom the Parlament had issu'd forth very severe Decrees which were put in execution without mercy Thus the Unfortunate Lâ—ssius who had been proscrib'd at the beginning of the Troubles not being able to escape his being surpriz'd at Bourdeaux was put to death in pursuance of a Decree set forth against him the 18th of May. For they thought it more proper and more agreeable to their nature to look upon his Actions as Acts of Rebellion against his Prince then effects of Zeal for his Religion and Countrey He was suspected for one of those who had a great share in the Intrigues of the Reformed and they coupl'd him with Chamier who was slain at the Siege of Montauban and Hautefontaine who liv'd with the Duke of Rohan The Parliament of Rennes no less violent then that of Bourdeaux had upon the 10th of the same Month issu'd forth a most terrible Decree against the Marquess de la Muce and le Noir his Minister They condemn'd 'em for Conâ—â—macy to the Amende Honorable â—nd to be drawn by four Horses Their Posterity was degraded and declared Peasants Muce's Houses and Castle were demolish'd and his Wood cut down to the â—eighth of a Man Moreover their Goods were confiscated and themselves fin'd the Sum of Ten thousand Livres and Six thousand Livres to be bestow'd upon some Churches and Moâ—asteries La Muce was also levell'd with the Earth though 〈◊〉 Decrees of Contumacy the Proceedings were not wont to be â—…swift But in regard the persons condemn'd were out of the Parlament's reach they were discharg'd for an Execution in 〈◊〉 There were also several other very Rigorous Decrees according to the Passionate Humour of the Parlaments which were to take cognizance of the Parties accus'd Nay the Duke of Rohan himself had bin declar'd a State-Criminal by a particular Decree made on purpose However they spar'd him while the Constable de Luines liv'd but after his death a Declaration was publish'd against the Duke and his Adherents â—et though it came forth 27th of December of the preceding â—ear it was not verify'd till the fourth of July 1622. So that 〈◊〉 Duke bore Arms above a year against the King made himself master of several Places reliev'd Montauban and committed all manner of Hostilities all the
while before he was â—…s'd as a Rebel This Peace prov'd very honourable for the Duke of Rohan who notwithstanding that the Reformed had lost about fourscore Towns was yet in a condition to gain a General Peace which the King had refus'd at the Siege of Montauban but the Priâ—ate Articles were still more to his advantage then the General The remaining Places were left in the hands of the Reformed not under the Title of Security Marriage or Hostage but by way of free Gift and voluntary Concession which did â—ut only alter the name not the thing 'T is true that the King would no longer tye himself to pay the Garisons nor what was due for the time past as the Sums promis'd either by himself or his Father for the Salaries of the Ministers Yet he gave 'em some hopes that he would pay 'em for the future But that Article was ill observ'd as well as the rest By a particular Brevet the King promis'd that he would neither keep any Garison nor erect any Citadel at Mompellier that the City should remain in the Custody of the Consuls and that there should be no Innovation other then the demolishing of the new Fortifications which Breif was deliver'd to the Duke of Rohan who lodg'd it in the Consul's hands By other Breifs permission was given that Rochel and Montauban should preserve their Fortifications in the same condition as theâ—… stood and that the Works about Nimes Castres Vsez and Milhau should be but half demolish'd But when that Article about the demolishing of the Fortifications came to â—â— put in execution notice was giv'n to the Parlament of Tholouse that the Reformed went to work after such a manner that by dismantling their Cities they made 'em better and stronger then before so that upon the 14th of December there came forth a Decree which forbid those counterfeit dismantlings which was the reason that that same Article of the Edict was laid aside and the places left in the same condition as the Peace found ' em Nor did the Parlament verify the Edict of Peace but with several Qualifications The Parlament of Paris instead of the words Cities of the pretended Reformed Religion put in Cities 〈◊〉 by those of the pretended Reformed Religion and in the room of thâ— words Ecclesiastical Affairs they alter'd 'em into Affairs concerning the Regulations of the said pretended Reformed Religion These petty Niceties however display'd no signs of Embitterment But the Parlament of Bourdeaux laid about 'em with the same passionate Fury as they had shewn during the Frenziâ—â— of the League They verifi'd the Edict without approving any other then the Catholic Religion or admitting the words Ecclesiastical Affairs They ordain'd that the dismantling of their Towns should be continu'd till it were thoroughly finish'd that such Judgments as were in favour of the Catholics should stand good but that those which were advantageous to the Reformed should be revokable upon a bare Petition and thâ—â— no Foreigners should be capable of being Ministers in the Kingdom These affected Severities in the Verification of an Edict â—ight well be lookt upon as a Presage that the Repose which it contributed to the Kingdom would not be of long contiâ—â—ance Nevertheless all the Cities which had join'd together in the â—â—mmon Cause accepted of the Peace though there were â—â—me that were afraid of the Consequence Privas and Brison who had held it out notwithstanding the Conquests which Chaâ—lloâ— had suffer'd the Duke of Mommorency to make in the Neighbouring parts came in upon the general Conditions Montauban proud of having held out a Siege where the King was in person and of preserving her Fortifications as a Troâ—…y of her Victory accepted the Conditions also Rochel prest 〈◊〉 Sea and Land and fearing to be assailed by the whole strength of the Kingdom if she refus'd the Conditions propos'd submitted to the Count of Soissons who commanded the King's Forces that attacqu'd her However the Duke of Guise â—…ough well inform'd that the Peace was concluded adventur'd 〈◊〉 engage the Fleet of that City and because he could not â—â—â—d out a way to excuse that Action which cost a great deal 〈◊〉 Blood on both sides 't was given out that Rochel knew it as well as he and that she would not have accepted the Peace â—â—d she got the better To say truth her loss was not so great â—â—t that she was still in a condition to appear formidable And 〈◊〉 may be said that her damage consisted in this that the least â—…es of a City that has no other assistance to trust to but her â—wn are always considerable rather then in her receiving any great harm by the King 's Fleet. But after the tidings of the â—eace all Acts of Hostility ceas'd and the City thought herself deliver'd from all her fears of a long Siege Vsez Nimes Milhau all the rest of the Cities obey'd and flatter'd themselves with seeing the Edicts better observ'd for the future then hitherto â—â—ey had bin But Catholic Zeal had not yet alter'd her Characters nor was it lawful for the Council to make a Peace of that nature â—â—t with a resolution to violate it One of the first effects of â—â—e Infidelity of the Court was her defrauding the most part of the Deserters of the common Cause and denying 'em the Recompences which had bin promis'd em for the performance 〈…〉 which Promises they never had bin urgent The King thought that the Peace which he had granted to all the Reformed haâ—… disingag'd him from the Promises which he had made to particular men meerly to retain 'em in their obedience Nor would many People have murmur'd at this piece of Infidelity had thâ—… stopp'd there and it was agreed on all sides that they who haâ— sold for ready money the Towns that were the security of their Religion and their Consciences deserv'd no better usage bâ—… the Court-Designs soon after broke out into Frauds of highâ—… importance For they had promis'd the Rochelois to demoliâ—… the Fort which the Count of Soissons had built to curb and aâ—… noy the City But they were so far from observing that Article that the Fort was not finish'd till after the Peace was made nor could all the Complaints of the Rochellois obtain aâ—… other then feigned Commands to demolish it of which they to whom they were sent had private Orders to take 〈…〉 notice Among the secret Conditions which were granted to the City of Mompelier there was a Promise made to the Inhabitants that the King should not enter with above four Colours of Fooâ—… which should march out back again with him To elude which Promise the whole Regiment of Guards was order'd to enter iâ—… under no more then four Colours unworthily abusing the aâ—… biguous signification of the word though as time has made it out the word Colours or Ensign signifies much more usually in common speech a Company of Soldiers marching under 〈…〉 Ensign then
the Cap had depriv'd him of his Reason He forgot all the gravity and decorum of his Character and display'd his satisfaction by motions and gestures so unbecoming a man of his Age and Quality that the Gentleman was more afraid of his hatred then ever as having bin so unfortunate to be the Witness of a piece of weakness which the Bishop had reason to be asham'd of as long as he liv'd But after a little time had giv'n the first transports of his Joy leave to evaporate the Bishop deliver'd him out of his fears and only very seriously admonish'd him not to let any body know what he had seen nor to appear at Court till the Courier was arriv'd But though the Gentleman were very trusty in observing the last Injunction he could no more forbear his disobedience to the latter then Midas's Barber In the mean time the Bishop came to himself agen and had time to compose the Disorders of his mind so that when the Queen sent for him to impart the welcome News to him he receiv'd it with such a careless Hypocrisy as if his Soul had bin above such a Transitory Dignity That Gravity which he had had time to study begot him a world of Admiration and caus'd the Courtiers to speak many things in his commendation Thus many times in Eminent Persons the Hits of Chance are imputed to Prudence Prosperity is admir'd as the Architecture of the Man's Genius and the Praises belonging to Vertue are bestow'd upon outward Appearances The King lay then before Mompelier when the New Cardinal came to pay him his returns of Thanks so that he could not give him the Bonnet till after the Peace when he return'd to Paris I would repeat the Prodigious Flatteries of those that harangu'd the King all along where he lay upon the Road did I not find that the Reformed imitated the Catholics and strove to outvy 'em in their Excesses and Hyperbole's Nevertheless I cannot forbear to say something of the Consul Montelimar who extended the extravagance of his Style and his Eulogies farther then any other He insisted upon the Divine Aspect and presence of the King He attributed to him Vertues that Heaven rever'd and the Earth ador'd and a Life so holy in the midst of Crowned Exaltation and Royal Grandeur that he deserv'd both the Altars and Sacrifices of Sacred Veneration These Fulsome Flatteries are either the Effects or Forerunners of Pusillanimous Servitude and Subjects renounce their right of complaining that their Soveraign exalts his Power above Justice when they make him more then mortal by such soaring Adulations Which is the reason that now-a-days we find that Flattery has no bounds where the People have lost their Liberty beyond recovery While the King lay at Lion whither the Duke of Rohan follow'd him to sollicit the performance of the Treaty of Peace the Commissioners from Rochel arriv'd there the same time to obtain an Order for demolishing Fort Lewis 'T is true they receiv'd some shew of satisfaction because they had a Letter given 'em under the Privy Signet directed to Arnaud Commander of the Fort wherein he was order'd to level it with the ground within eight days after the Rochelois had dismantl'd some of their New Fortifications But at the same time there was another Letter written which was sent by a shorter way wherein Arnaud was order'd to give no credit to the former Letter So that when the Rochelois deliver'd him the Letter which their Commissioners had brought they were scornfully us'd and return'd without any hopes of satisfaction Soon after also notwithstanding these Counterfeit Letters from the Court they â—aw quite finish'd what remain'd to be done in order to putâ—ing the Fort into a perfect posture of defence On the other side Valencé who was left by the King in Mompelier with a considerable Garison endeavour'd to make himself Master of some places in Cevennes under pretence of quartring some Soldiers that were only upon their march through the Countrey Upon which the Cities of Sauve and Gange either too credulous â—r because they had not sufficient warning gave the Soldiers admittance But the Duke of Rohan took such care that the rest preserv'd themselves from being so surpriz'd Soon after the Duke went to Mompelier to regulate some things which Valencé to whom in his return from Lion he carry'd a Letter from the King which concern'd the Execution of the Peace But no sooner was he enter'd the City but Valencé being inform'd of his Travailing by himself and by consequence having had leisure to prepare himself for such an Action seiz'd upon him as his Prisoner His Pretence was That he was come to raise Commotions and that he did not pursue the Intentions of the Court in the Execution of the Peace 'T is true indeed he was not privy to the Intentions of those who never made the Peace but with a design to break it He observ'd the Terms of the Declaration and Briefs But Valencé who was Puisieux's Brother-in law better understood the Mystery That Minister had promis'd the Pope's Nuntio That â—he Peace should serve to no other end then to ruin the Reformed and he made use of all the most palpable Frauds that could be devis'd to bring it to pass But the news of the Duke of Rohan's being detain'd a Pris'ner begat both astonishment and indignation in all the Reformed who had any thing of courage left and Soubise threaten'd to renew the War Nor was the Court less astonish'd at the News then they were in the Provinces And the boldness of the Action appear'd so great that they were in no small perplexity what course to take There were some who neither consider'd the King's Honour nor the scandalizing all Europe that were for putting the Duke to death But Moderation was thought the better way He was releas'd upon condition he should quit the City and the Lower Languedoc and execute his Commission in the Upper This Proceeding of the Court may be attributed to several Reasons some will say that it was infus'd into 'em by that little respect they had to Honesty and Sincerity which would not permit 'em so publickly and egregiously to violate a Peace that had been so lately concluded or because they thought it not just to ruin a Man of that importance as the Duke who had done nothing which deserv'd death since the Pardon that the King had granted him On the other side it may be said That either they they had not time to examine the Consequences of so violent an Action or that they fear'd to arm against 'em all the Lords that had submitted to the King if they us'd the Duke after such a manner as might give them just occasion to be afraid of the like usage upon the first opportunity that offer'd Yet some have written that none of these Motives induc'd the Court to release the Duke but that the Interest of a Ball decided the Dispute For the Queen had
appointed one wherein the Dutchess of Rohan was to bear a part and every thing was ready when the News of the Duke's Imprisonment arriv'd Which Accident would have quite broken off the Match and the Queen must either have lost or been forc'd to have deferr'd a Pastime she was just about to enjoy which would have bin a very great disappointment to a Princess of her Age and therefore it was better to let an Enemy live then disturb the Pleasures of a Young Queen So that the Duke was more beholding for his Liberty to a Dancing Match then to the Publick Faith In the mean time Valence made the best of this Accident for while he kept the Duke in Prison he proceeded to the Election of the Consuls and caus'd the one half to be chosen Catholics as he had already done by the Marine Consulship out of which he had taken out one half of the Reformed Both the one and the other was against the express terms of the Breif by which it was promis'd that no Innovation should be introduc'd into the Consulship and there is great probability that the Duke of Rohan would have very much obstructed Valence's Enterprize had not the latter prevented him by Imprisonment But when the Duke was set at liberty he found the thing done and the Order which oblig'd him to retire into Vpper Languedoc depriv'd him both of time and means to apply any Remedy The Reformed complain'd that Valence had made use of Violence in the electing what Consuls he thought fit himself and that he had kept the Consuls that were going out of their employments a whole night Pris'ners in his own house to force their consent to the election of Catholics But the Court took â—o notice of these Complaints and all that the Duke cou'd obtain from 'em was that Valence shou'd recall the men that he â—ad quarter'd up and down in Valence's Credit was then so great that though he were no more then Governor of Mompelier he was consulted by all Languedoc to know the secret intentions of the Court and that 't was enough for him to say â—hat 't was the King's pleasure that such or such a thing should be done to have it put in execution Orders of the same nature given out of the Jurisdiction of his Government were obey'd as if they had come from the King himself and Acts â—f which the purport only was that Valence had written that the King's Pleasure was so or so have past in our days for definitive in Affairs of great importance Nevertheless it was â—oth contrary to Probability and Custom that the Governor of 〈…〉 particular Town should be the Arbitrator of a whole Province But in Affairs of Religion 't was enough to authorize Fraud and Injustice against the Reformed for a Catholic to â—ay Le Roy veut 't is the King's Pleasure As for the Duke of Rohan when he was got clear of Mompelier he went to Milhau where he understood that the Duke of Espernon to whom the King a little before had giv'n the Government of Guyenne instead of that of Saintonge and Augonnois went about to hinder the Cities held by the Reformed in Rouvergne to elect their Consuls as they were wont to do and that he had written to 'em not to make any new Elections till they understood from his mouth the King 's further Pleasure But the Duke of Râ—han explaining his Pleasure by the terms of the Peace persuaded 'em to elect their Consuls at the usual times and after that to send Commissioners to the Duke of Espernon to know his Will They took his Advice and by that means preserv'd their right to keep the Catholics out of the Consulship But while things thus past in Languedoc the general Commissioners Mommarton and Maniald who had been substituted in the rooms of Flavas and Chalas present a Paper to the King wherein they demanded several things necessary for the preservation of Peace It consisted of Twenty two Heads the substance of which was That Commissioners should be sent into the Provinces to see the Peace duly executed That the Garison might be remov'd out of Mompelier That the Brief which promis'd there should be no Innovation might be observ'd That Fort Lewis might be demolish'd That the Reformed who had bin condemn'd to the Gallies might be set at liberty That the Sums promis'd for the Ministers Salaries for the low state of Pensions and the payment of the Garisons might be discharg'd both for the time past and for the future That Candal who had paid some money before-hand might be reimburs'd That the King should provide for the payment of the Ministers of the Country of Gex to whom there had been assign'd a Fund upon the Toll-money in recompence of the Ecclesiastical Revenues which had bin taken from 'em That the King would be pleas'd to contribute something toward the rebuilding of the Church at Charenton which was burnt down in the War-time That he would be pleas'd to cause the Church at Tours to be rebuilt at his own charges in the same place where it stood before the Sedition according to his promise That he would vouchsafe to let the Church of Bourg be rebuilt notwithstanding that the Catholics disputed their Right to the Ruins of it That free Exercise of their Religion might be restor'd to the Reformed at Villemur Fontain Luson and Talâ—ont in which places they had carri'd their Violences so high against those that went about to assemble together as to level their great Guns against 'em That the same liberty should be also allow'd at Surgeres Bagnols St. Giles's Figeac Puimirol â—iâ— en Armagnac from whence they had expell'd the Minister â—nd lastly at Quilleboeuf in Normandy That the Reformed of Poitiers might be discharg'd from the payment of Twelve hunder'd Livres which had bin laid upon 'em by way of Tax for the Guard of the City though they would not do 'em the â—onour to trust 'em with it as they did the rest of the Inhabitants That the Edict of Compensation might be executed in â—earn and that the Exercise of the Reformed Religion might â—e restor'd to the Navarreines And that the Churches Bells Church-yards which the Reformed enjoy'd there by the Decree â—f the Commissioners might be preserv'd to 'em since they â—ad resign'd all the rest to the Catholics That the Party Chambers might set up again in those places where they had bin reâ—or'd during the Wars That the Reformed might be exempted from the building of Churches to which the Catholics of Arâ—â—i le Due went about to constrain 'em actually prosecuting â—em at the Council-board in order to have 'em comprehended â—n the raising Six thousand Livres design'd toward the building of a Church for the Capuchins That the Church of Remorenâ—in burnt in the time of the War and that of Gergeau pull'd â—own since the Peace might be rebuilt That the Cities of Berâ—eras and St. For might be eas'd of several Grievances And â—astly
would bring all things to pass In short Cameron was call'd next year to the Academy of Montâ—â—ban but dy'd within a little while after before the second War brake out Du Moulin returning from England was discover'd at Dieppe though in disguise and had Orders to stop there though 't is true they were not very exact in pursuit of him After that he liv'd quietly at Sedan even after the King had dispossess'd the Duke of Bouillon of it As for Bergerac she had â—…r share of the severity of the Court which forbid the Synod 〈…〉 allow any thing toward the maintenance of the Colledge of â—â—at City But the Commissioner never hinder'd the Synod â—om reviving the Oath of Union in Discipline and Doctrine â—â—r was the Court offended at it The second Act of Injustice done the Reformed was the building a Citadel at Mompelier directly contrary to the Treaty 〈…〉 Peace and the Breif granted in pursuance of it Nor was â—â—e Artifice made use of to justify the doing it very much to the honour of the Authors of it For Valence permitted the Solâ—â—ers of the Garison to live as licentiously as they pleas'd themâ—elves on purpose to give an occasion of making Complaints â—nd because it seem'd a difficult thing to suppress 'em he â—ackt an Assembly of the Citizens who were to consult upon expedients most proper to restrain 'em within the Bounds of their Duty Now the Catholic Consuls order'd as many of their own Religion as they could to be there But as for the â—eformed who were wont to rely upon others for the Government of the City and knew not the Mystery of that Consultation for the greatest part they never came and others durst â—ot appear so that the Catholics were far superior in number 〈…〉 the others among whom also many were gain'd which â—ave an occasion to say that the Reformed and the Catholics were agreed in the same demand Now then the Question being put which was the best way to secure the Burgesses from the Insolencies of the Soldiers the Catholics presently embrac'd the Propoâ—al of demanding a Citadel where the King might lodge his Garison and discharge the City of quartering Soldiers 'T was â—n vain for the small number of Protestants that were at the Meeting to oppose it and so the business was decided as it were â—y plurality of Voices and Deputies were sent to Court to obtain the King's consent who was not very scrupulous of giving it But Maniald who was one of the Deputies being inform'd of this Enterprize and entrusted with the Memoirs of the Reformed of Mompelier made a Speech to the King upon this Subject the 14th of September complain'd of the foul Play that had been us'd declar'd that the Inhabitants of Mompelier were forc'd to make this demand protested that their Names were abus'd requir'd the demolishing of Fort Lewis and produc'd the Reports of the Works demolish'd by the Reformed according to the Treaty of Peace to the end there might not be a pretence of their not having done their duty But they would not be better inform'd at Court they were resolv'd to believe Valencé and the Catholicks to the contempt of the Protestatioâ— which the Reformed made and the Decree of the Parlament of Tholouse put forth on purpose to elude their Obedience pasâ—… for a conviction that they had not done fairly as to the demolishing their Fortifications 'T was impossible that all these Acts of Injustice should be committed without causing great alterations in the minds oâ— men so that the Court expected to see the Peace suddenly broken Nevertheless as yet she had no great inclination to the War because the Government was not as yet well setled The Old Cardinals were jealous of Cardinal Richlieu The high Favour wherein Puisieux and the Chancellor his Father-in law were began to totter And there wanted a little longer time of Peace for every one of those who sought the advancement of their Fortunes to secure and settle their Affairs But the Council of Conscience the Spanish Faction that still held up its head the Clergy unanimous were all for a War And Cardinal Richlieu who would not seem to be lukewarm so soon after his Promotion nor offend the Queen Mother who embrac'd the same Interests lean'd that way as well as the rest Therefore as a foreboding of the Troubles that were suddainly to revive agen a Declaration was given out the 10th of November against those who went from Province to Province to sow Jealousies of the Infidelity of the Court furnish'd with Letters and Instructions of the Dukes of Rohan and Subise The King however declar'd That he would not believe that either of those two Noblemen were any way concern'd in those Intreagues or that the Reformed in general had any thoughts of turning aside from their Obedience However to give 'em more perfect assurances of the reality of his Intentions he confirm'd the Edicts and his last Declarations he order'd that the Commissioners should continue in the Provinces till they were absolutely fulfill'd and forbid all manner of persons to speak â—…ite suggest persuade or give ear to any thing that was conâ—…ry to his good Intentions or the Publick Tranquility to go 〈◊〉 send into the Provinces or to Assemblies that might be held the same effect and to act nothing that tended toward a War â—…on pain of being punish'd as Disturbers of the Public â—…pose Du Plessis lay drawing on when this Declaration â—…ear'd and God took him out of this World before the â—…ond War to spare him the grief of seeing the Ruin of â—…se Churches brought to perfection to which he had so â—…g been serviceable by his Writings by his Counsels and â—…his Example He had a little before come to an agreement â—…th the Court about the Recompence which he was to have 〈◊〉 all his Labours which after he had been so long put off and â—…de the sport of his Enemies was reduc'd to a hundred thousand Franks Marshal de Bouillon dy'd some months before him 〈◊〉 upon his Death-bed recommended nothing to his Children 〈◊〉 perseverance in the Reformed Religion and never to bear 〈◊〉 against the King so long as he secur'd the Peace of the Churches Which last Injunctions of his his Daughters obey'd â—…ch better then his Sons For his eldest Son forsook his Religion and quitted the King's Service betimes The End of the Eighth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE NINTH BOOK The Heads of the Ninth Book THE Commissioners impair the Condition of the Reformed Gergeau at Remorentin at Tours Commissioners Poitou and Saintonge The Character of Amelot who 〈◊〉 the Churches by outward Shews of Honesty and Probity Writing of the Clergy of Saintonge The Malignity of 〈◊〉 Articles Complacency of Chalac Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel Alterations at Court Maxims of Cardinal Richlieu Proposals of Marriage between the Prince Wales and the Infanta of Spain fruitless A Match 〈◊〉 for
with Henrietta of France Negotiation of the Archbyâ— of Ambrun the Match concluded upon advantageous Conditiâ—… for the Catholics Death of James I. Charles consummâ—… the Marriage Suit between the City of Pamiers and Bishop Cavils upon the Right of prosecuting the payment Legacies and Donations Exemption of Ministers Trâ—… reviv'd Enterprise of the Duke of Rohan and Soubise 〈◊〉 cover'd Soubise seizes the King's Ships and is block'd 〈◊〉 the Port of Blavet He is thought to be lost and is disown'd by all the world The King's Declaration upon that occasion Soubise disingages himself which changes the face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his Wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Answer Dispute about the Priviledges of Rochel Peace talk'd of Cruelties of the Râ—al Army in Soubise's Successes Remonstrance of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to the Articles with which the Reformed are not content The Court recovers her Affairs Assembly of the Clergy that furnishes out money with reluctancy The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace which delays the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain A Design of the Cardinal of which he is forc'd to forbear the execution Instances of the English Ambassadors for the peace of Religion Rochel accepts the Conditions somewhat mitigated Divers Acts upon occasion of the Peace Why the Court demanded such Writings Act past by the English Ambassadors In what sense the King becomes a Guaranty for the Peace A new Edict which confirms all the rest Foul Play shew'd by France to the Confederates Jealousies between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal 's weak side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's Houshold Conspiracy against the Cardinal Condition of Rochel National Synod Decree relating to Commissioners Instructions of the Commissioners Chauve the Moderator's Answer Surprize upon the Synod of Realmont Infidelity of Masuyer at which the Catholics triumph They would fain hedge in the Ministers into the Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont which orders enquiry after such as were gâ—tity which offends all the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod Leave to nominate general Deputies from which the Synod desires to be excus'd and send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes to whom the King sâ—â—stitutes Hardi Return of the Deputies and the King's Answer The Synod names general Deputies Several Resolutions of the Synod The City of Castres refuses to receive the Luke of Rohan's Deputies Memoirs of Complaints Burying of Lords that were the Founders in Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated Vexatious Declarations Meeting of the Notable Conversions forc'd in Bearn at Aubenas at St. Amand. Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier Foundation of that City Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel remains block'd up the English declare War Tâ—… United Provinces assist France The English land in the 〈…〉 of Ree Irresolution of the Rochellers Letters of the Coâ—â—â— intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots ought to â—â— suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel determines and publishâ—â— a Manisesto The Duke of Rohan does the same Iâ—trâ—… of Galand against the Duke Rout of the English Sâ—… Fleet of the English of no use to the Rochellers A third Flâ—â—â— as ineffectual The beginning of a Treaty of Peace with England and Surrender of Rochel The City refuses to submit to 〈…〉 English Spanish Fleet at the Siege of Rochel Severities exercis'd toward the Ladies of Rohan The Courage of Guiton Maire of Rochel How the City was us'd IN the mean time the Commissioners that were promis'd to be sent into the Provinces went thither in earnest but the course which they took in the execution of the Edicts serv'd only to convince the most incredulous among the Reformed that the Court did but make a Maygame of ' em For the Church which they had at Gergeau that had bin one of their Cities of security and where they had held some general Assemblies was taken from 'em in a City where they had always enjoy'd one and to make 'em amends for this Act of Injustice they had leave giv'n to build another at the farther end of all the Suburbs The Catholics of Remorentin who had burnt the Church would never permit the building of another but the Commissioners instead of punishing the Misdemeanor and doing Justice upon the Offenders were so kind as to leave things in the same condition as they found ' em But the Injustice which they did the Reformed of Tours was much more notorious For the King had promis'd after the Sedition of which I have given an account in another place to preserve to the Protestants of that City their priviledge of meeting in that place â—here they were wont to assemble and to supply 'em with the â—…um of Six thousand Livres towards the rebuilding of the â—hurch which the Mutineers had fir'd But the Commissioners â—…ted quite contrary to this Promise They arriv'd at Tours in â—…y and would needs persuade the Reformed to accept of another place which Proposal being rejected by the poor People â—…o demanded the performance of the King's word the Commissioners departed without making any regulation Toward the end of September they return'd agen to Tours at what time â—â—ey took a view of several places of the situation of which â—â—eâ— drew up a long Report in writing and design'd the Reformed one for the building of a Church which the Reformed â—ould not accept of but they got nothing by it for the Commissioners enforc'd 'em by an Order to sell the place where their â—…d Church stood and to lay out the money in the purchase of â—â—at which was design'd ' em Amelot and Chalas had a Commission to see the Edict per â—…rm'd in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge Chalas who â—as made choice of by Amelot as the Catholic Commissioners â—â—d almost every where the priviledge to nominate their Associates was one of those complying sort of People who have not â—…udacity enough to oppose another man's Opinion and who being men of sincerity themselves cannot believe that other men will deceive ' em So that the Reformed complain'd very much â—…f his softness and never thought themselves beholding to him â—…r any Justice that was done 'em upon some Articles Amelot â—…n the other side was one of those People that never did any thing without a great deal of Pomp and Ceremony and who â—…ake it their strife to please all the world at least to outward â—ppearance He made Mountains of Molehilâ—s and thought 〈…〉 advance himself at Court by giving the Grandees Information of every diminutive Trifle He made a great noise of cerâ—â—in Designs which he had discover'd and which he would needs â—…ave had to have bin lookt upon at Court as important Conspiracies
Duke should take Arms in the Provinces where he had most Reputation but that if the Enterprize fail'd he should disowâ— his Brother's Actions Their own Estates and what ready money they had were the Fund upon which they laid the Foundations of this great Design But when all things were ready Soubise was betray'd by Nouailles one of his principal Officerâ— who reveal'd the Secret yet for all that Soubise's diligence wâ—â— so great that he had prevented the measures which the Couâ—â— had taken to hinder the effect of the Enterprize had he but hâ—â— a little more time to have made his Retreat For with those few men he had he made himself Master of all the Veâ—â—â— which lay then in the Port. But he could not get possession â—â— the Fort by reason that upon the Intelligence which Nouâ—â—â— had given they had put a Garison into it much more numeroâ— then the Party that follow'd Soubise Besides that the Duke â—â— Vendosme Governor of the Province had time to muster little Army together and to bar up the Haven with aâ— Iron Chain and a Cable of an extraordinary thickness Bâ— which means Soubise was shut up within the place without either Men or Ammunition and expos'd for three weeks together to the Cannon of the Fort and the Small Shot of tâ—â— whole Army There was no body in the Kingdom but thought him lost beyond recovery so that every one strove which should be the firâ— to disown him La Trimouille la Force Chatillon and severâ—â— others of the highest Quality disown'd him in writing Thâ— general Deputies and those of the Church of Paris follow their example The Cities of Rochel Nimes Vsez and Mâ—tauban together with the Communities of Cevennes did thâ— same either by authentic Acts or by the mouths of their Dâ—puties And this it was that disappointed all the Designs which the Duke of Rohan had form'd upon several places because â—â— body would engage in a War which had prov'd so unfortunaâ—â— in the first Attempt In the mean time the King publish'd Declaration at Paris dated Jan. 25. eight days after the Suâ— prize of Blavet I know not what to say of this date but it â—â—ems naturally impossible that all the Disclaimers and Renunâ—iations as are mention'd in the Declaration should come in so â—â—ort a time from so many places so far remote and where the News of the taking of Blavet could not be arriv'd so soon However it were the stile of it was like the language of all the â—est and if the Prefaces of Edicts were always true it might â—e said that the Reformed were much too blame to make such â—â—oud Complaints The Peace of Mompelier was therein menâ—ion'd as a Favour by vertue of which the Sentiments of a â—ust Indignation had bin over-rul'd by the natural Benignity of a â—ing the Father of his People toward Subjects submissive and reâ—entant It spoke of the performance of the last Treaty in â—erms so violent as if they would have enforc'd the most clearâ—â—ghted to have given their eyes the Lye and to believe that â—he Citadel built at Mompelier the numerous Garison which they had put into it the Alterations in the Elections of Conâ—â—ls Fort Lewis compleated to block up Rochel after solemn promise to demolish it the Public Preparations made to seize â—â—e Priviledges and Liberties of that formidable City and a â—under'd more Acts of Injustice put upon the Reformed in several places were no palpable Breaches of the Edict of Peace After this the King confirm'd the Edicts in favour of those that continu'd in their Obedience declar'd Soubise his Adheâ—ents and all those that directly or indirectly kept any correspondence with him guilty of High Treason depriv'd all the Cities and Corporations that favour'd him of their Priviledges and Immunities gave a month's time to him and his Adherents â—o return to their Duty and upon that condition from that â—ery instant granted 'em a full oblivion of their Rebellion or of they refus'd to accept of mercy threaten'd 'em with the utâ—â—ost rigor of the Laws But before this Declaration was verifi'd Soubise being faâ—our'd by a high wind that blew directly for his purpose broke the Chain and the Cable and maugre all the great and small Shot that was fir'd upon him sav'd his Men and brought away the Vessels which he had taken only two that struck in the mouth of the Haven When he was thus Master of the Sea he made himself easily Master of the Islands of Ré and Oleron and after several Refusals oblig'd the City of Rochel to declare for him This unlookt-for Success of an Action which all the World had condemn'd for rash and inconsiderate made both Friends and Enemies change their language Almost all those who had disown'd Soubise before repented of their precipitate Renunciations and excepting some of the Grandees into whose minds either their own Interest or the Jealousy of such a glorious Exploit infus'd other thoughts all others were desirous of being engag'd and asham'd of having baulk'd their Cause The Duke of Rohan resum'd fresh courage and flatter'd himself that some of the Provinces would arm in his behalf when he appear'd among ' em To which purpose he made incredible efforts that shew'd an invincible courage and a diligence indefatigable and at length he obtain'd a good part of what he desir'd On the other side the Court did all that lay in their power to hinder Religion from appearing to be the pretence of this War and therefore endeavour'd to make it a particular quarrel of the House of Rohan And they were oblig'd to proceed thus gingerly through their fear of augmenting the Party and offending England and the Low-Countries with whom they had not long before made an Alliance On the other side the Duke did all that he thought proper to persuade the world that it was upon no other account but only upon the score of Religion that he had tak'n Arms. And because he was not ignorant how far some certain extraordinary demonstrations of Zeal and Piety prevail among the People he affected all the outward Shews of an extreme Devotion He paid the Ministers extraordinary Honours When he enter'd into any City be caus'd a Bible to be carri'd before him as the Catholics in their Religious Wars advance the Cross in their Forefronts He alighted from his Horse at the Church-door of every City and never spoke of business to any body before he had said his Pray'rs upon both knees And this made him so much the more to be taken notice of because the Churches of the Reformed having neither Ornaments nor Reliques nor any thing of pomp or magnificence to invite a man it could not be thought that such Actions proceeded from any other Principle then that of a most profound Piety The Dutchess his Wife also was a notable Second to him in all his Enterprizes She â—abour'd with great sedulity in persuading the
oblig'd him to put to Sea agen in order to meet and fight that Squadron In short The Enemy was utterly defeated and in regard that since the Enterprize of Blavet every thing had succeeded according to his wish this New Advantage gave so much reputation to his Affairs that the most Timorous had the courage to declare on his side The Court also became more supple about the Conditions of Peace while Rochel and some other Corporations stood more stiffly upon Terms The Deputies therefore which the Reformed had sent to the King and who had su'd for a Peace in most humble manner at length at Fontainbleau obtain'd an indifferent Answer to the Paper which they had presented It contain'd one and twenty Articles the first of which nam'd three and forty Places wherein a Re-establishment of the Exercise was demanded as in the year 1620. Nor was the City of Foix omitted in this same Catalogue Whence it appear'd that the Triumph of the Monk Villate was but a Chimera or rather that the Pretence had not been of any long continuance since there were still some of the Reformed remaining in a place where the Monk had boasted his Conversion of all that were there The second demanded the Restitution of the Church-yards which had bin taken from the Reformed in several Places of which Eight were particularly nam'd The third demanded Liberty for the Ministers to reside where they pleas'd according to the General and Particular Articles of the Edict The Fourth concern'd the Exemption deny'd from contributing toward the Reparation of Churches and some other things that savour'd of Compliance with the Roman Worship The Fifth contain'd a Complaint that frequently the Bodies of the Reformed were digg'd up agen under pretence that they were buried in Catholic Chappels or Church-yards Of which there was a fresh Example at Chartres For the Bishop had order'd the Body of Teligni a Gentleman whose Land lay in that Diocess to be haul'd out of his Tomb and the pretence of this Piece of Inhumanity exercis'd upon the Body of that Gentleman eight days after it had bin buried was because it was buried in the Chappel of his House The same Article contain'd Complaints of the demolishing of some Churches of woich they gave for an example the pulling down the Church which the Reformed had at Cheilar They complain'd also of the banishing of several persons who had bin driven out of several Cities for no other reason but upon the score of Religion and among the rest of the places where these Exorbitancies had bin committed Villemur Leitoure Puimirol and Soumieres were particulariz'd The sixth express'd the demolishing of Fort Lewis and the next the levelling of the Citadel of Mompelier which the Inhabitants had bin constrain'd to demand The eighth insisted upon the Breif in â—598 touching places of security the purport of which was â—…at there should be no Innovation introduc'd The ninth mention'd the City Tolls which had been very ill paid and 〈…〉 tenth demanded that the Sums promis'd to the Reformed 〈…〉 Bearn in recompence of Ecclesiastical Estates might be paid without any defalcation or diminution The following Article â—…oke of the Decree of the Parlament of Bretagne which had broken the Article of the Edict wherein the Reformed were declar'd capable of all Employments they therefore demanded the Decree to be cancell'd and the Article to be conform'd The twelfth was drawn up in favour of the Party-Chambers and of the Officers that compos'd ' em In the rest 〈…〉 was demanded That the Reformed who had bin despoil'd of their Goods and Estates by Grants Confiscations or under presence of Reprizals should be restor'd to the same that Acts â—…f Hostility should be forgotten that the Declaration publish'd before Mompelier might be register'd in the Chamber of â—ccompts in Paris that they who had taken Arms in 1621. â—ight be discharg'd of Taxes laid upon 'em during the Troubles and that the Receivers who had caus'd 'em to be paid â—ight be oblig'd to restitution of what they had receiv'd that they might not be su'd in the Courts of Justice for what had bin â—one to the prejudice of the Duke of Rohan's safe Conducts which he had revok'd that the Priviledges of the Reformed Cities and Corporations principally regarding the Election 〈…〉 their Consuls and Common Councils might be preserv'd that each Party might be reciprocally discharg'd from payment of Debts created without the consent of the other that those of the Reformed might be equally shar'd and lastly that they might be permitted to hold General Assemblies The Answers return'd to this Paper were favourable enough They referr'd the re-establishment of places for Exercise and the restitution of Church-yards to the Commissioners and that in terms earnest enough and such as might have prov'd satisfactory had those Promises bin sincerely fulfill'd Principally there was one remarkable Clause about Church-yards to this purpose that if for important Reasons they could not restore to the Reformed the same places which they had made use â—â— in 1620. others should be deliver'd to 'em as commodious aâ— they could desire at the charges of those that should require the exchange This set things very near upon the Basis of the ancient Article of Particulars and lost the Advocate General Talon the fruit of that Fraud which he pretended to have discover'd and which for twenty years together had serv'd for a Foundation to the Orders of the Commissioners The liberty for the Ministers to reside where they pleas'd was confirm'd and the King reserv'd to his Council the power upon hearing of the Cause to remedy such Infringements as should be complain'd of The Exemption from contributing to things mention'd in the twelfth Article of Particulars was granted only with the exception of Treaties that had bin made upon that occasion between the Reformed and the Catholics They answer'd indirectly to the Article about digging up the Bodies of the dead upon which the Demandants were referr'd to the 18th and 23d Article of the Edict and to the Decree of Council of the 25th of August 1620. But it was order'd that the Council should be inform'd of the demolishing of Churches that the banish'd persons should be restor'd and that the business of Cheilar tho remov'd to the Council should be sent back to the Party-Chamber which was translated to Beziers by reason of the Troubles The demolishing of Fort Lewis and the observance of the Brevet of 1598. were promis'd in general terms provided the Reformed behav'd themselves well As for the Citadel of Mompelier they were willing to believe that the Inhabiâ—…nes had demanded it freely and unanimously The King also promis'd that the Sums due for 1623 and 24 should be â—â—id to grant good Assignations for the present year and to take good the Compensation in Bearn The admission of the Reformed into all Offices the preservation of the Jurisdiction of the Chambers and of the Dignity of their Officers the 〈…〉 settlement of the Reformed
justifi'd themselves had the Court design'd to have us'd 'em favourably For they repli'd That there was nothing of Novelty in the Union that till then the King had never disapprov'd it that they had bin always join'd together in their Deputations in their Submissions in their Petitions in their Papers which they had always presented to the King in Union one with another That by the Answer to Article VIII of the last Papers it was promis'd there should be no Innovation in the Cities held by the Protestants which would be no more then a delusion if Rochel were excluded That the Edicts of Peace had bin general hitherto and accepted in common without any resenting the Union of Interests That the acceptance of the Peace without Rochel would be an express condemnation of that City which would be an Action highly scandalous among People of the same Religion so much the rather because Rochel was resolv'd to submit That if the rest of the Reformed abandon'd Rochel to the King's Indignation People would be afraid that their general destruction was to be begun with the particular ruine of that City seeing that the Clergy the Parlaments and the principal Persons of the Kingdom discours'd openly of extirpating Heresy and of beginning with Rochel which was confirm'd by the printed Pamphlets that were publicly sold in Paris But the same Reasons which made the Reformed judge that their Union with Rochel was just and necessary were the very Reasons that oblig'd the Court to endeavour the dissolution of it For the ruine of that formidable City was sworn and the Cardinal who was desirous to signalize himself by great things thought it an Enterprize worthy himself So that â—here was nothing listen'd to of what was spoken in favour of â—hat City whose Destiny was vow'd Nevertheless she was 〈…〉 much astonish'd as the rest at Soubises's Defeat and falling 〈…〉 a suddain from a Resolution a little too haughty into â—…ost profound Submissions she resolv'd to beg with humility â—hat Peace which she had refus'd with disdain Her Deputies â—ame and threw themselves at the King's Feet and besought â—is Pardon in most submissive terms But the King answer'd 'em â—…ke a Master that resolv'd to make his Pardon his Punishment â—nd reduce 'em by the Peace into a worse Condition then the Calamities of an Unfortunate War could e're have brought ' em The Chancellor therefore to whom the King referr'd 'em impos'd these Conditions upon ' em That the Council and Government of the City should be in the same Condition as it was 〈…〉 1610. That they should admit an Intendant of Justice That the Fortifications should be demolish'd That the King should be admitted with respect whenever he pleas'd to enter That they should have no Men of War and that Merchants Ships should take their Passes from the Admiral of France That they should restore to the Ecclesiastics their Goods and Estates And â—hat certain Wagons and Merchandise which belong'd to the â—nhabitants of Orleance and which the Rochelois had seiz'd should be restor'd Upon these Conditions they were promis'd to be comprehended in all the Priviledges of the Edict 'T was a sowre piece of Condescention to submit to such severe and rigorous Laws nor could they tell how to mollify the Victor into more easie moderation In vain the General Deputies interceded for Rochelle in the name of all the Churches However Maniald took upon him to spake and made a most moving and passionate Speech to the King wherein he made a lively description of the Misery of the Rochellois he excus'd their taking Arms as done out of necessity Which nevertheless he condemn'd with Expressions full of execration whatever the Pretence were with which it was cover'd He said that the Rochelois were come to accuse themselves and sue for mercy He besought the King to grant 'em Peace not as Enemies subdu'd by the Sword but as Subjects with the moderation of his Sceptre He added that without Liberty they would not be Subjects but Slaves Concluding he implor'd pardon with promise of submission and of servitude also if the King's satisfaction and the good of his service depended upon it But all this was to no purpose The King was resolv'd that Rochelle should be excepted out of the General Peace and that she should submit to particular Laws In the mean time there was a League concluded between the King of England the Republic of Venice the Duke of Sâ—â—â—â— and the States of the Vnited Provinces in Conjunction with France against Spain which kept almost all Italy under the Yoke and was fairly preparing to deprive her of the remainder of her Liberty These Confederates were very urgent with Cardinal Richlieu to hasten Peace with the Reformed to the end they might act unanimously against the Common Enemy 'T is true that Minister had it deep laid in his thoughts to humble Spain but he thought that the first step which he was to take to that end was to enslave France and by that means to bereave Foreigners of Opportunities to renew the Civil Wars To that end he judg'd it necessary first to ruin the Reformed who were still strong enough by their Union to support a Party of Malecontents And therefore he resolv'd to begin with Rochelle after the reducing of which he did not expect to meet with much more Resistance in the Kingdom Nor did France want Persons who were sharp sighted enough to penetrate the Cardinal's Design But their foresight did not hinder 'em for all that from contributing to their own Servitude They well perceiv'd that in oppressing the Reformed they made Fetters for themselves but every one was in hopes to make his Fortune by the Public Misery This was that which made the Cardinal so obstinate to except Rochel out of the general Peace to the end he might separate it from the rest of the Reformed and destroy it with more ease But two things constrain'd him to surcease this Great Design The one was That the Spaniards waited the Success of these Confusions that they might take their own Methods that they treated with the Duke of Rohan to accept of their Service that the Duke had sent Campredon into Spain to make himself â—e more considerable by their Succour that the Conjuncture 〈…〉 Affairs render'd the Spaniards more stiff and authoriz'd the â—inning out a Treaty begun with 'em about those things which â—d kindl'd the War in Italy The other was That Powerful â—abals were forming against him to remove him from the Miâ—stry He saw the chiefest part of all that was great at Court 〈…〉 Combination against him and rightly judg'd that he should â—ve too many Factions to employ his Wits without taking â—â—on himself the management of two Wars at once the one â—omestic the other Civil He resolv'd therefore to put an end â—â—th to the one and the other with a resolution to set a-foot â—e Civil War agen so soon as the Conspiracies against his
Auâ—ority would give him leisure and to apply himself to the Foâ—ign War so soon as he had stifl'd the Seeds from whence Doâ—estic Troubles might again spring up For the first he made use 〈…〉 the continu'd Importunities of Holland and Carleton to induce â—m to use the Reformed with less severity to the end he might 〈…〉 more at liberty to carry on the Foreign War On the other â—de those Embassadors press'd the Reformed to accept the â—eace upon the Conditions that were offer'd 'em and assur'd â—â— that the King their Master would be Guaranty for the perâ—â—mance of those that were promis'd ' em Particularly they â—omis'd Rochelle that the King of England would so earnestly â—llicit the Demolishing of Fort Lewis and so moderate the â—ard Conditions that were impos'd upon 'em that he question'd â—t but to bring it to pass They farther told 'em that the â—ing of France had given 'em his Word to demolish the Fort 〈…〉 convenient time upon Condition that Rochelle return'd to â—r Duty These Sollicitations and Promises made Rochelle at length â—etermin to humble her self And the rest of the Cities as â—ontauban Castres Nimes Vsez which had not refus'd the â—eace but only because she stood out follow'd her Example 〈…〉 soon as she had accepted it Thereupon it was concluded the â—6th of February However all that was alter'd in the Laws â—â—pos'd upon Rochelle was that the Second Article which â—ention'd the settling an Intendant of Justice in that City was express'd in these Terms That they should admit Commissioners to see the Peace perform'd who might reside there as long as they plea'd There was nothing said either of the Fourth which imported that the King should be admitted whenever he pleas'd to enter or of the Seventh which concern'd the Interest of certain Merchants of Orleance But they put instead of them the Restoration of the Catholic Religion in the full Liberty of its Exercises and a Declaration that Fort Lewis could not be raz'd but that such Order should be given to the Garison and to the Garisons of the Islands of Ré and Oleron that the Trade of the City should be no way prejudic'd Instead of demolishing the Fortifications which had been decree'd at first in General Terms nothing more was requir'd then the demolishing the Fort de Taden And to soften the Article which enjoin'd the Merchants Vessels to take Passes from the Admirals of France 't was only ordain'd that they should observe the Laws of Traffic without prejudice to their Priviledges There was an Act of these Articles drawn up at the bottom of which was a Promise that the Reformed should enjoy the benefit of the Answers return'd to their Papers at Fontainbleâ—â— in July 1625 provided that on their part they setled things in the same condition as they were in at the same time But for fear lest Rochelle should take any advantage of this Promise that City was expressly excepted And it was declar'd That the King did not thereby engage himself to any other Favour then what was mention'd in the Act which went before The Deputies of the Reformed had sign'd in that Place But underneath there was yet a third Act sign'd by the said Deputies as well in their own as in the name of the Deputies from the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise of Languedoc Rochelle Montauban Castres Nimes Vsez Milhau and Cevenes wherein they protested that they had besought the King with all the duty and most humble submissions that Subjects could pay to their Soveraign to pardon what was past and to grant 'em Peace with a promise of great Fidelity for the future from which they would never swerve and Offers of all manner of Services All which the King had graciously harken'd to and upon which he had given his Royal Word for Peace and the observance of the Answers return'd to the Paper deliver'd at Fontainbleau Out â—â— which however he had excepted Rochelle in reference to â—hich he had declar'd his Will and which they said they accepâ—d as the most signal Mark of Clemency and Goodness that Subâ—cts could receive from a Soveraign and they promis'd to â—and to it inviolably and to cause the Places taken since Julyâ—st â—st to be surrender'd The Court although they desir'd Peace with an extraordinary â—assion exacted these Submissions to make the Reformed own â—â—at they were in the wrong to levy War and that they might â—ke advantage of their own Confessions if any new Quarrels â—ake forth And the Reformed who were not ignorant of â—â—e Court-Politics past these Infamous Acts either because â—hey had bin wrought over or because they found they lay at â—he mercy of the Court as the Duke of Rohan well foresaw â—â— else because they were in hopes of obtaining greater Favours â—y these Extraordinary Submissions or lastly in compliance with those who could not like it that Subjects should take Arms against their Prince upon any Occasion whatever However to â—ssure themselves of the King of England's Protection whom â—hey believ'd to be Guarantee of the Peace they drew up an Act â—gn'd by the Embassadors and dated Feb. 11. wherein they declar'd that the Razing of Fort Lewis was promis'd in time conâ—enient provided the Rochelois return'd to their duty and that without that Promise neither Rochel would have accepted the Peace neither would the Reformed have relinquish'd those things which the Instances of the King of England made 'em â—elinquish by reason of which they put 'em in hopes of a powerful Intercession on his part that they might have satisfaction giv'n ' em This Paper was ill drawn up nor did it clearly express the Guarantie of which the King of England boasted Nevertheless it cannot be deni'd but that it must have oblig'd that Prince either to have disown'd his Embassadors or else to take care that what was granted the Reformed should be faithfully perform'd since he acknowledg'd that the sole force of his Sollicitations had vanquish'd their good nature to be satisfi'd with the King's Offers An honest man needs no more to engage him to make another man's business his own but that it was himself who caus'd the other to miscarry either by his Authority or Persuasion And in this sense it cannot be deni'd but that the King of England was Guarantee of the Peace since it was upon his word and in hopes that he would be answerable for it that the Reformed accepted it But this Important Ceremony wanted due formality and the Council of France had so well order'd their Business that nothing appear'd from whence any evident Conclusion could be drawn that the King of England interpos'd in this Treaty as a Mediator or as a Guarantee In a word Policy will not permit Princes to suffer that another Prince should be Guarantee of Treaties which are made between them and their Subjects To consent that Subjects should have recourse to the Garantie of a Foreigner for their Security in things that concern the
waited for the effect of the King of England's Promis'd Intercession for demolishing Fort Lewis or whether they were desirous to see what would be the issue of the Confusions at Court they went but slowly on with dismantling their Fortifications more especially the Fort oâ— Tadon which was one of their best and strongest Bulwarkâ— Lesdiguieres discontented with the Court fomented new Troubles in the Dauphinate Brison by his Counsels maintain'd him self in Poussin a paltry place from which however they could not get him out but by giving him a Recompence of 4000 Crowns And Montauban Son of the Marquiss of Gouverâ—â— got almost as much to lay down Arms. Thus all things being in a manner peaceable and quiet the Reformed were permitted to assemble a National Synod at Castres which sate down the 15th of September and the Court sent this Augustus Galand for their Commissioner in pursuance oâ— the Declaration 1623. the revocation of which they could not obtain All they could get was a Decree which upon the complaint of the Delays and Difficulties they met with in the nomination of Commissioners by the Governors and of the long time before the Commissioners came to the Synods imported thus much That the Governors or others to whom they should apply themselves having notice of the Place and Day of the Synod's sitting a Month before should be bound to nominate Commissioners and those that were nominated should be bound to be there at the place and upon the day appointed or within three days after at farthest which if they fail'd to do the Deputies had leave to assemble without 'em they behaving themselves in other things according to the Edicts This same Galand had already been present at the last Assembly held at Charenton and the Figure he made at Court would not permit him to quit his Interest or to swerve from her Orders and Maxims He was entrusted with a Letter from the King to the Synod Commission to be present there and Instructions in writing how to carry himself The Letter imported leave to hold the Synod whose Deliberations were thereby also confin'd to affairs of Church-Discipline only Moreover it was in the nature of Predential for the Commissioner and lastly it contain'd asstances of the King's good-will and his observance of the edicts provided that the Reformed continu'd in their obedience The Commission was plain and downright but it mention'd an express Injunction to be careful of seeing the Edicts observ'd and chiefly that of 1623. and to hinder the keeping â—f any Conventicles at Castres without his leave His Instructions were more ample and contain'd six principal Articles â—he first renew'd the promises of the King's good-will while â—aithful Obedience was paid him The second exhorted the Reâ—â—med to live in Concord with the Catholics and not to have â—â—y other then sentiments of Equity and Justice for 'em which the King promis'd to see done on the Catholics part The third exhorted a Renunciation of all Associations Unions and Intelligences either abroad or at home any other then with the King and the Commissioner was to declare that the King â—ever had the least thought of disannulling the Edicts which â—e prov'd because the King had confirm'd 'em after he came to â—ears of majority that he had renew'd his Alliances with Foreign Protestants that he had augmented the Gratuities which the King his Father had given to the Ministers that he had made use of Protestant Lords in sundry great Affairs and for that in the Insurrections of the Reformed he had bin always enclin'd to mercy so soon as they were ready to submit The fourth was of a singular nature to oblige the Ministers to inform against one another themselves and to brand one another upon their own judgments so that Galand was to exhort em to inform against those Ministers who had held intelligence with the Spiniards without taking notice in reference to it of any Amnesties of what was past He was in that respect to draw a Declaration from the Synod conformable to what had past in the Provincial Synod of Upper Guyenne held at Realmont and to testify that the aim of that Inquisition was not to punish the guilty but to hinder those that were faithful from being comprehended in the Crimes of others The fifth admonish'd the Commissioner not to let the Synod meddle with any thing but barely Discipline And the last took from the Ministers the liberty of going out of the Kingdom or setling themselves in any other places without permission and from the Synods â—â— power of sending any to Foreign Princes and Sovereigns â—â—aâ— should desire 'em either for a time or for a constancy For ' twaâ— the King's pleasure that Demands of that nature should be sent to him and the reason of that new restraint was said to be because that the Duties of Obedience were not to be alter'd by â— mixture of the Manners and Customs of Foreign Countries This Commission of Galands was ill resented by the Synod and Chauve then Moderator told him very roundly That a Man zealous for his Religion ought not to have charg'd himself with Instructions of such a nature which only tended to over reach and dishonour his Brethren After which Remonstrance he return'd an Answer to all the Articles with as much Resolution as Prudence But for the better understanding of his Answer it is necessary here to explain what the Synod of Realmâ—â—â— was and what had bin there done upon the occasion of Foreigâ— Intelligences The Duke of Rohan being sollicited by the Spaniards was enter'd into Treaty with 'em and had sent Campreâ—â—â— into Spain for more positive assurances of the Succor that was offer'd Not that it was the design either of the Spanish Court or the Duke of Rohan to stick to the Treaty but both expected to make this benefit of it that it might be a means to bring the Cardinal to better terms The Duke was in hopes thereby to obtain a more advantageous Peace and Spain willing to shew that if the French went on with the War in Italy that she had a way to revenge herself by continuing the Civil War in France as long as she pleas'd Moreover being afraid â—est the Reformed should agree to an Accommodation she made â—…em a shew of large Succors to render 'em more stiff and to engage 'em to stand upon such Demands as would not be granted â—…em so that the Treaty was concluded by Campredon with conâ—iderable Promises But while he return'd laden with the Articles of the Treaty Peace was made both with the Reformed â—nd with Spain the Treaty having no other effect but only â—hat it put the sooner conclusion to both Wars Campredon at his return was seiz'd upon and carri'd a Prisoner to Tholouse and there prosecuted for his life In the mean time the Edict of â—arch being sent to the President Masuyer to be register'd one would have thought that Campredon should have enjoy'd the benefit
of the Amnesty And indeed the President knew it better then any body but in a Cause of Religion he would not understand what belong'd either to Justice or Honesty and â—o say truth he was a meer Varlet in many things at least in point of Religion he minded neither true dealing nor modesty â—o that he was so malicious as to keep the Edict in his Pocket â—ll Campredon was executed for he sentenc'd him to death after which he register'd the Edict with several Qualifications This Action was detested by all good men but they who â—ere of Masuyer's humor rejoiced at it and were of opinion â—hat the advantage of being able to retort upon the Reformed â—he death of a man condemn'd by Justice for having negotiated a League in the name of their Captain with Spain would â—ut-balance a piece of Treachery It seem'd to them that after this the Reformed had no more to do but to hold their â—â—gues and that they could no longer accuse the Catholics of their ancient League with the same Crown Nevertheless there was a great deal of difference between the one and the other for this new League was the Duke of Rohan's business not entrusted by any body else but who enter'd into it of his own head Moreover there was nothing here transacted about dethroning the King or excluding the Lawful Heir from the Succession Whereas the League which made such a noise under the Reign of Henry III. was not the Crime alone of the House of Guise but of the greatest part of the Catholics and of almost all the Cities of the Kingdom but more especially of all the Clergy all the several Orders of which could hardly afford a dozen of honest French men therefore things so different could not be brought into Parallel For which reason it was that if it had bin possible they would fain have envelop'd the Ministers in the same reproach and that they accus'd 'em under a pretence which at first sight was enough to dazle the simple To this purpose they made choice of a Commissioner who was to be present at the Provincial Synod of Upper Languedoc and the Upper Guyenne which was to be held at Realmont such an one as was proper to serve for such a design and this man either corrupted or else so silly by as not to see the snare that was laid for the Ministers at that Sessions would needs take upon him to propose to the Synod that Inquisition might be made after those who might have bin any way concern'd in Campredon's Negotiation And the better to disguise the business they involv'd it in the general Name of Corresponding with Foreigners Now in regard the Synod was held in the Province where Campredon was taken and executed People of Reputation believ'd that an Act which should ordain such an Inquisition would be no more then a disowning of that Negotiation and a Proof of the Minister's Innocence and they that sided with the Court which were always very numerous in thâ—se Southern Countries agreed to it as to a thing which would be acceptable to the King Therefore an Article was drawn up upon the Commissioner's Proposition which order'd an Inquisition after such as had been privy to that Treaty and which exhorted those who knew any such to discover ' em But there was neither Informer nor Criminal to be found so that there â—â—as this Circumstance added to the Act that it was for the acâ—â—â—ittal of the Ministers But the thing was understood far otherwise then at Realmont for it was judg'd that such Acts always create a disadvantageous Prejudice and that the Justification which ensu'd did not altogether remove the Suspicion which it had imprinted that the Ministers might engage themâ—elves in criminal Correspondencies So that all the Churches â—â—ademn'd the imprudence and simplicity of this Synod and â—â—at of Castres spar'd not their Censures and Remonstrances upon â—â— So that the Deputies of the Province were oblig'd â—â— complain that they had bin surpriz'd by the Commissioner Therefore when the National Synod saw that Galand propos'd the example of Realmont the Moderator thought that â—rticle deserv'd an Answer which should take away from the Monks and Bigots all pretence of exclaiming against the Miniâ—â—ers Therefore to the first Article of Galand's Instructions â—…s Answer was full of submission and promises of obeâ—ence As to the second he promis'd that Moderation and Equiâ—â— which the King requir'd and assur'd the Commissioner that â—â—e Consistories should continually from time to time exhort the Churches to it But he complain'd that the Catholics did not â—â—â—â—erve that mildness which they exacted from others but that â—â—ey exercis'd the patience of the Reformed by a thousand Injuâ—â—es For which reason he enjoin'd the Commissioner to beâ—â—eâ—h the King to have pity upon the Reformed whom he reâ—â—eâ—ented ill us'd in their persons disturb'd in the exercises of their Religion depriv'd of their Churches of which some â—â—d bin demolish'd since the Peace or given to the Ecclesiastics â—â—â—â—sess'd of their Church-yards where several Bodies had bin â—â—gg'd up agen out of their Graves and at length he comâ—â—n'd that in several places the Ministers had bin beaten and â—â—iven out of the Churches by violence referring more ample â—eâ—â—nstrances to be made to the King upon these Complaints â—y the general Deputies As to the third Article he protested â—hat no Body knew of any Correspondencies held with Foreigners to the prejudice of the Kingdom 's welfare he shew'd the general detestation of such trafficking in smart and vigorous expressions and he lost not that opportunity to slide into hâ—â— discourse certain Jerks against the Doctrine and Attempts of the Jesuits As to the fourth which mention'd the Act of Realmont he loudly complain'd of the surprize which the Commissioner had put upon the Synod thinking thereby to insinuate as if some Ministers had bin accus'd of holding Correspondence with the Spaniard but he prais'd God that after an exact Inquisition there was no body found guilty nor no boâ—â— so daring as to accuse any body for being so As to the fifth which forbid medling with politic Affairs he answer'd that the preceding National Synods had taken order about it And â—â— to the sixth which related to the sending of Ministers to Foreigners he repli'd that the present Synod would take care iâ— that particular These Answers were approv'd by all the Synod and Châ—â—â— had the Thanks of the whole Assembly for what he had saiâ— After this Galand presented a Brief to the Assembly dated some days after the King's Letter which imported a permission â— the Synod in the presence of the Commissioner to nominate General Deputies to the number of Six out of which the King would chuse Two The Pretence was that another Assembâ—â— would be too expensive and create a great deal of inconvenience He added also to this Permission a Prohibition to treat â— other Politic Affairs But the Synod who well
great freedom I my self have seen several printed Sermons some of which enlarg'd themselves very far to shew that the Design 〈…〉 the French was to extinguish the Reformed Religion and â—…thâ—â—s added after a Prophetical manner that as the Provincesâ—…nâ— â—…nâ— their Ships and Men to the Reformed of France the time â—ould one day come that the Reformed would revenge themâ—…lves upon the Provinces and bear Arms under their King to â—…stroy their Religion and Liberty But Preachers Reasons â—…r agree with those of Politicians besides that the Vnited 〈…〉 were not in a condition to slight or disgust the Alliâ—… of France Toward the end of July Buckingham appear'd not far from 〈◊〉 with a Fleet considerable enough to have done great â—…ings had the Chieftain had as much Courage as Pride or 〈…〉 much Wit as Presumption He presently made himself Maâ—…er of the Isle of Ré but he lost himself miserably before Fort â—… Martin where Toiras with a few men and less Provision â—…ld out a Siege of above two Months which if any other then Buckingham had manag'd it could not have stopt him three â—…ys Rochel was a long time also before she wou'd declare whether it were because the Mayor and the Court were agreed â—â—gether or whether it were that she was willing to avoid new â—…etences of making war upon her Insomuch that at first â—…e would not so much as hearken to Buckingham's Propositions or admit the Commissioners which he sent to her So that â—…bise who had shelter'd himself in England ever since his last â—efeat but had embarkt himself in the English Fleet was conâ—…ain'd to go alone to the Gate of the City with Beaker sent by â—…e Duke to desire leave to speak to the Inhabitants But the Citizens refus'd to open the Gate to him and had not his Moâ—…her come her self to take him by the hand and bring him into he Town he must have return'd as he came The respect which the Rochelois had for that Lady made 'em forget their â—esolutions So that they let Soubise pass and Beaker follow'd him After which they gave him Audience in the Council â—here he set forth at large the Reasons which oblig'd the King â—f England to take Arms And he endeavour'd to make 'em â—elieve that it was only upon the score of Religion He excus'd the small Assistance which he had hitherto given the Reformed and declar'd that the King of England found himself too much engag'd by his Conscience by his Honour and his Word to assist 'em more powerfully more especially because it was through his Intercession that they had accepted a disadvantageous Peace This Speech produc'd nothing at first Nay the Rochellois offer'd Comminges to fight the English provided Fort Lewis might be put as a Pledge into the Hands of la Force Chatillon or Trimouille One would have thought that Offer should not have bin acceptable to the Court seeing that both la Force and Chatillon were brought off from the Common Cause and that Trimoville was treating about his returning to the Roman Religion at least he embrac'd the Communion of that Church within a year after and renounc'd the Reformed Religion in the presence of the Cardinal before the taking of Rochel In recompence whereof he had the Command of the Light Horse and serv'd some years in that Employment during the Warâ— of Italy where he receiv'd a wound in the Knee so that hâ— lost the use of the Joint Some years after being disgusted by the Court he retir'd to his Palace of Thouars became a Bigoâ— and a great dealer in Controversies and at length dy'd in the Roman Profession after he had liv'd to a very old Age but very ill maintain'd the Reputation of his Father In the mean time the Court which had other Designs gave no other answer to the Proposal but a company of Fair words with which the Rochellois suffer'd themselves to be amus'd for some time However they intercepted a Pacquet of Letters from the Court directed to the Duke of Angoulesme who had obtain'd Orders to raise Forces to oppose the English and who had actually block'd up Rochel as close as it could be at a time when the Design of besieging it was kept secret One of those Letters are an express Approbation of what had bin done in order to the blocking up of the City and gave the Duke advice about several things and among others about the Passports which he gave to all those who had a mind to leave the Town because said the Letter it was best to let out as many as they could that so none but the most Mutinous might be left behind There was also a Letter for Marshal de Marillac which handl'd very nice matter The Question was Whether the Huguenots were to be suffer'd in the King's Army The Answer was â—hat the thing was very doubtful because that if there were me persons of worth and no way to be suspected there might 〈…〉 others whose chiefest business it was to be Spies 'T was â—…ded That the Public Affairs requir'd that it should be made â—…t by Effect and Demonstration that the War was a War of are and not of Religion and then it might be lawful to adâ—…it Huguenots that would enter into service 'T was said That without excluding 'em out of the Army there might be a watchâ—… eye upon 'em and then 't was but confiding in those that â—…ere honest amusing others and keeping the main Resolutions â—…cret especially those which concern'd Rochel or else if such Toleration seem'd dangerous 't was advis'd that they should 〈…〉 dismiss'd under some fair Pretence And these were the â—…tters which discovering the secret Intentions of the Court â—…etermin'd the Rochellois to join with the English But this Conâ—…nction was so ill order'd and so scurvily manag'd that if we â—…y judge by the event no body could believe it resolv'd upon 〈…〉 any other end then to furnish the Court both with a pretence â—…nd with the means to facilitate the destruction of that unfortunate City For Buckingham after he had drain'd her of all her â—rovision of Corn some of which he was constrain'd to burn â—…ter his defeat left the rest which should have reliev'd the City 〈…〉 relieve the Victor that expell'd him out of the Island and â—unning away with ignominy from a handful of men made the condition of the City far worse then it was before In the mean time Rochel publish'd a large Manifesto whereâ—… resuming things for a good way backward she endeavour'd â—o justify her Conduct to display the Frauds and Artifices of the Court but chiefly to make good her Pretensions and Priviledges The Duke of Rohan also betook himself to Arms â—nd set forth another Manifesto little different in the main from that of Rochel only that the City insisted more closely upon â—…er own proper Affairs and the Duke spoke more at large of things in general The Answers to these Writings
a Treaty But during her accustom'd long Delays Rochel sunk under heâ— Burthen and put all the World out of heart The French themselves labour'd with reluctancy in the taking of that City well foreseeing that from the date of her Ruin the Vassalage of the whole Kingdom would commence But by an odd fantasticness of Human Wisdom men often spread the Snares themselves for their own Feet and make the Chains for others to bind 'em â—o perpetual servitude The Ladies both Mother and Sister of the Duke of Rohan display'd a more then ordinary Courage and their Example was very useful to support the Constancy of others But they were recompenc'd with a close Confinement where the Cardinal held 'em during all the remainder of the Wars The Mayor Guiton was lookt upon as a Hero by all those that love Vertue where ever they meet it and the Catholic Authors mention him themselves with great applause and all the Brave Persons â—n the King's Army went to see him after the Surrender of the City Some write that he was promis'd to be continu'd in his â—ignity But when he went to kiss the Cardinal's Hand it was old him that he was no longer Mayor that he was to lay aside â—he Ensigns of his Authority and quit his Guards for that â—he Cardinal would not see him but as a private person Upon â—hich they add that he was so enrag'd that he could not forbear â—â—ying That had he expected such an Entertainment he would â—ave found a way to have held out some days longer Which â—ad he done the Cardinal must have rais'd his Siege because â—f the Rigor of the Season the Diseases that lessen'd the Army â—he Tempests that ruin'd his Dam and the Pressing Affairs â—hich call'd him another way Nor was it a wonder that â—uâ—ton complain'd that they did not keep their word with him â—r it is not to be imagin'd that because the Principal Articles â—or the surrender of Rochel were written and sign'd by the King â—hat there were not others agreed upon by word of mouth Alâ—ays in the reducing of Cities that surrender at discretion there â—â—e several things which are not absolutely left to the discretion â—f the Victor but are privately corroborated with verbal Assuâ—ances And it was believ'd to be much more advantageous to â—he King to take that Course because what he granted afterâ—ards to reduc'd Cities lookt so much the more like a Graciâ—us Favour when there appear'd no Promise in Writing Besides that the King would not oblige himself to his Subjects by Acts that seem to carry the Form of a Treaty So that there might be Articles granted by word of mouth without other Assurances and perhaps it was by one of those Articles that Guâ—ton pretended to be continu'd in his Dignity Nevertheless that particular is no-where to be met withal in any of the most Exact Memoirs of that City For by the most express and assur'd Relation that I can find the King by the first of the Written Articles promises to leave 'em the free exercise of their Religion in the City which put 'em in hopes that it should not have bin remov'd from the usual place but they were deceiv'd and that Promise was evaded by an Insulting Equivocation For after the Church was given to the Gatholics the Reformed had a Place appointed 'em without the City to build another and the King himself would needs take cognizance of the place and enlarg'd it somewhat beyond the limits mark'd out by the Commissioners To which breach of Faith and Word when the Reformed were about to have said something by way of complaint they were taken up short and to stop their mouths iâ— was told 'em that their City being surrender'd at discretion the King would beat down the Walls and the Fortifications which being done what before was without the Enclosure being no longer divided from the rest the whole would make beâ— one City This was not the thing which was meant by the secret Promise but the vanquish'd must accept of what Interpretation the Victor pleases to put upon their Promises The Inhabitants were kindly enough us'd but the City losâ— all her Priviledges The Roman Religion was re-establish'd in all its splendour which it prefers above all things and the King translated thither the Bishopric of Maillezais In the Month of November came forth a Declaration which contain'd twenty four Articles The first six were all about the re-establishment of the Catholic Religion and the Circumstances belonging to it The Seventh order'd the erecting of a Cross in the place where the Castle stood upon the Pedestal of which was to be engraven the History of the Reducing the City the memory of which was to be preserv'd by a General Procession every year upon the first of November The Eighth commanded the founding of a Monastery of Minims upon the Point â—â— Coreille which is one of the Extremities of the Canal to preserve the History of the Mound or Dam in two Tables of Copper to be fix'd upon the Church-door The next four contain'd an Amnesty for what was past and a confirmation of the Edicts for â—iberty of the exercise of the Reformed Religion the Church â—xcepted which the King reserv'd to be turn'd into a Cathedral There were nine more that follow'd which took from the City â—er Fortifications Franchises and Priviledges and quite alter'd â—he Form of the Government The Twenty second forbid all â—oreigners though naturaliz'd to reside in the City without â—xpress leave by Letters under the Great Seal The Twenty â—hird extended the same Prohibition to the Reformed who had â—ot bin setled Inhabitants before the landing of the English Which two Articles were the source of an infinite number of â—exations in the succeeding years The last oblig'd the Inhabiâ—nts to take out Licences to keep Arms Powder and Ammuâ—ition and to trade abroad So that there was nothing left but â—he Place and the remembrance of that poor City's former â—ower and Grandeur The End of the Ninth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE TENTH BOOK The Heads of the Tenth Book REjoycings among the Catholics The War continues in Languedoc Cruelties Insulting and Executions Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed The pretended Conversion of a sick Man that fell mad Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan and his Adherents The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy The Siege of Privas the Inhabitants of which are betray'd Cruelties exercis'd upon that City Pretences of the Catholics Conversions of Soldiers taken Prisoners Declaration upon the taking of Privas The Consternation of the rest of the Reformed A Treaâ—â— of the Duke of Rohan with Spain Alets reduc'd An Assembly permitted at Anduse and remov'd to Nimes 〈…〉 concluded An Edict of Grace The Contents of the Eâ—â—â—â— The King's Letter to the Queen upon the Peace The Duke â—â— Rohan retires
return to the History The Edict contain'd in the first place a long Preface which after an insulting manner set forth the means employ'd to reduce the Reformed to obedience The Taking of Rochel the Sacking of Privas the voluntary Surrender of Alets were represented in a Rhetorical Stile not common in Edicts There were the Names of Five and twenty Towns well fortify'd that durst not stand the first Shot of the King's Batteries and which together with the Duke of Rohan and the Nobility of several Provinces â—â—d implor'd his Clemency by their Deputies offering to demoâ—…sh their Fortifications for fear of giving any distrust of their Fiâ—…elity After which the King sway'd by compassion only of the Misery of his Subjects and that he might more absolutely â—…gain the hearts of those who had bin guilty of so many Relapses â—…rdain'd in two and twenty Articles what he would have observ'd for the future The Edict was term'd Perpetual and Irrevocable and according to the accustom'd stile the First Article enjoin'd the Re-establishment of the Roman Religion in all the freedom of its Exercises and of the Ministers of the Worship of it in all their Goods and Estates But by a singular Clause 't was the King's pleasure that only Monks living up to the strictness of their Order should be plac'd in the Monasteries of the Cities reduc'd The Second was altogether new for that while on the one side it promis'd to maintain the Reformed in the free Exercise of their Religion on the other side it set 〈◊〉 an extraordinary desire of their Return to the Roman Church and exhorted 'em to lay aside all Passion to the end they might be capable of receiving the Light of Heav'n And the King inserted this desire of their Conversion to the end it might be admir'd as the most splendid Testimony of his good-will The Third related to the Qualifications of the Curates that were to be setled in the Parishes of the Conquer'd Countries and the Provision that was to be made for their subsistence The next contain'd a general and particular Amnesty of whatever had bin acted during the War The Fifth contain'd the Declarations Edicts and Articles enregister'd in Parlaments and that which follow'd ordain'd the Restitution of Churches and Church-yards and gave leave for the rebuilding of demolish'd Churches The Seventh allow'd three months time for the demolishing of Fortifications which was to be done at the expence of the Inhabitants Labour according to such Orders as the King's Commissioners should give and in regard the King left no Garisons in the said Cities he oblig'd 'em to give him Hostages who were to remain in custody where he should appoint till the Work was fully compleated And the Preamble of the Edict declar'd That the Hostages had bin deliver'd before it was publish'd nor did this Article leave the Cities any more then the bare enclosure of their Walls The Eighth restor'd the Reformed to all their Goods and Estates their Tythes Accompts and Suits and cancell'd all contrary Decrees and Ordinances The Ninth gave 'em leave to re-enter into their Houses and to settle in the Kingdom where they pleas'd themselves But he excepted out of the first part of this Favour all the Inhabitants of Pamiers that resided in the City when the Prince of Condé retook it from the Duke of Rohan and out of the 2d he excepted the Islands of Ré and Oleron Rochelle and Privas where he suffer'd no body to resettle anew The next Seven that follow'd contain'd the Accustom'd Regulations for the discharge of Persons that had bin any way concern'd in the management of Money or in the Administration of Justice The 17th and 18th confirm'd the Customs for the Election of their Consuls and the Municipal Government and those of the Assembly of Foix in reference to the Assembly of States The Ninteenth imported a Discharge in favour of the Consuls for the management of the public Money The Twentieth resetl'd the Seats of Judicature and Audits of Receipts in such places from whence they had bin discharg'd by reason of the Troubles And the last restor'd the Party-Chamber to Castres so soon as the Fortifications should be demolish'd and maintain'd it in all the jurisdictions that had bin allow'd it by the Edicts Upon the 15th of July the King wrote a Letter to the Queen Mother wherein he appear'd extreamly well satisfi'd with the Peace which had bin concluded He declar'd himself highly pleas'd with the Marks of their Affection which the Reformed had given him That he thought there remain'd no more Seeds of Rebellion among 'em and that they labour'd in the demolishing their Fortifications with the same zeal that they rais'd ' em As for the Duke of Rohan after he had kiss'd the King's Hand he departed with permission to retire to Venice To say truth 't was no more then a Banishment cover'd over with the gay name of Permission For it was by no means judg'd a piece of prudence to let the Duke alone in France where his Reputation and his Intreagues might hinder the stifling the remainders of the Conflagration However it was no less beneficial for him to keep himself at a distance in such places where he could give no suspicion as it was for the Court to remove him For the least jealousy of his Conduct had he staid in France had either brought his Head to the Block or lockt him up in a languishing Imprisonment His Mother and Sister were releas'd after the Peace and the King allow'd some reparation to the Duke for the wast which the Prince of Condé had made of his Estate This Peace in the main had not bin disadvantageous to the Reformed if by taking from 'em their Places of Security they could have bin cur'd of that distrust which the ill observ'd Promises of the Catholics experienc'd for seventy years together had imprinted in their minds They found themselves at the discretion of their Enemies by the Razing of their Fortifications and all the Power of the Prime Ministry being in the Cardinal's hands would not permit 'em to sleep in quiet under the Promises of his Good-will Upon these Considerations it was that Montauban refus'd a long time to ratify what the Assembly of Nimes had decreed The Siege which she had so gloriously sustain'd persuaded her that she was invincible And her Inhabitants were â—â— puâ—â— up with their Success that they believ'd that no body durst attacque ' em However some Forces were sent that way to put 'em in fear but the Cardinal who aspir'd to be accounted the most accomplish'd of all Hero's and to be thought able to do more by his presence then a great Army by the Diâ—t of their most daring efforts order'd his affairs so well that the honour of reducing Montauban redounded wholly to himself Thither he went was admitted and put into it what number of the King's Forces he pleas'd order'd the Fortifications to be level'd did more in a few
Church which concern ' em By the Advice of which House-keepers such a number of Persons shall be deputed from every Church to meet in the Assembly of the Colloquy according to the Method observ'd as above mention'd aâ— shall be chosen by Blurality oâ— Voices provided there be a mixture of Gentlemen Ministers and Men of the third Estate as far aâ— is possible to be done The said Provincial Assemblies shall Debate and Argue by Heads unless any Church requires that they shall argue by Churches oâ— that in Places where the Assembly meets by Deputation of Colloquies some Colloquy requires that Judgment should be given by Colloquies No Man shall be admitted into the said Provincial Assemblies unless he have a Call or be employ'd in Messages The Kings Officers and other Magistrates may be present in the said Provincial Assemblies when they shall be call'd by the Method above prescrib'd and shall sit with the Nobility or with the third Estate according to their Quality unless they shall be admitted to make an Order apart The Presidents that are to preâ—ide in the said Provincial Assemblies shall be chosen out of the Nobility by Plurality of Voices There shall not be above five Deputies at most sent by the Provincial to the General Assembly and three shall be the least which shall be chosen such as are the most able Persons in that Assembly out of the Gentlemen Ministers and third Estate as far as may be done The Councils compos'd as above in every Province shall be entrusted with the following Functions and over-sight of Affairs To disperse the Intelligence which they receive from the General Deputies at Court or from the Provinces adjoining or other Places to all the Churches and Places of the Province or to such a Governour Captain or other Person as need requires Also if the Intelligence reach farther then the Province whether it be the general concern of all or the particular Business of some other neighbouring Province to give notice by an express and without delay And to the end this Communication of Intelligence may not prove ineffectual for want of Diligence the Contiguous Provinces shall take care respectively for the distributing the Intelligence from one to another to the end they may be sent by the shortest way from what part soever they come To which purpose there shall be a Fund deposited in the Hands of one of the Council of every Province amounting to about a hunder'd and fifty Livres to defray the Expences of the said Dispatches and to reimburse those that shall have laid out any Money and the Deputies of the said Contiguous Provinces shall conter together to resolve what to do upon this Order before they depart If the Intelligence receiv'd by the Council be such that they can look after it alone they shall do it speedily and without delay If not 't is left to their Prudence and their Judgment to Consult the Advice of such Persons as they shall think convenient as the Case requires to call to their Assistance For Example in Case of any notable Breach of the Edict Sedition Tumult attempt upon any Place or such other Intelligence of Importance the satisfaction for which was neglected or requir'd a more vigorous Prosecution they may require such of the Neighbouring Counties which they think most proper to assist 'em with three of their Counsellors at the least who upon the first Summons shall be bound to Meet in such a Place as the injur'd Province shall Assign one or more of their Council to Consult together and find out all the good and lawful means to get Reparation for the said Breaches in the Province endammag'd and to make it their own Cause and Business as much as the injur'd Province did Which if they shall not be sufficient to go through withall it shall be left to the Prudence of those Provinces jointly with the Deputies of their Councils to advise whether it be needful to give notice to all the rest of the Provinces and to Assign a place where to Meet the Deputies in Order to the unanimous Prosecution of that Affair All which is most conformable to the General Union of the Churches of the Kingdom which obliges 'em to a mutual Resentment of their Grievances So that one Province grievously injur'd may not have recourse of it self to violent Remedies as it were by way of Reprisal or to some other sort of Revenge whereby they may be hurried and consequently all the rest of the Churches to extremities but may partly be restrain'd by the Prudence of their Councils within the bounds of Moderation and partly fortifi'd by their support for the obtaining of Justice and Reparation of their wrongs The same Method shall be observ'd in Case that any one professing the Religion shall attempt any thing rashly and with a Call to the prejudice of the publick Tranquillity The said Deputies of the Council of the Provinces shall have a regard to the Kings Service and the Preservation of the Churches that the Places committed to the Custody of those of the Religion may be kept in a good Condition and that the Governours and Captains with whom they are entrusted do their Duty And to that purpose the said Governours and Captains are admonish'd not to take it ill if the said Councils from time to time depute Personages capacitated among 'em or else out of the Province to visâ—â— the said Places and Garrisons to the end they may give an accompâ— to the Province In which Visitation they shall take care that alâ— their Souldiers for Assurance oâ— that Fidelity which is principally required from 'em shall be well known to be of the Religion aâ—â— that they may not be listed out oâ— the Original Inhabitants of those Cities or Suburbs till there be â— Necessity of new Reinforcements Which the aforesaid Governourâ— and Captains are requir'd to observe And because great abuses have formerly been committed by Reason of the great number of Souldiers which might or ought to have been entertain'd in the said Places which considering the incertainty of these times might have brought upon us inconveniences past repair the said Governours and Captains are requir'd for the Service of the King the Peace of his Subjects of the Religion the discharge of their Honour and Consciences and the freeing themselves from that blame which otherwise they may incurr to conform to that which follows That is to say that of the summ as well charg'd upon the Publick Accompt as payable in ready Money they take a third part clear and disingag'd from all charges and that for the two other third parts they consent to give the Acquittances into the hands of such Person as shall be appointed by the Council of the Province who shall receive the Money and pay the Souldiers by Bill of Exchange and satisfie all other charges as well of the Garrison as of the Place By the way 't is to be understood that out of the two thirds there are
by Ordering a sufficient Fund for the Salaries of the said Ministers But as to the Arrears for defect of value there is no Reason for demanding 'em seeing that all the Assigns in those Years for what cause soever it were have suffer'd the same Inconveniance without having since received any Reimbursement upon that occasion XLII And for as much as the said sevenscore and five thousand Livres were promis'd without any defect of value which has been so ill observ'd that there have been great abatements in the Assignations of every Year may it please his Majesty that the said Churches may be reassign'd the summs which those defects amount to according to the allowances of the accompts receiv'd by the Receivers and before the Commissioners deputed by his Majesty The Places which have been put into their Hands for their Security are Nam'd and Comprehended in a Catalogue dated May 14. 1598. Sign'd by the Deceased King and underneath Neufville with which his Majesty is Contented And as a Testimony of his good Will toward 'em has granted 'em the keeping of 'em for five Years longer to Commence from the day of the Date of the Brevet which shall be given ' em And as for those that are comprehended under the Name of Marriage the Deceased King having never left 'em to be held under the Title and Quality of places of Security His Majesty will not neither is it his meaning that they should be comprehended among the Places of Securtiy but grants after the Example of his Deceased Majesty that the same Grace and Favour shall be shew'd 'em as formerly has been without any Innovation and all those other Places which they demand the King cannot grant ' em XLIII They also beseech his Majesty to leave all those Places which they hold at present in the custody of those of the Religion and this for the time and space of ten Years to commence from the day that the five Years formerly granted shall expire and to cause a new Brief to be given 'em ordaining that all the said Places may remain in their hands as well those that are specifi'd in the Roll of the Year 98. and those that were comprehended in others by form of Marriage as those which belong to the Particulars wherein Garrisons were kept by the Particular Rolls drawn up by his Majesty What was promis'd by the Deceased King shall be effectually made good nor shall any thing be innovated or alter'd Or if it were done Order shall be taken by the Commissioners upon the Places according to the Instructions which shall be given 'em for that purpose XLIV That it may be express'd in the said Writ that in all other Places which they hold and where there have been no Garrisons settl'd by the said Rolls there shall be nothing innovated or alter'd to the Prejudice of those of the said Religion and that where any Innovation or Alteration has been made since the Year 1568. that there may be full satisfaction given for it The Deceased King declar'd his Will several times to those of the said Religion in reference to Caumont and Montandrè from which his Majesty cannot depart and as for Tartas and Mont de Marsan they shall be provided with Persons of the said Religion according to the Deceased Kings Brevet XLV That the Towns of Caumont Tartas Mont de Marsan Montandré and others which have been taken from 'em since 98. and which they shall specifie more particularly may be restor'd to ' em The Summ contain'd in the Roll of the Deceased King for the payment of the said Garrisons with which those of the Religion have been hitherto contented shall be pai'd for the Future and assign'd upon the clearest Mony in the Receipts to the end they may receive it without Abatements But his Majesty cannot augment it the Summ of 54000. Livers having been abated ever since the Decensed King lessen'd the Garrisons which were in the Places held by the Catholicks His Majesty thinking it necessary so to do to stop the just complaints that might have been made when all the Garrisons in the Catholicks Cities were lessen'd by Reason of the Peace which the Kingdom happily enjoy'd there should have been left in the Cities held by those of the Religion as numerous as they were in the time of War and that the Subjects liv'd in distrust one of another nor there being no Reason to demand the Arrears for what was past seeing that the Cities and Places for the Preservation of which that Money was given have been so well guarded that nothing has fallen out amiss add to this that the Deceased King for the same Reason had always rejected â—â—â—â— Demand And as to the Pensioâ—â— his Majesty will Order it as alâ—â—â—â— has been done to gratifie those of the said Religion who shall deserve iâ— by their Services and Fidelity inâ—â—ding also to augment 'em to shew his Afection and good Will as he shall give 'em to understand XLVI That from hence forward they may have their Assignations every Year upon the first and least incumber'd Money of the Receipts of every Province where the said Garrisons are settl'd or from neighbouring Town to neighbouring Town according to the Brevet of the last of April 98. for the entire summ of 540. thousand Livers which was promis'd 'em by the said Brevet and to this purpose that the Money substracted from the said summ to be laid out in Pensions may be remitted in the entire summ and distribution made of it according to the Rolls Decreed by his Majesty as they shall be presented to him by the Churches and this without any abatement or being employ'd to any other use XLVII And for as much as there have not been any entire Assignments of the said summ of 540. thousand Livres a Year and for that at the same time that they were assign'd they still fell very short to the prejudice of the said Brevet may it please his Majesty to cause the abatements and what fell short of the entire summ from the Year 98. till this day be assign'd in full The Answer to the two preceding Articles may suffice for this XLVIII In like manner to cause an Assignation for the Garrisons of the Dauphinate of the entire summ which was assign'd by the Roll drawn up in the said Year 1589. in pursuance of the said Brevet and to cause a Reassignation of the Retrenchments and of what fell short since the Year 1589. The City and Castle of Orange have been restor'd to the Prince of Orange â—â— whom they belong by Vertue of the Peace of Vervins True it is that the Majesty oblig'd him upon the surâ—â—â—â—ing back of those Places to declare in Favour of those of the said Religion as he has done with which they of the said Religion in the said City were well content XLIX That according to the Assurances which were given by his Majesty at the Assembly of Charellerand in the Year 1605. that the Castle of
be inviolably kept and observ'd and the Offenders punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Laws as Disturbers of the Publick Peace To this purpose we enjoin all our Officers to be carefully assisting upon Pain of being answerable and punish'd for their Negligence or Connivance with the same Severity as the Offenders The same Injunctions and Commands we lay upon our Beloved and Faithful Counsellors c. to see that these presents be Read and Publish'd c. For such is our Will and Pleasure In Testimony whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at Paris March 5. 1615. and fifth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King De Lomenie Seal'd with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax upon a double Label Read Publish'd and Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General and Order'd to be sent to the Bayliwicks and Seneschal ships to be there Publish'd and Register'd and carefully observ'd by the Advocate Generals Substitutes who shall certifie the Court of their Sedulity within a Month upon Pain of answering in their own Names At Paris in the Parlament April the last 1615. Sign'd Voisin A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in Favour of those of the Religion Given at Bourdeaux November 10. 1615. and Publish'd at Paris in Parlament December 7. the same Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. The Declarations set forth and reiterated by us since our coming to the Crown in Confirmation of the Edicts Declarations Brevets Decrees and Regulations made in favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion during the Reign of the Deceased King Henry the Great our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father whom God Absolve have been sufficient to make it known that it has been always our Intention and Desire to cause them to be inviolably observ'd as being Laws requisite to preserve our Subjects in Peace and Friendship one with another and in their Obedience and Duty toward ourselves Which being well and prudently consider'd by the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother she during her Regency took great care to see 'em observ'd and that the Breaches and Infringements thereof should be repair'd so soon as she receiv'd the Complaints We have also since our Majority follow'd the same Counsels and in Imitation of Her have accumulated New Gratifications and Favours many times also conniv'd at Extravagancies and Violences committed by some of 'em thô they deserv'd very great and severe Punishment out of an Intention always to assure 'em of our good Will and favour and by that means to render 'em more inclinable and more studious to keep themselves within the bounds of their Duty To which would they but have added the remembrance of the kind and favourable Usage which they receiv'd at the hands of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father to whose Memory they owe the Confirmation of their Liberty and the Exercise of their Religion which they enjoy with all Security they would out of a praise-worthy Gratitude and the Duty of an entire Obedience and Fidelity have acknowledg'd to our selves all those Obligations at a time especially when the Innocence and weakness of our Infant Years ought to have excited the Vertue Courage and Fidelity of all our good Subjects to defend and preserve the Authority which God has put into our Hands upon which alone depends the Publick Security and the particular Safety of every Private Person Nevertheless this Conduct thô full of Goodness and Mildness has prov'd no way beneficial to us several having betaken themselves to Arms against us to favour the Commotion began by our Cousin the Prince of Condè Among whom there are some who make use of Religion as a specious Pretence to cover and Cloak their Ambition and furious desire of advancing themselves upon the Disorders and Ruins of the Kingdom others have been misled and deceiv'd by false Impressions and vain Fears which the former have infus'd into 'em that they were in danger of Persecution if they did not speedily join Arms with 'em for their own Preservation making them believe the better to surprize their simplicity that upon the Marriages with Spain secret Articles were made and a Conspiracy enter'd into to expell 'em out of the Kingdom To which they too easily giving Credit have precipitated themselves into this enterprize believing themselves to be constrain'd thereto for their just and necessary defence which renders their fault â—â—e more excusable and rather meriting Compassion then Punishment But they had not run themselves into this inconvenience had they better consider'd that this â—ame Impudent and Malicious Lye was without any appearance of Truth there being no Body so void of Sence and Judgment that believe since the Alliances were sought by honourable ways on both sides as has been accustom'd among great Princes that Conditions should have been requested or desir'd by us which could not be fulfill'd without plunging the Kingdom into Fire and Sword and laying it waste with Depopulation As questionless it would have fallen out by breaking the Edicts of Pacification and so severe and unjust a usage of our Subjects of the Religion as they give out by a lye Artificially invented and with a very wicked design For nothing has been done privately in the pursuit and resolving upon those Alliances but every thing has been Publick seen imparted concluded and decreed with our Deceased Cousin the Count of Soissons a wise Prince and of solid Years and great Experience with our Cousin the Prince of Condè and other Princes Lords Officers of the Crown and most eminent Persons of our Council then about us Among whom our Cousin the Marshal de Bouillon was always present having altogether unanimously approv'd these Alliances without the least Opposition of any one every one being free to think and speak what he thought in his Conscience most profitable for the good of the Kingdom without fear of offending us or incurring our displeasure forasmuch as neither the Queen then Regent nor we our selves had the least prejudice in our Minds but only a desire to be satisfi'd what was most expedient to be done in a debate of that Importance All Soveraigns who think it their Interest to preserve the Ancient Reputation and Grandeur of this Kingdom having likewise acknowledg'd thâ—se Alliances never to have been made with any evil design have had no suspition or distrust of 'em after they were inform'd that our Intention was to make 'em serviceable as much as in us lay toward the securing of the peace of Christendom not for any enterprise or Invasion of the Countreys or Kingdoms of any Princes or Soveraigns whatever much less to interrupt the Peace and Repose which all our Subjects happily enjoy'd before this Commotion began Nevertheless they of the Pretended Reformed Religion who have taken Arms
Counsellors c. That these presents may be read publish'd and register'd c. And that our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion may enjoy the Benefit of the Contents fully and peaceably without suffering the least Injury Trouble or Impeachment to be offer'd ' em For such is our Pleasure In Witness c. Given at Amboise May 24th 1619. and 10th of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And below By the King De Lomenie Seal'd c. Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Attorney General At Paris in Parlament July 15th 1619. Sign'd Gallart A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Given at Paris February 26. 1620. and Publish'd in Parlament February 27. the said Year LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. As we have always held it for an assured Foundation of the publick Tranquility of this Kingdom to maintain and preserve our Subjects as well the Catholicks as those of the pretended Reformed Religion in good Peace Union and Concord one with another under the Benefit of the Edicts and Declarations made and set forth to that purpose by the Deceased King our thrice honour'd Lord and Father whom God absolve So we have had a particular care in causing 'em to be exactly observ'd and that they of the said Religion may enjoy the Favours and Concessions which were granted 'em by the same Which also we have not only maintain'd and preserv'd but also out of our special Grace and Favour have much augmented and enlarg'd And to be the more particularly satisfi'd of any Faileurs in the Observance of the said Edicts and Declarations which might be commitâ—ed and to give out said Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion the means to inform us of 'em in imitation of the Deceased King our thrice honoured Lord and Father we have agreed that they shall have near oâ—â— Person and in our Train certain Deputies who may inform us of 'em and exhibit their Remonstrances to us and our Council as they shall judge requisite to be provided against and remedi'd at their Instance and Solicitation and to the end those Deputies may be made choice of and appointed when they have a design to change 'em we have for that reason given 'em leave to hold Provincial and General Assemblies when they shall give us to understand that they have occasion for ' em And altho' the Principal cause for which we have given 'em leave to hold those Assemblies has bin for the Choice and Nomination of the said Deputies we have nevertheless thought good that the Complaints which our Subjects of the said Religion of every Province may make of the said Breaches and Violations shall be exhibited to the said Assemblies for them to send their Deputies to present their Papers and Remonstrances to us For this reason it is and upon this only Consideration that we permitted our Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion by our Brevet May 23th to hold a General Assembly the 26th of September ensuing in our City of Loudun in which we were in hopes that according to what is express'd by the said Brevet they would have begun to have proceeded to the Choice and Nomination of Deputies which they would have had to succeed to those that resided in our Train in whose hands they would have entrusted the Papers of Complaints and Remonstrances which they had to present to us to the end they might solicit our Answer and take care of putting in Execution what should be by us ordain'd But instead of so doing they would needs send to us certain of their Number with a first Paper containing some principal Heads to which they besought our answer and to cause to be executed what we thought convenient till they had compil'd their other Papers which as they said they were preparing to exhibit to us Upon which we gave 'em to understand that when all their demands should be reduc'd into one Paper and that they should present 'em to us all at once and according to the usual Method and Forms we would receive 'em and give a favourable Answer and in such sort that they should find by the Effects our good will towards 'em And tho' they were also oblig'd to cause the said Paper to be presented to us by such as should be made choice of among them to reside near our Person and then to break up as it was the Practice while the deceased King liv'd of the Assemblies of Chatellerant and Gergeau and that it is still observ'd by all the Assemblies of what Quality soever they be that are held in this Kingdom Nevertheless we were willing to doe 'em that favour for once not to draw it into President as to receive the said Papers from the hands of those who did present 'em to us on their behalf Which being reported to the said Assembly after several Contests and Delays at length they sent us other Deputies with the General Papers of their Complaints and Remonstrances whom we kindly receiv'd giving 'em assurance that we wou'd labour to return 'em a speedy answer and by which they should not only receive the Justice which they demanded but also as much as they could expect from our Grace and Favour Which we gave 'em in charge to report back to their said Assembly being also farther commanded to tell them in our Name that since they had presented all their Papers and that their longer sitting together was to no purpose but was prejudicial to our authority and gave scandal to our Subjects our Pleasure was that they should proceed with the soonest to the Nomination of their Deputies that were to reside near our Person and then break up Which done we promis'd to deliver into the hands of the said Deputies the Answers which we should make to the said Papers and within a Month after to proceed to the Execution of those things that should be agreed upon But instead of receiving this with that respect and reverence which is due to us they reply'd that the said Assembly was resolv'd to sit still and not to stir till they had the Answer that was to be made to their Papers and that they saw the performance of it For which tho' we had just occasion to be offended as being an Answer far remote from the Duty which Subjects owe their King Nevertheless we contented our selves with laying before 'em the Fault which they committed and exhorting them to demean themselves with that Obedience which became ' em And however to the end the said Assembly might be expresly inform'd of our Intentions we resolv'd to send to 'em the Sieurs Le Maine Counsellour in our Council of State and Gentleman of our Chamber and Marescot one of our Secretaries to the end that after they had confirm'd to 'em the Assurances of our good will toward 'em in that particular they might lay upon 'em the
same Command which we had enjoyn'd their said Envoys to carry to 'em in our Names which was to proceed forthwith to the Nomination of the Deputies that were to reside near our Person and then to break up in fifteen Days after and return home into their Provinces Which was pronounc'd the 10th of January last To which they made no other Answer only that they would depute Commissioners to us to reiterate their humble Supplications to us as they did in sending to us afterwards some others of their Society who repeated the same Instances which others before had done That is to say that we would be pleas'd to agree to the Sitting of the Assembly till their Papers were answer'd and that they saw the performance of those things that should be promis'd 'em upon which not having any thing else to Answer but what already we had given 'em to understand and considering of what Importance it was that they should rely upon the Assurances which we had given 'em of our good Intentions to do what should be to their Content and that the usual methods in such Cases should be follow'd and observ'd Considering also that they had sat near five Months which might breed both Suspition and Jealousie in our other Subjects We order'd 'em once more to obey what we had given 'em to understand to be our Will and Pleasure To which we order'd 'em after that to be particularly exhorted by several Persons well qualifi'd and well inform'd of our Sentiments of these Affairs who assur'd 'em of our good Intentions to give 'em content Having also sent 'em word in our Name that tho' they had exceeded above a Month of the Time wherein we prefix'd 'em to separate yet we granted 'em eight Days more for their Return to Loudun and eight Days after to Name their Deputies and then retire In which if they fail'd to give us Satisfaction we should take care so to provide as should be most for the good of our Service But finding that instead of obeying our commands they still continu'd together covering their Disobedience with the Pretences of new Envoys which they sent to us to reiterate their Importunities and Supplications Yet being well inform'd that there are several persons in the said Assembly ill affected to the Good of our Service and the Peace of this Kingdom who labour to inveagle others into their wicked Designs Therefore being no longer able to suffer this contempt of our Authority without testifying our Resentment toward those that are Guilty and letting every one know what our Will and Pleasure is upon this Subject We declare that we have had this Matter debated in Council where were present some Princes of the Blood other Princes c. With whose advice and of our certain knowledge full Power and Royal Authority we have said declar'd and ordain'd as follows that is to say That to testify our good Inclinations in their behalf to our said Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion we have again order'd our said Deputies assembl'd at Loudun a Respit of three weeks after notice shall be given 'em by these presents to break up the said Assembly and to go home to their Houses During which time they may also Nominate their Deputies according to the Number and Method accustom'd for two to be made Choice of by us to reside near our Person and upon their neglect to break up and Retire after that time expir'd We have from hence forward as then declar'd the said Assembly unlawful and opposite to our Service and Authority And all those who shall stay to continue it either in the City of Loudun or in any other Place guilty of High Treason and as such excluded from the Benefit of our Edicts and other Favours by us granted to those of the Pretended Reformed Religion as also of the Appeals which they may pretend to to our Chambers of the Edict We likewise will and it is our Pleasure that they be proceeded against with the utmost Rigor of our Laws and Ordinances as well by our Ordinary Judges as our Parlaments as disobedient Subjects Rebels and disturbers of the Publick Peace as also all such as shall side with 'em in their Practices Negotiations and Correspodencies And as for those among 'em who shall obey our present command and withdraw from the said Assembly within the time above mention'd as also all others of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall continue in their Obedience and Duty toward us our Will and Pleasure is that they live with all freedom under our Protection and enjoy the Benefit of our Edicts Declarations and other Favours by us granted in their behalf And if they of the Assembly who shall obey our present Commands whatever their Nunber be before they quit it nominate the Deputies that are to reside in our Train our Intention is to admit their said Nomination and to permit those whom we shall make choice of to do the Duty of their Functions near our persons as is usual So we command our beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Courts of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict our Bayliffs c. We also enjoyn all our Advocate Generals and their Substitutes c. And to the end the said Assembly may have sufficient Notice of our present Command and may have no cause to pretend Ignorance our Pleasure is that our Advocate General or his Substitutes give speedy notice thereof to the said City of Loudun or other Places where such Assemblies shall be held by the chief of our Ushers or Serjeants We also command our Governours and Lieutenant Generals in our Provinces to be aiding and assisting in the Execution of such Decrees and Judgments as shall be given against the Violators of these Presents For this is our Will and Pleasure In Testimony whereof c. Given at Paris Feb. 26. 1620. in the Tenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below By the King Phelippeaux Register'd upon the Motion of the Kings Atturney General and sent to all Bayliwicks and Seneschalships to be there Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament February 27. 1620. Sign'd De Tillet A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience Dated at Fontain-bleau April 24. 1621. Register'd the 27th LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Since we took in hand to govern the Affairs of our Kingdom We have found that one of the most necessary Things to keep our Subjects in Peace and Tranquility is carefully to observe the Edicts of Pacification and Declarations made in favour of our Subjects who prosess the Pretended Reformed Religion for which Reason we have all along labour'd it as much as it was possible and also to the end they might have so much the more Reason to contain themselves in their Duty and to rejoice in our goodness We have often dissembl'd and laid asleep their Disobedience
and that the Souldiers live under such Discipline that they may do no wrong XXI Your Cities of S â—â— Foy and Bergerac most humbly Beseech ye Sir that you would be pleas'd out of your singular Goodness to discharge 'em of the Oppressions which they have suffer'd so long and so excessive letting your said City of Bergerac fully enjoy your inviolable Promises by hindring so many Innovations and the building of the Cittadel intended notwithstanding that your Subjects of the Religion have kept themselves within the Bounds of a most humble Subjection and Obedience to your Majesty out of a desire to Merit in some measure the Effect of your said Royal Promises their Liberty and the Peaceable Exercise of their Religion The King will take such Order as shall be most proper for his Service XXII And by your Mildness and Gentleness to ease your People of the Religion to bring 'em back to a firm Confidence and to Corroborate as much as may be the Peace which you vouchsafe 'em may it please your Majesty to obliterate all Marks that are contrary to it And to these ends to disband the Souldiers that are quarter'd in Lower Languedoc Cevennes and other Provinces by this Means kept in continual Fears and Apprehensions of your Displeasure and beseech your Majesty to hasten the said Disbanding to the end that the Effects of their Obedience which they desire and ought to pay you as well in demolishing the Fortifications of the Places as in all other things which you shall be pleas'd to command 'em may not be delay'd Sign'd Montmartin Deputy General Maniald Deputy General Done and Answer'd by the King in his Council at Paris March 4. 1623. Sign'd Lewis And lower Phelipeaux Compar'd with the Original by Me Notary Counsellour and Kings Secretary Du Candal A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches GEntlemen We doubt not but you have expected our Letters with Impatience and that you did not take it amiss that we did not send you what pass'd concerning the Duke of Rohan You ought to believe that nothing has so much hinder'd us from that as our fear of putting you to no purpose in uncertain Hopes or Apprehensions Now that it may be thought that we ought to see a little more clearly after the Release of the said Duke we shall tell you that altho' the Report of a War and particularly of the Siege of Rochel be very hot in this Place and that from hence it spreads over all the Rest of France nevertheless we see no Preparation for open and present War On the contrary we have nothing from the Kings Mouth and his Principal Ministers of State but Words of Peace and Promises of putting in Execution what has been agreed As to the Affairs which we have manag'd hitherto you must know that having presented to the King a Paper containing the Principal Complaints of our Churches and other things of which we have the Cognizance and Memoirs in our Hands we have obtain'd Answers such as you will see by the Printed Paper which we send you enclos'd which thô they be dated the fourth of this Month nevertheless were not deliver'd us till the twenty second At present we solicit the Performance of the Answers which are favourable continuing to demand satisfaction upon those which are otherwise Nor shall we fail to give you Advice of the Success as also of all that we shall judge proper to come to your Knowledge As for News of the Particular Affairs of the Provinces and Churches of whose Deputies we have a great number here we have given satisfaction by particular Letters to all Occurrences It remains that you second our Labours with your Prayers to God as we earnestly desire you considering the need we have in such a difficult time as this And for our parts we shall also beseech him to accumulate his most Sacred Benedictions upon your selves We are Your most humble and Affectionate Servants the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France near his Majesty Paris March 30. 1623. Montmartin Maniald The King's Declaration by which it is provided that in the Assemblies which shall be beld by the Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of their said Religion no other Affairs be propounded or treated of then such as are permitted by the Edicts Given at Fontain-Bleau April 17th 1623. And verifi'd in Parlament May 22. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Altho' by our Edicts of Pacification and the Private Articles granted to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion in the Year 1598. they were allow'd to hold Assemblies concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion pretendedly Reformed and Places where the Exercise was settl'd with our Permission first obtain'd and that by several answers made to their Papers they have been always forbid to admit into the said Assemblies other then the Ministers and Elders and to treat of other Affairs then those which concern the Regulations of their said Religion upon Pain of Forfeiting this Favour Nevertheless we have found that for some time since and particularly of late Years under the Toleration of the said Assemblies our said Subjects have taken the Liberty to introduce Persons of all Conditions as also to treat of Politick Affairs from whence have ensu'd several Resolutions contrary to the Sentiments and Intentions of the Generality and most considerable of our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion and to the Publick Tranquility To which there being a necessity of providing a Remedy and to prevent for the future the consequences of such abuses prejudicial to our Authority and the Peace of our Subjects We declare that for these Causes and other Considerations Us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Princes of our Blood c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents and it is our Will and Pleasure that in all Assemblies that shall be held by our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion concerning the Regulations of the Discipline of the said Religion there shall be by us or by our Lieutenant Generals of our Provinces a certain Person commission'd and appointed one of our Officers of the said Pretended Reformed Relgion to be present in the said Assemblies to see and consider whether any other Affairs are propos'd and handl'd then are permitted by our Edicts and to give a faithful accompt thereof to Us. And to the end that our Intention may be exactly follow'd We ordain that for the time to come no Assemblies shall meet or be held unless the said Officer be before appointed who shall be admitted into 'em without any or Lett or Scruple So we command our Beloved and Faithful c. we also command our Governours c. In Testimony c. Given at Fountain-Bleau April 17. 1623. and 13th of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And below By the King De Lomenie Read
Publish'd and Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament May 22. 1623. Du Tillet A Declaration of the Kings good Will toward his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Verify'd in Parlament November 27. 1623. LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Tho' it has always been our Intention as still it is to cause an Exact observance of our Edicts of Pacification and Declarations last made in Favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion that for this purpose we have Commissionated and deputed Commissioners in the several Provinces of our Kingdom to repair and re-establish the Breaches which the Wars and last Troubles had produc'd having omitted no care nor Sedulity to make the lives of our Subjects easie in good Peace Amity and Concord Nevertheless we have been Inform'd that some of the said Pretended Reformed Religion Enemies of the Publik Repose and such as desire to make their advantage of Trouble pretending to belong to our Cousins the Dukes of Rohan and Soubize which we can hardly believe by reason of the assurances which our said Cousins have given us of their Fidelity and Affection to our service and observance of our Peace have some time since made several Journeys and into several of our Provinces also to some Assemblies held by vertue of our Edicts by our Subjects of the Religion with Letters of Crâ—dence under false Pretences to stir up our said Subjects to infuse into 'em Fears Jealousâ—es and â—eigned Distrusts and to instigate to raise Money Fortifie the Places which they hold in their hands purchase Arms and make their Preparations contrary to the Publick Peace And tho' we are unwilling to believe that our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion considering the singular Favours which they have so lately receiv'd from our Clemency are any way enclin'd or dispos'd to hearken to any such pernicious Propositions much less to deviate from their Fidelty and Obedience to which they are oblidg'd Nevertheless being desirous to stop the Course of such Proceedings and the dangerous Consequences that may attend 'em to hinder our Subjects from being abus'd by these evil Practices and not to leave any one in doubt and uncertainty of our good and sincere Intentions toward 'em with the advice of our Council where were present the Queen Mother our Thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes c. We have said and declar'd and do say and declare that it is our Will and Intention to maintain the Publick Peace Repose and Tranquility and to employ our Authority and our accustom'd Care and Vigilancy to cause our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the Pretended Reformed Religion to live in good Union and Concord under their Obedience to us And to this purpose we Will and Ordain that our Edicts of Pacification and last Declarations in Favour of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion be inviolably kept observ'd and maintain'd and that the Commissioners deputed in our several Provinces abide and reside there till they be perfectly and absolutely fulfill'd As we also make strict Prohibitions to all Persons of what Condition or quality soever to speak write suggest or perswade give ear or listen to any thing contrary to this our good and upright Intention and to the Tranquility of our subjects nor to travel or send into our Provinces or to any Cities or Assemblies that shall be held by those of the Pretended Reformed Religion to that Effect nor to raise Money bear or buy Arms Furniture or preparations for Warr under pain of Disobedience and being punish'd as Disturbers of the Peace It is our Pleasure also that the Offenders be inform'd against and prosecuted with the utmost Rigour of the Law So we command our faithful and well beloved Counsellours c. For such is our Pleasure In Testimony c. Given at Paris November 10. 1623. and 14th of our Raign Sign'd Louis And below by the King De Lomenie Read publish'd and register'd c. At Paris in Palament November 7. 1623. A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and his Adherents containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who remain in their Duty and Obedience Given at Paris January 25. 1626. and verify'd the 18. of February LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Every one knows the Favour and Clemency which we have extended to our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion that formerly rose in Arms against our Authority and how when our Arms had all the Advantages over 'em we spread open our Arms to receive those that came as well in general as Particular to implore our Mercy and turn'd the just Resentments of our Indignation into a Benignity natural to a King the Father of his People toward Subjects submissive and penitent being desirous by our Declaratory Letters of October 20. 1622. to forget and forgive their past Faults and voutsafe 'em Peace with the continuance of the Benefit of the Edict of Nantes and other Declarations In pursuance of which we sent Commissioners into several Provinces of our Kingdom to reunite the Affections of our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the Pretended Reformed Religion divided by reason of the preceding Troubles and to re establish what the Fury of Warr might have interrupted in the observance of our Laws and Edicts wherein by the Benignity of Heaven our carefull Toyl so happily succeeded that our Kingdom for these last two Years enjoy'd a most profound Peace our Subjects in general Extolling the Divine Goodness of the Almighty for that after so many past Calamities and Tempests they rested in a Tranquility so serenely Calm and so assured under our Authority and Obedience But when we thought this Peace most solidly secure and that good Order re-establish'd in our Kingdom had given us leisure to apply all our Cares to the assistance of our Neighbours and to readvance the Ancient Reputation of the French Name in Forraign Coutries and that we were as we are still upon the point of reaping the Fruits and notable Advantages of it for the Glory of this Crown the Comfort of our said Confederates and the Publick Benefit we have receiv'd several Informations of the Practises and Contrivances which are weaving in several of our Provinces to withdraw our Subjects of the said Pretended Reformed Religion from that Obedience and Fidelity which they owe us and to perswade 'em in the present Conjuncture of Affairs to rise against our Authority while we are busy'd out of our Kingdom in the Protection of our Allyes and Trouble the Tranquility of the State Now being fully inform'd of the Designs and contrivances that are forming against our Cities and strong Holds the Peparations that are making to raise Souldiers without our Commission the sitting out of Ships as well in the Ports and Havens of our Kingdom as in other Places
Declaratory of April 17. 1623. set forth upon the Holding of Synods and Colloquies with express Prohibitions to treat of Politick Affairs Nor shall they for the Future raise any Fortifications of what sort soever they be to enclose our Cities without our express Permission by our Letters Patents Nor shall they raise any Money upon our Subjects upon any occasion whatever without a Commission under our Great Seal All this under the Penalty of High Treason and forfeiture of our Present Favours XII It is our farther meaning also that the Articles by Us decreed which concern the City of Rochel the Islands and Country of Aulnix be observ'd and put in Execution without delay and that the Cities and Castles which shall have been taken by those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion since the present Troubles shall be surrender'd up into our Hands within fifteen days after the Publication of these Presents Declaring all such of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall scruple to submit themselves to this our Will and Pleasure depriv'd by just Forfeiture of the Benefit of this our present Favour So we command c. And to the end that this may be for ever firm and stable we have affix'd c. Giv'n at Paris in March 1626. and 17th of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below De Lomenie Register'd April 13. 1626. Du Tillet A Declaration of the King against the Sieur De Soubise and other Adherents to the Party of the English Confirming the Edicts of Pacification in favour of those who should continue in their Duty and Allegiance Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. and Publish'd in Parlament the twelfth of the same Month. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Since it has pleas'd God to call us to the Government of this State our Conduct has made it manifest with how much Care we have labour'd to preserve the Publick Peace and Tranquility either in observing and preserving a sound Amity good understanding and correspondence between this Kingdom and Forreign Princes either by employing as we have done several times in divers parts and upon various occasions our Royal Mediation to lay asleep and extinguish the Contentions and Differences arisen between the said Princes or by giving Assistance and Protection to our Ancient Confederates when we thought it necessary to re-establish or maintain 'em in those Rights and Properties that appertain'd to 'em in order by that means to stop the ill Consequences of those Troubles which the Innovations happ'ning in their Dominions might produce Wherein if our Intentions were lookt upon as good and sincere we also judge those which we have had being grounded upon the same Considerations of the Publick Tranquility and of the Establishment of the Repose of our Kingdom in contracting several Great Alliances by the Marriage of our dearest Sisters are worthy of a higher applause But we cannot but observe without a most just Resentment that the last which we have made with England has not hitherto had that good success which we expected from it But that instead of knitting faster as we promis'd to our selves the knot of that ancient Amity which has long continu'd between the two Crowns it should so fall out that the notorious Breaches on the Part of England of the Articles of Marriage of our Dearest Sister with the King of Great Britain the English should come to invade us and Land in the Isle of Re with a numerous Fleet and Army without any cause any Ground any Pretence or Declaration And in regard we see that in order to second their unjust Designs they have already treated with some of our Subjects have sent the Sieur De Soubise into our City of Rochel to perswade the Inhabitants to join with their Party and that they continue the same Artifices and Practices with others of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to draw and engage 'em under several Pretences and vain Hopes to unite their Arms with theirs tho' we are willing to believe that our said Subjects will have so much Constancy and Judgment as not to suffer themselves to be deceiv'd by such sort of Artifices and for that considering that they peacefully enjoy the full Liberty of the Exercise of their Religion the Benefit of our Edicts and whatever else has been promis'd by Us they will conclude that this enterprise of the English has no aim or end that really tends to the good of their Religion but that it is a voluntary Invasion of our Dominions in Enmity to our Crown and the Honour of the Nation in the Defence of which all true French Men as well Catholicks as those of the Pretended Reformed Religion are equally oblig'd to venture their Lives and Fortunes Nevertheless that our said Subjects may be rightly inform'd of our Intentions upon the present Occurrences and that they may not be circumvented by the Artifices that are made use of to with-draw 'em from their natural Duty We declare that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving We have with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleance the Princes c. said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents the Sieur de Soubise and those of our Subjects of what Quality or Condition soever they be who shall adhere to or join with the English or shall favour or assist 'em directly or indirectly or that shall keep Intelligence Association and Correspondence with 'em in any sort or manner whatever or shall otherwise depart from that Obedience which they owe us Rebels Traitors and Perfidious to their King Desertors of their Countrey Guilty of High Treason in the highest Degree And as such we declare their Goods as well Moveable as Immoveable their Offices and Employments Forfeited and Confiscated to our self and all the Inhabitants of our Cities who shall adhere to the Enterprizes Rebellion and Disobedience of the above named or who shall afford 'em Entrance Passage Retreat or Quartering or shall aid 'em with Arms Victuals Ammunition or any other necessaries guilty of the same Crimes and under the Forfeiture of all Decrees Honours Priviledges Franchises Immunities and Rights which may have been granted to 'em either by the Kings our Predecessors or by our Selves past all Hopes of being ever regain'd It being our Will and Pleasure that they be proceeded against with the utmost Severity of the Law by Imprisonment of their Person Seizure of their Estates Demolishing their Houses Cutting down their Woods and that they shall lose the Benefit of our Edicts and of all Appeals to our Chambers created by the same Unless within eight days after the Publication of this Declaration upon the Coasts of Poitou Saintonge and Aunix they do quit their Rebellion and make their Appearance before our Officers of the Cities of Saintes Niort Fontenay Brouage and others more
seventh of June last And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day they shall particularly enjoy the things contain'd in the Letters Patents which have order'd 'em for that purpose So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counsellours in the Parlament of Tholouse c. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. and twentieth of our Raign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King Phelipeaux Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Tholouse in Parlament August 27. 1629. Sign'd De Malenfant The End of the second Volume A TABLE OF THE MATTERS A. ACcusations odious 521. For violating the Edicts Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things 525. Acts of Injustice at Vitre Dijon Taulignan 424 370 465. Particular Acts of Injustice 465. Affairs Forreign of France in what Condition 314. Aggravation venomous 524. Aire Bishop of his violent Speech 249. Albert de Luines his Original 260 261. His Confidents their Character 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan 264. He Fools the Queen and the Duke of Rohan 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres 382. More of the same 384 385. Made Constable 388. Alets reduc'd 459. Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on 17. Ambrune Bishop of his Speech to the King 339. Amelot Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty 384. d' Ancre Marquiss of hated by the Princes of France 153. They unite against him 154 c. His Death 263. St. Angeli Besieg'd and Reduc'd 309. The Priviledges of the City abolish'd 310. An attempt upon it 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan 123. Annexes the occasion of great Injustice 469 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em 498. New Vexations about 'em 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em 516. St. Antonin tak'n by Assault 334. Apology of the General Assembly 424. Arminians favour'd by the Court 372. Arnoux the Jesuit invective against him 301. His Dilemma 302. Banish'd the Court 319. He succeeds Cotton 272. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur 53. Artifices against Chamier 66. Assemblies why they refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris remov'd to Poitiers thence to Bourdeaux 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 406. Of Notables 433. Assembly at Anduse translated to Nimes 459. Of the Clergy at Paris 464. Assembly of the Clergy 521. Assembly general allow'd for Chastelleraud 22. Remov'd to Saumur 23. Assembly at Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies 52. In which they persist 53. Nominates Commissioners 60. The Assembly resolves to break up 65. They draw up Regulations 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux 92. Assembly at Rochel 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 183. Assembly at Grenoble 201. Sends a Deputation to the King 203. Removes to Nimes 212. They mistrusts the Lords 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace 232 c. Remov'd to Rochel 235. They send Deputies to Loudun 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King 264. And receive an Order to break up 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux and Tonneins repair to Orthez in Bearn and are proscrib'd 308 309. Assembly of Orthez remov'd to Rochel and breaks up 322. Another Assembly at Loudun Ibid. c. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois 330 c. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun 335. Assembly at Anduse 357. Assembly at Gergeau 358 c. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy 360 c. General Assembly at Milhau 361 c. Assembly at Rochel declar'd unlawful 365. Assembly at Rochel 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel 393 c. Defends it self in Writing 410. Reply'd to by the Jesuites 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em 417. The State of it 428. Assignations ill paid 375. Attempts upon the Cities of Security 300. B. BAilliages establish'd with little exactness 270. Basnage the Reformed Minister 482. Bearn forc'd Conversions there 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately 47. Articles in favour of Bearn 85. The State of Bearn falsly represented 276. Reunion of it to the Crown 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it 280 c. Answer to it 285. The Edict of the Reunion publish'd 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow 289. The State of Religion in Bearn 290. Their Writings answer'd 297. Their extream despair 307. More of the Bearnois 313. The whole form of the Government alter'd 346 c. Violences committed there after the Kings Departure 348. The Affair of Bearn cross'd a thousand ways by different Artifices 351. All manner of Succours refus'd to their Deputies 352. Bearn subdu'd 405. Bellujon censur'd by the Assembly 56. Beraud Minister of Montauban 481. Berger a Reformed Counsellour at Paris turns Roman Catholick 162. Breticheres his Politick design 328. Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion 493. Bishop of Orleans's Speech to the King 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech 529. Bishop of Mompellier his Rights over the Vniversity 152. Blasphemies pretended 427 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts 448 450. Bodies of the Reformed digg'd up again 402. Books prosecuted 451. Books that made a noise 85 87. Bouillon Marshal his Letter 313. He treats with Count Mansfield 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed 417. Bouillon Duke of the Son changes his Religion 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady Ibid. Bouillon the Father soon gain'd at Court 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde 17. Gain'd by the Queen 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship 28. Discontented seems reconcil'd to the Duke of Sulli and Interests himself for Senevieres 30 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him 55. His strange Advice 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly but refuses it 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan 118. Reconcil'd 150. He seeks to be reveng'd upon the Queen 180. He labours with the Reformed to joyn with the Reformed 182. Writes to the King 412. He refuses the Place of General 416. Buckingham Duke jealousies between him and the Cardinal 416. He compleats the Ruin of the Reformed 418. Burials disturb'd 439. The Right of Burial violated 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches 431. C. COcherat Minister of Quilleboeuf 513. Candal Duke of embraces the Reformed Religion 215. Castres Vexation of Officers
there 435. The Consistory molested there 437. Refuses to admit the Duke of Rohans Deputies 429. The Counsellours of the Chamber there forbid to wear red Robes 504. Catharinots murder du Cross 335. Sedition against the Catholicks by them rais'd Ibid. Catholicks their enterprizes at Rochel 387. Of the Queen of Englands Houshold indiscreet 417. They Triumph at Campredons Death 423. They endeavour to involve the Ministers in the Duke of Rohans treaty with Spain 424. Great rejoycing among 'em 450. Their Cruelties and Insulting Ibid. Cavils upon the Right of Donations and Legacies 393. A shameful Cavil 495. Chalas Commissioner in Poitou and Saintonge 383. His Compliance 386. Chambers of the Edict their Severity 115. At Paris reverse a Sentence of the Judge of Orleans 152. Character of the Reformed 31. Charenton the Church there burnt 325. Exercise of Religion confirm'd there 10. Charles Prince of Wales design'd to Marry the Infanta of Spain 389. Courted by Richlieu for a Daughter of Henry IV. 390. The Match concluded 391. His Complance for the Catholick Religion 392. Chatillon dismiss'd by the Circle of Lower Languedoc 327. The Reasons why 328. Surrenders Aiguemortes to the King and is made a Marshal of France 346. Engag'd in the Interests of the Court 214. Deals under hand with Montmorency 378. Chatillon the City dishonest Proposals to surprize it 329 330. Children forc'd away 305. Two Examples of it Ibid. 409. More of the same 370. Churches of the County of Foix reduc'd to Misery 268. And those of Provence ill us'd 269. Church-yards Catholicks dispenc'd with allowing 'em at their own Charges 307. Church-yard at Blois 425. Cavil about one 445. Distance between Reformed and Catholick Church-yards 446. Cities Catholick several take Arms 42. Cities of Security yield to the King 158. Clairac Besieg'd and taken 315. Cruelties us'd to the Garrison 316. Clergy grant Money with an ill will 407. The Clergies Papers and the Kings answer 529. Their Prevarication 172. Their Paper presented to the King 173 174 c. Colledges all Hugenots imparty'd 501. Colledge of Loudun taken from the Reformed 515. Colledge at Charenton the Erection of it oppos'd by the Catholicks 329. Condè joins with Car. de Retz c. 329. His Cruelties to the Reformed 345. Quits the Court and retires into Italy 353. His unjust dealings at Sancerre 451. Affronted at Poitiers 157. His unequal Temper 173. Condè loses his Authority by the Prevarication of the Clergy 180. He begins new Intreigues 181. He prepares to hinder the Match with Spain 184. He invites the Assembly of Grenoble to join with him 201. Proclaim'd a Rebel 231. His Condition when Peace was propounded 232. He Signs the Treaty 237. He makes two new demands after all the rest were granted him which much perplex the Queen 248. Imprison'd by the Queen 249. Set at Liberty 321. He deceives the Reformed 334. His wholsome Advice 341. He and others fail in their Garranty to the Reformed 361. The Kings Declaration against the Cities of Rochel and St. John d' Angeli and the effect of it 422. Consistory at Beglè continues the Publick Exercise of their Religion 223. Oppos'd by two Advocates 224. They cite the Advocates who appeal to the Parlament 225. And the proceedings thereupon 226 c. Constable his Death causes great Alterations at Court 329. Consuls indirectly chosen 491. Consulships of Alets 495. Conversions forc'd at Aubenas 433. and St. Amands 434. Pretended of a Person that dy'd of a Fever 452. Of Souldiers taken Prisners 456. Cornulier Bishop of Rennes his passionate Speech 320. Corps of a Reformed Gentleman digg'd up again 116. Cotton the Jesuit disgrac'd 272. Councils Provincial their Functions 70. Court recover their Affairs 406. The Answers given by the Court to the Papers of the Reformed satisfie no Body 64. Makes use of the Doctrine of Patience 120. The wiles and injustices of it 121. Has no regard for the People 184. Disingenuity of the Court upon Sulli's account 237. Break their Words with Lescun 280. Dilatory and Delusive 303. Craft of the Court in reference to Renards ill success in Bearn 310. Croakers 425. Cruelties of the Kings Army at Foix 401. At Privas 455. Cupis Francis his Conversion 538. D. DAille's Books 526. His dispute with Muis 527. Deagean a signal wile of his 386. c. Declaration against Rohan and Soubise 396. The Kings Declaration upon Soubise's taking Arms 397. Declaration confirming the Edict of Nantes 8. And remarkable Expressions in it 9. Declaration of the twenty fourth of April oppos'd by the Deputies General 97 98. New Declaration July 11. 112. Of the fifteenth of December and remarks upon it 141. Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain 144. Of the Kings Majority 167. Declaration of the King upon the Nobilities proposing to Petition him to maintain the Catholick Religion according to his Coronation Oath 179. Declaration of the Court upon Conde's treating with the Assembly of Nimes 218. New Declaration of the King Ibid. Decree about meeting the Sacrament 434. Decrees upon several occasions 503. A troublesome Decree about meeting the Sacrament 509. For demolishing the Church of St. Maixant 510. Forbidding publick Exercise at Paroi and containing several other things 515. Other Decrees against the Reformed 533. And to the Prejudice of Paternal Authority Ibid. A Vexatious Decree of the Privy Council upon several occasions 534. A Decree touching Patents for Offices 535. He will not allow the Ministers to make a separate Body in Councils 73. A Decree authorizing the Jesuits to preach in Mompellier 277. For restoring confiscated Estates confiscated in Bearn 278. Deputies General nominated 487. Obtain favourable answers to their Papers 18. Their Power limited 49. Well receiv'd and flatter'd at Court 50. Afterwards deceiv'd 51. Threaten'd 52. New Deputies General appointed 60. Deputies of the Provinces at Patis sent back with disgrace 96. Dominic de Jesus Maria his Story 322. Dort Imposture put upon the Synod there 374. E. ECclesiasticks seiz'd upon at Montauban 371. Edict new confirming all the rest 414. Edict of Grace 460. Contents of the Edict 461. Against Blasphemers 528. The Consequences of it Ibid. Edict of Blois 238. Embassadours English importunate for the Peace of the Religion 411. They sign an Act ill drawn up 413. England declares against France 438. English Land in the Isle of Re 439. Defeated 442. Set forth two Fleets more 443. England makes a Peace with France Ibid. 457. Espernon Duke of Mortally hates the Reformed 216. Makes War against Rochel 252. His pretence to take Arms 253 c. Espernon Duke of sent into Bearn 402. Examples of Injuries done the Reformed 306. Exercise forbid at Puigenier and Beaulieu 425. Out of the usual Places 431. At St. Sabin and Antibe 446. Prohibited 438. At Gex Sancerre and Chauvigny 444. At Quercy 445. The Right to 'em cavill'd at 468. Forbid 490 495. Forbid 500. Forbid at Paroi 515. At Villiers le Bel 531. At Corbigni Ibid. At St. Silvia 533. In other Places
Ibid. At Clay 536. Forbid in several Places 301. Exorcisms the ridiculous â—ssâ—cls of 'em 505. F. FAvas's Interest 365. Favourites new Intreignes against 'em 337. Fenouilles Bishop of violent against the Reformed 335. Remarks upon his Speech 337. Beholding for his Preferment to the Duke of Sully yet a bitter Persecutor of the Reformed 152. Ferrand the Minister flatters the King 410. Ferrier retires 67. Heavy Accusations against him 102. Quits the Ministry and is receiv'd a Counsellour at Nimes 146. More of him 148 c. His end 150. Flatteries excessive 362. Foix Desolation of the Church there 338. Fontrailles put out of Leitoure 364. La Force corrupted by the King leaves the Reformed 333. La Force Governour of Bearn 279. His unequal temper and the effects of it 292. France Plays foul play with the Confederates 416. Makes a League with Queen Christina 497. Her Pretensions to all Europe set forth by a Sorbon Doctor 502. G. GAland Augustus a Commissioner 371. Admitted into the Synod 372. His Intreigue against the Duke of Rohan 442. In vain opposes the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn 483. Gex the Bailliage how us'd 534. Commissioners sent thither 93. Great Alterations there in the State of Religion 107. Governours of the Towns of Security basely self-interested 423. Grand Assizes several of their Decrees against the Reformed 512. Grievances a large Memoir of 'em 430. Gustavus King of Sweden his Death 497. H. HArdy put in Marrialds Room 427. House of Charity forbid at Paris 536. House of the Propagation of Faith and a remarkable piece of Injustice 537. Huguenots whether to be admitted in the Kings Army 441. Hust the Original of the Word 349. I. JAcobins turn'd out of Mompellier 275. James I. of England his Compliance for the Catholick Religion 390 391. His coldness as to the Affairs of the Palatinate 391. Jeannin his remarkable writing 330. His Answer to the Duke of Bouillon 181. Jesuits receive a great Mortification 93. Impudence of the Jesuits Aubigni and Cotton 13. Inclinations of the Great Men 314. Independency of Kings from the Pope maintain'd 169. Rejected by the Court and Clergy and why 170. Injustice extraordinary against the Reformed 435. Instructions of the Commissioners 421. Answer'd by Chauve the Moderator 422. For the Provincial Assembly 23. Continuations of the Instructions 26. Invectives against the Synod of Aletz 357. Joseph a Capuchin his draught of the Reunion 474. K. KIng of England in what sence Garrantee for the Protestants 413. Offers his Mediation for a Peace 234. Refus'd by the Council of France Ibid. Knight of Malta Marry'd 432. L. LAnguedoc Lower in Confusion 328. Continue unquiet 234. The Circle of it Assembles at Limel 376. League powerful against Spain 410. Legacies perverted 432. Lescun Counsellour in the Soveraign Council of Bearn 279. His Remonstrance 290. Lesdiguieres pretends to the Constables Sword and intercedes for Peace with the Protestants 334. He endeavours to hinder the removal of the Assembly of Grenoble to Nimes 212. Engag'd in the Interest of the Court 214. He falls out with the Assembly of Rochel 381. His small Affection for Religion Ibid. c. Will not hearken to his Friends 386. He remains at Court 388. Lessius put to Death 354. Letter Satyrical dividing the Reformed into three Orders 29. A Letter from Court Authorizing the Inferiour number against the greater 56. Letter suppos'd to be written in the Duke of Montbazons Name 366. Lewis XIII Marches into Guyenne 314. Returns to Paris 330. Leaves Paris 332. His success in Poitou Ibid. And Guyenne where he treats with La Force 333. He suspects the Duke of Tremoville and seizes Tulleburg Ibid. Hastens into Languedoc 334. He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations 339. He makes use of Forraign Catholick Souldiers 342. He puts his Kingdom under the Protection of the Virgin Mary 413. Returns to Paris 358. His particular Insidelity to the Rochellers 363. His Death 452. His Letter to the Queen about the Peace 463. The Court surpriz'd at the Kings Death 1. The Penetrating into the Causes of his Death avoided 14. His Temper 260. His unexpected Journey to Bearn 343. He arrives at Pau and takes in Navarreins returns to Pau and takes the Oath to the States 345. He goes unexpectedly from Paris and removes the Offices of the Receits 401. Lewis XIII born 419. Lion an unfortunate accideent there 326. A new Sedition there 451. Loudun Assembly there justified 301. which produc'd several Complaints and Apologies 302. Answer'd by the King 303. The Place appointed for the Conference which procures Peace 235. Luson Bishop of made a Cardinal 360. His Character Ibid. His Speech to the King 173. He withdraws from the Queen 272. He writes against the Ministers 274. His ill Counsel 341 c. M. MAcon the Bishop of his Speech to the King 274. Proves ineffectual 277. Remarks upon it 317. Mage the Judge 422. Maine Duke of his Death 322. Mandamus Final to the Soveraign Council of Bearn 311. Attended by Decrees of Council 312. Maniald dies 427. Mansfield Count treats with the Reformed 340. Gain'd by the Court 341. Contrary to the Bishop of Alberstads Inclinations Ibid. Marans Count of his Hostilities against Sancerre 268. Marets Minister of Alets put to Death 494. Marriage of Converted Priests 431. Masuyer's false dealing 423. His Character 373. He writes to the King 374. More of him Ibid. c. Mediation of the Dukes of Rohan and Trimoville ruin'd by Favas 389. Metz the Reformed forbid to erect a Colledge there 517. Milletiere a writing of his 373. His Project about Re-union of the Protestants and Papists 477. Refuted by Daille 478. Turns Catholick through Necessity Ibid. Ministers Forraign a Declaration against 'em 436. Decrees against 'em 503. Ministers Pensioners 121. Allow'd to assist at Political Assemblies 270. Ministers of Charentons Answer 273. The Treachery of some punish'd 354. Miron President his Character 172. Missions and Missionaries 467. Mombazon Duke of his care of the Reformed 324 325. Mompellier besieg'd 344. Holds out stoutly 352. The Kings Infidelity to Her 358. A Cittadel built there contrary to the Treaty 377. The building of it oppos'd by Maniald Ibid. Innovations there 436. The Foundation of it by whom Ibid. Monks converted their Rogueries 271. Monsanglard Minister his Process 532. Montauban defended by La Force 318. The Siege rais'd 319. Reduc'd 463. Moulin in danger of being secur'd 390. His Letter to James I. of England miscarries 391. From which the Jesuits seek an opportunity to ruin him 392. Muce Marquiss of condemn'd by the Parlament of Rennes 355. N. NErac a Presidial Court erected there 416. Negrepelisse taken by Assault and great Cruelties there exercis'd 334. Nomination of General Deputies permitted 426. The Synod desires to be exempted from it Ibid. O. OAth of Vnion 377. Renew'd by the Assembly of Tonneins 165. Offices 441. The Catholicks combine to exclude the Reformed from 'em Ibid. 448. Talon's manner of Pleading 510. His Distinction between the Right of
the Harbour 352. Meditates great designs 395. Betray'd by Nouailles 396. He disingages himself 397. His success alters the face of Affairs 398. His Manifesto 399. Answer'd 400. He prospers 402. Spanish Fleet before Rochel 444. States General of France meet 168. The third Estate oppress'd by the Nobility and Clergy Ibid. St. Mark Commissioner in the Synod of Alenson 401. Substance of the General Cahier of the Assembly of Saumur and of the Answers to it 73 c. Sulli Duke of made a Marshal of France 502. He takes false measures 6. He is advis'd to look to himself 7. His disgrace 19. Remov'd from the Exchequer and Government of the Bastille 20. He writes to the Queen 21. His Affair examin'd 25. An anonimous Answer to his Discourse 27. His Speech to the Assembly 48. Synod at Alenson 401. The Commissioners Speech there Ibid. And his Instructions 402. The Moderators Answer 404. Their Deputation to the King 407. The Deputies how treated at Court 410. Nomination of General Deputies 411. They make particular Deputies 412. They condemn Militieres Projects 412. And approve Daille's writings Ibid. They appease the Dispute about universal Grace Ibid. Synod National at Charenton 370. Send Commissioners to the King 372. Their Obedience 375. Proposals made there by Galand Ibid. They send a new Deputation to the King 376. Synod National 420. Synod of Realmont 422. An Article drawn up in that Synod for discovery of all such as had a hand in the Spanish Treaty it offends the Churches and is disown'd by the National Synod 425. The National Synod names General Deputies 428 429. And come to divers Resolutions 429. National Synod at Charenton 480. The Commissioners Speech Ibid. Answer'd 482. They send Deputies to the King 485. Their Papers Ibid. The Deputies favourably receiv'd 487. Important Resolutions taken by the Synod 488. Synod National at Alenson 540. Synod at Blois 90. Synod National of Privas 99. Complaints of the Synod of Blois 103. Care of the Synods for the Reconciliation of the Grandees 105. National Synod at Tonneins 158. Synod National at Vitre 266 c. Synod National at Aletz 349 c. T. TIerache the Reformed Inhabitants there treated favourably 117. Titenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel 308. He answers Milletiere 373. Tonneboutonne Mass resettl'd there 447. Tonneins derided for her Civility 314. Treatise entitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church 500. Tremoville Duke of submits 313. Troubles in France renew'ed 394 129. Troubles end 143. Troubles of Privas 354 c. At Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit 376. New Troubles in Bearn 402. V. VAlence's Credit 365. Valence Bishop of persecutes the Forreign Ministers 469. Vatan the Lord of it dies 94. Vendosm Duke of foil'd before Britesse 346. De Vic 329. Vieville his ingratitude and ill success 388. Villarte a Monk sent to Foix and his Behaviour there 338. Attestations given him Ibid. His Triumph but a Chimera 402. Vitrè the Church there pull'd down 443. Union sign'd and sworn 100. Treated of between the Prince of Condè and the Assembly of Nimes 216. United Provinces send succour to France 438. University of Poitiers the Statutes reviv'd 421. Vniversity regulated 450. Voices and Opinions divided in the Court of Castres and the Issue of it 429. Ursulin's of Loudon the Farce acted upon 'em 504. W. WAtons besieg'd taken 379. Retaken and restor'd 380. War against the Reformed the Reasons for it prevail 332. The success of it in many Places 346. Civil War new Seeds of it 470. War new in France the Presages of it 378. William de Hugues his Negotiations in England 390. A TABLE of the Edicts Declarations c. Serving for Proofs to the Second Part of this Work THe Kings Declaration upon the Edict of Pacification May 22. Page 455. General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly of Saumur August 29. 1611. 458. Writing of the Assembly at Saumur Anno 1611. and Answer 462. A Declaration of the King touching the Assemblies of any of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Edict of Nantes and the Particular Articles At Paris April 24. 1612. Register'd in Parlament May 25. of the same Year 482. A Declaration of the King in favour of those of the Pretended Reformed Religion confirming the Preceding Declaration of April 24. Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and verifi'd August 8. 484. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd Jan. 2. 1613. 486. A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Pacification and Prohibiting Duels At Paris Octob. 1. 1614. Verifi'd the 2. of the same Month and Year 489. A Declaration of the King touching the renewing of all the Edicts of Pacification Articles agreed Regulations and Decrees in pursuance of the same Publish'd in Parlament the last of April 1615. 491. A Declaration of the King upon Arms being taken by some of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion containing a new Confirmation of the Edicts and Declarations formerly made in favour of those of the said Religion Given at Bourdeaux Novemb. 10. 1615. 494. An Extract of the Kings Edict for the Pacifying the Troubles of his Kingdom given at Blois May 1616. Verifi'd June 13. the same Year 499. Private Articles granted in the Kings Name by his Deputies sent to the Conference at Loudon to the Prince of Condè to obtain the Pacification of the Troubles after that seen approv'd and ratifi'd by his Majesty 500. A Declaration about the Edicts of Pacification given at Paris July 20. 1616. And verifi'd August 4. the same Year 503. A Declaration of the King containing a Confirmation of the Edict of Loudun and the Private Articles of it Given at Paris the last of September 1616. and verifi'd Octob. 25. 504. A Declaration of the King against unlawful Assemblies of any of the Pretended Reformed Religion at Castel-jaloux and Bearn given at Paris May 21. 1618. and verifi'd May 25. 506. A Declaration of the King confirming the Edicts of Pacification and the Assemblies of Castel-jaloux and Orthes approv'd dated May 24. 1619. 508. A Declaration of the King against those of the Assembly at Loudun together with a Confirmation of the Preceding Edict of Pacification Dated Feb. 26. 1620. 510. A Declaration of the King in Favour of his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall remain in their Duty and Obedience dated April 24. 1621. 514. A Declaration of the King by which all the Inhabitants and other Persons within the Cities of St. Angeli and Rochel are declar'd guilty of High Treason Publish'd June 7. 1621. 517. A Declaration of the King containing Prohibitions to all his Loving Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion remaining in their Obedience to stir from their Houses either in the City or Countrey under the Penalties therein express'd dated July 25. 1622. 520. A Declaration of the King upon the Peace which he gave his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed
Religion confirming the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Dated October 19. 1622. 521. A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers 524. A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches 535. The Kings Declaration providing against the Propounding or Treating of any Affairs in the Assemblies of the Pretended Reformed Religion but such as are permitted by the Edicts Dated April 17. 1623. 536. A Declaration of the Kings good Will to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Verifi'd in Parlament November 27. 1623. 537. A Declaration of the King against the Duke of Soubize and his Adherents Given at Paris Jan. 25. 1626. 539. A writing given by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of England Garranty of the Peace in 1626. 542. An Edict of the King upon the Peace which it pleas'd his Majesty to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Dated March 1626. 543. A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and other Adherents to the Party of the English c. Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. 548. A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris December 15. 1628. 551. The Kings Edict upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize and to all his other Rebellious Subjects of the Cities c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. 553. FINIS The Creasion and Design and Platform of this Work 1517. 1520. The beginning of the Reformation its progress and its causes 1520. It s entrance into France 1523 How it came to be received at Meaux and in Bearn 1523 The Execution of John Clerk and of Lewis Berquin 1529. The state of the Protestant Religion in Germany 1528. The Schism of England The Inclination of Francis I. tâ— the Reformation 1534. 1535. From which the Cardinal de Tournon diverts him 1535. An accommodation proposed 1285. The Synods at Bourges and Paris 1534. The beginning of Calvin's Doctrine 1534. The year of the Placards or Libels 1535. Devotions accompanied with Executions An Edict against the Lutherans 1546. The Council of Trent 1545. 1544. 1547. The Council translated The King's death 1548. Hen. II. persecutes the Protestants 1549. 1551. The King protests against the Removal back of the Council to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois cruel â—â— the Protestants The great Credit of the Clergy 1550. 1545. The affairs of Merindol and Cabrieres 1550. New Executions do but advance the progress of the Reformation 1553. Churches firmâ—d at Paris and many other places 155â— 1556. The Spirit of Moderation prevails over some Judges 1557. A Protestant meeting at Paris The Character of Queen Katharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants Singing of Psalms in publick The Original of the Factions 1559. The couragious behaviour of Andelot And his disgrace 1559. The Counsellers of the Parliament of Paris suspected about their Religion The Death of Henry the 2d The first French Protestant National Synod Francis II. succeeds The state of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues and Characters of the chief persons God assists the first Christian. How Religion came to be conceru'd in those Intrigues Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers erected Abominable Superstitions towards Images A project against Arbitrary Power 1560. The enterprise of Amboise The Cruelty of the Court. The Original of the wâ—rd Huguenot 1560. A false appearance of Moderation The P. of Conde imprison'd The sudden death of Francis II. falsly imputed to the Protestants Charles IX succeeds The Estates assembled who seem to favour the Protestants The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Polisy 1561. 1562. The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the K. of Navar. 1561. A sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre at Vassi after the Edict of January Chief Nobility The strength of the Protestants The French term for Protestant Meeting places The short favour of the Admiral with the Queen The first war undertaken by the Queens Orders and afterwards disown'd The Triple League between the Pope the K. of Spain and the Guises against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monlac and Des Adrets and of the Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreigners called into France The battel of Dreux 1563. The Siege of Orleans The Murther of the Duke of Guise charged upon the Admiral by the Wretch that did it A Peace concluded 1564. The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and its consequences * i. e. Heresy 1568. 1571. 1563. Tythes confirmed to the Roman Clergy A Tholouse 6. 8. March 1640. theâ—3 â—3 Feb. 1658. The re-taking of Havre de Grace The end of the Council of Trent 1563. 1564. 1568. A Revolution in Bearn 1569. 1565. New occasions of jealousy given the Protestants The voyage of the Court and advice given them by the Duke of Alva The progress of the Protestant Churches 1565. 1566. The reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The attempt at Monceaux and its consequences 1568. A peace made before Chartres without any intention to keepit The third War 1569. The death of Andelot and of the Prince of Conde Battels lost The Admiral re-establishes the party 1570. A fraudâ—lent Peace Incredible Artifices of the Court. 1571. 1572. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew â— The Princes change their Religion by force The Inconstancy of des Rosiers Siege of Rochel and Sancerre Factions in France 1574. The Duke of Alenzon Protector of the Reformed and the Politicians The death of the King Henry III. at his return continueth the War 1575. The Princes Retreat 1576. Peace as soon broke as made The League The King's Oath Who notwithstanding makes peace Edict of 1577. Synods 1579. Conference of Nerac and Fleix 1580 The King eludes the Peace and â—et makes a shew of keeping it Outrages done to the King by the League Is forced to a War with the Reformed La Trimouille becomes reformed 1587. The Battle of Coutras Defeats of the Reiters 1588. Thedeath of P. of Conde Edict of Vnion The boldness of the Leaguers The Estates at Blois Death of the D. of Guise and the Curdinal his brother The Duke of Mayenne being escaped relieves the Leaguers party Extremity of the King's affairs The King makes a Truce with the Reformed His affairs grow better He lays siege â—â— Paris Is assassin'd by a Monk Change of Affairs What the Reformed hoped from the dead K. The trouble of the New King The Intreagues of the Army And of the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Prince of the blood The Officers of the laâ—â— King The Catholick Nobles The Reformed And their suspitions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The uncertainty of the King His resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Protestants flatter themselves about the King's Instruction The various affections of the
Catholick Lords The dispersion of the Army The fight of Arques Effects of the King's promiseâ— in some Provinces What the Keformed understood by Protector Protection reciprocal between the K. of Navir and the Refoâ—med The Protestants jealousies and their grounds The King offended at the proposition of taking another Protectour And the Wiser Protestants find â—t both unjust and unseasonable 1589. A Letter written by the King 's own hand upon that Subject The state of the Forces â—â—th of the Leaguers and of the King'â— party The divisions reigning in each party The 〈…〉 â—nâ— aâ—spâ—sâ—â—â—oâ—s of the Catholick Royalists â—â— a Peace in Religion The disposition of the Protestants in regard to same matter Writings about the point of taking up of Arms. for Religion 1589. 1590. The battel of Yvri 1590. The Siege of Paris A new project of peace for the Protestants The reasonableness of their demands And the passion of the Catholicks 1590. The project is at first approved And afterward rejected Remonstrances about it 1590. 1591. The effect of these Remonstrances Gregory the 14th's Bull. 1591. â—â—â— Edict of Mantes 1591. Cavils raised about its Verification * Whereof the Reformed complain The 3d. party and its designs 1521. 1591. Propositions of the Clergy that fâ—lâ—â—â—ed the King A Foreign Army Viscount of Turene marries the Heiress of Sedan And is made Marshal of France 1591. 1592. The Catholicks Artifices to gain the King Fruitless Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy Their different prospects upon the King's instruction â—… Rigors on their Burying 1593. Continuation of the artifices to shake the King's Conscience Political Interests that tended to the same end Mutual Policy of the Catholicks and the Reformed The King â—… Preparations for his change Preparations for his Charge â—… The King's Conversion A Formular that the King refuses 1593. Mistrusts proceeded from this change Boldness of the Leaguers A renewing of the Oath of Union Barriere's Conspiracy The Rebels Pretence The Deputies of the Reformed on their march The King's Precautions against their reproaches Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing him Project of an Edict And to hinder him from satisfying them Precautions against the Oaths of the Order of the H. Ghost and the Coronation The Reformed dissatisfied of the Project neither accept nor refuse them Assemblies permisted Union renew'd with the King ' approbation Artifies to corrupt the Ministers A design of re-uniting The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The fears that the King and Popes reconciliation gave the Reformed Truce to the King's prejudice Reduction of Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that prejudice the Reformed * The Circuit of a League from any Town being within the Precinct or Jurisdiction of it Oath of the Consecration The Jesuits Answer Injustices done to the Reformed 1594. 1593. 1594. Synod at Montauban Orders and Prayers for the King's Prosperity And to bring him back to the Reformed Religion Disowns the Province of the Island of France in several particulars Proposals and Regulations for the General Council Provincial Councils Sedition of the Croakers Deputies amus'd at Court Pretensions of the D. of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope 1595. Testimony which d' Ossat gave the Reformed Sentimentâ— of the Court touching the Union of the Reformed Sentiments of the King upon the Assemblies Causes why they would not declare the Reformed capable of Offices The Prince of Conde taken out of their hands Ways to bring it to pass The Article about Offices passes with some trouble The Proctor-General's Cavil ill taken Cause of new Distrusts He at last permits it Reasons for his so doing Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities Absolution desir'd by the King His reasons for yielding first Commissioners elected to treat D'Ossat and Perron High Pretensions of the Pope The Proctors Instructions quite contrary A Testimony given of the pâ—st and present Services of the Reformed Provocations of the Proctors in the terms and matter Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed Excuses of the Proctors Secret Articles thought to be promis'd to the Pope Massacre aâ— Chastaigneray Excepted by the Patents out of the Acts which should be compriz'd in the Amnesties Artifices to perswade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons Trimouille suspected by the King Pisani carries her away with the Prince her Son Precautions taken for the Prince's Religion ill observ'd The Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King Paid with general Proâ—ises War declared against Spain League with the Queen of England who would have an Article inserted in the Treaty in favour of the Reformed The Duke of Bouillon oppos'd it Discontents of the Reformed and their effects Whence the King's colaness proceeded Suggestions of the Catholicks The Popes Address His wishes 1695. Reports of the Reformed being quite out of favour and the Sources of it 1596. The Assembly Edict of Travercy An Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne The Estate of the Kingdom The Project of dividing The Assembly meet at Loudun with permission New suspicions and subject of complaint * Which was a Court for the benefit of Protestants one half Roman Catholicks and the other half of the Reformed Vulson sent to Court An Effect of this Rigour A wise Expedient of Du Plessis to reunite the Assembly Is approved of the King who revokes the Order of dispersing and promises a Commissioner The Patience of the Reformed A continuation of their Requests A Legat in France renews their fears Jealousies of Roni A Synod at Saumur Their Resolutions Their Letters to the King Commissioners appointed Complaints of the King The Firmness of the Assembly which removeth to Vendome They desist about a general Exercise A second place of Exercise granted in each Balliwick and their right acquired by Possession in the year 1596. confirmed The Edict of 1577. verified at Rouen doth not content them The Pope complaineth of it D' Ossat appeaseth him 1597. The Assembly is discountenanced at the return of the Commissioners Mistrusts and Jealousies on both sides Divisions in the Assembly They return to Saumur Amiens surprised Confusion in the Affairs A Motion for War in the Assembly The Motives of the Dukes of Bouillon and Trimouille The King's perplexity His different manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the taking of Amiens The Answers of the Assembly Which is removed to Chatelleraud more numerous than before The Reasons which may excuse the firmness of the Assembly in their Demands about the Article of Security Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens Difference in Opinions The Reformed serve the King before Amiens The Actions of the Dukes of Bouillon and la Trimouille The Commissioners changed The Treaty continueth and they slacken on both sides A new Possession acquired in 1597. Articles granted by Count Schomberg with submission to the King's
Benefit of a Monk's place assign'd a Soldier grown impotent and maim'd in the King's Service Attempts upon Paternal Authority A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods National Synod He is admitted in Obedience to the King They send Commissioners to the King Who return laden with Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians Writing of la Milletiere Answer of Tilenus Imposture advanc'd against the Synod of Dort The Obedience of the Synod of Charenton Assignations ill paid Proposals made to the Synod by Galand A new Deputation to the King Oath of Union A Citadel at Mompelier Maniald opposes it in the name of the Reformed Presages of a new War Death of Du Plessis The Commissioners make the condition of the Reformed worse at Gergeau At Remorentin At Tours Commissioners in Poitou and Saintonge He raines the Câ—â—rches under appearanceâ— of Honesty Paper of the Clergy of Saintes The Malice of several Articles Chalas's Complaisance Enterprises of the Catholics at Rochel 1624. Cardinal Richlieu's Maxims Proposals for marrying the Prince of Wales to the Infanta Fruitles Marriage concluded upon Conditions advantageous for the Catholics Process of the City of Pamiers against the Bishop Cavils upon the Right of pursuing the Payment of Legacies and Donations Troubles renew'd Enterprise of the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise Discover'd Soubise gets possession of the King's â—â—â—p◠〈…〉 thought lost and disown'd by every body 1625. The King's Declaration upon this occasion Soubise disingages himself Which changes the Face of Affairs Politic Devotions of the Duke of Rohan Seconded by his wife Manifesto of the Duke of Soubise Dispute about the Privileges of Rochelle Peace discours'd of Cruelties of the Royal Army in Foix. Soubise prospers A Paper of the Reformed presented to the King Answers to their Paper The Reformed not satisfi'd The Court recovers her Affairs An Assembly of the Clergy They give money with an ill will The King excepts Rochel out of the Peace Which retards the conclusion of it Particular Laws which the King would impose upon that City A powerful League against Spain The Cardinal's Designs Of which he is forc'd to defer the execution The English Embassadors importunate for the Peace of the Religion Rochelle accepts the Conditions somewhat mollify'd Why the Court exacted such Writings All Pass'd by the Embassaders of England In 〈…〉 England was â—… A new Edict confirming all the rest France plays foul with the Confederates Jealousie between the Cardinal and Buckingham The Cardinal's blind-side Enterprises of the Catholics of the Queen of England's menial Servants Conspiracies against the Cardinal The Cardition of Rochel A National Synod The Commissioners Instructions Answers of Chauve the Moderator Masuyer'â— faâ—se dealing The Catholics trâ—â—â—â—â— They would have involv'd the Ministers in the Duke of Rohan's Treaty with Spain Article of the Synod of Realmont for the discovery of such as had a hand in the Treaty Which offends all the Charâ—â—es And is disown'd iy the National Synod Leave to nominate General Deputies From which the Synod desires to be exempted And send Deputies to the King Remonstrances of the Deputies Maniald dyes Hardi put in his room The Deputies return with the King's Answers The Synod names General Deputies The Synod names General Deputies Divers Resolutions of the Synod Castres refuses to receive the Duke of Rohan's Deputies A Memoir of Grievances Burial of Gentlemen who were the Founders of Churches Legacies given to the Poor adjudg'd to Hospitals A Marriage of a Knight of Maltha vacated The Assembly of Notables 1627. Forc'd Conversions in Bearn And at Audenas At St. Amand Extraordinary Acts of Injustice Innovations at Mompelier The Foundation of Mompelier Declaration against Foreign Ministers Rochel still blockt up England declares war The United Provinces send succonr to France The English land in the Isle of Ré The Irresolution of the Rochelois Court Letters intercepted A nice Question Whether Huguenots were to be suffer'd in the King's Army Rochel Resolves Rochel publishes a Manifesto The Duke of Rohan does the same thing Intrigue of Galand against the Duke 1628. Defeat of the English A second English Fleet of no use to Rochel A third Fleet more useless A Treaty of Peace with England and the surrender of Rochel This City refuses to submit to the English â—â—e Fleet of Spain at the Siege of Rochel Rejoycing among the Catholics Cruelties Insulting and Executions Personal Enmity between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan A new Sedition at Lion against the Reformed The pretended Conversion of a Sick Person that fell into a Phrensie Decrees and Declarations against the Duke of Rohan The King and the Cardinal take a Journey into Italy 1629. The Siege of Privas the Inhabitants of which were betray'd Cruelties exercis'd upon the City The pretences of the Catholics Conversions of soldiers tak'n Pris'ners A Declaration upon the taking of Privas A Treaty of the Duke of Rohan with Spain An Assembly permitted at Anduse and translated to Nimes Peace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Edict of Grace Contents of the Edict The King's Letter to Queen Mother about the Peace The Duke of Rohan retires Montauban reduc'd Assembly of the Clergy Particuâ—â—â— Acts of Injustice 1630. Mlssiionaries The Duke of Rohan accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Right of Exercises The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of a Civil War 1631. The Queen withdraws into Flanders Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion With which the Cardinal closes Intreagues of Joseph the Capuchin caught he Pro. How the Synods were to speak Inclinations of the Ministers And the People Difficulties Petit's Projects And Melitiere Difference in their intentions Issue of the Project in general The truth of this Project A National Synod The Commissioners Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded from the Synod The Answer to the Commissioner's Speech The Commissioner in vain opposes the Union of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sâ—nds Deputies to the King Papers The favourable Reception of the Deputies The Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court â—mportant Resolutions of the Synod Annexes Exercise forbid Consulships The Puâ—… Liberty opprâ—… 1632. Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with him The Reformed faithful The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Italy Affairs of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid A shameful Cavil An inconsiderate Curiosity of two Scholars The Death of Gustavus 1633. Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Partiâ—-Colledges 1634. The Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France to all Europe Answer'd The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France Decrees upon several occasions Preâ—â—â—â—â— adjudg'd
the Duke d'Epernon from taking up Arms under pretence to force the said City to pay him those Devoirs they refus'd him and to obtain satisfaction for some Injuries he pretended to have receiv'd from them He complain'd that the Rochelois had surpris'd the Castle of Rochefort which he pretended to be in his Government and that they had put a Garrison in the same He Publish'd a very severe Manifesto and full of Invectives against the Reform'd in General and at the same time march'd against Rochel with 6 or 7000 Men and committed some Spoils about it The City did not expect those Acts of Hostility whither they thought that the Duke would not dare to proceed to an open War against a City that was Powerful of it self and seconded by all the Reform'd Party or whither they expected a speedy Relief from the adjacent Provinces in case of being attack'd This was the Reason that they were unprovided that they made an ill defence and that the World beheld with Astonishment that formidable City which had been attack'd in vain by so many Kings reduc'd to suffer the Incursions of a Private Person without being able to free the Estates their Inhabitants possess'd in the Country from the Pillage of his Souldiers Their Recourse was to the King to whom they made their Complaints against the said Duke And whereas the Court was otherwise imploy'd at that time and that they were desirous to see the Duke lay down his Arms those Complaints were hearken'd unto and the Duke was order'd to leave the Rochelois in Quiet However he did not desist at first Boissise who was the first that was sent to him could not prevail with him to give over his Enterprise and was even constrain'd to throw himself into Rochel to acquaint the Inhabitants that the King disown'd the Dukes proceeding and to give them leave to take up Arms for their defence Which however could not hinder him from being suspected of double Dealing Vignols being sent sometime after him to renew the same Orders to the Duke found him better dispos'd The Duke properly speaking did not lay down his Arms But he withdrew his Forces from the Territories of the Rochelois and his Excuse for his so easily granting what was desir'd of him at that time was that he was sufficiently Reveng'd by the devastations he had committed He Writ very boldly to the King to excuse his Enterprise considering that he was a Man who had much to fear and who was not belov'd The Glory of that Expedition has been mightily cry'd up in the History of his Life and that Exploit mention'd in it as if it had been the first Cause of the Siege Cardinal de Rocheliâ—u laid before the said City because say they That the success he obtain'd in that small War made the Court sensible that since they could not defend themselves against the Forces of a private Person it would not be impossible for the King's Forces taking a favourable occasion to reduce them to reason But the Truth is that the said Action is too much Honor'd in it It neither answer'd the Noise the Duke had made nor the Threatnings of his Manifesto He ought not to have laid down his Arms without having first dismantled that Proud City and made it a lasting Monument of his Vengeance and of his Power Nevertheless all this dwindled to the Pillaging of Peasants and destroying of the Estates of some private Persons Which a Band of Thieves might have done as easily as a Regulated Army After which he retir'd home having only seen the Walls of the City at a distance Very well pleas'd to cover his Retreat with the King's Authority who had laid his Commands on him to lay down his Arms. Therefore the Reform'd had some Reason to turn the said Expedition into Ridicule and to relate in the form of extraordinary News That the Duke d'Epernon had made his Entry before Rochel But during this small Trouble Rochel having implor'd the Succor and Council of their Neighbours Assembled the Circle according to the Regulation made at Saumur that is some Deputies of the Provincial Council of five Neighbouring Provinces to deliberate about the means to repel the Duke d'Epernon Those Deputies observing great Marks of a good understanding between the Duke d'Epernon and Vignolles and little or no Effect of what had been promis'd being moreover dissatisfy'd about the Conduct of the Court which gave good Words but came to no performance suffer'd themselves to be perswaded by the Marshal de Bouillon to do something extraordinary in order the better to mollifie the Court and the Duke d'Epernon The Duchess of Bouillon who seconded her Husband pretty well passing in those parts under pretence of going to Turenne by his Order sollicited those who had a respect for him so powerfully that the Circle resolv'd to Convene a General Assembly at Rochel for the 15th of April and that they sent Deputies to the King to ask his Leave in order thereunto The Marshal had a great interest in that Affair As he was one of the Male-contents who had made a New League against the Marshal d'Andre he had been declar'd a Criminal of State and according to the Maxims of the Court he was none of the least Guilty since that besides his Religion and his being Esteem'd the Primum Mobile of that Cabal it was very well known that he endeavour'd to strengthen his Party abroad when he requir'd Money and Men. Therefore he was also desirous to make an Interest at home to the end that in case his other Measures should fail he might at least be able to make his Peace or to save his Person by the Credit of a General Assembly This Convocation did not please every Body Many thought it unnecessary because the Court promis'd to see Justice done to Rochel and that in Effect the Duke d'Epernon began by degrees to perform what he had promis'd and not executed They added that it would be dangerous that it would displease the King who seeing it form'd at a time when the Troubles began to be renew'd in his Kingdom would think that it was held against to his Service They said that it was conven'd contrary to the Settlements which did not allow a Province which had no Grievances to desire it They endeavour'd particularly to insinuate that Rochel upon whose particular Account it was desir'd would abandon the rest of the Reform'd as soon as they had receiv'd satisfaction from the Court These were the sentiments of those who preferr'd Tranquillity to all things and especially of the Reform'd who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of Paris who commonly were more inclin'd to Timorous Slow Councils than to bold precipitated Resolutions But the others reply'd that if the King had receiv'd ill Impressions concerning the designs of those who desir'd the Assembly it was necessary to remove them by the good Resolutions they should take in it that a General Assembly
being capable to reunite all People to the desire of a Peace was the best expedient that could be taken to procure it and above all to obtain it from the King's Clemency by most humble Supplications that nothing was done contrary to the Settlements considering the Just Cause of Complaint they had that the strongest of all Laws in a time of Confusion and Disorder was Necessity and that Rochel would not abandon the common Cause for the particular Offers that were made to them However the Deputies of the Circle were not well receiv'd at Court from whence they departed without obtaining the permission they desir'd Besides the usual reasons the Court had to dread Assemblies they had some that were particular for this The Troubles were so great every where that they could not Authorise a General Assembly without being guilty of Imprudence by reason that whatever side they inclin'd to they were capable to give the upper hand to the Party they should Embrace and perhaps â—…rm one apart which might take the advantage of the Weakness of the others It was generally believ'd that the Duke of Vendome design'd to put himself at the Head of the Reform'd and it was publickly discours'd that he kept a â—…an on purpose at Rochel to Treat in his Name with the Assembly There was no time to make Rome Relish that â—â—rmission the Council of which had taken such an Empire over that of France that they regulated all their proceedings The Queen had been oblig'd to give the Cardinal de â—…yeâ—se ample Instructions before the Assembly of Saumur 〈…〉 excuse the favour she had Granted to the Reform'd upon â—…e account of Necessity either in confirming their Edicts â—…y a Solemn Declaration or by allowing them to Assemble 〈…〉 a time when they could draw such advantages by their â—…nion It would have been difficult to use those Reasons at â—resent which might have pass'd for good at that time because they could not have been insisted upon for fear of discovering the Weakness and Confusion of the Government The shortest way was to refuse the permission desir'd by the Deputies of the Circle in hopes that those who did not approve that Assembly would have Credit enough to perwade the rest to have patience Nevertheless that Refuâ—… aggravated matters instead of suppressing them and it did not hinder them from inviting the Provinces to send their Deputies to Rochel on the appointed day so that as they persisted in the Resolution to hold the Assembly without leave in case they could not obtain the consent of the Court they thought fit to Publish their Reasons about it Therefore they Publish'd a kind of Manifesto in which they observ'd that people were in Arms every where that the two Parties who aim'd to destroy each other pretended equally the King's Service which might occasion the Ruin of the State and of the Churches unless a distinction were made a what the Real Service of the King consisted in order to side with that that particular Persons apt to divide themselves according to their Interests and Inclinations were not proper Judges to decide that Question that its General Assembly was more capable to do it that the Edicts of Nantes and of Loudun were daily violated as to what related to the Churches that the Deputies General having made their Complaints to the King about it without having obtain'd the least Redress there remain'd no way to Remedy the same but by a General Assembly that the Commissioners promis'd by the Court in the Assembly which was held at Rochel at the time of the Treaty of Loudun had not been in the Provinces or at least that whatever was favourable to the Catholicks having been Executed long since nothing had been perform'd of those things which were advantagious to the Churches that the Court had refus'd the so often promis'd Creation of two Offices of Masters of Requests for the Reform'd that a Fort had been demolish'd in one of the Suburbs of Gergeaâ— in Order to render that Town of Surety Useless to the Churches and to deprive all the Reform'd between the Seine and the Loire of a secure Retreat that they had refus'd to put a Reform'd Governor in Sancerre according to Henry the 4th's Promise that Fontrailles having promis'd to go to Mass provided he were maintain'd against Angalin in Leitoure which render'd him incapable of Commanding there because it was a Place of Surety of which the Governour ought to be a Protestant his Proposition had been heard and that Angalin was not re-establish'd altho the Change of Religion of his Competitor had remov'd all the difficulties of that Affair that the Parliament of Paris had suppress'd the Place of Coâ—drai which was one of the Six allow'd by the Edict to the Reform'd under pretence of that of Villemerau which they had gain'd which show'd that they would not admit them without distinction into Imployments that la Ferté Vidame had been taken by Surprise from the Vidame of Chartres a Reform'd Lord at whose Charge a Garrison had been put into it tho' he had never been suspected nor a Rebel and that no regard had been had to his Petitions that the Switzers of the Reform'd Religion that were Quarter'd at Poiâ—iers had been forbidden to go to Church which was look'd upon as a step to do the same to the Scots and Switzers of the Guard that instead of protecting the Duke of Bouillon against the Arch-Dukes he had been declar'd a Criminal of State which alone requir'd a General Assembly in Order to consult about it That the Council had resolv'd the reunion of Navar and of the Principality of Bearnâ—o â—o the Crown to have a pretence to introduce the Edict of Nantes there contrary to the Edict of Loudun and that which had been Publish'd in consequence thereof that the said Union was attended with several Inconveniencies Viz. that the Ministers and the Colleges would be depriv'd of their Subsistance that the Presidentship in the Estates of Bearn would be given to the Bishops that la Force would be depriv'd of the Government and his Son of the Survivorship that the Garrison of Navarreins an important City provided with Canons and Munitions would be disbanded and that the said City would thereby remain expos'd to the Surprise of the Spaniards They added to all this considerations upon the Enterprise of the Duke d'Epernon against Rochel and from all those Subjects of Complaint concluded that the Assembly was necessary to redress them Those Reasons were so much the stronger by Reason that the Court had been inform'd of those Injustices by the Petitions of the Deputies General who had not been able to obtain an Answer to them Another Consideration likewise made them exceedingly more weighty The Party of the Male-contents was reduc'd almost to the utmost Extremity They had but one Town left and the Duke of Mayenne was Besieg'd in Soissons and no longer in a Condition to defend himself had he been
prov'd not a little serviceable to those that were enclin'd to peace toward the disposing him to resume the firmer Negotiations for an Accommodation Lesdiguieres who had no longer any Competitor renew'd his Pretensions to the Constable's Sword and promis'd to turn Catholick upon condition he might have that Dignity conferr'd upon him that he might be made a Knight of the Holy Ghost and his Son-in-Law Crequi a Marshal of France But to comfort the Reformed for the loss of his Person he became an earnest Intercessor for Peace He had already had one Conference to that purpose with the Duke of Rohan at Pont St. Esprit where all the Pretensions of the Reformed had bin reduc'd to four Heads The Restitution of all Places of Security Liberty of Politic Assemblies Payment of the Sums promis'd for the Ministers Salaries and the maintenance of the Garisons and the disingagement of the Nobility that had bin ruin'd by the War These Articles being carri'd to the King by the Commissioners introduc'd by Bouillon were not agreed to because the King's Forces had defeated Soubize and put him in hopes of an easy conclusion of the War But because the Season of the Year was far spent and for that there were many things to be done these Proposals were again brought into play and many Journies were made to and fro for the obtaining of Peace The Duke of Rohan also acted so far that he had render'd himself suspected at Mompellier and saw his Credit upon the brink of an utter declination For there were several Factions in that City who mutually sought to destroy one another Among the rest there was one which was call'd the Faction of the Catharinots A word of which I know not the original However it was the most Seditious of all the rest and lookt upon as Traytors all those that did not tread after their steps Now Lesdiguieres hauing sent the President Du Cros to Mompellier to persuade 'em â— peace that Faction stirr'd up a Sedition against him and safely murder'd him But the Duke of Rohan caus'd some of the most guilty to be severely punish'd which did not a little humble the Insolent Cabal The Minister Souffrein who was accus'd to have a hand in that Murder chose rather to remain suspected than to expose himself to the Issue of a Criminal Prosecution and withdrew from the City The same Mutineers also rais'd another Insurrection against the Catholics of the City and they carri'd it so far that their behaviour being represented to the King by the Bishop of Fenouilles awaken'd in him that aversion which had been always inâ—ill'd into him from his Cradle against the Reformed That Prelate was both eloquent and witty and he made a sedulous use of his Parts to inflame the King's Indignation He call'd the Conduct of the Reformed a Tyrannical Phrenzy of Rebellion and Heresy and the condition wherein they kept the Catholics in his City an Oppression great in it self ingenious as to the Invention exquisite in Cruelty and universal in the Ravages it committed He said that Heresy animated by Rebellion which is the usual spirit that attends it was demonstrable by the accumulation of their Crimes and he imputed to it what e're Impiety durst ever presume to think of and put in execution in opposition to that Veneration which is due to the Holy Saints He laid before the eldest Son of the Church the Outrages that had bin committed against his Mother so dreadful for their Number so violent in the excesses of Fury so solemn for the impudence of the Authors so horrible for the Sacrileges that attended it so abominated by Heav'n and Earth that such Hyperboles would have been hardly tolerable in setting forth the horrors of a St. Bartholomew's Massacre And to render the Reformed of his time more odious he compar'd the modesty of the growing Reformation with the Reformation establish'd and in regard he had borrow'd that same common place from the Letter of that same Charpentier whom Bellievre had gain'd to write an Apology for Massacres he envenom'd this Comparison likewise with Impostures and perpetual Imputations of Rebellion By the by he girded the Edicts of Peace which God as he said had never blest and which had been as yet of little force to exorcize the spirit of Rebellion so that his whole Speech was an expresse Exhortation to revoke ' em He aggravated as heinous Crimes whatever the Laws and Necessities of War had enforc'd the Reformed to act in their own defence and to raise a more tender Compassion he complain'd that after they had so ill us'd the Catholics they depriv'd 'em of the liberty to bemoan their miserable Conditions Yet all these horrid Crimes amounted to no more then that they had imprison'd the Catholics at Mompellier that they had constrain'd 'em to bear their share in the expences of the City and that they had either demolish'd or defac'd their Countrey Houses But in regard all this might be easily excus'd by Reasons drawn from the consequences of War or the necessity of putting themselves into a condition to sustain a Siege for which the City was oblig'd to prepare themselves he drew an Inference from thence that they had threaten'd the Catholics with a general Massacre The name of Heresy made a great noise throughout all his Speech 't was stuft all over with descriptions of those Propensities which it infus'd into men to ravage and destroy He upbraided the Reformed with having romag'd the Graves of the dead and digg'd 'em out of their Sepulchres as if the same thing had not been done every day by the Catholics who held it to be a duty of their Religion This Crime was aggravated as if it had bin very usual and gave him an occasion to call the Reformed by the name of damned Souls which by the counsel and instigation of Hell committed all manner of Crimes And in the series of his Harangue he added that they surpass'd the Devils in wickedness The Body of a Nun being found buri'd in the habits of her Order gave him a new occasion to display the whole force of his eloquent Fury And some Ecclesiastics being put out of the Town for fear they should betray it and some of the Canons being detain'd as Hostages for the security of the Ministers afforded him a large Theme for another most embitter'd Complaint Some Distresses also levi'd in the Houses of those that refus'd to contribute toward the Public Charges were lookt upon as Plund'ring And the Crime was represented so much the more heinous because the Priesthood was advanc'd above Angelic Excellency Afterwards appear'd a long and pathetic description of a Church without the exercise of Divine Worship a Reproach for making use of the Materials of demolish'd Churches in their Fortifications and for having forc'd thousands of Catholics to abjure their Doctrine The War also which the King had undertaken was call'd Sacred and he was exhorted to make no more Treaties with Rebels It would