Lives in the attempt The three Commanders for the Parliament in Pembrookshire raised an Army against them viz. Major General Langhorn Collonel Powel and Collonel Poyer The Scots raised a great Army under the Command of the Duke of Hamilton The Kentish Men rose under the Command of the Lord Goring and others and the Essex Men under Sir Charles Lucas But God's time was not come and the Spirit of Pride and Schism must be known to the World by its Effects Duke Hamilton's Army was easily routed in Lancashire and he taken and the scattered Parts pursued till they came to nothing Langhorn with the Pembrookshire Men was totally routed by Collonel Horton and all the chief Commanders being taken Prisoners it fell to Collonel Poyer's Lot to be shot to Death The Kentish Men were driven out of Kent into Essex being foiled at Maidstone And in Colchester they endured a long and grievous Siege and yielding at last Sir Charles Lucas and another or two were shot to Death and thus all the Succors of the King were defeated § 91. Never to this time when Cromwell had taught his Agitators to govern and could not easily unteach it them again there arose a Party who adhered to the Principles of their agreement of the People which suited not with his Designs And to make them odious he denominated them Levellers as if they intended to level Men of all Qualities and Estates while he discountenanced them he discontented them and being discontented they endeavoured to discontent the Army and at last appointed a Randezvouz at Burford to make Head against him But Cromwell whose Diligence and Dispatch was a great Cause of his Successes had presently his Brother Desborough and some other Regiments ready to surprise them there in their Quarters before they could get their Numbers together So that about 1500 being scattered and taken and some slain the Levellers War was crusht in the Egg and Thompson one of Captain Pitchford's Corporals aforementioned who became their chief Leader was pursued near Wielingborough in Northamptonshire and there slain while he defended himself § 92. As I have past over many Battles Sieges and great Actions of the Wars as not belonging to my purpose so I have passed over Cromwell's March into Scotland to help the Covenanters when Montross was too strong for them and I shall pass over his Transportation into Ireland and his speedy Conquest of the remaining Forces and Fortresses of that Kingdom his taking the Isles of Man of Iersey Garnsey and Scilly and such other of his Successes and speak only in brief of what he did to the change of the Government and to the exalting of himself and of his Confidents And I will pass over the Londoners Petitions for the King and their Carriage towards the House which looked like a force and exasperated them so that the Speakers of both Houses the Earl of Manchester and Mr. Lenthall did with the greater part of the present Members go forth to Cromwell and make some kind of Confederacy with the Army and took them for their Protectors against the Citizens Also their votings and unvoting in these Cases c. § 93. The King being at the Isle of Wight the Parliament sent him some Propositions to be consented to in order to his Restoration The King granted many of them and some he granted not The Scottish Commissioners thought the Conditions more dishonourable to the King than was consistant with their Covenant and Duty and protested against them for which the Parliament blamed them as hinderers of the desired Peace The chiefest thing which the King stuck at was the utter abolishing of Episcopacy and alienating theirs and the Dean and Chapters Lands Hereupon with the Commissioners certain Divines were sent down to satisfie the King viz. Mr. Steph. Marshall Mr. Rich. Vines Dr. Lazarus Seaman c. who were met by many of the King 's Divines Archbishop Usher Dr. Hammond Dr. Sheldon c. The Debates here being in Writing were published and each Party thought they had the better and the Parliaments Divines came off with great Honour But for my part I confess these two things against them though Persons whom I highly honoured 1. That they seem not to me to have answered satisfactorily to the main Argument fetcht from the Apostles own Government with which Saravia had inclined me to some Episcopacy before though Miracles and Infallibility were Apostolical temporary Priviledges yet Church Government is an ordinary thing to be continued And therefore as the Apostles had Successors as they were Preachers I see not but that they must have Successors as Church Governors And it seemeth unlikely to me that Christ should settle a Form of Government in his Church which was to continue but for one Age and then to be transformed into another Species Could I be sure what was the Government in the Days of the Apostles themselves I should be satisfied what should be the Government now 2. They seem not to me to have taken the Course which should have setled these distracted Churches Instead of disputing against all Episcopacy they should have changed Diocesan Prelacy into such an Episcopacy as the Conscience of the King might have admitted and as was agreeable to that which the Church had in the two or three first Ages I confess Mr. Vines wrote to me as their excuse in this and other Matters of the Assembly that the Parliament tied them up from treating or disputing of any thing at all but what they appointed or proposed to them But I think plain dealing with such Leaders had been best and to have told them this is our Iudgment and in the matters of God and his Church we will serve you according to our Judgment or not at all But indeed if they were not of one Mind among themselves this could not be expected Archbishop Usher there took the rightest course who offered the King his Reduction of Episcopacy to the form of Presbytery And he told me himself that before the King had refused it but at the Isle of Wight he accepted it and as he would not when others would so others would not when he would And when our present King Charles II. came in we tendered it for Union to him and then he would not And thus the true moderate healing terms are always rejected by them that stand on the higher Ground though accepted by them that are lower and cannot have what they will From whence it is easy to perceive whether Prosperity or Adversity the Highest or the Lowest be ordinarily the greater Hinderer of the Churches Unity and Peace I know that if the Divines and Parliament had agreed for a moderate Episcopacy with the King some Presbyterians of Scotland would have been against it and many Independants of England and the Army would have made i◠the matter of odious Accusations and Clamours But all this had been of no great regard to remove foreseeing judicious Men from those healing Counsels which must
close our Wounds whenever they are closed § 94. The King sending his final Answers to the Parliament the Parliament had a long Debate upon them whether to acquiesce in them as a sufficient Ground for Peace and many Members spake for resting in them and among others Mr. Prin went over all the King's Conscessions in a Speech of divers Hours long with marvellous Memory and shewed the Satisfactoriness of them all and after printed it So that the House voted that the King's Concessions were a sufficient Ground for a Personal Treaty with him and had suddenly sent a concluding Answer and sent for him up but at such a Crisis it was time for the Army to besâ—ir them Without any more ado Cromwell and his Confidents send Collonel Pride with a Party of Souldiers to the House and set a Guard upon the Door one Part of the House who were for them they let in another part they turned away and told them that they must not come there and the third part they imprisoned the soberest worthy Members of the House and all to prevent them from being true to their Oaths and Covenants and loyal to their King To so much Rebellion Perfideousness Perjury and Impudence can Error Selfishness and Pride of great Successes transport Men of the highest Pretences to Religion § 95. For the true understanding of all this it must be remembred that though in the beginning of the Parliament there was scarce a noted gross Sectary known but the Lord Brook in the House of Peers and young sir Henry Vane in the House of Commons yet by Degrees the Number of them increased in the Lower House Major Sallowey and some few more Sir Henry Vane had made his own Adherents Many more were carried part of the way to Independency and Liberty of Religions and many that minded not any side in Religion did think that it was no Policie ever to trust a conquered King and therefore were wholly for a Parliamentary Government Of these some would have Lords and Commons as a mixture of Aristocracie and Democracie and others would have Commons and Democracie alone and some thought that they ought to judge the King for all the Blood that had been shed And thus when the two Parts of the House were ejected and imprisoned this third part composed of the Vanists the Independants and other Sects with the Democratical Party was left by Cromwell to do his Business under the Name of the Parliament of England but by the People in Scorn commonly called The Rump of the Parliament The secluded and imprisoned Members published a Writing called their Vindication and some of them would afterwards have thrust into the House but the Guard of Soldiers kept them out and the Rump were called the Honest Men. And these are the Men that henceforward we have to do with in the Progress of our History as called The Parliament § 96. As the Lords were disaffected to these Proceedings so were the Rump and Soldiers to the Lords So that they passed a Vote supposing that the Army would stand by them to establish the Government without a King and House of Lords and so the Lords dissolved and these Commons sat and did all alone And being deluded by Cromwell and verily thinking that he would be for Democracie which they called a Commonwealth they gratified him in his Designs and themselves in their disloyal Distrusts and Fears and they caused a High Court of Justice to be erected and sent for the King from the Isle of Wight Collonel Hammond delivered him and to Westminster-Hall he came and refusing to own the Court and their Power to try him Cook as Attorney having pleaded against him Bradshaw as President and Judge recited the Charge and condemned him And before his own Gate at Whitehall they erected a Scaffold and before a full Assembly of People beheaded him Wherein appeared the Severity of God the Mutability and Uncertainty of Worldly Things and the Fruits of a sinful Nation 's Provocations and the infamous Effects of Error Pride and Selfishness prepared by Satan to be charged hereafter upon Reformation and Godliness to the unspeakable Injury of the Christian Name and Protestant Cause the Rejoicing and Advantage of the Papists the Hardning of Thousands against the Means of their own Salvation and the Confusion of the Actors when their Day is come § 97. The Lord General Fairfax all this while stood by and with high Resentment saw his Lieutenant do all this by tumultuous Souldiers tricked and over-powered by him neither being sufficiently upon his Guard to defeat the Intreagues of such an Actor nor having Resolution enough as yet to lay down the Glory of all his Conquests and for sake him But at the King's Death he was in wonderful Perplexities and when Mr. Colomy and some Ministers were sent for to resolve him and would have farther persuaded him to rescue the King his Troubles so confounded him that they durst let no Man speak to him And Cromwell kept him as it was said in praying and consulting till the Stroke was given and it was too late to make Resistance But not long after when War was determined against Scotland he laid down his Commission and never had to do with the Army more and Cromwell was General in his stead § 98. If you ask what did the Ministers all this while I answer they Preach'd and Pray'd against Disloyalty They drew up a Writing to the Lord General declaring their Abhorrence of all Violence against the Person of the King and urging him and his Army to take heed of such an unlawful Act They present it to the General when they saw the King in Danger But Pride prevailed against their Counsels § 99. The King being thus taken out of the way Cromwell takes on him to be for a Commonwealth but all in order to the Security of the good People till he had removed the other Impediments which were yet to be removed so that the Rump presently drew up a Form of Engagement to be put upon all Men viz. I do promise to be True and Faithful to the Commonwealth as it is now established without a King or House of Lords So we must take the Rump for an established Commonwealth and promise Fidelity to them This the Sectarian Party swallowed easily and so did the King's old Cavaliers so far as I was acquainted with them or could hear of them not heartily no doubt but they were very few of them sick of the Disease called tenderness of Conscience or Scrupulosity But the Presbyterians and the moderate Episcopal Men refused it and I believe so did the Prelatical Divines of the King's Party for the most part though the Gentlemen had greater Necessities Without this Engagement no Man must have the Benefit of suing another at Law which kept Men a little from Contention and would have marr'd the Lawyers trade nor must they have any Masterships in the Universities nor travel above so many Miles
thousands of faithful Ministers and be like to be the Perdition of many and many thousand Souls But the Presbyterians said We are bound by the Covenant to the King that last was and by the Oath of Allegiance to him and his Heirs and all Changes since have been made unlawfully by Rebellious Sectaries and for our parts whatever others have done we have taken no Engagements or contrary Oaths if the Sectaries and the Cavaliers have taken the Engagement what is that to us Our Brethren of Scotland nor we never did it Therefore being obliged to the King as the undoubted Heir of the Crown we ought to do our Duty as Loyal Subjects to Restore him and for the Issue let God do what he will § 73. This was their Resolution but in their Expectations they much differed for those of them that converse with the Nobles and Great Men and heard from them an high Character of the King as to his Temper and Piety were apt to believe them and had great hopes that because he had taken the Covenant himself he would be moderate in setling all Matters of the Church and would allow the Presbyterians liberty to preach the Gospel in their Parish-Churches and that he would remove the Subscriptions and leave the Common Prayer and Ceremonies indifferent so that they should not be cast out of the Churches Others thought that the Prelates being once set up there would be no place for Non-subscribers in the Publick Churches but yet that if we were the means of the King's Restoration the Prelates would not for shame deny us such Liberty as the Protestants have in France and that Protestants would not deny that to Protestants after such an Obligation which Papists granted them But a third sort said You know not the Principles or Spirit of the Prelates if you look for any Liberty in Publick or in Private to be granted to any that do not conform We all look to be Silenced and some or many of us imprisoned or banished but yet we will do our parts to restore the King because no foreseen ill consequence must hinder us from our Duty And if ignorant Men be put into our places and never so many Souls perish by it the Fault is not ours but theirs that do it And a fourth sort there were that foreseeing the Silencing of the Ministers said We are sure that there are not competent Men much less excellent in England to supply the place of one among many of those that will be cast out and we know that God useth to work by Means and therefore that the Change is like to be the damnation of many thousand Souls and we do not believe that we are bound all things considered to be forward to bring such a Work to pass But we will stand by and see what God will do and will not hinder it § 74. Those that lookt for Liberty were encouraged in their Expectations by these Means following 1. All the Noblemen and Gentry that had been Sequestred for the King's Cause against the old Parliament did in several Counties publish Invitations to all Men to promote the King's Reduction protesting against Thoughts of Revenge or Uncharitableness and professing their Resolution to put up all Injuries and live in Peace 2. Afterward his Majesty sent over a Promise of Liberty of Conscience as these Men understood it but indeed it was but a Profession of his readiness to consent to any Act which the Parliament should offer to him to that end 3. Dr. Morley and other of the Divines on that side did privately meet with several Persons of Honour and some Ministers and professed Resolutions for great Moderation and Lenity § 75. But those that look'd for silencing cruelty and Confusion said that from the Beginning except a few inconsiderable Persons it was all the Enemies of serious Godliness in the Land who were on the one side and it was the Friends of serious Godliness who were the main Body on the other side That the Enmity between the Woman's and the Serpent's Seed is the most unreconcilable in the World That all the Hypocrites and carnal Sort of Formal Pharisaical Christians will persecute them that are born after the Spirit That Wars and Sequestrations and Cromwel's severity against them have exasperated them so that we shall have natural Enmity and Malice sublimated to deal with and that they will revenge all their real and seeming Injuries that these twenty Years Tryal hath proved them unreconcilable That their carnal Interest will continually engage them against serious Godliness and a Man of Conscience that cannot say or swear or do any thing which they command him will be taken by them for a Schismatick and Enemy That the late Wars hath given them Advantage to cast the Odium of Civil Broils upon Religion and of other Mens Faults upon the innocent so that there Interest will certainly lead them to call all those Rebels that swear not to their Words and every Man whose Religion is not ceremonious and complemental shall be called a Presbyterian and every Presbyterian a Rebel And whereas heretofore they had no worse Names to call godly Men by than the foolish Names of Puritans and Roundheads henceforth if a Man will not be as bad as others he shall be called an Enemy to the Government And though not one of forty of the Ministers ever medled with the Wars they shall all fare alike if they be not Prelatists Thus did Men differ in their Expectations § 76. When I was at London the new Parliament being called they presently appointed a Day of Fasting and Prayer for themselves The House of Commons chose Mr. Calamy Dr. Gauden and my self to preach and pray with them at St. Margaret's Westminster In that Sermon I uttered some Passages that were after matter of some Discourse Speaking of our Differences and the way to heal them I told them that whether we should be Loyal to our King was none of our Differences in that we are all agreed it being not possible that a Man should be true to the Protestants Principles and not be Loyal as it was impossible to be true to the Papists Principles and to be Loyal And for the Concord now wish'd in matters of Church-Government I told them it was easy for moderate Men to come to a fair Agreement and that the late Reverend Primate of Ireland and my self had agreed in half an Hour I remember not the very Words but you may read them in the Sermon which was printed by order of the House of Commons § 77. As soon as this printed Sermon came abroad the Papists were enraged against me and one nameless Gentleman wrote a Pamphlet to challenge me to make good my Charge And others sent me Letters with their Names real or counterfeit containing the same Challenge but never told me where they dwelt nor how I might convey an Answer to them whereas the heedless Challengers might have seen that I fully performed what
I undertook and answered their Challenge before they sent it in the Sermon it self when I cited Can. 3. of the General Council at the Laterane under Pope Innocent III. which I have done in other Places again and again to provoke them to make some Answer to it but never could procure it of them But to gratifie these Gentlemen I began to write a fuller Proof of what I there affirmed but I was advised not to publish it considering the Power and Malice of the Papists and how greatly though they called for it they would be enraged by it and in likelihood quickly work my Ruine § 78. The next Morning after this Day of Fasting did the Parliament unanimously Vote home the King Nemine contradicente and do that which former Actions had but prepared for § 79. The City of London about that time was to keep a Day of solemn Thanksgiving for General Monkes Success and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen desired me to preach before them at St. Paul's-Church Wherein I so endeavoured to shew the Value of that Mercy as to shew also how Sin and Mens Abuse might turn it into matter of Calamity and what should be right Bounds and Qualifications of that Joy The Moderate were pleased with it the Fanaticks were offended with me for keeping such a Thanksgiving the Diocesane Party thought I did suppress their Joy The Words may be seen in the Sermon ordered to be printed § 80. But the other Words about my Agreement with Bishop Usher in the Sermon before the Parliament put me to most Trouble For presently many moderate Episcopal Divines came to me to know what those Terms of our Agreement were And thinking verily that others of their Party had been as moderate as themselves they entered upon Debates for our general Concord and we agreed as easily among our selves in private as if almost all our Differences were at an end Among others I had Speech about it with Dr. Gauden who promised to bring Dr. Morley and many more of that Party to meet with some of the other Party at Dr. Bernard's Lodging in Grays-Inn there came none on that side but Dr. Gauden and Dr. Bernard and none of the other side but Dr. Manton and my self and so little was done but only Desires of Concord expressed But whereas I told Dr. Gauden That for the Doctrinal Part of the Common-Prayer-Book though I knew that there were many Exceptions against it yet I remembred nothing which I could not assent to allowing it but the favourable Interpretation which the Writings of all Divines are allowed He took Advantage from these Words to praise my Moderation in the next Book which he printed as if I had spoke this of the Liturgy in general as a Frame of Worship leaving out the first Words As to the Doctrinal Part to which only I limited my Assent So that I was put in print so far to vindicate my self as to set down the true Words which he never contradicted Thus Men were every day talking of Concord but to little purpose as appeared in the Issue § 81. And because I heard that Dr. Morley was a Moderate Orthodox Man and had often Meetings with Dr. Manton and others whom he encouraged with Pacificatory Professions and that he had greatest Interest in the King and the Lord Chancellor I had a great desire to have one hours Discourse with him to know whether really Concord was intended And when he gave me a Meeting and we had spent an Hour in Discourse I found that he spake of Moderation in the general but came to no particular Terms but past by what I mentioned of that Nature But speaking much for Liturgies against Extemporary Church-Prayers he told me at last that the Iansenists were numerous among the Papists and many among the French inclined to Peace and that on his knowledge if it were not for the Hinderances which Calvin had laid in the way most on this side the Alpes would come over to us And this was all I could get from him § 82. When the King was to be sent for by the Parliament certain Divines with others were sent by the Parliament and City to him into Holland viz. Mr. Calamy Dr. Manton Mr. Bowles and divers others and some went voluntarily to whom his Majesty gave such encouraging Promises of Peace as raised some of them to high Expectations And when he came in as he past through the City towards Westminster the London Ministers in their Places attended him with Acclamations and by the Hands of old Mr. Arthur Iackson presented him with a Rich-adorned Bible which he received and told them it should be the Rule of his Actions § 83. About this time I had some Conference with one that called himself William Iohnson a Papist the Occasion Progress and End of which I will here give you at once to avoid farther Interruptions by it When I was at Kiderminster 1659. one Mr. Langhorn a Furrier in Walbrook sent me a Sheet of Paper subscribed by William Iohnson containing an Argument against our Church for want of perpetual Visibility or That none but the Church of Rome and those in Communion with it had been successively visible casting all on his Opponent to prove our Churches constant Visibility He that sent this Paper desired me to answer it as for some Friends of his who were unsatisfied I sent him an Answer the next Day after I received it To this some Weeks after I received a Reply This Reply had cited many Fathers and Councils and as the use is brought the Controversy into the Wood of Church-History To this I drew up a large Rejoinder and sent it by the Carrier though I was not rich enough to keep an Amanuensis and had not leisure my self to transcribe yet as it well happened I had got a Friend to write me a Copy of my Rejoinder For it fell out that the Carrier lost the Copy which I gave him to carry to London and professed that he never knew what became of it And no wonder when I after learnt that my Antagonist lived within five or six Miles of me whom I supposed to have lived one hundred and fifty Miles off When I expected an Answer I received a Month after an Insulting Challenge of a speedy Answer and this seconded with another all calling for haste I suppose he thought I had kept no Copy but as soon as I could get it transcrib'd I sent it him and I heard no more of Mr. Iohnson in a Twelve-month When I was at London I went to Mr. Langhorne and desired him to procure me an Answer to my Papers from Mr. Iohnson or that I might know that I should have none At last he told me that Mr. Iohnson would come speak with me himself which he did and would have put off all the Business with a few Words but would promise me no Answer At last by Mr. Tillotson I was informed that his true Name was Terret and that
be forced to Absolve the unfit and that in absolute Expressions 7. That they are forced to give thanks for all whom they Bury as Brethren whom God in mercy hath delivered and taken to himself 8. That none may be a Preacher that dare not Subscribe that there is nothing in the Common Prayer Book the Book of Ordination and the Nine and thirty Articles that is contrary to the Word of God These are most of the things which we judge contrary to the Word of God which at present come to our remembrance So we humbly desire that whenever you would have us give you a full enumeration of such we may have leave to consult with the rest of our Brethren and deliver it to you by our Common Consent And we humbly crave that all these Points may be taken into serious Consideration and those of them which we have not yet debated we are ready to debate and give in our Arguments whenever we are called to it to prove them all contrary to the Word of God And may we be so happy as to have this Proposal granted us we shall undoubtedly have Unity and Peace Ad 2 m We suppose according to the Laws of distinguishing you speak in this second Proposal of all things so inexpedient as not to be contrary to the Word of God Otherwise the greatest Sins may be committed by inexpediences As a Physician may murder a Man by giving him inexpedient Medicines and a General may destroy his Army by inexpedient ways of Conduct and Defence And the Pastor may be guilty of the Damnation of his People by Doctrines and Applications inexpedient and unsuitable to their state And a way of worship may be so inexpedient as to be sinful and loathsom unto God such is the Battology or thinking to be heard for affected Repetitions or Bablings Pharisaical Thanksgivings that Men are better than indeed they are with abundance such like But supposing that you here speak of no such inexpedient things but such as are not contrary to the Word of God We add Ad 3 m We are thankful that in such Matters we may have leave to make any such Proposals as are here mentioned but we shall not be forward to busie ourselves and trouble others about such little things without a Special Call If the Convocation at any time desire an account of our Thoughts about such Matters we shall readily produce them And for acquiescing in their Judgments in such Matters what we Three do in that point is but of small consequence And for others seeing the Ministers that we speak for were many Hundreds of them displaced or removed before the advice of the Convocation and others denied their Votes because not Ordained by Diocesans and others not approving the Constitution of our Convocations durst not meddle in the choice We cannot tell how far they will think themselves obliged by the Determination of this Convocation But this can be no matter of impediment to your Satisfaction or ours For we are commonly agreed that we are bound in Conscience to obey the King and all his Magistrates in all lawful things and with Christian patience to suffer what he inflicteth on us for not obeying in things unlawful And therefore while we acquiesce thus far in the Judgment of those who must make the Decrees of the Convocation to be civilly obligatory and the King intendeth to take their Advice before he determine of such Matters It is all one as to the end as if we directly did thus far acquiesce in the Judgment of the Convocation if the King approve it But if the King and Parliament dissent or disallow the Convocation's Judgment as it is possible they may have cause to do would you have us acquiesce in it when King and Parliament do not And for the last part of the Proposal by God's Assistance if you do not silence or disable us we are resolved faithfully to teach the People that the Division of the Church is worse than inexpedient and the Peace of it not to be disturbed for the avoiding of any such inexpediences as are not contrary to the Word of God We conclude with the Repetition of our more earnest Request That these wise and moderate Proposals may be prosecuted and all things be abated us which we have proved or shall prove to be contrary to the Word of God But if we agree not on those things among our selves according to his Majesty's Commission the World may know we did our parts When the Liberty of using the Alterations and Additional Forms which were offered to you according to his Majesty's Declaration would end all our Differences about Matters of Worship And when you have had them in your hands so long since you called for them and have not notwithstanding the Importunity of our Requests vouchsafed us any Debates upon them or Exceptions against them but are pleased to lay them by in silence We once more propose to you Whether the granting of what you cannot blame be not now the shortest and the surest way to a general Satisfaction Note here That I offered to my Brethren two more Particulars as contrary to the Word of God which were 1. That none may have leave in Publick Worship to use a more suitable orderly way but all are confined to this Liturgy which is so defective and disorderly which we are even now ready to manifest if you will receive it 2. That none may be a Minister of the Gospel that dare not subject himself by an Oath of Obedience to the Diocesans in that State of Government which they exercised in this Land contrary to the practice of all Antiquity These Ten Things I offered as contrary to the Word of God but the two Brethren with me thought these two last were better left out lest they occasion new Debates though they judged them true § 208. When I read and delivered these Papers the Bishops were much displeased that I should charge so many things on the Church as Sins Where you may note the marvellous oscitancy of these men that when they had treated with us so long and received so many large Exceptions and Replys and in all had heard us open the sinfulness of their way they should yet imagine that we had accused their way but of inexpediency and think to gratifie themselves by such a poor device But their main design was to divide us while they set us upon distinguishing all their sins from their inexpediences and they thought that one would take that for inexpedient only which others took to be sin And they considered not that we were now treating what should be imposed and not what should be obeyed if it were imposed and that we would charge Sin upon their Impositions in many points which might lawfully be done when Imposed rather than to forsake the Churches And if I did the Church any Service in all these Debates it was principally by frustrating their evil design of dividing us so
denied the Means of their Salvation and so perish because a Minister differeth from the State in some lesser things 4. Considering also that there are not competent Men enough to do the Work of the Gospel without them Nay there will be much want when all are employed 5. It is desirable that his Majesty have Power to indulge the Peaceable and abate Penalties as in his Wisdom he shall see most conducible to the Peace of Church and State and not to be too much tied up by an indispensable Establishment These Reasons and many more are considerable for the way of Indulgence 2. The way of Indulgence alone is not sufficient but first the Law should be made more Comprehensive 1. Because indeed the present Impositions and Restrictions of the Law considering also the direful Penalty are such especially the Declaration and Subscription required as the Age that is further from the heels of Truth will so describe and denominate as will make our Posterity wish too late that the good of Souls the welfare of the Church and the Honour of our Nation had been better provided for 2. Because it is exceeding desirable that as much strength and unity as may be may be found in the established Body of the Clergy which will be the glory of the Church the advantage of the Gospel the prevention of many sins of Uncharitablness and the great safety and ease of his Majesty and the Realm When as meer Indulgence if frustrated by Restrictions will be unsatisfactory and not attain its ends but if any thing large and full will drain almost all the established Churches of a more considerable part of the People than I will now mention and will keep much disunion among the Ministers 3. If there be no way but that of Indulgence it will load his Majesty with too much of theâ—â—ffence and murmur of the People If he indulge but few those that expected it 〈◊〉 lay all the blame on him If he indulge all or most that are meet for it he will much offend the Parliament and Prelates who will think the Law is vain But a power of indulging a small Number when the most are embodied by a Comprehension will be serviceable to God and the King and the Common Peace and justly offensive unto none 4. The Indulgence will be hardly attained by so many as need it and are meet for it most being distant many friendless and moneyless and too many misrepresented by their Adversaries as unworthy 5. If the Indulgence be for private Meetings only it will occasion such Jealousies that they preach Sedition c. as will not permit them long to enjoy it in peace These and many more Reasons are against the way of Indulgence alone It is therefore most evident that the way desirable is first a Comprehension of as many fit Persons as may be taken in by Law and then a power in his Majesty to indulge the Remnant so far as conduceth to the Peace and Benefit of Church and State Your second Question is What abatement is desirable for Comprehension I answer Suppose there is no hope of the Terms of Primitive Simplicity and Catholicism but that we speak only of what might now be hoped for 1. It is most needful that the old and new Subscriptions and Professions of Assent and Consent to all things in the Book of Ordination Liturgy and the two Articles concerning them be abated 2. That the Declaration be abated especially as to the disobliging all other Persons in the Three Kingdoms from the endeavouring in their places any lawful Alterations of the Government of the Church And that the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be the Test of Mens subjection 3. That the Minister be not bound to use the Cross and Surplice and read the Liturgy himself if another by whomsoever be procured to do it So be it he preach not against them 4. That according to Pope Leo III. determination in such a Case the Bishops do by a general Confirmation in which each Man approveable to have his part upon due trial confirm the Ordination formerly made by lawful Pastors without Diocesans without reordaining them 5. That what the Courts will do about Kneeling at the Receiving of the Lord's Supper may be done by others and not the Minister forced to refuse Men meerly on that account 6. It is very desirable that Oaths of Obedience to the Diocesan be forborn as long as Men may be punished for Disobedience 7. It is exceeding desirable that Reformation of Church Government by Suffragans and the Rural Deanries c. be made according to his Majesty's Will expressed in his Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs To your third question Of the Extent and Terms of the Indulgence it being to be left to his Majesty's Wisdom I shall not presume to give you my Answer § 428. Instead of Indulgence and Comprehension on the last day of Iune 1663. the Act against Private Meetings for Religious Exercises past the House of Commons and shortly after was made a Law The Sum of it was That every Person above sixteen years old who is present at any Meeting under colour or pretence of any Exercise of Religion in other manner than is allowed by the Liturgy or Practice of the Church of England where there are five Persons more than that Household shall for the first Offence by a Iustice of Peace be Recorded and sent to Iail three Months till he pay five pound and for the second Offence six Months till he pay ten pound and the third time being convicted by a Iuly shall be banished to same of the American Plantations excepting New-England or Virginia The Calamity of the Act besides the main Matter was 1. That it was made so ambiguous that no man that ever I met with could tell what was a violation of it and what not not knowing what was allowed by the Liturgy or Practise of the Church of England in Families because the Liturgy medleth not with Families and among the diversity of Family Practice no man knoweth what to call the Practice of the Church 2. Because so much Power was given to the Justices of Peace to record a man an Offender without a Jury and if he did it causelesly we are without any remedy seeing he was made a Judge According to the plain words of the Act if a man did but preach and pray or read some licensed Book and sing Psalms he might have more than four present because these are allowed by the practice of the Church in the Church and the Act seemeth to grant an Indulgence for 〈◊〉 and number so be it the quality of the Exercise be allowed by the Church which must be meant publickly because it medleth with no private Exercise But when it cometh to the trial these Pleas with the Justice are vain and life men do but 〈◊〉 it is taken for granted that it is 〈◊〉 Exercise not allowed by the Church of England and to Jail they go §
Persecution and hoped ere long to stand on his own Legs and then they should see how much he was against it By this means many score Nonconformable Ministers in London kept up Preaching in private Houses Some 50 some 100 many 300 and many 1000 or 2000 at a Meeting by which for the present the City's Necessities were much supplied For very few burnt Churches were yet built up again about 3 or 4 in the City which yet never moved the Bishops to relent and give any Favour to the Preaching of Nonconformists And though the best of England of the Conformists for the most part were got up to London alas they were but few And the most of the Religious People were more and more alienated from the Prelates and their Churches § 192. Those that from the beginning thought they saw plainly what was doing lamented all this They thought that it was not without great Wit that seeing only a Parliament was trusted before the King with the People's Liberties and could raise a War against him Interest ruling the World it was contrived that this Parliament should make the severest Laws against the Nonconformists to grind them to dust and that the King should allay the Execution at his pleasure and become their Protector against Parliaments and they that would not consent to this should suffer And indeed the Ministers themselves seemed to make little doubt of this But they thought 1. That if Papists shall have liberty it is as good for them also to take theirs as to be shut out 2. And that it is not lawful for them to refuse their present Liberty though they were sure that Evil were design'd in granting it 3. And that before Men's desigâ—s can come to ripeness God hath many ways to frustrate them and by drawing one Pin can let fall the best contrived Fabrick But still remember that all Attempts to get any Comprehension as it was then called or abatement of the Rigour of the Laws or Legal Liberty and Union were most effectually made void § 193. At this time there was Printed in Holland the Thesis or Exercise Performed at the Commencement for the Degree of Dr. of Law by one of the King's Subjects a Scots-Man Rob. Hamilton In which he largely proveth the Necessity of a standing Treasury in a Kingdom and the power of the King to raise it and impose Tributes without the People's Consent and Dedicating it to the King and largely applying it to England he sheweth that Parliaments have no Legislative Power but what the King giveth them who may take it from them when He seeth Cause and put them down and raise Taxes according to his own Discretion without them And that Parliaments and Mâ—gna Charta are no impediments to him but Toys and that what Charter the former Kings did grant could be no Band on their Successors forgetting that so he would also disoblige the People from the Agreements made by their Predecessors as e. g. that this Family successively shall rule them c. with much more Whom Fame made to be the Animater of this Tractate I pass by § 194. There was this Year a Man much talk'd of for his Enterprises one Major Blood an English-man of Ireland This Man had been a Soldier in the old King's Army against the Parliament and seeing the Cause lost he betook himself towards Ireland to live upon his own Estate In his way he fell in Company with the Lancashire Ministers who were then Writing against the Army and against all violence to King or Parliament Blood being of an extraordinary Wit falls acquainted with them and not thinking that the Presbyterians had been so true to the King he is made the more capable of their Counsel so that in short he became a Convert and married the Daughter of an honest Parliament Man of that Countrey And after this in Ireland he was a Justice of Peace and Famous for his great Parts and upright Life and success in turning many from Popery When the King was Restored and he saw the old Ministers Silenced in the Three Kingdoms and those that had Surprized Dublin-Castle for the King from the Anabaptists cast aside and all things go contrary to his Judgment and Expectation being of a most bold and resolute Spirit he was one that plotted the Surprizing of the D. of Ormond and of Dublin Castle But being deâ—ected and prevented he fled into England There he lived disguised practising Physick called Dr. Clarke at Rumford When some Prisoners were carried to be put to Death at York for a Plot he followed and Rescued them and set them free At last it was found to be He with his Son and three or four more that attempted to Surprize the D. of Ormond and to have carried him to Holland where he had a Bank of Money and to have made him there to pay his Arrears Missing of that Exploit he made a bolder Attempt even to fetch the King's Crown and Jewels out of the Tower where pretending Friendship to the Keeper of it He with two more his Son and one Perrot suddenly Gagg'd the old Man and when he cryed out he struck him on the Head but would not kill him and so went away with the Crown But as soon as ever they were gone the Keeper's Son cometh in and finds his Father and heareth the Cafe and runs out after them and Blood and his Son and Perrot were taken Blood was brought to the King and expected Death but he spake so boldly that all admired him telling the King How many of his Subjects were disobliged and that he was one that took himself to be in a State of Hostility and that he took not the Crown as a Thief but an Enemy thinking that lawful which was lawful in a War and that he could many a time have had the King in his power but that he thought his Life was better for them than his Death lest a worse succeed him and that the number of Resolute Men disobliged were so great as that if his Life were taken away it would be revenged That he intended no hurt to the Person of the D. of Ormond but because he had taken his Estate from him he would have forced him to restore the value in Money and that he never Robb'd nor shed Blood which if he would have done he could easily have kill'd Ormond and easily have carried away the Crown In a word he so behaved himself that the King did not only release and pardon him but admit him frequently to his presence Some say because his Gallantry took much with the King having been a Soldier of his Father's Most say That he put the King in fear of his Life and came off upon Condition that he would endeavour to keep the discontented Party quiet § 195. Mr. Bagshaw in his rash and ignorant Zeal thinking it a Sin to hear a Conformist and that the way to deal with the Persecutors was to draw all the People as far from
conciliatory endeavours and yet gives an Account how he resolv'd to set upon reconciling work in order whereto the Worcestershire Agreement was form'd which was not altogether without its success from p. 139. to p. 150. Nineteen Quaeries about Ecclesiastical Cases drawn up by an Episcopal man in the late Times and convey'd to him by Sir Ralph Clare with his Answer to them from p. 151. to p. 157. A Letter of his in answer to Sir Ralph Clare his Parishioner who would not Communicate with him unless he might receive kneeling and on a distinct day and not with those who received sitting p. 157 c. A Letter from the associated Ministers in Cumberland and Westmoreland to the associated Ministers in Worcestershire p. 162. an Answer to it p. 164. Many other Counties begin to associate for Church Discipline the Articles agreed to by the Ministers in Wiltshire p. 167. A Letter from the associated Churches in Ireland to Mr. Baxter and the associated Ministers in Worcestershire p. 169. the Answer to it p. 170. A second Letter from the Irish Ministers p. 171. A Letter of Mr. Baxter's to Bishop Brownrigg about an Agreement between the Presbyterian and Episcopal Party p. 172. The Bishops Reply to it containing his Iudgment about Church Government p. 174 175 c. Mr. Baxter's Notes on the Bishop's Answer p. 178. After this he upon occasion of the passing of Letters between him and Mr. Lamb and Mr. Allen two Anabaptist Freachers to disswade them from separation propounds and answers this Question Whether it be our duty to seek peace with the Anabaptists and proposes a method of managing a Pacificatory attempt with them p. 181. c. A personal Treaty of his with Mr. Nye about an Agreement with the Independants and a long Letter to him about that affair p. 188 c. Proposals made by him in Cromwell's time for a general holy Communion Peace and Concord between the Churches in these Nations without any wrong to the Consciences or Liberties of Presbyterians Congregational Episcopal or any other Christians p. 191 c. The occasion of choosing a Committee of Divines to make a Collection of Fundamentais of which Mr. Baxter was one p. 197. His own Iudgment of Fundamentals ib. and p. 198. The proceedings of the Divines in this matter p. 199. Papers deliver'd in by Mr. Baxter to them on points wherein he differ'd from them p. 200 c. An Account of his preaching before Cromwell and personal Conference with him afterwards in private and a second Conference with him in his Privy Council p. 205. of what past between him and Dr. Nich. Gibbon ibid. Of his Acquaintance and Conversation with Archbishop Usher while he continued at my Lord Broghil's where a particular account is given of the Learned Primates Iudgment about Universal Redemption about Mr. Baxter's terms of Concord and about the validity of Presbyters Ordination p. 206. Of the Carriage of the Anabaptists after the Death of Cromwell p. 206. and the general Confusion of the Nation p. 207. New Proposals he made to Dr. Hammond about an Agreement with the Episcopal Party by Sir Ralph Clare's means p. 208. Dr. Hammond's Answer and Mr. Baxter's Reply p. 210. Of General Monk's march to London and the common sentiments and expectations of people at that time p. 214. of his preaching before the Parliament the day before they voted the King back p. 217. of his Conference with Dr. Gauden and Dr. Morley p. 218. What past between one William Johnson a Papist and Mr. Baxter in particular with reference to the Lady Anne Lindsey daughter of the Countess of Balcarres whom he had seduc'd and afterwards stole away and convey'd into France p. 218 c. Two Letters of Mr. Baxter's to this young Lady one before she was stole away and the other while she was in a Nunnery in France p. 221 c. Of peoples various expectations upon the King's return p. 229. Of some of the Presbyterian Ministers being made the King's Chaplains and Mr. Baxter among the rest ibid. several of them together wait on his Majesty The sum of Mr. Baxter's Speech to the King p. 230. the King receives them graciously and orders them to bring in Proposals in order to an Agreement about Church Government p. 231. where upon they daily met at Sion Colledge for Consultation p. 232. Their first Address and Proposals to his Majesty about Concord p. 232 c. the brief sum of their judgment and desires about Church Government p. 237. Bishop Usher's Model of Government to which they all agreed to adhere p. 238. Five Requests made to the King by word of mouth suiting the Circumstances of Affairs at that time p. 241. The Answer of the Bishops to the first Proposals of the London Ministers p. 242. the Ministers defence of their fore-mention'd Proposals p. 248. His Majesty's Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs as it was first drawn up and shown to the Ministers by the Lord Chancellour p. 259. The Ministers Petition to the King upon their sight of the first draught of this Declaration p. 265. the Alterations of the Declaration which they offer'd p. 275. a Conference between several Divines of each side about the fore-mention'd Declaration before the King at the Lord Chancellours and the effects of it p. 276. of the coming out of the Declaration with amendments p. 279. Of Mr. Baxter's preaching before the King and printing his Sermon and the false accusation of him by Dr. Pierce on that occasion p. 279. a Character of Dr. Pierce and Account of his enmity against Mr. Baxter p. 280. of the offer of a Bishoprick made to Mr. Baxter with some others who joyntly demurr'd about the acceptance p. 281. Mr. Baxter refuses to accept the terms proposed in the fore-mention'd Declaration and sends a Letter to the Lord Chancellour containing his Reasons p. 282. Dr. Regnolds accepts a Bishoprick other Preferments offer'd to other Presbyterians who refus'd them p. 283. An Address of Thanks to the King from the London Ministers for his Declaration p. 284. a Censure of this Declaration p. 286. How well this Declaration was put in Execution p. 287. Mr. Crofâ—on's writing for the Covenant and imprisonment in the Tower p. 288. A false report spread about of Mr. Baxter by Mr. Horton Chaplain to the Earl of Manchester p. 289. an account of Mr. Baxter's transactions with the Lord Chancellour about the Affairs of New-England p. 290. a Letter to Mr. Baxter from the Court and Government of New-England p. 291. another from Mr. Norton p. 292. another from Mr. Elliot p. 293. Mr. Baxter's answer to Mr. Elliot p. 295. Mr. Baxter's endeavours to be restor'd to the People of Kidderminster from whom he was separated upon the return of the sequestred Ministers to their Livings p. 298. A Letter of my Lord Chancellours to Sir Ralph Clare about Mr. Baxter's return to Kidderminster p. 299. Of the Rising of the Fifth Monarchy men under Venner about this time p. 301.
were so used before what would they be said they if by such a War they should be conquered And they thought that the ruine of the State and of Men's Propriety was such an End as no means could be lawfully used for and that the Preservation of the Kingdom was such an End as would make lawful any necessary means which God himself had not forbidden 3. And then as to Authority they thought that the Legislative Power is the chiefest part of Soveraignty and that the Parliament having a part in the Legislative Power had so far inherently a Power to defend it which no Law can suppose them to give away And as the Peoples Representatives they supposed themselves much Intrusted to secure their reserved Liberties which the Law giveth not the King any Authority to take away 4. And they supposed that Government being that Publick Work which upholdeth the Common Peace it is to be done by Publick Instruments andâ— Means and that the Kings Laws are his Instruments of Government and also his Publick Courts and Officers And that the Subjects cannot know so well whether private Commands or Commissions be real or counterfeit nor are so much bound to take notice of them And that the Judgments and Executions of the Courts of Justice being the Effect of Laws which King and Parliament have made are of greater Authority than contrary Commissions or Commands from the King alone 5. It much confirmed them because all confessed That the Sheriffs of Counties must raise the posse Comitatus for the Execution of some Decrees of Courts of Justice though the King forbid it or grant a Commission to any to hinder it And that the foresaid Statute of Edw. 3. maketh even the King's Letters under the Broad Seal to be void when they would hinder Justice 6. And they pleaded the Law of Nature which is greater than Positive Laws That no Nation is bound to destroy it self The Militia being nothing but the Peoples own Sword they say they are not bound to destroy themselves with it nor can any Law be so interpreted And whereas it was said That the King sought not to destroy the Parliament but to bring some among them to punishment they said that it belongeth to the Parliament to judge its Members and that if on pretence of punishing offending Members the King may come and fetch away or demand those that displease him Parliaments and Liberties and all Security of them is gone 7. The King's Answer to the Nineteen Propositions greatly confirmed many when they saw the King himself declaring to them That the Legislative Power was in Kings Lords and Commons and that the Government was mixt and was not Arbitrary which they thought it must needs be if his Commissions were of greater power than his Laws and Courts and if no resistance might be made against any that executed an illegal Commission 8. It most prevailed with many that the Parliament professed not to fight against either the Person or Authority of the King though against his Will but that their War was only against Subjects They said that some Subjects were Delinquents that fled from Justice against whom they might raise Arms offensively and other Subjects took Arms against the Parliament and against these they made a Defensive War But all of them were Subjects and not Kings And the King's Will or Commission is not enough to save all Subjects from punishment when his Law is against it nor to authorize them to destroy the Parliament and their Country 9. They were much emboldened because this Parliament was continued by Law till it should dissolve it self And therefore some said the King's Presence is virtually with them he being a part of the Parliament and others said that no War could be lawful which was for their dissolution or ruine or to deprive them of their Liberty and that the defence of them was lawful whom the Law continued 10. They alledged King Iames who they said of any Man did most endeavour to advance his Prerogative and yet in his printed Treatise for Monarchy confesseth That a King cannot lawfully make a War against the Body of his Kingdom but only against an offending Faction Therefore say they not against the Representative Body till it be proved that by perfidiousness they have forfeited the Virtue and Honour of their Representation 11. They alledged Barclay Grotius and other Defenders of Monarchy especially that passage of Grotius de Iure Belli where he saith That if several Persons have a part in the Summa Potestas of which he maketh Legislation a chief Act each part hath naturally the power of defending its own Interest in the Soveraignty against the other part if thâ—â— invade it And addeth over boldly That if in such a War they conquer the conquâ—red party loseth to them his share And saith That this is so true that it holdeth though the Law expresly say that one of the Parties shall have the power of the Militia it being to be understood that he shall have it against Forreign Enemies and Delinquents and not against the other part 12. It much confirmed them to find the most Learned Episcopal Divines speak so high for the Legislative Power of Parliaments as Tho. Hooker doth Eccles. Pol. lib. 1. for the Eighth Book which saith more than the Parliament ever said was not then published And for resistance in several Cases as Bishop Bilson doth even in that Treatise wherein he so strongly defendeth Obedience and which he dedicated to Queen Elizabeth And to find how far they defend the French Dutch and German Protestants Wars 13. They said that the Carnal respect of Men for personal Interests hath made all the stream of most Mens Words and Writings go on the Prince's side but Tyanny is a Mischief as well as Disobedience and that which all Ages and most Nations have grievously smarted by and they that befriend it are guilty of the Sin and of the Ruines which it procureth It keepeth out Christianity from five parts of the World It corrupteth it and keepeth out the Protestant Truth in most of the sixth part The Eastern and the Western Churches suffer under it to the perdition of millions of Souls If Bodily Sufferings were all the matter were nothing but it is Mens Souls and the Interest of the Gospel which is the Sacrifice to their Wills 14. Lastly This greatly confirmed many that the Matter being a Controversie whether the Disobedience and Resistance of King or Parliament is now the Rebellion and Sin the simple People are not wiser than the States-men that differ about it How then should they better quiet their Judgments than in the Judgment of the Parliament who are the Trustees of the People and the chief Court and Council of the King and have so many Lawyers and Wife men among them and are so greatly interessed in the common Good themselves If it were but the Question Which is the King 's Governing Will which the People must obey And a
pretence of promoting Godliness so they fear'd the enraged Prelatical Party would renew their Persecution under pretence of Order and Government And some that thought R. Cromwell's Resignation was not plain and full did scruple it Whether they were not at present obliged to him for though they knew that he had no Original Right and though the condemned the Act of those Men as Treason who set up both his Father and him yet when he was set up and the Government had been Twelve years in their Hands and the House of Commons had sworn Subjection to him they thought it was very doubtful whether they were not obliged to him as the Possessor And withal many had alienated the Hearts of Men from the King making them believe that he was uncertain in his Religion c. and that the Duke of York was a Papist and that they would set up the revengeful Cavaliers but these things were quickly at an end For many Gentlemen who had been with the King in Scotland especially the Earl of Lauderdaile and Colonel Greavâ—â— who were of Reputation with the People did spread abroad mighty Commendations of the King both as to his Temper and Piety whereby the Fears of many at that time were much quieted § 69. As for my self I came to London April the 13th 1660. where I was no sooner arrived but I was accosted by the Earl of Lauderdale just then released from his tedious Confinement in Windsor Castle by the restor'd Parliament who having heard from some of the Sectarian Party that my Judgment was that our Obligations to Richard Cromwell were not dissolved nor could be till another Parliament or a fuller Renunciation of the Government took a great deal of pains with me to satisfie me in that point And for the quieting People's Minds that were in no small Commotion through clandestine Rumours he by means of Sir Robert Murray and the Countess of Balcares then in France procured several Letters to be written from thence full of high Elogiums of the King and Assurances of his firmness in the Protestant Religion which he got translated and publisht Among others one was sent to me from Monsieur Gaches a famous pious Preacher at Chatenton wherein after an high strain of Complements to my self he gave a pomâ—ous Character of the King and assured me that during his Exile he never forbore the Publick Profession of the Protestant Religion no not even in those places where it seemed prejudicial to his Affairs that he was present at Divine Worship in the French Churches at Roan and Rochel though not at Charenton during his stay at Paris and earnestly press't me to use my utmost interest that the King might be restored by means of the Presbyterians c. The Letter being long and already publisht shall not be here inserted But I could not forbear making divers Reflections upon the Receipt of such a Letter as this was § 70. This Excellent Divine with divers others living at a distance knew not the state of Affairs in England so well as we that were upon the place They knew not how much the Presbyterians had done to bring in the King or else they would not have thought it needful to use any Exhortations to them to that end And they knew not those Men who with the King were to be restored so well as we did What the Presbyterians did to preserve and restore the King is a thing that we need not go to any Corners or Cabinets to prove The Votes for Agreement upon the King's Concessions in the Isle of Wight prove it The Ejection and Imprisonment of most of the House of Commons and all the House of Lords prove it The Calamitous overthrow of two Scottish Armies prove it The Death of Mr. Love with the Imprisonment and Flight of other London Ministers prove it The wars in Scotland and their Conquest by Cromwell prove it The Rising of Sir George Booth and his Army's overthrow prove it The Surprize of Dublin-Castle from the Anabaptists by Colonel Iohn Bridges and others in Ireland and the Gratulations of General Monk in England the Concurrence of the Londonners and the Ministers there the Actual Preparations of the Restored Members of the Long Parliament and the Consent of the Council of State left by them and the Calling in of the King hereupon by the next Parliament without one contradicting Voice and finally the Lords and Gentlemen of the King 's old Party in all Countreys addressing themselves to the Parliamentarians and the King 's grateful Acknowledgments in his Letters and his Speeches in Parliament do all put this Matter out of question Of which I have said more in my Key for Catholicks § 71. And when I read this Reverend Man's excessive Praises and his concluding Prayer for the Success of my Labours I thought with my self how little doth the good Man understand how ill the beginning and end of his words accord He prayeth for my Congregation and the Blessing of my Labours when he hath perswaded me to put an end to my Labours by ssetting up those Prelates who will Silence me and many a hundred more He perswadeth me to that which will separate me from my Flock and then prayeth that I may be a Blessing to them He overvalueth and magnifieth my Service to the Church and then perswadeth me to that which will put a Period to my Service and to the Service of many hundreds better than my self But yet his Cause and Arguments are honest and I am so far from being against him in it that I think I am much more for it than he for he is for our Restoring the King that our Ministry may be freed from the obloquy of malicious Enemies but I am for restoring of the King that when we are Silenced and our Ministry at an end and some of us lye in Prisons we may there and in that Condition have Peace of Conscience in the Discharge of our Duty and the Exercise of Faith Patience and Charity in our Sufferings § 72. And I confess at that time the Thoughts of Mens hearts were various according to their several Expectations The Sectarian Party cried out that God had in Justice cut off the Family that Reigned over us and to return to it again was to betray the Church and the Souls of Men. Some others said That the Sectaries had traiterously and wickedly pull'd down the King and Parliament and set up themselves and broken their Oaths and pull'd down all Government and made the Name of Religion a Reproach and brought that Blot upon it which is never till the Day of Judgment like to be wiped off But yet that after Twelve years alienation of the Government and when a House of Commons hath sworn Fidelity to another and the King 's own Party had taken the Engagement their Obligations to that Family were by Providence against their Wills dissolved and that they were not bound to be Actors in that which will Silence
daily expect the Communications of his Grace and Comfort especially seeing that these Ceremonies have been imposed and urged upon such Consideratioms as draw too near to the significancy and moral efficacy of Sacraments themselves That they have together with Popery been rejected by many of the Reformed Churches abroad amongst whom notwithstanding we doubt not but the Lord is worshipped decently orderly and in the beauty of Holiness That ever since the Reformation they have been Matter of Contention and endless Disputes in this Church and have been a Cause of depriving the Church of the Fruit and Benefit which might have been reaped from the Labours of many Learned and Godly Ministers some of whom judging them unlawful others unexpedient were in Conscience unwilling to be brought under the power of them That they have occasioned by the offence taken at them by many of the People heretofore great Separations from our Church and so have rather prejudiced than promoted the Unity thereof and at this time by reason of their long disuse may be more likely than ever heretofore to produce the same Inconveniencies That they are at best but indifferent and in their Nature mutable and that it 's especially in various Exigencies of the Church very needful and expedient that things in themselves mutable be sometimes actually changed lest they should by perpetual permanency and constant use be judged by the People as necessary as the Substancials of Worship themselves And though we do most heartily acknowledge your Majesty to be Custos utriusque Tabulae and to be Supream Governour over all Persons and in all Things and Causes as well Ecclesiastical as Civil in these your Majesty's Dominions yet we humbly crave leave to beseech your Majesty to consider whether as a Christian Magistrate you be not as well obliged by that Doctrine of the Apostle touching Things indifferent not occasioning an offence to weak Brethren as the Apostle himself then one of the highest Officers in the Church of Christ judged himself to be obliged and whether the great Work wherewith the Lord hath intrusted your Majesty be not rather to provide by your Sacred Authority that the things which are necessary by virtue of Divine Command in his Worship should be duly performed then that Things unnecessary should be made by Humane Command necessary and penal And how greatly pleasing it will be to the Lord that your Majesty's heart is so tenderly and religiously Compassionate to such of his poor Servants differing in so small matters as to preserve the Peace of their Consciences in God's Worship above all their Civil Concernments whatsoever May it therefore please your Majesty out of your Princely Care of healing our Breaches graciously to grant That Kneeling at the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper and such Holydays as are but of Humane Institution may not be imposed upon such as do conscientiously scruple the Observation of them And that the use of the Surplice and Cross in Baptism and bowing at the Name of Iesus rather than the Name of Christ or Emanuel or other Names whereby that Divine Person or either of the other Divine Persons is nominated may be abolished these things being in the Judgment of the Imposers themselves but indifferent and mutable in the Judgment of others a Rock of Offence and in the Judgment of all not to be valued with the Peace of the Church We likewise humbly represent unto your most Excellent Majesty That divers Ceremonies which we conceive had no Foundation in the Law of the Land as erecting Altars bowing towards them and such like have been not only introduced but in some places imposed whereby an Arbitrary Power was usurped divers Ministers of the Gospel though Conformable to the Established Ceremonies troubled some Reverend and Learned Bishops offended the Protestants grieved and the Papists pleased as hoping that those Innovations might make way for greater Changes May it therefore please your Majesty by such ways as your Royal Wisdom shall judge meet effectually to prevent the imposing and using of such Innovations for the future that so according to the pious intention of your Royal Grandfather King Iames of blessed memory the Publick Worship may be free not only from blame but from suspicion In obedience to your Majesty's Royal Pleasure graciously signified to us we have tendered to your most Excellent Majesty what we humbly conceive may most conduce to the Glory of God to the Peace and Reformation of the Church and to the taking away not only of our Differences but the Roots and Causes of them We humbly beg your Majesty's favourable Acceptance of these our Loyal and Conscientious Endeavours to serve your Majesty and the Church of Christ and your gracious Pardon if in any Thing or Expression we answer not your Majesty's Expectation professing before your Majesty and before the Lord the Searcher of Hearts that we have done nothing out of strife vain Glory or Emulation but have sincerely offered what we apprehend most seasonable and conducing to that happy End of Unity and Peace which your Majesty doth so piously prosecute We humbly lay our selves and these our Addresses at your Majesty's feet professing our unfeigned resolution to live and die your Majesty's faithful loyal and obedient Subjects and humbly implore your Gracious Majesty according unto your Princely Wisdom and Fatherly Compassion so to lay your Hand upon the bleeding Rents and Divisions that are amongst us that there may be an healing of them so shall your Throne be greater than the Throne of your Fathers in your days the Righteous shall flourish Peace shall run down like a River and the Generations to come shall call you blessed This following Paper I drew up at this time and offered to the Brethren to have been presented to the King as the Summary of our Judgment that he might see in a few plain words what it was that we indeed desired But it was not consented to both because that all of us were not agreed among our selves in granting so much of Episcopacy and because we would not hinder our Success by adding any more to Bishop Usher's Model hoping that his Authority might have facilitated the Reception of it to which Reasons I consented The brief Sum of our Iudgment and Desires about Church-Government 1. POwer is 1. Imperial and Coercive by Mulcts and Penalties 2. or Doctoral and Suasory The first belongeth only to the Magistrate The second to the Pastors of the Church 2. Though in Cases of Necessity the same Man may be both a Magistrate and a Pastor yet out of such Case it is unlawful or very unmeet Each Calling will find a Man work enough alone And our work being perswasive is successful but as it procureth Complacency and Consent and therefore we should be put upon no such Actions as will render us more feared and hated than desired to our Flocks We therefore humbly beseech your Majesty to trust no Church-men with the Sword with any degree of Imperial
Governour of the lower Governours and the Flocks and indeed are all Archbishops though they have the Name of Bishops still Most of the Ministers were satisfied but to me remained unsatisfied to the end § 129. But at the next Meeting those that were satisfied resolved upon Thanksgiving to the King and they drew up this following Writing To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The humble and grateful Acknowledgment of many Ministers of the Gospel in and about the City of London to his Royal Majesty for his gracious Concessions in his Majesty's late Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs Most Dread Sovereaign WE your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects Ministers of the Gospel in your City of London having perused your Majesty's late Declaration concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs and finding it to the joy of our hearts so full of Indulgence and gracious Condescension we cannot but judge our selves highly obliged in the first place to render our unfelgned Thanks to our good God who hath so mercifully inclined your Majesty's Royal heart to this Moderation and next our most humble and hearty Acknowledgments unto your Sacred Majesty that we may testifie to your Royal Self and all the World our just Resentment of your Majesty's great Goodness and Clemency therein expressed May it please your Majesty The Liberty of our Consciences and the free Exercise of our Ministry in the Work of our Great Lord and Master for the Conversion of Souls ought to be and are more dear to us than all the Profits and Preferments of this World and therefore your Majesty's Tenderness manifested in these so high Concernments doth wonderfully affect us and raise up our Hearts to an high pitch of Gratitude We cannot but adore Divine Goodness for your Majesty's stedfast adherance to the Protestant Religion notwithstanding all Temptations and Provocations to the contrary and your professed Zeal for the Advancement and Propagation thereof declaring that nothing can be proposed to manifest your Zeal and Affection for it to which you will not readily consent Your Majesty has graciously declared That your Resolution is and shall be to promote the Power of Godliness to encourage the Exercises of Religion both publick and private to take care that the Lord's day be applyed to holy Exercises without unnecessary Divertisements and that insufficient negligent and scandalous Ministers be not permitted in the Church Your Majesty hath granted that no Bishop shall Ordain or Exercise any part of Jurisdiction which appertains to the Censures of the Church without the advice and assistance of the Presbyters and neither do nor impose any thing but what is according to the known Laws of the Land Excluded Chancellours Commissaries and Officials from Acts of Jurisdiction so happily restored the Power of the Pastors in their several Congregations and granted a Liberty to all the Ministers to assemble Monthly for the Exercise of the Pastoral perswasive Power to the promoting of Knowledge and Godliness in their Flocks Your Majesty hath graciously promised a Review and effectual Reformation of the Liturgy with additional Forms to be used at Choice And in the mean time that none be punished or troubled for not using it Your Majesty hath graciously freed us from Subscription required by the Canon and the Oath of Canonical Obedience and granted us to receive Ordination Institution and Induction and to exercise our Function and enjoy the profit of our Livings without the same Your Majesty hath gratified the Consciences of many who are grieved with the use of some Ceremonies by indulging to and dispensing with their omitting those Ceremonies viz. Kneeling at the Sacrament the Cross in Baptism bowing at the Name of Jesus and wearing of the Surplice All this your Majesty's Indulgence and tender Compassion which with delight we have taken the boldness thus largely to Commemorate we receive with all humility and thankfulness and as the best Expression thereof shall never cease to pray for your Majesty's long and prosperous Reign and study how in our several Stations we may be most Instrumental in your Majesty's Service And that we may not be defective in Ingenuity we crave leave to profess that though all things in this Frame of Government be not exactly suited to our Judgment yet your Majesty's moderation hath so great an influence upon us that we shall to our utmost endeavour the healing of the Breaches and promoting the Peace and Union of the Church There are some other things that have been propounded by our Reverend Brethren which upon our knees with all humble Importunity we could beg of your Majesty especially that Re-ordination and the Surplice in Colledges may not be imposed and we cannot lay aside our Hopes but that that God who hath thus far drawn out your Majesty's Bowels and Mercy will further incline your Majesty's Heart to gratifie us in these our humble Desires also That we be not further burthensome we humbly beg leave to thank your Majesty for the Liberty and Respect vouchsafed to our Reverend Brethren in this weighty Affair of Accommodation The God of Heaven bless your Majesty and all the Royal Family Your Majesty's most Loyal Subjects Sa. Clark Tho. Case Io. Rawlinson Io. Sheffield Tho. Gouge Gab. Sanger Will. Cooper Will. Whittaker Tho. Iacomb Tho. Lye Io. Iackson Io. Meriton Eli. Pledger Will. Bates Io. Gibbon Mat. Poole With may others This Address was Presented to his Majesty at Whiteball Nov. 16. by some of these Ministers to whom he was pleased to return a very gracious Answer London Printed by his Majesty's Approbation for Ioh. Rothwel at the Sign of the Fountain in Cheapside in Goldsmiths Row 1660. § 130. Whether this came to the King's Ears or what else it was that caused it I know not but presently after the Earl of Lauderdale came to tell me that I must come the next day to the King Who was pleased to tell me that he sent for me only to signifie his Favour to me I told him I feared my plain Speeches Octob. 22. which I thought that Cause in hand commanded me might have been displeasing to him But he told me that he was not offended at the plainness or freedom or earnestness of them but only when he thought I was not in the right and that for my free Speech he took me to be the honester Man I suppose this Favour came from the Bishops who having notice of what last past did think that now I might serve their Interests § 131. The Question now is What we got by procuring this Declaration of the King 's and how it was accepted by the People 1. I thought it no small gain though none of it should be fulfilled that we had got so much from the hand of a King to take off prejudice among the People and abate the violence of cruel Men and to stand on record to Posterity that once so much was granted us by the King for if ever there be any inclinations to Peace and Charity hereafter that which once
the rest might not be unintelligible and the whole defective 6. I put in the Forms and Order of Discipline partly because else we should never have had Opportunity therein to express our Minds and partly because indeed it belongeth to the Integrity of the Work and to shew the difference between their kind of Discipline in Chancellors Courts and ours by Pastors in Christian Congregations 7. Note that the method of the Litany and general Prayers is according to the Direction of the Lord's Prayer of which and the Ten Commandments it is a Commentary The first Commandment falleth in with the Preface and the three first Petitions of the Lord's Prayer All the other Commandments with the Evangelical Precepts come in under the third Petition Thy Will be done and then I proceeded to the other three Petitions and the Conclusion Doubtless the Lord's Prayer is the most perfect method for universal Prayer or holy Desires that can be possibly invented § 174. When I brought my Draught to the Brethren I found them but entring on their Work of Exceptions against the Common-Prayer and so I was fain to lay by mine above a Fortnight longer till their work was done In which divers of them took their Parts The chief Actors in that part were Dr. Reignolds Dr. Wallis Mr. Calamy Mr. Newcomen Dr. Bates Mr. Clarke Dr. Iacomb c. Dr. Horton never came among us at all nor Dr. Tuckney alledging his backwardness to speak though he had been the Doctor of the Chair in Cambridge nor Dr. Lightfoot but once or twice nor Mr. Woodbridge but twice or thrice dwelling far off Mr. Clarke brought in that large Enumeration of Corruptions in the Liturgy recited in the Abridgment of the Lincolnshire Ministers but it was refused because we would be as little querulous as possible lest it should offend and hinder our desired Accommodation and what Passages soever seemed to make the Common-Prayer-Book odious or savour of Spleen and Passion they did reject whoever offered them My principal Business was to keep out such Accusations as would not bear weight and to repress the Opinions of one of the Brethren who came from far and so came not till late among us who was absolutely against all parts of the Common-Prayer because they had been used by Papists to Idolatry And I drew up such Faults as in perusing the Common-Prayer-Book it self did occur to me and which were they which I most disliked in the Forms being not so much offended with some other things as some others were But the Brethren reduced it to a few brief Exceptions in general and would not by so particular an Enumeration of Faults provoke those that we had to do with which I misliked not But from the begining I told them that I was not of their Mind who charged the Common-Prayer with false Doctrine or Idolatry or false Worship in the Matter or Substance nor that took it to be a Worship which a Christian might not lawfully join in when he had not Liberty and Ability for better And that I always took the Faults of the Common Prayer to be chiefly Disorder and Defectiveness and so that it was a true Worship though imperfect and Imperfection was the Charge that we had against it considered as distinct from the Ceremonies and Discipline I looked at it as at the Prayers of many a weak Christian that I have heard who prayed with Disorder and Repetitions and unfit Expressions I would not prefer such a weak Christian in Prayer before a better but yet if I separated from such an one or thought it unlawful to join with him I should be sinfully Curious and Uncharitable And I think this was the Mind of all our Brethren save one as well as mine And old Mr. Ash hath often told us that this was the Mind of the old Nonconformists and that he hath often heard some weak Ministers so disorderly in Prayer especially in Baptism and the Lord's Supper that he could have wish'd that they would rather use the Common-Prayer Yet when we desired the Reformation of it especially at a time when the Peoples Hearts were so much set against it I thought it best to open the true Disorders that they might be reformed The Paper which I offered and we laid by lest it should offend them was this following The Exceptions against the Common-Prayer which I offered the Brethren when they were drawing up theirs The Common-Prayer-Book is guilty of great Defectiveness Disorder and vain Repetitions and therefore unfit to be the common imposed Frame of Worship to the God of Order without Amendment when we may do it 1. ORDER requireth that we begin with Reverent Prayer to God for his Assistance and Acceptance which is not done 2. That the Creed and Decalogue containing the Faith in which we profess to assemble for God's Worship and the Law which we have broken by our Sins should go before the Confession and Absolution or at least before the Praises of the Church which they do not 3. The Confession omitteth not only Original Sin but all actual Sin as specified by the particular Commandments violated and almost all the Aggravatious of those Sins and instead thereof it containeth only the repeated Confession that we have erred and strayed from God's ways That we have followed the Devises and Desires of our Hearts That we have offended against his Laws That we have left undone those things that we ought to have done c. which is but to say We have sinned by Omission and Commission Whereas Confession being the Expression of Repentance should be more particular as Repentance it self should be 4. When we have craved help for God's Prayers before we come to them we abruptly put in the Petition for speedy Deliverance O God make speed to save us O Lord make haste to help us without any Intimation of the Danger that we desire deliverance from and without any other Petition conjoined 5. It is disorderly in the Manner to sing the Scripture in a plain Tune after the manner of reading 6. The Lord be with you And with thy Spirit being Petitions for Divine Assistance come in abruptly in the midst or near the end of Morning Prayer And Let us Pray is adjoined when we were before in Prayer 7. Lord have Mercy upon us Christ have Mercy upon us Lord have Mercy upon us seemeth an affected Tautologie without any special Cause or Order here And the Lord's Prayer is annexed that was before recited And yet the next Words are again but a Repetition of the foresaid oft repeated General O Lord shew they Mercy upon us 8. The Prayer for the King O Lord save the King is without any Order put between the foresaid Petition and another General Request only for Audience And mercifully hear us when we call upon thee 9. The second Collect is intitled for Peace and hath not a Word in it of Petition for Peace but only for Defence in Assaults of Enemies and
upon us and our Posterity after us § 175. When the Exceptions against the Liturgy were finished the Brethren oft read over the Reformed Liturgy which I offered them At first they would have had no Rubrick or Directory but bare Prayers because they thought our Commission allowed it not That at last they yielded to the Reasons which I gave them and resolved to take them in But first to offer the Bishops their Exceptions § 176. At this time was the Convocation chosen for till now it was deferred Had it been called when the King came in the inferiour Clergy would have been against the Diocesan and Imposing way But afterwards many hundreds were turned out that all the old sequestred Ministers might come in And the Opinion of Reordination being set afoot all those Ministers that for Twenty years together while Bishops were laid aside had been Ordained without Diocesans were in many Countreys denied any Voices in the Election of Clerks for the Convocation By all which means and by the Scruples of abundance of Ministers who thought it unlawful to have any thing to do in the choosing of such a kind of Assembly the Diocesan Party wholly carried it in the Choice § 177. In London the Election was appointed to be in Christ's Church on the Second day of May 1661 The London Ministers that were not yet ejected proved the major Vote against the Diocesan Party and when I went to have joyned with them they sent to me not to come as they did also to Mr. Calamy and without my knowledge they chose Mr. Calamy and me for London But they carried it against the other Party but by Three Voices And the Bishop of London having the power of choosing Two out of Four or Four out of Six that are chosen by the Ministers in a certain Circuit did give us the great use of being both left out and so we were excused and the City of London had no Clerk in the Convocation How should I have been there baited and what a vexatious place should I have had in such a Convocation § 178. The fourth day of May we had a meeting with the Bishops where we gave in our Paper of Exceptions to them which they received § 179. The seventh day of May was a Meeting at Sion-Colledge of all the London Ministers for the choice of a President and Assistants for the next Year where some of the Presbyterians upon a pettish Scruple absenting themselves the Diocesane Party carried it and so got the Possession and Rule of the Colledge § 180. The eighth day of May the new Parliament and Convocation sat down being constituted of Men fitted and devoted to the Diocesan Interest § 181. On the two and twentieth day of May by order of Parliament the National Vow and Covenant was burnt in the Street by the Hands of the common Hangman § 182. When the Brethren came to examine the reformed Liturgy and had oft read it over they past it at last in the same Words that I had written it save only that they put out a few Lines in the Administration of the Lord's Supper where the Word offering was used and they put out a Page of Reasons for Infant Baptism which I had annexed to that Office thinking it unnecessary and they put the larger Litany into an Appendix as thinking it too long and Dr. Wallis was desired to draw up the Prayer for the King which is his Work being after somewhat altered by us And we agreed to put before it a short Address to the Bishops professing our readiness in Debates to yield to the shortning of any thing which should be too long and the altering of any thing that should be found amiss § 183. And because I foresaw what was like to be the end of our Conference I desired the Brethren that we might draw up a plain and earnest Petition to the Bishops to yield to such Terms of Peace and Concord as they themselves did confess to be lawful to be yielded to For though we are equals in the King's Commission yet we are commanded by the Holy Ghost If it be possible and as much as in us lieth to live peaceably with all men Rom. 12. 18. and to follow peace with all men Heb. 12. 14. and if we were denied it would satisfy our Consciences and justify us before all the World much more than if we only disputed for it However we might this way have that opportunity to produce our Reasons for Peace which else we were not like to have § 184. This Motion was accepted and I was desired to draw up the Petition which I did and it was examined and with a Word or two of Alteration consented to § 185. When we met with the Bishops to deliver in these Papers I was required to deliver them and if it were possible to get Audience for the Petition before all the Company I told them that though we were Equals in the present Work and our appointed business was to treat yet we were conscious of our Place and Duty and had drawn up a Petition to them which though somewhat long I humbly craved their Consent that I might read it to them Some were against it and so they would have been generally if they had known what was in it but at last they yielded to it But their Patience was never so put to it by us as in hearing so long and ungrateful a Petition When I had read it Dr. Gunning beginneth a long and vehement Speech against it To which when he came to the end I replyed But I was interrupted in the midst of my Reply and was fain to bear it because they had been patient with much ado so long before § 186. I delivered them the Petition when I had read it and with it a fair Copy of our reformed Liturgy called Additional Forms and Alterations of theirs And they received both and so we departed Our said Writings are too long to be here inserted § 187. After all this when the Bishops were to have sent us two Papers one of their Concessions how much they would alter of the Liturgy as excepted against and the other of their Acceptance of our offered Forms or Reasons against them instead of both these a good while after they sent us such a Paper as they did before of their Reasonings against all our Exceptions without any Abatements or Alterations at all that are worth the Naming Our Brethren seeing what they were resolved to bring it too and how unpeaceably they managed the Business did think best to write them a plain Answer to their Paper and not to suppress it as we had done by the First This Task also they imposed on me and I went out of Town to Dr. Spurstow's House in Hackney for Retirement where in eight Days time I drew up a Reply to their Answer to our Exceptions and the Brethren read it and consented to it only wished that it had been larger in the
latter end where I had purposely been brief because I had been too large in the beginning and because Particulars may be answered satisfactority in a few Words when the General Differences are fully cleared § 188. By this time our Commission was almost expired and therefore our Brethren were earnestly desirous of personal Debates with them upon the Papers put in to try how much Alteration they would yield to Therefore we sent to the Bishops to desire it of them and at last they yielded to it when we had but Ten Days more to treat § 189. When we met them I delivered them the Answer of their former Papers the largeness of which I saw displeased them and they received it And we earnestly prest them to spend the little time remaining in such pacifying Conference as tended to the ends which are mentioned in the King's Declaration and Commission and told them that such Disputes which they had called us to by their manner of Writing were not the thing which we desired or thought most conducing to those ends § 190. I have reason to think that the Generality of the Bishops and Doctors present never knew what we offered them in the reformed Liturgy nor in this Reply nor in any of our Papers save those few which we read openly to them For they were put up and carried away and I conjecture scarce any but the Writers of their Confutations would be at the Labour of reading them over And I remember in the midst of our last Disputation when I drew out the short Preface to this last Reply which Mr. Calamy wrote to enumerate in the beginning before their Eyes many of the grossest Corruptions which they stifly defended and refused to reform the Company was more ashamed and silent than at any thing else that I had said by which I perceived that they had never read or heard that very Preface which was as an Epistle to themselves Yea the chief of them confessed when they bid me read it that they knew no such thing So that it seems before they knew what was in them they resolved to reject our Papers right or Wrong and to deliver them up to their Contradictors § 191. When we came to our Debates I first craved of them their Animadversions on our Additions and Alterations of the Liturgy which we had put in long before and that they would tell us what they allowed or disallowed in them that we might have the use of them according to the Words in the King's Declaration and Commission But they would not by any Importunity be intreated at all to debate that nor to give any of their Opinions about those Papers There were no Papers that ever we offered them that had the Fate of those Though it was there that some of them thought to have found recriminating matter of Exception yet could we never prevail with them to say any thing about them in Word or Writing but once Bishop Morley told us of their length to which I answered that we had told them in our Preface that we were ready to abbreviate any thing which on debate should appear too long but that the Purity of the Prayers made the ordinary Lord's day Prayers far should than theirs And since we had given our Exceptions against theirs if they would neither by Word nor Writing except against ours nor yet give their Consent to them they would not honour their Cause or Conference But all could not extort either Debates on that Subject or any Reprehensions of what we had offered them Nor have they since to this Day in any of their Writings which ever I could see or hear of said a Word in way of Exception against those Papers Yea when Roger L'Estrange himself wrote according to his manner a malicious Invective against our several Papers when they were afterwards printed he could find little to say against our Liturgy but that we left it to the Liberty of the Minister in several Cases to pray in these Words or to this Sense And is that all the fault besides the Length forementioned Did they not know that it belongeth to the Prelates and not to such as we to deprive Men of their Liberty in praying If they had desired it how easy had it been for them to have dasht out that one Clause or to this Sense and then it had been beyond their Exception What measure of Liberty Ministers shall have it is not we but they that must determine § 192. When they had cast out that part of our desired Conference our next business was to desire them by friendly Conference to go over the Particulars which we excepted against and to tell us how much they could abate and what Alterations they could yield to This Bishop Reignolds oft prest them to and so did all the rest of us that spake But they resolutely insisted on it that they had nothing to do till we had proved that there was any necessary of Alteration which we had not yet done and that they were there ready to answer to our Proofs We urged them again and again with the very Words of the King's Declaration and Commission 1. That the ends expressed are for the removal of all Exceptions and Occasions of Exceptions and Differences from among our good Subjects and for giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences and the restoring and continuance of Peace and Unity in the Churches 2. And the means is to make such reasonable and necessary Alterations Corrections and Amendments therein as shall be agreed upon to be needful and expedient for the giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences and restoring and continuing Peace c. We plainly shewed hence that the King supposeth that some Alterations must be made But the Bishops insisted on two Words necessary Alterations and such as should be agreed on We answered them That the Word necessary hath reference to the Ends expressed viz. the satisfying tender Consciences and is joined with Expedient And its strange if when the King hath so long and publickly determined of the End and called us to consult of the means we should presume now at last to contradict him and to determine that the End it self is unnecessary and consequently no means necessary thereto What then have we all this while been doing 2. And when they are called to agree on such necessary means if they will take the Adventage of that Word to agree on nothing that so all Endeavours may be frustrated for want of their Agreement God and the World would judge between us who it is that frustrateth the King's Commission and the Hopes of a divided bleeding Church Thus we continued a long time contending about this Point Whether some Alterations be supposed by the King's Declaration and Commission to be made by us or whether we were anew to dispute that Point But the Bishops would have that to be our Task or none to prove by Disputation that any Alteration was necessary to be made while
they confuted our Proofs We told them that the End being to satisfy tender Consciences and procure Unity those tender Consciences did themselves profess that without some Alteration and that considerable too they could not be satisfied and Experience told them that Peace and Unity could not without it be attained But still they said that none was necessary and they would yield to all that we proved necessary And here we were lest in a very great Strait If we should enter upon Dispute with them we gave up the End and Hope of our endeavours If we refused it we knew that they would boast that when it came to the setting to we would not so much as attempt to prove any thing unlawful in the Liturgy nor durst dispute it with them Mr. Calamy with some others of our Brethren would have had us refuse the Motion of disputing as not tending to fulfil the King's Commands We told the Bishops over and over that they could not choose but know that before we could end one Argument in a Dispute our time would be expired and that it could not possibly tend to any Accommodation And that to keep off from personal Conference till within a few Days of the Expiration of the Commission and then to resolve to do nothing but wrangle out the time in a Dispute as if we were between jeast and earnest in the Schools was too visibly in the sight of all the World to defeat the King's Commission and the Expectations of many Thousands who longed for our Unity and Peace But we spoke to the Deaf they had other Ends and were other Men and had the Art to suit the means unto their Ends. For my part when we faw that they would do nothing else I persuaded our Brethren to yield to a Disputation with them and let them understand that we were far from fearing it seeing they would give us no hopes of Concord but withal first to profess to them that the Guilt of disappointing his Majesty and the Kingdom lay not upon us who desired to obey the King's Commission but on them And so we yielded to spend the little time remaining in disputing with them rather than go home and do nothing and leave them to tell the Court that we durst not dispute with them when they so provoked us nor were able to prove our Accusations of the Liturgy § 193. When this was resolved on we spent many Hours with them about the Order of our Disputation I offered them to spend one half of the time in the Opponents part if they would promise to do the like the other half of the time when we had done that our Disputation might be on equal Terms They refused this and answered That it belonged to us only to argue who were the Accusers and not at all to them who were on the Defence I told them it was we that are the Defendants against their Impositions They command us to do such and such things or else we shall be excommunicate silenced imprisoned and undone We desend our selves against this cruelty by calling upon them to shew their Authority from God for such Impositions Therefore we still call upon them to prove that God hath authorised them to any such thing And if they refuse this they do give up their Cause We offered first to prove the unlawfulness of their Impositious if they would afterward prove the lawfulness of them or their Power so to impose them On these Terms we stood with them about two Days and they would not yield to prove any thing at all At last I oft declared to them that we would do our part and prove their Impositions unlawful whether they would do their part or on but with an open Declaration that we took them for Deserters of their Cause At last Dr. Pierson alone undertook that he would dispute for their Part when we had performed ours and we accepted of his Undertaking § 194. Upon this seeing it was to be all done in Writing the rest of the Commissioners on both sides did choose three of a Party to manage the Dispute that the other might withdraw themselves because they had no more to do The Bishops chose Dr. Pierson Dr. Gunning and Dr. Sparrow The other side chose Dr. Bates Dr. Iacomb and my self for I never medled with the choice of any only I would â—ain have had Mr. William Moses Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Matthew Pool into the Commission that I might have had their help in Disputing because they were very quick ingenuous Men and I could not prevail The rest of our Brethren presently withdrew and not a Man of them came near us any more as supposing it contrary to the Agreement But the Bishops came some of them from day to day indeed on the second day they asked whether any more them the Disputants might be present And I answered them That we cared not how many of them were present And after that others that were not in the Commission asked whether they might be present and I told them the same So that there came Dr. Pory Dr. Crowther and almost the Room full of them with two or three Scholars and Lay-men that as Auditors came in with us Mr. Miles Mr. Tillotson c. § 195. When I began our first Argument to prove their Impositions sinful Bishop Cosins was offended at the Word sinful and told me that I condemned all the Churches of Christ who all of them imposed some Gesture or other as much as that came to and what intollerable Boldness was it in us to charge all the Churches of Christ with Sin I answered him 1. That many of the reformed Churches did not impose any such thing on their Terms that is to reject all from the Ministry and Communion that conformed not 2. It was no Arrogance nor Uncharitableness to charge all the Church and World with Sin But he that saith he hath no Sin is a Lyar In many things we offend all It is the Priviledge of the Triumphant Church to be without Sin This they stormed at and yet could not tell how to deny it Bishop Lany said That justified Persons have no Sin and are no Sinners because Iustification taketh it away But when I answered him by opening the Nature of Justification and shewing that it took not away the Sin it self but the Guilt which is the Obligation to Punishment he was confounded and unsaid all again and knew not what he said I told him that he might see how near we came to him I confessed that if the Controversy were but de Nomine and he took Justification as some do for Sanctification or a Change of our Qualities and Actions then I granted him that it took away Sin it self but not perfectly and therefore Sin still remained Here he and some more said that no Man before me ever took Justification in any such Sence and they laughed at me I answered that I was glad to hear him say so
Suspending Silencing Imprisoning c. we understand not English 2. In like manner Grotius in loc cap. 14. 1. Contra vocati à Gentibus conscii datae per Christum libertatis Iudaeos Iudaice viventes à sua Communione volebant excludere 11 18 21. unde secuturum erat Schisma Huic malo ut occurrat Paulus mediam institit viam Iudaeos qui in Christum crediderant monet ita suam sequantur opinionem ut à damnandis crimine impietatis qui aliter sentiebant abstineant Ex gentibus vere vocatos we illorum quamvis Iudaice viventium communionem defugiant ut imperitos spernant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Societate Ecclesiae sicut qui hospitio aliquem excipiunt dicuntur cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Acts 18. 26. 28. 2. Ecclesia enim Domini comparatur supra 11. 25. sumitur baec admonitio ex iis quae de Christo quae dicta Matth. 12. 20. 2 Tolerandi sunt ij qui ab omnibus animatis abstinendum putant quod quidam faciebant Religione quâdam Cap. 15. 6 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est ut cum Deum laudatis eique preces funditis faciatis id nen tantum eodem verborum sono sed animo pleno mutuae delectionis sine contemptu sine odio Habes hanc vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 11. 46. ubi forma est Ecclesiae perfectissimae Adde adejus vocis explicationem id quod est Act. 4. 32. all which includeth Communion in the Eucharist V. 7. Nolite ob res tales alii alios à fraternitate abseindere § 225. This Paper was given in the very last day of our Commission and Dispute And Dr. Gunning read another which he had prepared for an Insultation at out Dismission which Paper had some Mistakes in it and the Citation of many Witnesses who as he would have perswaded us took the word Receiving Rom. 14. 15. as not meaning or including Receiving to the Holy Communion in the Sacrament § 226. In the beginning he affirmed that we had refused to Dispute till they had promised to take their turn and prove the lawfulness of their Impositions To this I answered That it was contrary to our open and frequent Profession that we would do our part whether they would do theirs or not only I said that if they refused it we should take it for a deserting of their Cause This he a while denied I appealed to the Auditors of his Party and they gave no Answer Dr. Bates witnessed it Dr. Iacomb offered his Oath of it He told them that they were Parties By this time I saw mine Error in giving way for their Doctors to crowd in to applaud them and witness for them when we had none or next to none of ours there supposing by the Agreement three only must have stayed § 227. When Dr. Gunning had read his insulting Answer the day before and made a great matter of my telling the Respondent of begging the Question they put Dr. Sanderson Bishop of Lincoln into the Chair that his Learning and Gravity might put a Reputation upon his Sentence he being a very worthy Man but for that great Pievishness which Injuries Partiality Temperature and Age had caused in him The Bishop in a few angry Words pronounced that Dr. Gunning had the better and that the Respondent could not beg the Question and that I was a Man of Contention if I offered to Reply I told him that though we reverenced much his Lordship's Age and Learning yet he was but a Party and no Judge which yet if he were it was so strange to us that a Man should be prohibited to reply and a Censure antidated passed on that Reply before it was heard and on the Replyers for it that we craved his Lordship's Pardon if we disobeyed him and gave in our Reply which might have more in it than he could forefee And the next Day when I gave in the Reply before inserted there was no such Insulting as before § 228. When Dr. Gunning had read his Citations of Testimonies of the Sense of Rom. 14 and 15. Bishop Cosins called to all the Bishops and Doctors in the Room for their Votes All you that think that Dr. Gunning hath proved that Rom. 14. speaketh not of receiving to the Sacrament say I. And so they all cryed I. I told him that we knew their Opinion before and if this were the use that he made of our Concession that they should be all present while ours were all absent save two or three Scholars and two or three Gentlemen that stood behind to hear it shewed that their Cause was very needy of Defence when their own Voices must go instead of Argument But if they would go on upon such lamentable Reasoning as they had used to cast out the faithful Pastors and the People and divide the Church and afflict their Brethren the Day was comig when their own Votes should not absolve them § 229. Hereupon we fell again upon the point of Charity and Compassion to the Church and their frustrating the King's Commission and the Kingdoms Hopes And when they professed their Desires of the Churches Peace I told them they would not abate the smallest Thing nor correct their grossest Errors for it And hereupon I read over to them the Preface drawn up by Mr. Calamy before our Reply to their Answer to our Exceptions against the Liturgy which reciting their Corruptions and shewed their Unpeaceableness offended but filenced them § 230. By this time the Evening of our Last Day was far gone and I desired to know of them whether we should continue our Dispute any further as Private Men Voluntarily among our selves for I had many more Arguments which I desired before to have read all at once but could not be permitted Or whether they would receive my Arguments and the Reply which I last read Dr. Pierson resolved that he would meddle no more after that Night Bishop Morley said he thought it unfit when the King's Commission was expired that we should meddle in it any farther But Dr. Gunning and I had so much mind to it for I knew that almost all my Arguments were yet behind and it was a Cause that might easily be made very plain that I told him I would venture on the Danger for the Love of Charity and Peace and he agreed that I should send him in all my Arguments with the last Reply which he had not answered the next Day § 231. Lastly I desired Bishop Morley to resolve us what Account we were jointly to give his Majesty of our Proceedings that we might not wrong each other And by his and their Consent it was agreed on that we give nothing in our Account to the King as charged on one another but what is delivered in by the party in Writing And that all our account was to be this That we were all agreed on the Ends for the Churches Welfare Unity and Peace and
his Discources Of Dr. Pierce I will say no more because he hath said so much of me On our part Dr. Bates spake very solidly judiciously and pertinently when he spake And for my self the reason why I spake so much was because it was the desire of my Brethren and I was loth to expose them to the hatred of the Bishops but was willinger to take it all upon my self they themselves having so much wit as to be therein more sparing and cautelous than I and I thought that the Day and Cause commanded me those two things which then were objected against me as my Crimes viz. speaking too boldly and too long And I thought it a Cause that I could comfortably suffer for and should as willingly be a Martyr for Charity as for Faith § 237. When this Work was over the rest of our Brethren met again and resolved to draw up an Account of our Endeavours and present it to his Majesty with our Petition for his promised help yet for those Alterations and Abatements which we could not procure of the Bishops And that first we should acquaint the Lord Chancellour withal and consult with him about it Which we did and as soon as we came to him according to my expectation I found him most offended at me and that I had taken off the distaste and blame from all the rest At our first entrance he merily told us That if I were but as fat as Dr. Manton we should all do well I told him if his Lordship could teach me the Art of growing fat he should find me not unwilling to learn by any good means He grew more serious and said That I was severe and strict like a Melancholy Man and made those things Sin which others did not And I perceived he had been possessed with displeasure towards me upon that account that I charged the Church and Liturgy with Sin and had not supposed that the worlt was but inexpendiency I told him that I had spoken nothing but what I thought and had given my Reasons for After other such Discourse we craved his Favour to procure the King's Declaration yet to be past into an Act and his Advice what we had further to do He consented that we should draw up an Address to his Majesty rendering him an account of all but desired that we would first shew it him which we promised § 238. When we shewed our Paper to the Lord Chancellour which the Brethren had desired me to draw up and had consented to without any alteration he was not pleased with some Passages in it which he thought too pungent or pressing but would not bid us put them out So we went with it to the Lord Chamberlain who had heard from the Lord Chancellor about it and I read it to him also and he was earnest with us to bloe out some Passages as too vehement and such as would not well be born I was very loth to leave them out but Sir Gilbirt Gerrard an ancient godly Man being with him and of the same mind I yielded having no remedy and being unmeer to oppose their Wisdoms any further And so what they Scored under we left out and presented the rest to his Majesty afterwards But when we came to present it the Earl of Manchester secretly told the rest that if Dr. Reignolds Dr. Bates and Dr. Manton would deliver it it would be the more acceptable intimating that I was grown unacceptable at Court But they would not go without me and he profest he desired not my Exclusion But when they told me of it I took my leave of him and was going away But he and they came after me to the Stairs and importuned me to return and I went with them to take my Farewel of this Service But I resolved that I would not be the Deliverer of any of our Papers though I had got them transcribed and brought them thither So we desired Dr. Manton to deliver our Petition and with it the fair Copies of all our Papers to the Bishops which was required of us for the King And when Bishop Reignolds had spoken a few words Dr. Manton delivered them to the King who received them and the Petition but did not bid us read it at all At last in his Speeches something fell in which Dr. Monton told him that the Petition gave him a full account of if his Majesty pleased to give him leave to read it whereupon he had leave to read it out The occassion was a short Speech which I made to inform his Majesty how far we were agreed with the Bishops and wherein the difference did not lye as in the Points of Loyalty Obedience Church Order c. This Dr. Monton also spake And the King but the Question But who shall be Iudge And I answered him That Judgment is either publick or private Private Judgement called Discretionis which is but the use of my Reason to conduct my Actions belongeth to every private rational Man Publick Iudgment is Ecclesiastical or Civil and belongeth accordingly to the Ecclesiastical Governours or Pastors and the Civil and not to any private Man And this was the end of these Affairs § 239. I will give you the Copy of the Petition just as I drew it up because 1. Here you may see what those words were which could not be tolerated 2. Because it is but supposing the under-scored Lines to be blotted out and you have it as it was presented without any Alteration For those under scored Lines were all the words that were left out To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The due Account and humble Petition of us Ministers of the Gospel lately Commissioned for the Review and Alteration of the Liturgy May it please your Majesty WHen this distempered Nation wearied with its own Contentions and Divisions did groan for Unity and Peace the wonderful Providence of the most Righteous God appearing for the removal of Impediments their Eyes were upon your Majesty as the Person born to be under God the Center of their Concord and taught by Affliction to break the Bonds of the Afflicted and by Experience of the lad Effects of Mens Uncharitableness and Passions to restrain all from Violence and Extremities and keeping Moderation and Mediocrity the Oyl of Charity and Peace And when these your Subjects Desires were accomplished in your Majesty's peaceable possession of your Throne it was the Joy and Encouragement of the Sober and Religions that you began the Exercise of your Government with a Proclaimation full of Christian Zeal against Debauchery and Prophaneness declaring also your dislike of those who under pretence of affection to your Majesty and your Service assume to themselves the liberty of Reviling Threatning and Reproaching others to prevent that Reconciliation and Union of Hearts and Affections which can only with God's Blessing make us rejoyce in each other Our Comforts also were carried on by your Majesty's early and ready Entertainment of
seeing it is but supposing them to be Men not yet in Heaven and this may be impured to every one that differeth in Opinion from another And we beseech your Majesty to believe that as we seek no greater Matters in the World than our daily bread with Liberty to preach the Gospel and Worship God according to his Word and the practise of the Primitive purest Church so we hope it is not through pusillanimity and overmuch tenderness of Suffering that we have pleaded so much for the avoiding of Suffering to our Selves or others May none of our Sufferings hinder the Prosperity of the Church and the good of Souls of Men May not our dread Soveraign the Breath of our Nostrils be tempted by mis-representations to distast such as are faithful and unawares to wrong the interest of Christ and put forth his hand to afflict those that Christ would have him cherist left their Head should be provoked to jealousie and offence May not the Land of our Nativity languish in Divisions nor be filled with the Groans of those that are shut out of the holy Assemblies and those that want the necessary breaking of the Bread of Life Nor be disappointed of its expected Peace and Ioy Let not these things befall us and we have enough And we suppose those that think the Persons inconsiderable in number and quality for whom we plead will not themselves believe that we have done this for Popular Applause This were not so much to seek the Reward of Hypocrites as to play the Game of Fools seeing the Applause of inconsiderable Men can be but inconsiderable and we know our selves that we are like thus to offend those that are not inconsiderable The Lord that searcheth hearts doth know that it is not so much the avoiding of Suffering to our selves or any particular Persons that is the end of our Endeavours though this were no ambitious end as the Peace and Welfare of the Church and Kingdoms under your Majesty's Government We know that supposing them that are for the Ceremonies to be as pious and charitable as the rest it cannot so much offend them that another Man forbeareth them as it must offend that other to be forced to use them and we know that consciencious Men will not consent to the practice of things in their Judgments unlawful when those may yield that count the Matters but indifferent And for the management of this Treaty it being agreed at our first meeting that nothing be reported as the Words or Sence of either Part but what is by them delivered in writing we humbly crave that your Majesty receive no more as ours and that where is charged on any particular Person he may be answerable for himself And though the Reverend Bishops have not had time to consider of our Additions to the Liturgy and of our Reply that yet they may be considered before a Determination be made And though we seem to have laboured in vain we shall yet lay this Work of Reconciliation and Peace at the feet of your Majesty beseeching you to prosecute such a blessed Resolution till it attain success We must needs believe that when your Majesty took our Consent to a Liturgy to be a Foundation that would infer our Concord you meant not that we should have no Concord but by consenting to this Liturgy without any considerable Alteration And when you comforted us with your Resolution to draw us together by yielding on both sides in what we could you meant not that we should be the Boat and they the Bank that must not stir And when your Majesty commanded us by your Letters Patents to treat about such Alterations as are needful or expedient for giving Satisfaction to tender Consciences and the restoring and continuance of Peace and Unity we rest assured that it was not your sence that those render Consciences were to be forced to practise all which they judged unlawful and not so much as a Ceremony abated them Or that our Treaty was only to convert either part to the Opinion of the other and that all our Hopes of Concord or Liberty consisted only in Disputing the Bishops into Nonconformity or coming in every Ceremony to their minds Finally as your Majesty under God is the Protection whereto your People flie and as the same Necessities still remain which drew forth your gracious Declaration we most humbly and earnestly beseech your Majesty that the Benefits of the said Declaration may be continued to your People and in particular That none be punished or troubled for not using the Common Prayer till it be effectually reformed and the Additions made as there expressed We crave your Majesty's pardon for the tediousness of this Address and shall wait in hope that so great a Calamity of your People as would follow the loss of so many able faithful Ministers as rigorous Impositions would cast out shall never be Recorded in the History of your Reign but than these Impediments of Concord being forborn your Kingdoms may flourish in Piety and Peace and this may be the signal Honour of your happy Government and your Joy in the Day of your Accounts Which is the Prayer of Your Majesty's Faithful and Obedient Subjects § 240. And in the Conclusion of this Business seeing we could prevail with these Prelates and Prelatical Men after so many Calamities by Divisions and when they pretended Desires of Unity to make no considerable Alterations at all the Reason of it seeming unsearchable to some was by others confidently conjectured to be these 1. They extremly prejudic'd the Persons that sought this Peace and therefore were glad of means to cast them out and ruin them 2. The Effects of the Parliament's Conquest had exasperated them to the height 3. They would not have any Reformation or Change to occasion Men to think that ever they were in an Errour or that their Adversaries had reasonably desired or had procured a Reformation 4. Some confidently thought that a secret Resolution to unite with the Papists at least as high as the old Design which Heylin owneth in Laud's Life was the greatest cause of all And that they would never have lost so great a Party as they did but to gain a greater at home and abroad together § 241. And here because they would abate us nothing at all considerable but made things far harder and heavier than before I will annex the Concessions of Archbishop Usher Archbishop Williams Bishop Morton Bishop Holdsworth and many others in a Committee at Westminster before mentioned 1641. A Copy of the Proceedings of some Worthy and Learned Divines touching Innovations in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Together with Considerations upon the Common Prayer Book Innovations in Doctrine 1. Quaere WHether in the Twentieth Article these Words are not inserted Habet Ecclesia authoritatem in Controversiis fidei 2. It appears by Stetfords and the approbation of the Licensers that some do teach and preach That Good
about this time many Books if so they may be called were written against me One by Mr. Naufen forementioned a Justice of Peace in Worcestershire who being a great Friend of the Papists had spoken against me on the Bench at the Sessions behind my back as the Author of a Petition against Popery heretofore and was angry with me for evincing to him his mistake temerity and injustice And when he saw his time he had nothing else to be the fewel of his Revenge but that very Book which I wrote against the Papists and therein against the killing of the King which I aggravated against the Army and the Popish Instigators and Actors But because in Answer to the Papists I made their Doctrine and Practise of King killing to be worse than these Sectaries were guilty of and thereupon recited what the Sectaries said for themselves which the Jesuites have not to say he took up all these Reasons of the Sectaries and answered them as if they had been my own and I had pleaded for that which I condemned by writing in a time when it might have cost me my Life when the Gendeman that thus would have proved me a Traytor did himself act under the Usurpers and took their Impositions which we abhorred and refused § 244. And here I shall insert a Passage not contemptible concerning the Papists because I am fall's into the mention of them In Cromwells days when I was writing that very Book and my Holy Commonwealth and was charging their Treasons and Rebellions on the Army one Mr. Iames Stansfield a Reverend Minister of Glocestershire called on me and tod me a Story which afterwards he sent me under his Hand and warranted me to publish it which was this One Mr. Atkins of Glocestershire Brother to Judge Atkins being beyond Sea with others that had served the late King fell into intimate acquaintance with a Priest that had been or then was Governour of one of their Colledges in Flanders They agreed not to meddle with each other about Religion and so continued their Friendship long A little after the King was beheaded Mr. Atkins met this Priest in London and going into a Tavern with him said to him in his familiar way What business have you here I warrant you come about some Roguery or other Whereupon the Priest told it him as a great secret That there were Thirty of them here in London who by Instructions from Cardinal Mazarine did take care of such Affairs and had sate in Council and debated the Question Whether the King should be put to death or not and that it was carried in the Affirmative and there were but two Voice for the Negative which was his own and anothers And that for his part he could not concur with them as foreseeing what misery this would bring upon his Country That Mr. Atkins stood to the Truth of this but thought it a Violation of the Laws of Friendship to name the Man I would not print it without fuller Attestation left it should be a wrong to the Papists But when the King was restored and setled in Peace I told it occasionly to Privy Councellor who not advising me to meddle any further in it because the King knew enough of Mazarine's Designs already I let it alone But about this time I met with Dr. Thomas Gnad and occasionally mentioning such a thing he told me that he was familiarly acquainted with Mr. Atkins and would know the certainty of him whether it were true And not long after meeting him again he told me that he spoke with Mr. Atkins and that he assured him that it was true but he was loth to meddle in the publication of it Nor did I think it prudence my self to do it as knowing the Malice and Power of the Papists Since this Dr. Peter Moulin hath in his Answer to Philanax Anglicus declared that he is ready to prove when Authority will call him to it that the King's Death and the Change of the Government was first proposed both to the Sorborne and to the Pope with his Conclave and consented to and concluded for by both § 245. Another Book wrote against me was as was thought by one Tompkins a young Man of All-Souls Son to Mr. Tompkins of Worcester and a School-boy there when I lived in that County He called it The Rebel's Plea being a Confutation of such Passages in my Holy Commonwealth as he least understood and could make most odious All these Men made me think what one advised the Papists to do for the effectual Confutation of the Protestants viz. Not to dispute or talk with them at all but to preach every day against them in the Pulpits for there they may speak without any Contradiction and need not fear an Answer § 246. Shortly after our Disputation at the Savoy I went to Rickmersworth in Hartfordshire and preached there but once upon Matth. 22. 12. And he was speechless where I spake not a word that was any nearer kin to Sedition or that had any greater tendency to provoke them than by shewing that wicked men and the refusers of grace however they may now have many things to say to excuse their sin will at last be speechless and dare not stand to their wickedness before God Yet did the Bishop of Worcester tell me when he silenced me that the Bishop of London had shewed him Letters from one of the Hearers assuring him that I preached seditiously so little Security was any Man's Innocency that displeased the Bishops to his Reputation with that Party who had but one Auditor that desired to get favour by accusing him So that a multitude of such Experiences made me perceive when I was silenced that there was some Mercy in it in the midst of Judgment for I should scarce have preached a Sermon nor put up a Prayer to God which one or other through Malice or hope of Favour would not have been tempted to accuse as guilty of some heinous Crime And as Seneca saith He that hath an Ulcer crieth Oh if he do but think you touched him § 247. Shortly after my return to London I went into Worcestershire to try whether it were possible to have any honest Terms from the Reading Vicar there that I might preach to my former Flock But when I had preached twice or thrice he denied me liberty to preach any more I offered him to take my Lecture which he was bound to allow me under a Bond of 500 l but he refused it I next offered him to be his Curate and he refused it I next offered him to preach for nothing and he refused it And lastly I desired leave but once to Administer the Sacrament to the People and preach my Farewel Sermon to them but he would not consent At last I understood that he was directed by his Superiours to do what he did But Mr. Baldwin an able Preacher whom I left there was yet permitted § 248. At that time my aged Father
no great disputing Faculty but only a florid Epistolary Stile and was wholly a Stranger to me and to the Matters of Fact and therefore could say nothing to them But only being of a Bold and Roman Spirit he thought that no Suffering should deter a Man from the smallest Duty or cause him to silence any useful Truth And I had formerly seen a Latin Discourse of his against Monarchy which no whit pleased me being a weak Argumentation for a bad Cause So that I desired no such Champion shortly after he went over with the E. of Anglesey whose Houshold Chaplain he was into Ireland and having preached there some times and returning back was apprehended and sent Prisoner to the Tower where he continued long till his Means was all spent and how he hath since procured Bread I know not When he had been Prisoner about a year it seems he was acquainted with Mr. Davis who was also a Prisoner in the Tower This Mr. Davis having been very serviceable in the Restoration of the King and having laid out much of his Estate for his Service thoâ—â— the might be the bolder with his Tongue and Pen and being of a Spirit which some called undaunted but others furious or indiscreet at best did give an unmannerly liberty to his Tongue to accuse the Court of such Crimes with such Aggravations as being a Subject I think it not meet to name At last he talkt so freely in the Tower also that he was shipt away Prisoner to Tangier in Africa Mr. Bagshaw being surprized by L'Estrange and his Chamber searched there was found with him a Paper called Mr. Davis's Case Whereupon he was brought out to speak with the King who examined him of whom he had that Paper and he denied to confess and spake so boldly to the King as much offended him whereupon he was sent back to the Tower and laid in a deep dark dreadful Dungeon When he had lain there three or four Days and Nights without Candle Fire Bed or Straw he fell into a terrible fit of the Haemorrboids which the Physicians thought did save his Life for the pain was so vehement that it kept him in a sweat which cast out the Infection of the Damp. At last by the solicitation of his Brother who was a Conformist and dearly loved him he was taken up and after that was sent away to Southsea-Castle an unwholesome place in the Sea by Portsmouth where if he be alive he remaineth close Prisoner to this day with Vavasor Powel a Preacher of North-Wales and others speeding worse than Mr. Crofton who was at last released § 261. While I was in Shropshire and Worcestershire it fell out that some one printed one of our Papers given into the Bishops And though I was above an hundred miles off yet was it all imputed to me and Roger L'Estrange put it in the News Book that it was supposed to be my doing Indeed when Dr. Gunning had asked me Whether we would keep ours from the Press if they would do the same by theirs I would not promise him but told him though I supposed that none of us intended to be so presumptuous as to publish them without Authority yet I could promise nothing for all them that were absent nor could any one promise it when so many Scriveners were intrusted to Transcribe them that the King and Bishops might have Copies and whether any of those Scriveners might keep a Copy for themselves I knew not And after this most of the other Papers were printed by I know not whom to this day But I conjectured that a poor Man that I paid for writing me a Copy Dr. Reignolds's Curate was likeliest to do it to get some what to supply his very great wants but I am utterly uncertain But I had intelligence that the second Papers were in the Press and that Malice might impure it to me no more I went to Secretary Morrice and acquainted him with it that he might send a Messenger to surprize them But he told me that if I could assure him that the Bishops had not given consent I should have a warrant to search for them I told him that I knew not what the Bishops had done but he might easily conjecture Nor would I search for them but having told him left him to do what he thought meet § 262. And here I must give notice That whereas there are then printed 1. Our first Proposals for Concord in Discipline 2. Our Papers upon the sight of the first Draught of the King's Declaration 3. Our Petition and Reasons to the Bishops for Peace 4. Our Reformed Liturgy 5. Our Exceptions against the Faults of the Common Prayer Book 6. Our Reply to the Bishops Answer to these Exceptions with the Answer it self verbatim inserted 7. Our last Account and Petition to the King 8. A Copy of all their Disputation for the Liturgy with our Answers all these being surreptitiously printed save the first piece by some poor Men for gain without our Knowledge and Correction are so falsly printed that our wrong by it is very great Whole Lines are left out the most significant words are preverted by Alterations and this so frequently that some parts of the Papers especially our large Reply and our last Account to the King are made Nonsence and not intelligible But the last Paper Dr. Pierson's and Dr. Gunning's Disputation I confess was not printed without my knowledge For Bishop Morley's misreports with so great confidence uttered had made it of some necessity But I added not one Syllable by way of Commentary the words themselves being sufficient for his Confutation If I remember I will give you in the end of this Book the Errata of them all that they that have the printed Copies may know how to correct them § 263. The coming forth of these Papers had various effects It increased the burning indignation which before was kindled against me on one side and it somewhat mitigated the Censures that were taken up against me on the other side For you must know that the Chief of the Congregational or Independent Party took it ill that we took not them with us in our Treaty and so did a few of the Presbyterian Divines all whom we so far passed by as not to invite them to our Councils though they were as free as we to have done the like because we knew that it would be but a hinderance to us partly because their Persons were unacceptable and partly because it might have delayed the Work And most of the Independents and some few Presbyterians raised it as a common Censure against us that if we had not been so forward to meet the Bishops with the offers of so much at first and to enter a Treaty with them without just cause we had all had better Terms and standing off would have done more good so that though my Person and Intentions had a more favourable Censure from them than some others yet for the
that Christ should have no one Witness that would ever scruple or contradict them either among the Orthodox or the Hereticks as far as any Records of Antiquity do make known § 300. 7. The seventh Controversie is about their own practice in Administrations and Church Discipline And 1. that they must Ministerially deny the Sacrament of Baptism to all Children whose Parents will not have them use the Cross they say that it is the Church that refuseth them by Law and not they who are by the Law disabled from receiving them 2. The same they say of their refusing to give the Lord's Supper to any that will not kneel in the Reception of it They say that it is better to Administer the Sacraments to some than to none at all which they must do if they refuse not them that kneel not 3. And for the giving of the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper to the unworthy for all are forced to use them they say that the Infants of all in the Church have right to Baptism at least for their Ancestor's sake and for the Godfathers and Godmothers or the Churches sake And for the Lord's Supper they have power to put away all that are proved impenitent in notorious Scandal § 301. Having told you what the Conformists say for themselves as faithfully as will stand with brevity before I proceed I think it best to set down here the words 1. Of the Covenant 2. Of the Subscription and Declaration 3. Of the Oath of Canonical Obedience before your Eyes that while the Subject of the Controversie is before you the Controversie it self may be the better understood And I suppose the Reader to have all the Books before him to which we are required to Assen◠〈…〉 The Solemn League and Covenant WE Noblemen Barons Knights Gentlemen Citizens â—â—â—gesses Ministers of the Gospel and Commous of all 〈◊〉 in the Kingdoms of Scotland â—England and Ireland by the Pâ—â—vidence of God living under one King and being of one Reformed Religion having before our Eyes the Glory of God and the Advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ the Honour and Happiness of the King's Majesty and his Posterity and the true Publick Liberty Safety and Peace of the Kingdoms wherein every ones private Condition is included And calling to mind the trâ—atherous and bloody Piots Conspiracies Attempts and Practises of the Enemies of God against the true Religion and Professors thereof in places especially in these three Kingdoms ever since the Reformation of Religion and how much their Rage Power and Presumption are of late and at this time increased and exercised whereof the deplorable Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Ireland the distressed Estate of the Church and Kingdom of England and the dangerous Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland are present and publick Cestimonies We have now at last after other means of Supplication Remonstrance Protestations and Sufferings for the preservation of our selves and our Religion from utter Ruine and Destruction according to the Commendable Practice of these kingdoms in former times and the Example of God's People in other Nations after mature Deliberation resolved and determined to enter into a Mutual and Solemn League and Covenant Wherein we all Subscribe and each one of us for himself with our Hands lifted up to the most high God â—o swear 1. THat we shall sincerely really and constantly through the Grace of God endeavour in our several Places and Callings the Preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government against our Common Enemies The Reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government according to the Word of God and the Example of the best Reformed Churches And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion Confession of Faith Form of Church Government Directory for Worship and Catechizing That we and our Posterity after us may as Brethren live in Faith and Love the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us 2. That we shall in like manner without respect of Persons endeavour the Extirpation of Popery Prelacy that is Church-Government by Archbishops Bishops their Chancellors and Commistaties Deans Deans and Chapters Arch-deacons and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierachy Superstition Heresie Schism Prophaneness and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness lest we partake in other mens sins and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues And that the Lord may be one and his Name one in the three Kingdoms 3. We shall with the same sincerity reality and constancy in our several Uocations endeavour with our Estates and Lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments and the Liberties of the Kingdoms and to preserve and defend the King's Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms That the world may bear witness with our Consciences of our Loyalty and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just Power and Greatness 4. We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries Malignants or evil Instruments by hindring the Reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from another or making any faction or Parties amongst the People contrary to this League and Covenant That they may be brought to publick Trial and receive Condign Punishment as the degree of their Offences shall require or deserve or the Supream Iudicatories of both Kingdoms respectively or others having power from them for that effect shall â—udge convenient 5. And whereas the happiness of a blessed Peace between these Kingdoms denied in former times to our Progenitors is by the good Providence of God granted unto us and hath been latlely concluded and setled by both Parliaments We shall each one of us according to our place and interest endeavour that they may remain conjoyned in a firm Peace and Union to all Posterity and that Iustice may be done upon the wilful Opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent Article 6. We shall also according to our Places and Callings in this common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant in the maintaining and pursuing thereof And shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever Combination Perswasion or Terrour to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed Union and Conjunction whether to make defection to the contrary part or to give our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this Cause which so much concerneth the Glory of God the Good of the Kingdoms and Honour of the King But shall all the days of our
against Prelacy in Specie and to let their Places and Honours die with them The Government may be so altered without putting out any Man if none be put in to succeed them when they die 2. And what if the King continue them as Church-Magistrates only to do what his own Officers may do to keep the Churches Peace as Justices and continue their Baronies and their Lands and Places in Parliament and only reform the pretended Spiritual Power of the Keys would not this have been a taking down of Prelacy without the wrong of any 3. Or what if he had taken down all their Power and given them a Writ of Ease and therewith left them durante vita their Estates and Honours Would this have been any injury to them 4. If Prelacy be as sinful as the Non-Subscribers foregoing Arguments would prove can it be injustice to save a Man from Sin and Hell and to save all the Churches from such Calamity for some fleshly abatements that follow to a few Persons 5. Was it injustice to put down the Abbots Or cannot King and Parliament do good by Laws to the Church or Commonwealth whenever a single Person or a few do suffer by it 6. Especially where the Maintenance is Publick and given for the Work and the Work is for the Publick Good Doth any Prince scruple the removing of an intolerable Pilot or Captain from a Ship Or an intolerable Minister from the Church Or an intolerable Officer from the Court though it be to his loss For my part I never accused them for casting out so many Hundred Ministers from their Livings or Benefices upon supposition that it be no wrong to Christ and Mens Souls to cast us out of the Church but should rather justifie it § 383. 11. The last and not the weakest Reason against the Obligation of the Covenant is That if it were lawful before for subjects to petition and Parliament Men to speak and vote against Prelacy yet now it is not because by this Act the Parliament hath made it unlawful Answ. 1. The Parliament doth only declare their sense of a thing past that no Man is bound and not enact by a Law that no Man shall henceforth be bound 2. If it had been otherwise all Protestants confess that neither Pope nor any Earthly Power can dispense with Oaths and Vows 3. They do not so much as prohibit all Men to endeavour an alteration of Government in the Church but only forbid them to say That they are bound to it by the Covenant 4. They have allowed Subjects to petition for the change of Laws so they do it but ten at a time 5. The Parliament is not by any Man to be accused of such a Subversion of Liberties and of Parliaments Priviledges and of the Constitution of the Kingdom as to forbid Subjects petitioning and all Parliament Men speaking and to disable the King and Parliament from changing a Law when they see cause If they should do any of this the Charges now brought against the Long Parliament would teach and allow us to suppose all to be null 6. If the Laws of God be against Prelacy those oblige above all Humane Laws And he that should forbid another to save him or his Neighbour when he is drowning doth not by that prohibition make the saving of them unlawful before God § 384. Now to the Latitudinarians addition of Reasons de modo sensu 1. They say that the Act extendeth not to the King at all when it biddeth us subscribe that there is no Obligation on me or any other person for Laws being made for Subjects are to be interpreted only of Subjects unless when the King is named To this it is easily answered That they distinguish not between the King as the Subject of a Law and the King as the Object of my Assertion or Belief It 's true that the Law speaketh of Subjects only whenever it speaketh of the Duty of Subjects and the King is no Subject But it is as true that the Law speaketh of the King only whenever it speaketh of the Prerogatives of the Crown and Soveraignty and as the Object of the Subjects Acts of Loyalty The question is not here Who is commanded by this Act but who is obliged by the Covenant or Vow And if I be commanded to say that no person is obliged without any limitation I can with no reason except the King whom the Law excepteth not Princes may be obliged by Vows as well as others and their Obligations may be the Subject of our Assertions and Belief § 385. 2. The second Reason is Because the King's Government is part of that whose alteration is declared against therefore be can be none of the any other persons Answ. 1. So the Prelates are the Persons whose Government is here mentioned and yet no doubt they are included in the any other persons as their Chancellors Commissaries Deans c. 2. If the King may be included when it is said That no Man must extirpate Monarchy no not the King much more when it is said That no Man may extirpate Prelacy for there the reason of the Objection faileth § 386. 3. They further say That the Act meaneth only that no Man is bound by the Vow to endeavour against Law as by Rebellion Sedition Treason c. and not that Subjects may not petition Parliament Men speak or King and Parliament alter the Law which they prove because it was taking up Arms and illegal Actions only that the old Parliament was blamed for Answ. This one pretence hath drawn abundance of laudable Persons to Subscribe but how unsatisfactory it is may thus appear 1. Why then could it never be procured to have the word unlawfully put into the Act when it was know that in that sence none of us would have scrupled it 2. All Casuists agree that Universal Terms in or about Oaths and Vows must not be understood any otherwise than Universally without apparent cogent Reason On such Terms as these else a Man may take any Oath in the World or disclaim any The Parliament hath exactly tyed Subscribers to the particular words and they long deliberated to express their own sence And they say neither I nor any other person and now cometh an Expositor and saith The King is not the any other person What! Is he no Person or is he not another Person So they say no Obligation lieth on us to endeavour and the Latitudinarian saith That I may endeavour it and that they mean no Endeavour but unlawful This contradictory Exception and Exposition is against all common Use and Justice and such as will allow a Man to cheat the State by saying or unsaying any thing in the World 3. We have many a time told some Latitudinarians how this matter may be soon decided if they will The Parliament hath past another Act with the self same words in it making it Confiscation for any Man to say That he or any other person is
the 1 st 1662 nor ever since had any nor the offer of any And therefore the Law imposeth not on me the Declaration or the Assent or Consent no more than on Lawyers or Judges 2. I have the Bishop of London's License to Preach in his Diocess which supposeth me no Nonconformist in Law-sence And I have the Judgment of Lawyers even of the present Lord Chief Justice and Mr. Pollexfen that by that License I may Preach occasional Sermons 3. I have Episcopal Ordination and judge it gross Sacriledge to forsake my Calling 4. I am justified against suspicion of Rebellious Doctrine many ways 1. By my publick Retractation of any old accused words or writings 2. I was chosen alone to Preach the Publick Thanksgiving at St. Paul's for General Monk's success 3. The Commons in Parliament chose me to Preach to them at their Publick Fast for the King's Restoration and call'd him home the next day 4. I was Sworn Chaplain in Ordinary to the King 5. I was offered a Bishoprick 6. The Lord Chancellor who offered it attested under his hand His Majesty's Sense of my Defert and His Acceptance 7. I am justifyed in the King's Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs among the rest there mention'd 8. When I Preached before the King he commanded the Printing of my Sermon 9. To which may be added the Act of Oblivion 10. And having published above an Hundred Books I was never yet convict of any ill Doctrine since any of the said Acts of King Parliament and others for my Discharge and Justification 5. I have oft Printed my judgment for Communion with the Parish Churches and exhorted others to it And having built a Chappel delivered it for Parish use 6. I was never lawfully Convict of Preaching in an unlawful Assembly for I was not once summon'd by the Justices that granted out the Five Warrants against me to answer for my self nor ever told who was my Accuser or who Witnessed against me And I have it under the hand of the present Lord Chief Justice that a Lawful Conviction supposeth Summons And the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan with Judge Tyrrel Archer and Wild did long ago discharge me upon their declaring that even the Warrant of my Commitment was illegal because no Accuser or Witness was named and so I was left remediless in case of false Accusation 7. As far as I understand it I never did Preach in any unlawful Assembly which was on pretence of any Exercise of Religion contrary to Law I Preached in Parish Churches where the Liturgy was Read as oft as I had leave and invitation And when I could not have that leave I never took any Pastoral Charge nor Preached for any Stipend but not daring perfidiously to desert the Calling which I was Ordained and Vowed to I Preacht occasional Sermons in other Men's Houses where was nothing done that I know of contrary to Law There was nothing done but Reading the Psalms and Chapters and the Creed Commandments and Lord's Prayer and Singing Psalms and Preaying and Praching and none of this is forbidden by Law The Omission of the rest of the Liturgy is no Act but a not-acting and therefore is no pretended Worship according to Law But were it otherwise the Law doth not impose the Liturgy on Families but only on Churches and a Family is not forbidden to have more than four Neighbours at saying Grace or Prayer nor is bound to give over Family-worship when-ever more than Four come in The Act alloweth Four to be present at Unlawful Worship but forbids not more to be present at Lawful Worship And House-worship without the Liturgy is lawful worship And yet if this were not so as the Curate's Omission of the Prayers makes not the Preacher and Assembly guilty suppose it were an Assize-Sermon that for hast omitted the Liturgy so the owner of the House by omitting the Liturgy maketh not him guilty that was not bound to use it nor the Meeting unlawful to any but himself Charity and Loyalty bind us to believe that our King and Parliament who allow more than many Four's to meet at a Play-house Tavern or Feast never meant to forbid more than Four to bâ—â—ogether in a House to sing a Psalm or Pray or Read a Licensed Book or edifie each other by Godly Conference while no Crime is found by any Man in the Matter of their Doctrine or Prayer and no Law imposeth the Liturgy on any but Church-Meetings If after many years Reproach once Imprisonment and the late Distress and Sale of all my Books and Goods and those that were none of mine but another's and this by five or six Warrants for present Execution without any Summons or Notice of Accusers or Witnesses I could yet have leave to die in peace and had not been again persecuted with new Inditements I had not presumed thus to plead or open my own Cause I Pray God that my Prosecutors and Judges may be so prepared for their near Account that they may have no greater sin laid to their Charge than keeping my Ordination-Vow is and not Sacrilegiously forsaking my Calling who have had so good a Master so good a Word so good Success and so much Attestation from King Parliament City and Bishops as I have haâ— If they ask why I Conform not I say I do as far as any Law bindeth me If they ask why I take not this Oath I say Because I neither understand it nor can prevail with Rulers to Explain it And if have a good sence I have not only subscribed to it but to much more in a Book called The second Plea for Peace page 60 61 62. Where also I have professed my Loyalty much further than this Oath extendeth But if it have a bad sence I will not take it And I find the Conformists utterly disagreed of the Sence and most that I hear of renouncing that sence which the words signifie in their common use And knowing that Perjury is a mortal Enemy to the Life and Safety of Kings and the Peace of Kingdoms and to Converse and to Man's Salvation I will not dally with such a dangerous Crime Nor will I deceive my Rulers by Stretches and Equivocations nor do I believe Lying lawful after all that Grotius de Iure Belli and Bishop Taylor Duct Dub. have said for it I think Oaths imposed are to be taken in the ordinary sense of the words if the Imposers put not another on them And I dare not Swear that a Commission under the Broad-Seal is no Commission till I that am no Lawyer know it to be Legal Nor yet that the Lord Keeper may Depose the King without resistance by Sealing Commissions to Traytors to seize on his Forts Navy Militia or Treasure Nor can I consent to make all the present Church-Government as unalterable as the Monarchy especially when the Seventh Canon extendeth it to an caetèra to Arch-bishops Bishops Deans Arch-deacons and the rest that bear Office in the same not
on both Sides If you do it not you lye under some Imputation and it will be taken for granted you cannot vindicate your self If you attempt it and should not do it to the Satisfaction of Impartial Men the latter Art would be thought worse than the first unless you should do it only by way of Apology shewing by what you were induced so to write as in your Key you have done But my thought is you had better never attempt it than not to carry it clearly and if you do that I confess it will be more than I did expect And on the other hand whether your Confutation be fâ—ll or â—aint when it comes abroad it will provoke both the Principal and his Adherents many of whom are honest Independants and Anabaptists prizing him upon a Civil Account at least in great part for his great Accomplishments for Civil Affairs and so indispose them to consider and receive your many worthy Proposals and Directions tending to gather such as were too much scattered And how far you may by such a thing exasperate him and his Confederates against not only you but other Godly Ministers for your sake the thing you mention is considerable But then again if it shall be supposed that he is that way disposed and in Resolulution ingaged to the length of his aim already and whether he be or no I cannot say I would hope otherwise then it will be considerable whether it will not be a good piece of Service to weaken his Interest so far as relateth to his Counsels about Church Affairs by discovering his weakness and unfoundness in things of that Nature And how far your intermedling this way I mean in relation to his unsoundness in your own Vindication may draw on you a Suspicion of Uncharitableness if you should do it is hard to say He is now in place of Power whether upon better Terms than Nero or those under him will not be the Question but how far it would have beseemed a Minister of the Gospel and publickly to have discovered the then Rulers Unsoundness would be a Question I do acknowledge also that a great deal of Care and Tenderness of due belongs to the Reputation of your Person and Name in relation to your place and Office in the Church as well as it does to another in respect of his place in the Common-wealth So that if you could heal the Wound which the Author of the Vindication hath endeavoured to make without wounding the Name or touching the publick Authority now vested in him Sir H. V. I think the case would be clear But then this I think would be without dispute that if you find cause to print that then you carry things with all Christian Sweetness evidencing your Tenderness to the Names of Men so far as may possibly consist with your Faithfulness to a greater and better Interest And I have heard the Author of the Vindication blamed by several of Sir H. V. his Friends for his Edge and Bitterness The less of that appeared the more is gained in any Personal Contests I shall pray the Lord to direct your Thoughts but do not think my self wise enough to be positive in this Advice As for that which concerns the Anabaptists Offence I inâ—line much to think the safect will be not to meddle in it for the present And if you think good to Communicate your Knowledge of the Churches of the Anabaptists their petitioning for Justice to be done upon the late King I shall as I have Opportunity acquaint them what you have in readiness to make good your quarrelled Assertion but that tenderness to them and Christian Peace hath for the present bound your Hands As for the Author of the Sober Word whose Name is Mr. Iohn Iackson â—ormerly Grand Treasurer for the Excise I think from the beginning of it to the Change of Government and now in Commission for bringing in all Arrears of Excise c. you will not need I think to do any thing publickly I meeting him last Night at the Militia where he and I had occasion to be I thought good to acquaint him with so much of your Letter as concerned him And in return he hath promised me a piece of his which he will desire me to send to you for your further Satisfaction touching him as to be no Jesuitical Designer I think it 's made against the Quakers For that which concerns Mr. Tombes his Name I had heard of it more particularly than you express and am troubled that so little hath been done by himself towards his own Vindication unless more hath been done than hath come to my Ear. I question whether he will make it known so as to be communicated to you to be his desire that you should write an Epistle c. If he should a Work of that nature may receive your Countenance and Attestation if it deserve it without concerning your self in his Morals You have if my Intelligence be right in your County and in the County of Gloscester armed Designes brought almost to the Birth and are like to put you suddenly into Trouble if not made Abortive Endeavours are on foot for Prevention some Reserve of Horse and new Arms have been made I believe it concerns you and such as you to be mindful of your own Security by contributing your help towards the Maintenance of the Publick Peace If things are bad now I believe they are like to be much worse if a turn should come by the Hand of War Sir Narrowness of Opportunity hath produced the too much undigestedness of these Lines That the Lord may preserve you and fill you with the Spirit of Wisdom and of Power is the sincere desire of Yours faithfully ingaged in true Affection to serve you Will. Allen. London Iuly 23. 1659. To the Reverend and his worthy good Friend Mr. Rich. Baxter in Kidderminster SIR I Thank you for yours of the 13th currant which I have and I do confess that the several Tempers and Interests of Professors of different Perswasions considered a wise Man can have no great hopes whatever his desires be of any General Accord And to answer your desire in some account of the progress of the Meeting on foot for Agreement Be pleased to understand that however the Work went on merrily whilst Generals only were dwelt on yet it 's almost put to a stand when we come to some Particulars which were thought necessary to be descended to That which hath troubled us most hath been about sending forth or furnishing the Nation with Preachers of the Gospel Though we all agree 1. That it 's all our Duties to promote such a work And 2. That the Persons imployed in it must be godly sound in the Faith and apt to teach And 3. that they ought to pass under some trial for Approbation And 4. that a convenient Maintenance for them should by all meet means be procured yet by whom and how they should be so approved as to be
in the Administration of the Discipline of Christ. For further Proof whereof we have that known Testimony of Tertullian in his general Apology for Christians In the Church are used Exhortations Chastisements and divine Censures for Judgment is given with great Advice as among those who are certain they are in the sight of God and it is the chiefest foreshewing of the Judgment that is to come if any Man hath so offended that he be banished from the Communion of Prayer and of the Assembly and of all holy Fellowship The Presidents that bear rule therein are certain approved Elders who have obtained this Honour aud not by Reward but by good Report Who were no other as he himself elsewhere intimateth but those from whose hands they used to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist For with the Bishop who was the Chief President and therefore styled by the same Tertullian in another place Summus Sacerdos for distinction sake the rest of the Dispensors of the Word and Sacraments were joined in the common Government of the Church And therefore in matters of Ecclesiastical Judicature Cornelius Bishop of Rome used the received Form of gathering together the Presbytery Of what Persons that did consist Cyprian sufficiently declareth when he wished him to read his Letters to the flourishing Clergy that there did reside or rule with him The presence of the Clergy being thought to be so requisite in matters of Episcopal Audience that in the fourth Council of Carthage it was concluded that the Bishop might hear no Man's Cause without the Presence of the Clergy which we find also to be inserted into the Canons of Egbert who was Archbishop of York in the Saxons Times and afterwards into the Body of the Canon-Law it self True it is that in our Church this kind of Presbyterian Government hath been long disused yet seeing it still professeth that every Pastor hath a right to rule the Church from whence the Name of Rector also was given at first unto him and to administer the Discipline of Christ as well as to dispence the Doctrine and Sacraments And the restraint of the Exercise of that Right proceedeth only from the Custom now received in this Realm No Man can doubt but by another Law of the Land this Hindrance may be well removed And how easily this ancient Form of Government by the united Suffrages of the Clergy might be revived again and with what little shew of Alteration the Synodical Conventions of the Pastors of every Parish might be accorded with the Presidency of the Bishops of each Diocess and Province the indifferent Reader may quickly perceive by the perusal of the ensuing Proposition I. In every Parish the Rector or the incumbent Pastor together with the Church-wardens and Sidemen may every Week take notice of such as live scandalously in that Congregation who are to receive such several Admonitions and Reproofs as the quality of their Offence shall deserve and if by this means they cannot be reclaimed they may be presented unto the next Monthly Synod and in the mean time be debarred by the Pastor from access unto the Lord's Table II. Whereas by a Statute in the Twenty sixth of King Henry VIII revived in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth Suffragans are appointed to be erected in twenty six several Places of this Kingdom the Number of them might very well be conformed unto the Number of the several rural Deaneries into which every Diocess is subdivided which being done the Suffragan supplying the place of those who in the ancient Church were called Chorepiscopi might every Month assemble a Synod of all the Rectors or incumbent Pastors within the Precinct and according to the major part of their Voices conclude all Matters that should be brought into Debate before them To this Synod the Rector and Churchwardens might present such impenitent Persons as by Admonition and Suspension from the Sacrament would not be reformed who if they should still remain contumacious and incorrigible the Sentence of Excommunication might be decreed against them by the Synod and accordingly be executed in the Parish where they lived Hitherto also all things that concerned the Parochial Ministers might be referred whether they did touch their Doctrine or their Conversation As also the censure of all new Opinions Heresies and Schisms which did arise within that Circuit with Liberty of appeal if need so require unto the Diocesane Synod III. The Diocesane Synod might be held once or twice in the Year as it should be thought most convenient therein all the Suffragans and the rest of the Rectors or Incumbent Pastors or a certain select Number out of every Deanery within that Diocess might meet with whose Consent or the major part of them all things might be concluded by the Bishop or Superintendant call him whither you will or in his Absence by one of the Suffragans whom he should depute in his stead to be Moderator of that Assembly Here all matters of greater Moment might be taken into Consideration and the Orders of the Monthly Synods revised and if need be reformed And if here also any matter of Difficulty could not receive a full Determination it might be referred to the next Provincial or National Synod IV. The Provincial Synod might consist of all the Bishops and Suffragans and such of the Clergy as should be elected out of every Diocess within the Province The Primate of either Province might be the Moderator of this Meeting or in his room some one of the Bishops appointed by him and all Matters be ordered therein by common Consent as in the former Assemblies This Synod might be held every third Year and if the Parliament do then sit according to the Act for a Triennial Parliament both the Primates and Provincial Synods of the Land might join together and make up a National Council wherein all Appeals from inferior Synods might be received all their Acts examined and all Ecclesiastical Constitutions which concern the State of the Church of the whole Nation established May it please your Grace I would desire you to consider whether Presentments are fit to be made by the Churchwardens alone and not rather by the Rector and Churchwardens Then whither in the Diocesan Synod the Members of it be not too many being all to judge and in their own cause as it may fall out Therefore after this Clause and the rest of the Rectors or incumbent Pastors whether it be not fit to interline or four or six out of every Deanery Ri. Holdsworth We are of Judgment that the Form of Government here proposed is not in any point repugnant to the Scripture and that the Suffragans mentioned in the second Proposition may lawfully use the Power both of Jurisdiction and Ordination according to the Word of God and the Practice of the ancient Church § 97. When we went with these foresaid Papers to the King and expected
there to meet the Divines of the other party according to promise with their Proposals also containing the lowest Terms which they could yield to for Peace we saw not a Man of them nor any Papers from them of that Nature no not to this Day But it was not fit for us to expostulate or complain § 98. But his Majesty very graciously renewed his Professions I must not call them Promises that he would bring us together and see that the Bishops should come down and yield on their Parts and when he heard our Papers read he seemed well pleased with them and told us he was glad that we were for a Liturgy and yielded to the Essence of Episcopacy and therefore he doubted not of our Agreement with much more which we thought meet to recite in our following Addresses by way of Gratitude and for other Reasons easy to be conjectured 99. Yet was not Bishop Usher's Model the same in all Points that we could wish But it was the best that we could have the least hope I say not to obtain but acceptably to make them any Offers of For had we proposed any thing below Bishops and Archbishops we should but have suddenly furnished them with plausible Reasons for the rejecting of all further Attempts of Concord or any other Favour from them 100. Before this time by the King 's Return many hundred worthy Ministers were displaced and cast out of their Charges because they were in Sequestrations where others had by the Parliament been cast out Our earnest Desires had been that all such should be cast out as were in any Benefice belonging formerly to a Man that was not grosly insufficient or debaucht but that all that succeeded such as these Scandalous ones should hold their Places but these Wishes being vain and all the old ones restored the King promised that the Places where any of the old ones were dead should be confirmed to the Possessors But many got the Broad Seal for them and the matter was not great for we were all of us to be endured but a little longer However we agreed to offer these five Requests to the King which he received Agreed to be verbally requested of the King 1. That with all convenient speed we may see his Majesty's Conclusions upon the Proposals of the mutual Condescentions before they pass into Resolves and if it be thought meet our Brethens Proposals also 2. That his Majesty will be publickly declare his Pleasure for the Suspension of Proceedings upon the Act of Uniformity against Nonconformists in Case of Liturgy and Ceremonies till our hoped for Agreement 3. That his Majesty will be pleased to publish his Pleasure at least to those that are concerned in the Execution that till the said expected Settlement no Oath of Canonical Obedience nor Subscription to the Liturgy Discipline Ceremonies c. nor Renunciation of their Ordination by meer Presbyters or confessing it to be sinful be imposed on or required of any as necessary to their Ordination Institution Induction or Confirmation by the Seales 4. That His Majesty will Cause the revoking of the Broad Seal that is granted to all those Persons that by it are put into Places where others have Possession to which none before could claim a right that is such as they call dead Places 5. That his Majesty will be pleased to provide some Remedy against the Return or Settlement of notoriously insufficient or scandalous Ministers into the Places from which they were cast out or into any other § 101. While we waited for the promised Condescentions of the Episcopal Divines there came nothing to us but a Paper of bitter Oppositions by way of Confutation of our for mer Proposals We were not insensible of the unworthiness of this dealing and the Brethren at first desired me to write an Answer to it But afterward they considered that this would but provoke them and turn a Treaty for Concord into a sharp Disputation which would increase the Discord and so what I had written was never seen by any Man lest it should hinder Peace The Bishop's Answer to the first Proposals of the London Ministers who attempted the Work of Reconcilement which was brought them afterward instead of their Concessions before expected and promised When we looked to see how much they would abate of their former Impositions for the attaining of Vnity and Peace we received nothing but this Contradiction Concerning the Preamble § 1. WE first observe that they take it for granted that there is a firm Agreement between them and us in the Doctrinal Truths of the reformed Religion and in the Substantial Parts of Divine Worship and that the Differences are only in some various Conceptions about the Ancient Forms of Church-Government and some Particulars about Liturgy and Ceremonies Which maketh all that follows the less considerable and less reasonable to be stood upon to the hazard of the Disturbance and Peace of the Church § 2. They seem to intimate as if we did discountenance the Practice of those things which in Principles we allow which we utterly deny In sundry Particulars therein proposed we do not perceive what farther Security can be given than is already provided for by the established Laws of this Realm whereunto such Persons as shall at any time find themselves agrieved may have recourse for Remedy § 3. 1. We heartily desire as well as they that all Animosities be laid aside Words of Scorn Reproach and Provocation might be mutually forborn and that to Men of different Persuasions such a Liberty may be left of performing Christian Duties according to their own way within their own private Families as that yet Uniformity in the publick Worship may be preserved and that a Gap be not thereby opened to Sectaries for private Conventicles for the evil Consequents whereof none can be sufficiently responsible unto the State § 4. 2. We likewise desire that every Congregation may have an able and Godly Minister to Preach Catechise administer the Sacraments and perform other Ministerial Offices as need shall require But what they mean by residing and how far they will extend that Word and what effectual Provision of Law can be made more than is already done concerning the Things here mentioned we know not § 5. 3. Confirmation which for sundry Ends we think necessary to be continued in the Church if rightly and solemnly performed will alone be sufficient as to the point of Instruction And for notorious and scandalous Offenders provision is made in the Rubrick before the Communion which Rules had they been carefully observed the Troubles of the Church by the Disputes and Divisions here mentioned had been prevented § 6. 4. There cannot be taken a more effectual Course in this behalf than the Execution of the Laws already made for the due Observation of the Lord's Day which in this particular are very much stricter than the Laws of any Foreign reformed Churches whatsoever Concerning Church-Government § ◠They do not
great Difficulties and Sufferings exercised their Compassion to the people's Souls in Preaching and Visiting the Sick they had been yet more miserable destitute and forsaken Your Petitioners being sensible that Christians professing the Belief of a Life to come and that the holy Scriptures should not by such Judgments as our Plagues and Flames be hardened against God but be awakened to Repentance and Holiness of Life and that so Great and Honourable a City should not after all turn worse than Infidels and Heathens who are taught by Nature publickly to Worship God do humbly request that till the Great Parishes have Capacious Churches or Chappels and the ruined Churches are re-built and furnished with able Conformable Ministers those Protestant Nonconformists who will Teach the people where others do not may not be therefore punished or be forbidden and the Souls of many Thousands which are hasting to another World be deprived of such necessary helps the Preachers being responsible for whatever they speak or do amiss This Necessary Compassion to this famous City even to the Souls of Men which we humbly crave will more oblige Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects to Pray for the Continuance of Your Prosperous Reign III. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The humble Profession of Gratitude and Subjection of some Ejected Silenced Ministers of Christ on the behalf of themselves and many others May it please Your Majesty WE Your Majesty's Subjects Dedicated to the Sacred Office from which we must not Perfidiously and Sacrilegiously alienate our selves once vainly hoped that the Established Publick Ministry might have received Men of our Size of Science and Conscience till all the Churches had been furnished with Wiser Better Men But God for our Sins and Trial and Men we know not why have otherwise decreed We choose not this Calling nor our costly Nonconformity as the way of Wealth or Worldly Honour Nor ever expected that God should make us a Golden-Bridge to Heaven Nor desire to be Lords over God's Flock or Rule them by Constraint remembring who said But with you it shall not be so Gain is not our Godliness or Church-Glory but Godliness our Gain We like not Dives's Choice so well as Mary's But yet could gladly have escaped both Lazarus and Martha's straits and have served God without distraction We have Flesh that is not in love with Suffering nor ambitious to live on Alms It is Divine Relief that must keep those Men's Consciences from a timerous or treacherous surrender which are besieged by Sixteen years Poverty and Reproach and from the Prophaneness of selling their Birth-right for a Morsel But though Sensibility of our Brethren's Sufferings be not Impatient Murmuring yet it is a more Grievous Burden which constraineth us at last to Speak viz. That so great a part of our maturest Age in which by the experience of good and evil our own and others we should have been far wiser and sitter to serve God in his Church than we were in unexperienced Youth should be so far lost as it hath been as to the Work to which we were Ordained That Unheard we should be supposed so Erroneous or Criminal as that no Punishment of our Bodies can give satisfaction without the suffering of the Souls of Men by our forbearing to Preach the Word of Life That while with grieved Souls we must see the sad Divisions aâ—d Sidings that Prevail and the doleful advantages that Satan hereby getteth for the ruine of Piety Love and Peace and the increase of Atheism Infidelity and Maliciousness and Confusion and every evil work and are told so loudly by our notorious Necessity that all our Endeavours conjunct would be too little When we have foreseen and foretold all this and used our most earnest Requests and Endeavours to have prevented it We must yet be defamed by Tongues and Press as the Authors and Fomenters of it and as men of Unsociable and unruly humours and of Unpeaceable Schismatical and seditious Principles That being thus rendered odious we are made uncapable of Publick or Private use to Multitudes whose Lives declare their need of help That many whom we must honour and reverence are hereby drawn into the guilt of Calumny and Injury to the Church as well as to us whose Case and Reasons as to the New Conformity they never understood or heard That so many Men's minds and Zeal and Parts should be so ill imployed on all sides as to be raking in the bleeding Wounds which they are obliged to the uttermost of their Diligence to heal That while Preachers are against Preachers and Heavenly Love and Joy is turned into Envying and Strife We should go for the Men that blow the Coals and rob Your Majesty of the Honour and Joy of Ruling an Unanimous Ministery and a Peaceable Loyal Unsuspected People We must not be guilty of setting so light by Your Majesty's Interest and Your judgment of us and Favour to us and the Interest of the Church and the People's Souls as to remain still silent under all this And with greatest reverence of God we must profess That if the faithful search of our Consciences should shew us that all this is caused by any self-seeking or willfulness of ours and that we were not still willing at the dearest rate except sinning which is no way to Peace to close these Wounds but preferred any Worldly Interest before the Peace and Harmony of Souls we should take it to be Kin to Iudas's Sin and should tremble to think how quickly a revenging God would judge us and what a dismal entrance upon Eternity such guilty Souls are like to have But tho sense and conscience thus complain it is but the introduction to our thankful acknowledgment of the favours which your Majesty hath vouchsafed us Your Clemency protection and forbearance hath revived our comforts which consist in that work which is the business of our Lives Our Loyal fidelity shall express our gratitude more than words And because some in this also would render us suspected we take it for our Duty to profess that tho we take not and digest not as easily as is expected all Subscriptions Declarations and Oaths which are of late imposed It is not from any Principle of Disloyalty For we firmly hold that every Soul must be subject to the Higher Powers not only for Wrath but Conscience sake And that Honour and Obedience in Lawful things and patience under wrongful pressures is our Duty to our Rulers In short we know not of one word in Scripture one Canon of any General Council one Confession of any Christian Church on Earth which speaketh more for subjects Submission and peaceable obedience to Kings than we do heartily acknowledge And we believe that no vow or Covenant of our own can disoblige us from any part of this obedience or warrant us to Rebel We would not have the King of Rome the pretended vicar of the King of Kings to be King over your Majesty or your Kingdoms The
world's Experience lowdly telleth us that Clergymen are fitter to be kept by the Sword in Peace and Quietness than to be trusted with the Sword and we would not have Kings be made their Executioners For we are past doubt that the Controversies and Contentions of the Worldly Tyrannical and the self-conceited Clergy have been many hundred years more Calamitous to the Christian World than the most bloody Wars We are our selves so far from desiring Grandeur and Dominion that we would not be so much as the Pastors of any but Consenters and wish that the Clergie's State were such as neither starved or straitened the diligent Labourers nor so tempted and invited Ambitious Worldly minds as that such being the seekers must usually be the Masters of the Church who are likest to be Enemies to the holy Doctrine which condemneth them We long we pray we groan for the Concord of the Christian World And we are sure that whoever shall be the blessed and honoured Instruments of that work must do it by breaking dividing Engines and making the primitive simplicity the terms of Vnion even a few plain certain necessary things while the Sword of the Magistrate constraineth the turbulent to peace and mutual forbearance in the rest We are not for cruelty to any We greatly approve of your Majesties Aversness to persecution But we believe that it is the Learning Godliness and Concord of the Ministry which shall be publickly settled by your Laws which must be the chief means of preserving Religion Loyalty and Peace and therefore must deeply resent it that we are rendered so unserviceable in that kind and that well meaning men should so long misunderstand our cause and judge defame and use us as if we were the hinderers of that sweet agreement which our Souls most earnestly desire and would purchase by any Lawful price In summ the belief of the Heavenly Glory through Christ kindling the Love of God and Man and teaching us to live Soberly Righteously and Godly and the Government of Magistrates keeping all in peace upon these terms is the Religion and State that we desire And the grief of our Souls for the present Divisions doth call up our thankful remembrance that once by your Majesty's favour we were Commissioned to speak for our selves about the old Conformity and to treat with your Bishops for such Alterations as were necessary to our Concord And that your Majesty published so Gracious a Declaration of Ecclesiastical Affairs as had it lived had prevented our present fractions yea that your House of Commons gave your Majesty the publick Thanks for your healing means Tho now some take all our Divisions and Distractions to be a smaller evil than the Terms of that your Majesty's Declaration would be And if ever your favour allow us to speak for our selves also as to the New Conformity and to open to the world the matter and reasons of our Nonconformity we cannot doubt but it would much abate the Censures and Injuries of Multitudes that understand us not and consequently abate their guilt and all unbrotherly Distances and Schisms and Men's unthankful dislike of your Majesty's Clemency And so far as God by your Majesty's favour shall open our Lips that our mouths may shew forth his praise we shall be obliged to greater thankfulness to your Majesty and to pray for your pious and prosperous Reign and that we may all live a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty as becometh your Majesty's Loyal Subjects § 289. While the said two Bishops were fraudulently seeming to set us on this Treaty their cause required them outwardly to pretend that they would not have me troubled but understand I was still the first that was haunted after and persecuted And even while I was in this Treaty the informers of the City set on work by the Bishops were watching my preaching and contriving to load me with divers convictions and fines at once And they found an Alderman Justice even in the Ward where I preached sit for their Design one Sir Thomas Davis who understood not the Law but was ready to serve the Prelates in their own way To him Oath was made against me and the place where I preached as for two Sermons which came to threescore pounds fine to me and fourscore to the owner of the place where we assembled But I only was sought after and prosecuted § 290. The Reader must here understand the present case of the City as to such things The Execution of these Laws that were to ruine us for preaching was so much against the hearts of the Citizens that scarce any could be found to execute them Tho the Corporation Oath and Declaration had new moulded the City and all the Corporations of the Land except some few as Taunton c. which were utterly dissolved by it yet were the Aldermen for the most part utterly averse to such Imployment so that whenever an Informer came to them tho they forfeited an 100l every time that they refused to execute their Office yet some shifted out of the way and some plainly denyed and repulsed the Accusers and one was sued for it And Alderman Forth got an Informer bound to the behaviour for breaking in upon him in his Chamber against his will Two fellows called Strowd and Marishal became the General Informers in the City and some others under them In all London notwithstanding that the third parts of those great Fines might be given the Informers very few would be found to do it And those two were presently fallen upon by their Creditors on purpose and Marishal laid in the Compter for Debt where he remained for a considerable time but Strowd keeping a Coffee-House was not so deep in debt but was bailed Had a Stranger of another Land come into London and seen five or six poor ignorant sorry Fellows unworthy to have been inferiour Servants to an Ordinary Gentleman hunting and insulting over the ancient Aldermen and the Lord Mayor himself and all the Reverend faithful Ministers that were ejected and eighty nine Churches were destroyed by the Fire and in many Parishes the Churches yet standing could not hold a sixth or tenth part of the People yet those that Preached for nothing were prosecuted to utter ruin with such unwearied eagerness sure he would have wondered what these Prelates and Prosecutors are and it may convince us that the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given in Scripture to some Men translated false Accusers is not unmeet When Men pretending to be the Fathers of the Church dare turn loose half a dosen paltry silly Fellows that know not what they do to be to so many Thousand Sober Men as Wolves among the Sheep to the distraction of such a City and the disturbance of so many thousand for worshipping God How lively doth this tell us that Satan the Prince of the Aereal Powers worketh in the Children of Disobedience and that his Kingdom on Earth is kin to Hell as Christ's