realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
founded upon reason and they accorded to the people of the third estate magistrates which were called Tribunes of the people These had the charge to defend the common people against great men with power to imprison all such as seemed good unto them and this magistrate proved very profitable whilest they used it well but as soone as they abused it it fell out to bee very pernitious so is it of all other offices To demonstrate that men cannot keepe a peace when thereby they are handled like slaves the example of the Saguntines is very notable admirable The Saguntines Titus Livi. lib. 1. Dec. 3. a people of Spaine were besieged by Anniball of Carthage who held them so straightly in their city that they had no meane left to escape or resist They being reduced to this extremity Anniball sent them word by one of his nation called Alorcus to yeeld themselves to save their lives For courages said hee must needes bee vanquished when forces failed and Anniball would save their lives if they would yeeld to him and of his grace would deale well with them These poore people well considered the extreame danger wherein they were and that they had no meane to escape Anniball his hands but with yeelding unto him and to yeeld they should change their free into a servile condition which they feared so much as they loved better to lose their lives therefore resolved so to deale as neither their bodies nor their goods should ever come into the power of Anniball So they tooke choice of certaine young men of the towne which they caused to sweare to defend the gates of the towne even to the death that in the meane while the other townes-people might have leasure to execute their determination after this the cheefe of the towne resorted to the common market place and there caused to bee laid on a heape all the goods and treasures of the towne and about it to light a great fier within which many cast themselves and were burned lest they should fall into Anniballs hands others shut themselves up in their houses with their wives and children after putting fire thereunto burnt the said houses themselves and their goods and the said young men which were trusted with the gates made an end of fighting and living together Was not heere thinke you an admirable love of libertie for if they would but a while have lived under Anniball his yoake there had beene hope that the Romanes their allies would have delivered them but yet they rather tooke choice to lose their lives yea that by a most strange cruell death than to suffer for a small time a servile subjection under Anniball But as it is rare and unlikely that a servile peace should bee long and well observed so it is a very great fault to breake a peace when it is sufficiently commodious A tolerable peace ought not to be broken and tollerable This was the onely cause of the totall ruine of that great flourishing commonwealth of the Carthaginians for after they had many times broken the treatie of peace which they had with the Romanes and had beene many times vanquished in the end they were altogether destroyed and their townes rased and the cause that moved the Romanes thus to doe was for that they considered that the Carthaginians would never observe faith nor promise they made which alreadie so many times they had violated especially since they were not at any time bound to any hard condition of peace but onely hindered to rebell or waxe great Titus livi lib. 3. Dec. 4. and lib. 4. Dec. 5. Plutarch in P. Aemil. But the example of king Philip of Macedon and of Perseus his sonne is verie notable in this matter This king Philip about some light occasion enterprised warre against the Aetolians a people of Greece the Romanes allies The Aetolians called to their aid the Romanes sent an armie into Greece against Philip under the charge of captaine Sulpitius as well to succour the Aetolians as also the Athenians which Philip would have destroyed and lastly to revenge themselves of the king who covertly had aided with silver Anniball to make warre upon them after certaine conflicts this king fearing the forces and vertue of the Romanes did so much as hee wrought a peace with them after that they had made this peace hee observed it very well all the rest of his life and the better to keepe it from point to point hee had ordinarily in his hands the articles of that peace which hee ever read twise a day that hee might not breake any point of it When hee was dead Perseus his sonne succeeded him unto whom a Macedonian gentleman called Onesimus a faithfull friend and councellor of his father Philip gave this advice to have ever in his hands and often to reade the said treatise and articles of peace that as his father had done he might inviolablie observe them as the onely meane to maintaine him in his estate Perseus at the beginning did but despise the admonitions of that good seruant Onesimus but in the end hee had him in suspition and put him out of credit insomuch as the good person fearing worse unto himselfe fled to Rome After this Perseus gathering great store of money and esteeming himselfe strong enough to warre against the Romanes by little and little broke the articles of peace one after another altogether contrarying the contents of the articles in the mean time covertly prepared for warre finally the Romanes sent against him the consull Paulus Aemilius with a Roman armie which in lesse than a month seised upon all Macedonia and brought it into the Romane obedience and tooke prisoners the king Perseus and his sonne which hee carried to Rome in a triumph where they miserably dyed in a prison behold the evill haps of Perseus for not imitating the example of his father in the observation of the treatise of peace Verely the prince which well considereth the good that comes by living in peace will alwaies seeke to maintaine it but at the least within his owne domination for in peace all things do flourish and in warre all things are in ruine and devastation we reade that in the time of Antonius Pius all the Romane empire was in good peace and that by the same meanes all the provinces were rich and flourishing not onely Capitol in Antonio Pio. Plinius in epist ad Traianum in goods but in vertues and sciences for at that time good letters flourished al over and especially the civile law which was so well practised and in all places so good justice administred that the whole empire was a most excellent and admirable thing at that time Moreover that good emperour tooke a great delight to fabricate and build great works and common buildings as the Amphitheater which he builded at Nismes where hee was borne it is called at this day les Arenes the temple of Adrian
cut in pieces all them which entred which caused Anniball thus to be taken in his own net Thus was he knowne and discovered for a Fox so as often they turned his owne nets upon him as they do upon Foxes when Counsell of subtiltie perillous they catch them by bending their nets backward And truly it is most often seene that such subtilties as tast of trecherie and disloyaltie succeed not well For as captaine Quintius said to the Aetolians Subtile and audacious counsels are at the first very agreeable and pleasant but to guide they are difficill and hard and full of sorrow in the end Concerning this subtiltie and perfidious deceit a notable advice is given by the Tit. Livius lib. 2. Dec. 5. Senate of the auncient Romans The Romans being upon the point to move warre against Perseus king of Macedonie they first sent embassadors unto him amongst them Martius Phillippus to know the deseignes of that king and to trie if he would repaire the faults and injuries which he had committed against the Romanes The said embassadors found that king but slenderly prepared for warre and altogether Tit. Livius lib. 2. Dec. 5. evill disposed to acknowledge or repaire his faults Therefore making him understand that he need to looke for nothing at the Romanes hands but amitie and that at their hands he might easily look for a good peace or truce with this hope leaving him they returned to Rome Soone after they were arrived they declared in full to the Senate all that they had done in Macedonie and especially how they deceived king Perseus in making him beleeve that hee might at his pleasure have peace or Treaties of craftinesse rejected of the Romans truce wherein they thought to have wrought well But the abovesaid old Senatours begun to answere them That they liked not neither would countenance such treaties as be not beseeming the Romanes that their auncestors used not to vanquish their enemies by deceits and subtilties nor by nocturne battails nor by simuled and fained flight and so suddenly to returne nor by other deceits but by true and perfect vertue For their custome was ever to denounce warre before they begun it yea sometimes they assigned the place of battaile Our auncestors mooved with this sinceritie and loyaltie would not employ the physician of king Pyrrhus their enemie who offered to poyson his master for a certaine summe of silver but they discovered to the king the disloyaltie of the Physician that also by this said sinceritie they would not take the children of the Falisques which were delivered them by their owne schoolemaster but sent the schoolemaster bound and all his schollers backe againe to the Falisques And that such doings become Romanes well and not to use the subtile deceits of the Punickes or the craftinesse of the Grecians which esteemed it more honorable to deceive their enemie than to vanquish him And that although for the present time subtiltie hath profited yet the enemie vanquished by deceits never holds himselfe for vanquished but hee onely which acknowledgeth himselfe surmounted by true vertue without any subtiltie or deceit Behold what was the opinion of these old and wise Senators which rejected and despised the Fox-like subtilties whereof Machiavell makes such great account In the yeare 1383 the duke of Anjou brother of king Charles le Sage went into Italie with a puissant armie to conquer Naples and Sicilie Amongst other lords which accompanied him in this voyage was the earle of Savoy who led with him a good companie of knights as they were in Poville and Calabria seeing none to resist them they begun straight to devise of a place where they might assuredly have resistance and it was made knowne to the duke of Anjou that the strongest place of all that countrey was the Egge-castle of Naples which is builded in the sea within which Charles de la Paix a competitor of the said kingdome of Naples remained The duke of Anjou enquired by what meanes he might come to have it There came then straight an Enchanter unto him who said that he would helpe him unto it in like manner as he helped Charles de la Paix who now held it And how is that answered the duke Sir answered the Enchanter I will cause a grosse and thick cloud to arise out of the sea which shall have the forme of a bridge whereof your enemies shall be so afraid that they shall yeeld themselves to you Yea but replied the duke can men passe upon that bridge Sir said the Enchanter I will not assure that for as soone as any do make the signe of the crosse as they passe or do any way crosse their legs or their armes or otherwise all will fall to the ground and goe to nothing The duke of Anjou began to laugh and after sent for the countie of Savoy to have his counsell upon this matter whereof hee made a recitall The countie entreated the duke as soone as the Enchanter came againe to him to send him to his chamber for I would talke with him a little The duke the next morning sent him unto him When this Enchanter was come into the earle of Savoyes lodging Well sir said the earle you say you will make us enjoy the Egge castle Yea Sir for Charles which now possesseth it obtained it by my meanes and I know he feareth me more than all the forces that can come against it Well replied the Earle I will deliver him from that feare and I will not have him say that so many brave knights as wee are could not vanquish so weake an enemie as Charles de la Paix is but by the meanes of an Enchanter So saith he call hither the hangman who being come he commanded that in the court the Enchanters head should be cut off which was done For this wise earle had no mind to vanquish by deceits and enchantment but by true and naturall vertue And surely generous hearts doe alwaies disdaine crafts subtilties and deceits which also cannot long last for after a prince or captaine hath a name that he useth it and then especially when a thing is to bee done seriously and plainely men doe alwayes thinke they intend some subtiltie or deceit And if it succeeded well to Severus his using of deceit so it doth not to all men nor to the most part and Severus was greatly diffamed for such frauds but his other vertues made him prosper But should we call this beastlinesse or mallice which Machiavell saith of Chiron or hath he read that Chiron was both a man and a beast Who hath told him that he was delivered to the prince Achilles to teach him that goodly knowledge to be both a man and a beast Xenophon saith that Chiron was Iupiters brother so great a Xenoph. de Venâ—t man he makes him full of great knowledge and of all vertue generositie pietie and justice nay he saith further that Aesculapius Nestor Amphiaraus Peleus Telamon
world which that hideous monster Perfidie hath not engendred Assuredly it is an Alecto an infernall furie excited and called lately from hell to the vexation and Perfidie an infernal furie Subtill palliations are not profitable Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. utter overthrow of this poore world And as for that which Machiavell sayth That a man may finde reasons and covertures to cloake and colour the breach of Faith this hath no place amongst good men which respect their honour which also repute palliations but trumperies and frauds and doe make mens perfidies but the worse and more damnable The Carthaginians after the first Punick warre made a treatie of peace with Caius Luctatius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie upon which treatie Luctatius made this reservation Vnder the good pleasure of the Senate and Romane people This treatie pleased not the Romanes and therfore as soone as they were advertised therof they certified the Carthaginians that they would not ratifie it Not long after Asdruball lieutenant generall of the Carthaginian armie made another treatie with the Romanes wherin they comprehended the Saguntines This treatie a long time was observed on both sides yet the Carthaginians never expresly only secretly approved and ratified it At the end of which time the Carthaginians sent Anniball to besiege Saguntum which they tooke and ruinated The Romans after this sent embassadors to Carthage to know wherefore the Carthaginians had done contrary to the treatie of peace made with Asdruball wherein expressely the Saguntines were comprehended The Carthaginians in their Senate would have cloaked and coloured this fact according to Machiavels counsell with certaine fond subtilties saying that they never ratified the treatie made by Asdruball and that it was as well lawfull for them to disavow that which Asdruball had done therein as the Romans had abrogated the truce of Luctatius This colour seemed to have some appearance in it but being more narrowly entred into nothing will be discovered but deceit and fallacie For there must a greater estimation be made of a ratification by Deed than by Word as the assurance of Deeds is far greater than that of Words so that the Carthaginians which by the space of many yeares had approoved effectually the treatie of Asdruball could by no meanes afterward reprove it as also because in that truce there was no reservation contained as there was in the treatie of Luctatius The Romane embassadours then espying the palliation and quarrelling deceit of the Carthaginians vouchsased not otherwise to replie but to present to their choise either peace or warre The Carthaginians left that choise to the Romans which chused warre by which the Carthaginians lost themselves and their countrey And this came of their deceitfulnesse and breach of Faith Not unworthie the rehearsall are the subtile distinctions of king Antiochus his Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. embassadour unto Titus Quintius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie then resident in Greece to defend the Greeke townes in their liberties against that barbarous king This king perceiving his affaires could not well succeed against the powers of the Romans which by the Grecians themselves were drawn into Greece purposed to seeke peace without any further hazard Quintius made Menippus and Hegesianax the kings embassadors to understand that the only meane of peace was that their king should avoid Europe and leave Greece at libertie Hereunto Menippus replied by goodly distinctions well trussed together whereby hee shewed that there are three kinds of confederations and treaties of peace one with such as are vanquished by warre unto whom the vanquishers may give law the second kind when two enemies equall in forces doe make peace without battaile in which kind as they are like in force so ought the compacts and conditions of peace to be alike and egall and the third is when they which never were enemies before are reduced to amitie and confederation in which kind neither of them ought to give law to the other adding to this distinction that the king their master was of this third kind and that therefore they were abashed that Quintius would give him a law saying That he must needs avoid Europe Quintius who was nothing expert in making distinctions unlesse it were with the sword although otherwise of good naturall sence Well said he you have made me a distinction and I will make you another There are two kinds of warres the one may be made in Asia the other may be made in Europe Touching the last kind the Romans have just cause to enterprise wars against your master for the guard of the townes of Greece least they should fall into the hands of Antiochus according as they have preserved them from the hands of Philip king of Macedonie and as for the first kind the Romanes are content not to deale at all and if king Antiochus your master will make warre in Asia let him doe it we will not hinder him The said embassadors which accounted to have brought much to passe by their subtill distinction were much astonished when they heard this contradistinction of Quintius for they could not replie one word And in the end ther was no remedie but Antiochus must passe by the distinction of Quintius to avoid Europe Hereby is seene that such subtilties and palliations in treaties of peace and observation of Faith are but ridiculous things For the affaires of the world ought to be governed by a common sence and solid judgement and not by subtilties of distinctions which should bee sent unto Sophisters and Logicians to maintaine their arguments in schooles The Grecians have alwaies been great masters in subtilties as their writings Thusi lib. 1 de bello Peâ—o shew yea too much for often it hath happened that determining to governe the affaires of their commonweales rather by subtill reasons than by arguments founded upon good judgement they have overthrowne themselves into utter ruines and confusions Hereof there is a very memorable example in the Peloponesiake warre described by Thucydides which endured eight and twentie yeares and well nigh ruinated all Greece from top to toe as wee say for it was founded upon a subtiltie of small importance This was the matter Two of the greatest commonweales of all Greece were the commonweales of the Athenians of the Lacedaemonians for all the rest were small in comparison of them and were in a conjunction by a association either with the one or the other except some few as that of the Corcyrians which neither associated with the Athenians nor with the Lacedaemonians These two great commonweales had a treatie of confederacie together wherein amongst other articles there was one which said That if any of the cities of Greece which were not then leagued with either the one or the other of the commonweales would associate themselves either to one or the other they lawfully might But so it happened that the Corcyrians had warre against the Corinthians which were associated with the
newes of all those Parliaments was not the kingdome large and flourishing rich in peace flourishing in warre None can deny this without giving the lie to all our hystories which doe witnesse that in the times of Clowis Charles Martell Charlemaigne Philip August S Lewis and of many other kings of France the kingdome greatly flourished in peace and warre Yet was there no newes of all the Parliaments abovenamed And so much there wanted that the gentlemen troubled or ruinated the estate of the kingdome when there was no Parliaments that by contrary they were they which exercised in person the estates of baylifes and seneshals and ministred justice to every man through the provinces and when they were constrained to goe out they appointed themselves a lieutenant to exercise their offices And as for appellations from their sentences they were discussed by a generall meeting of the deputies of provinces and good townes of the kingdome which congregated at a place assigned by the king once a yeere Which assembly men well called a Parliament in the ould French tongue But those assemblies were not formed offices neither in any thing are like the Parliaments at this present but rather are like the assembly of our Estates generall There did sit the deputies of the Short robe whereof the most part were gentlemeâ— which they called Lay men and the deputies of the Long robe which wee call clerkes although since councellors clerkes are onely called Clerkes Lay men they which be married with the Peeres of France when they would sit with them Therefore gentlemen were employed to doe justice to the people not onely in offices of baylifes and seneshals but also as delegates of townes and provinces to assist in the assembly of Parliament which otherwise men called the court of Peeres It is therefore seene that the saying of Machiavell is a meere slaunder and that the Nobilite of France is not such as he makes it although in all estates there be both good and evill and that of all times even before ther were any Parliaments the Nobilitie were employed to maintaine the kingdome in peace repose by their exercise of the charges offices of justice And would to God that yet at this day gentlemen would not give themselves so much to armes but that some of them would studie the civil law that they might exercise offices of Iustice The ancient Romanes made no lesse account of a civile vertue Many of this time despise letters and the noblenesse of vertue Salust in Catelin wherby a man knew how to maintaine peace justice in his country than of the military vertue whereby we are defended from strange oppression And indeede it is a small thing as Salust saith to bee puissant in armes without when within wee have no counsell For the Barbarians as the Scythians and Tartarians are greatwarriors against their enemies and neighbours yet amongst themselves they have no counsell no good policie no well governed justice no letters sciences nor schooles and in summe they are Barbarians though they bee warlike Whereby appeareth how much it serveth to the publike estate of a countrey to have within it a good justice and a good policie and fit and capable people well to manage it But our gentlemen at this day at the least many have letters and sciences in too great despight and doe thinke it doth derogate from their gentry and nobilitie if they know any thing and make a mocke at such as deale with a pen and inckhorne which is one of the greatest vices which at this day raigneth amongst the Nobilitie And if they delighted not in ignorance but would vouchsafe onely to reade hystories they should finde that Iulius Caesar Augustus Tiberius Claudius Adrian Marke Antonine Severus Macrinus and many other emperours were very learned in letters and sciences yea themselves writ bookes Wee reade also in our hystories that king Charlemaigne king Robert Charles le Sage and of recent memorie king Francis the first of that name were princes endewed with good knowledge for their times I say for their times for the time wherein were these ancient kings except the said king Francis were full of barbarousnesse and ignorance and farre from the learned world of the emperours which wee have before named I will also note another notable vice which runnes currant amongst gentlemen at this day which is That they make so great accompt of their Nobilitie of blood that they esteeme not the Nobilitie of vertue insomuch as it seemeth to some that no vices can dishonour or pollute the Nobilitie and gentry which they bring from their ancestors But they ought well to consider that to their race there was a beginning of Nobilitie which was attributed to the first that was noble in consideration of some vertue which was in him If then the Nobilitie and gentrie of race tooke his originall and spring from vertue it followeth that so soone as it houldeth no more of the said spring it is no more Nobilitie nor gentrie no more nor lesse than the water which commeth and springs from a neate and cleere fountaine when it polluteth and corrupts it selfe in filthie boggs carres fennes and miery sinkes shall bee called the fountaine water since it hath corrupted it selfe in filthie mire and clay but shall bee accounted corrupt and stinking water although it runne from a most pure and cleare spring We reade that the emperour Marke Antonine made so great account of the Nobilitie of vertue although hee himselfe was most noble and of an ancient race that in comparison of it hee made no estimate of Nobilitie of race therefore married hee his daughters to persons which were not of great ancient Nobilitie but to such as were wise and vertuous such as none were found like amongst the most illustrious races of Rome Maecenas also was a great lord in the time of Augustus Caesar issued of a royall race yet hee made no account of that Nobilitie of blood in comparison of that true Nobilitie which is of vertue Hee loved honoured praised and enriched learned men yea was very familiar with them and had them ordinarily at his table although otherwise they were of base race This his love and favour which he bore to learning was the cause that his name by them was immortalized and heereupon such as are liberall and love learned men are called Maecenates The Poet Horace greatly praiseth him because hee preferred the Nobilitie of vertue before that of race when hee saith Thou saist truâ— Macenas what matters it to thee Serm. lib. 1. Saâ—ir 6. On what 〈◊〉 is borne so that borne hee bee free Therefore gentlemen of 〈◊〉 ought not to despise such as by their vertue may bouldly say carry themselveâ—â—or Nobles 〈◊〉 â—ught to respect them and acknowledge in them the cause from whâ—nce their Nobilitie of blood tooke their originall commencement They also which are Noble not onely of race but also of vertue ought verily to be
bee any greater vice or sinne than they are Yea after a man once hath forfeated and failed in his Faith contract and promise although but in small things and of no great reckoning or value they will never afterward esteeme or account him a good or honest man So great I say is their detestation of all kinde of deceit and false dealing But a man needs not mervaile that Machiavell dare so impudentlie lye upon the Almaignes for hee hath brought forth more strange things than this slaunder as wee shall shew hereafter both to the good of all others that shall reade his writings and to the manifest and plaine laying open of him in his true and perfect colours For the effecting whereof let us then now enter into the matter THE FIRST PART ENTREAting what Counsell a Prince should use 1. Maxime A Princes good Councell ought to proceed from his owne wisedome otherwise he cannot be well counselled IT is a Maxime and generall rule sayth Machiavell that good counsell ought to proceed from the vvisdome of the Prince himselfe and not contrarie that the Princes vvisedome should proceed from good Counsell For if the Prince bee not vvise of himselfe hee cannot bee vvell counselled For as much as if hee bee counselled by one alone in the administration of his affaires hardly shall hee find a man of requisit honestie and sufficiencie vvell to counsell him and although hee should find one of such qualitie there were danger that hee would take away his estate For to dominier and reigne there is no honestie or vertue that can keepe in the ambition of men And if an unwise Prince take counsell of many hee must euer make his account to haue discordant and contentious counsels and opinions vvhich hee can never accord nor reconcile in the meane vvhile every one of his Counsellers vvill seeke his particular profit vvithout that the Prince can know or remedie it AT the first shew this Maxime seemeth to haue some appearance of truth but when it shall be well examined a man shall find it not only nothing true but also that it is pernitious and of wicked consequence I am well contented to presuppose that it is very true and certaine That there cannot come a better and Of a wise Prince of himselfe more profitable thing to a people and Commonweale than to haue a Prince wise of himselfe therefore said Plato That men may call that an happie Commonweale when either the Prince that raineth there can play the Philosopher or els when a Philosopher commeth to raigne there that is to say in one word when the Prince is of himselfe wise and prudent For in old time that name Philosopher was taken for a person full of wisedome and science not for a dreaming unsociable man as he is commonly taken at this day Of old that name of Philosopher was attributed for a title of great honour unto the Emperour Marcus Antonius who in truth was a good and a wise Prince But to verifie that which I say it is not needful to alledge many reasons for it is evident inough That the felicitie of a publick estate lieth wholly in well commanding well obeying whereupon resulteth and ariseth an harmonie and concordance so melodious and excellent that as well he that commandeth as he that obeieth do both receive contentment pleasure and utilitie But to obey well dependeth wholly of well commanding and it cannot be without it So well commanding dependeth of the prudence and wisdome of him that commandeth Therefore the Emperour Seuerus being Spartianus in Seuero in warres and his sonne Bassianus with him and being caried in a Litter because he had the Gout as he saw his soldiors discontented and mutinous and would needs have Bassianus his sonne their Cheefetaine he caused all the Army but especially his Colonels Captaines and Corporals to be called and to assemble in one place and after having made unto them some Remonstrance and Oration hee caused straight to be executed to death all the heads of that mutinie After he spoke thus to all the Armie Now know ye that it is the head and not the feet which commandeth you And indeed and truth the good commanding proceeds from the prudence and wisdome of him that commandeth which remaineth and hath his being not in the feet nor armes but in a brave mind wel staied and governed which is aided and helped with a good naturall towardnesse a mature and ripe age and experience And the Prince which can well command shall also vndoubtedly be well obeyed For a prudent commaundement draweth after it withall an obedience because a wise Prince will alwayes advise to found his commandements in Reason and Iustice and to the publicke utilitie not to his owne pleasure by which meanes they that are to obey shall as it were be constrained by the force of reason and equitie and drawne also by the sweetnesse of the profit to yeeld obedience But if some by these meanes cannot be induced to obey as there are alwayes some amongst many they will be brought thereunto either by the example of such as let themselves be overcome with reason and publicke utilitie or els by punishment which is in the Princes hand He that will shew this by pluralitie of examples That prudent Princes haue alwayes been well obeyed and that their kingdomes and countries haue been happy and full of all prosperitie should never haue done but I will content my selfe to alledge only two Salomon was a King most wise and a great Philosopher for he asked wisdome of God and he gaue it him in such abundance that besides that he was 1. Kings 4. 10. 1. Chron 9. ignorant of nothing which a Prince should know well to governe his subjects yet knew he the natures of Plants and living creatures and was so cunning in all kind of Philosophie that his knowledge was admired through the world This his prudence and wisdome made him so respected of all the great Kings his neighbours that they esteemed themselues happie that they could doe him pleasure and might have his amitie By this meanes hee maintained his kingdome in so high and happie a peace that in his time his subjects made no more account of silver than of stones they had such store And as for himselfe he held so magnificall an estate that we read not of any King or Emperor that did the like Charles the wise king of France comming to the Crowne found the kingdome Frossard lib. 1. cap. 132. in great confusion and calamitie For all Guienne part of Normandie Picardie were occupied by the Englishmen he saw he had K. Edward of England the third of that name his adversarie who was one of the most happie and most valiant princes that ever was in England and who certain yeares before had obtained two great victories in Fraunce the one at the journey of Crecy against K. Philip de Valoys where France lost eleuen Princes twelue hundred Gentlemen
Knights and thirtie thousand other people of warre the other victorie was at the journey of Poitiers which also the said K. Edward gained by the conduction of the Prince of Wales his sonne and lieutenant Generall against Iohn King of Fraunce who was there taken prisoner with a son of his called Philip after Duke of Bourgogne and many other Princes and great Lords all which were conducted into England there was made there a great discomfiture of people By these two battailes lost in Fraunce the one after the other in a small time the kingdome was so debilitated of his forces and goods as it could not stand yet for a further heape of mischeefes at Paris and in many other places of the realme at the same time arose there many broiles and civile dissentions But that good King Charles le Sage was so wise and prudent in the conduction and government of the affaires of the realme as well in the time that he was Dolphin and Regent of France his Father being prisoner as after when he was king that by little and little hee laid to sleepe all civile stirres and discords after hee did so much that he recovered upon the Englishmen almost all which they occupied and although he was not so brave a warriour as his father king Iohn nor as his grandfather King Philip yet was he wiser and better advised in his deliberations not hazarding his affaires as they did fearing to be reputed cowards nor did any thing rashly without due consideration Hee tooke not arms in hand but he knew well how and when to employ them to his good Insomuch that K. Edward of England seeing the wisdome of that king made his Armes rebound and become dull and his victories and conquests to be lost and annihilated Truly said he I neuer knew king that lesse useth Armes yet troubleth me so much he is all the day enditing letters and hurteth me more with his missives than ever did his Father or Grandfather with their great forces and Armes Behold the witnesse which king Edward gave of the wisdome of his enemie king Charles which was yet of so great efficacie that he brought his kingdome into a good peace by the meanes wherof his people became rich and wealthie where before they were as poore and miserable And not only the people became rich but the king also himselfe heaped up great treasures which hee left to his sonne after him insomuch that he was not onely surnamed the Wife but the Rich also I could to this purpose adde here many other examples but in a thing so cleare the example of these two kings Salomon and Charles shall suffice which two for their great wisdome have acquired the name of Wife they both were rich in great treasures both of them maintained their subjects in peace both left their kingdomes opulent and abundant and placed the estates of their Commonwealths in great felicitie It is a thing then plaine confessed That it is an exceeding great good to a people Prudence is more requisit in a Princes Counsell than in himselfe when they have a Prince that is wise of himselfe but thereupon to inferre and say as Machiavell doth That the government of Prince ought to depend vpon his owne proper wisdome and that he cannot be well counselled but by himselfe is evill concluded and such a conclusion is false and of pernitious consequence For a Prince how prudent soever he be ought not so much to esteeme of his owne wisedome as to despise the counsell of other wise men Salomon despised them not and Charles the wise alwaies conferred of his affaires with the wise men of his Counsell And so farre is it off that the Prince ought to despise anothers Counsell that even he ought to conform his opinion to that of the men of his Counsell which are wise and ought not stubbornely to resist their advise but to follow it and hold his owne for suspected And therefore that wise and cunning Emperour Marcus Antonius the Philosopher being in his privie Counsell house where was that great Lawyer Scaevola Maetianus Volusianus many other great persons excellent in knowledge and honestie after having well debated with them the matters they handled when sometimes he tooke in hand to sustaine opinions contrarie to theirs Well said he masters The thing then must be done according to your advise For it is much more reasonable that I alone follow the opinion of so good a number of my good and faithfull friends as you are than that so many wise men should follow the opinion of me alone Vnto this opinion of the Emperor Antonius agreeth also the common Proverbe That many eyes see clearer than one eye alone Experience also teacheth vs That things determined and resolved by many braines are alwayes wiser safer better ordered than the resolutions of one alone And we see also that the ancient Dionis Halic lib. 2. Romanes and all Commonweales well governed as well in times past as at this day have alwayes followed and observed that which by pluralitie of wise mens voices was concluded determined And truly so much the wiser a Prince is so much the more will he suspect his owne opinion For the same wisedome which is in him wil persuade him not to beleeve himselfe too much and to have his own judgement for suspected in his owne case as all publicke affaires may be said to be proper to the Prince and to permit him to be governed by his Counsell And contrarie because there are no people more presumptuous nor that thinke to know more than they which know little nor that thinkes to be more wise than they that have no wisdome if you learne a Prince that thinketh himselfe wise this principle of Machiavell That he ought to governe himselfe by his owne wisdome and Counsell and that he cannot be better counselled than by himselfe you shall streight find inconveniences For then shal you see that he will beleeve neither counsell nor advise but that comes out of his owne head and he will say to them that will give him any That he vnderstands well his owne matters and that he knoweth what he hath to doe and so will bring his estate and affaires into confusion and overthrow all upside downe And from whence comes this evill government and disorder Even from that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which willeth That a Prince should govern himselfe by his own wisedome and that maintaineth That a prince cannot be well counselled but by his owne wisedome The consequence then of this Maxime is not small seeing the publicke state of a countrey may stagger and be overthrowne thereby Better then it is that contrarie the Prince hold this resolution To govern himselfe by good counsell and beleeve it and have in suspition his owne wisedome For if the Prince bee wise and his opinion found to be founded upon Reason they of his Counsell will easily fall to his advise seeing also that
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
at Paris shewed him in all humilitie how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesties obedience as being their king and naturall soveraigne Prince but that they besought him humbly to accord Priviledges of Rochell them certaine priviledges The king demanded what priviledges First said they That it would please your Majestie to agree unto us that the Towne of Rochell may be inseparably united unto the Crowne of France so that it may never be seperated nor dismembred by peace mariage nor by any compact condition or misadventure that can come in Fraunce Secondly that the Castle may be throwne to the earth without which we will keepe the towne of Rochell well for your Majestie The king perceiving their demands and finding them reasonable and proceeding from a true French heart accorded their requests and so the Rochellois returned merily into the French obedience from whence they had been seperated to their great greefe Here then you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdome that law of not alienating the Lands Townes and Provinces of the Crowne was made But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois some Messer will say How happeneth it then that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects hereunto the answere is easie and evident that is that they are at this day as good Frenchmen as ever were the ancestours but they are not good Italians neither meane to be subject under the yoke of strangers no more than their ancestors Let us now come to the other example King Francis the first of that name being prisoner at Madril in Spain in power of the emperour Charles the fist there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes whereby amongst other things the king promised the emperor to grant him all his right and possession of the Dutchie of Burgoigne and that he would imploy himselfe to cause the Estates of the countrey to condiscend therunto This accord being concluded the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne and there by his embassadours summoned him to ratifie the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appeare to be made without constraint unto which embassadours the king answered that he could doe nothing in that article concerning the Dutchie of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects because he could not aliene it without their consent and that he would cause the Estates of the countrey to assemble to know their wils therein Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together which would by no meanes consent unto the said alienation whereof hee advertised the emperour who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents was content with that answer upon this condition That the king would assure the said Dutchie unto the first heire male which the said king should have by Elenor the said emperours sister unto whom he was then espoused so that that law That the king cannot alienate the Crowne-land was then verie profitable unto the king and the kingdome And unto this agree the doctors of the Civill law which hold that the emperour cannot aliene any thing of the Empires but he is bound to increase it to his power And from thence they drawe but foolishly the etymologie of that name Augustus saying The Emperors are called Augusti for that they ought to encrease and cannot diminish the Empire as much say they of other kings and monarchs for there is therein the like reason For a conclusion no man of perfect judgment can denie but these three lawes of the kingdome of France namely the law Salicke the law of the Estates general and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crowne are the verie true pillars bases and foundations of the kingdome and the royaltie which none can or ought to abolish I doubt not but there will be found manie which will be quarelling at those aforesaid examples and reasons and will say That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said lawe is to diminish his power and to give limitation and restriction to his soveraigne authoritie But for reply I will only demaund If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate If they confesse yea as none can denie it if he be not altogether without judgement I say it followeth by argument taken from contraries that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince to ruinate himselfe and his estate And by consequent it followeth that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of him and his estate so much there wanteth that we diminish his power that by the contrarie we establish it and make it more firme greater and as it were invincible As also on the contrarie they which say that a Prince can abolish and change his lawes upon which he and his Estate are founded they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himselfe For to take it rightly and in good sence it is an act of impuissance to ruinat destroy overthrow and to participate his estate And contrarie it is an act of power to conserve himselfe and maintaine his estate No more nor no lesse than when a building falleth upon the earth or when a man letteth it fall these be acts of feeblenesse frailetie and impuissance but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth streight and firme without cracking or falling these be acts of force and power As for the law Naturall it cannot be abolished For if a Prince will authorise The law naturall cānot be abolished by the king or any other adulteries incests thefts murders and massacres and other like crimes which naturall reason and common sence causeth us to abhorre and detest certaine and evident it is that such authorising is of no value and that the Prince cannot doe this When the emperor Claudius wold espouse Agrippina his niece his brothers daughter he made a Law whereby he authorised the mariage of the uncle with the niece which was published all over but sayth Suetonius no man would imitate and follow the Emperours example but a bad servant newly enfranchised and a souldier every body so detested and abhorred such kind of mariages as being contrarie to the naturall law and common sence And indeed this mariage fell not out well for Sueto in Claudio cap. 26. Tacitus Annal lib. 12. him For Agrippina his neece and wife poysoned him to bring to the Empire Nero hir sonne whom she had had by another husband and had caused him to be adopted for his sonne although he had by his first wife Messalina another naturall sonne called Britanicus whom Nero when he came to the Empire empoysoned to
mens spirits as well as their bodies are journals and have their viscicitudes and changes for from the wisest sometimes doe escape absurd and strange opinions An example hereof may well be Charles duke of Burgoigne then earle of Charolois hee having made a peace with the towne Com. lib. 1. cap. 27 20. of Liege went soone after to besiege Dinant a towne nigh the other They of Liege going against the treatie of peace made readie an armie to go succour Dinant but they there arrived after the towne was taken The duke fierce of his victorie would needs have rushed upon theÌ„ of Liege as peace breakers but an agreement was made That they should observe the said forme of peace that for effect that they should give three hundred men for hostages which were named the next morning at eight of the clocke The next morning came and eight of the clocke yea noone but no hostages were delivered so that the duke would gladly have run upon the towne of Liege yet he demanded counsell of the knights of his Counsell The marshall of Burgundie and the lord de Countay were of advice to fall upon them that there was just occasion because they had not held their word to send hostages at the houre they promised and a man might now have them in good case because they were all devided and dispersed But the earle of S. Paule was of a contrary mind saying That a multitude could not bee so soone accorded and that men must not so measure affaires of importance by houres and minutes but that it were yet good to summon them by an harrold This opinion of the earle of S. Paule was followed of the most of the Counsell so that a Trumpet was sent to summon them who met the hostages by the way comming to the duke Here note if the duke had had of his Counsell none but the said Marshall and de Countay what effusion of humane blood had followed of these poor Liegiois which would well have kept their words but they could not so soone effect it What yet came to passe Yet certaine time after the said men of Liege broke againe the said covenants of peace so that the said duke would have caused to die the said three hundred hostages which could not do withall nor were the cause of the peace breaking but they were onely pledges and answeres of the publicke saith The duke asked his Counsels advice The said de Countay was of advice they should be slaine but M. de Imbercourt a wise knight was of the contrary mind saying It were best to take God on our side and not to sley so many innocents for the fault of their concitizens and for their yeelding themselves hostages was in part to obey their common-wealth and partly to employ themselves for the good of their countries but that for that cause they merited not to die This opinion was followed and that de Countay rejected as cruell A little while after died the said de Countay as if it were by a judgement of God although that no man had ever seene him before either cruell in deed or in opinion He was also reputed a very wise knight but there is not so good an horse which stumbleth king feaver into an hote ague as the French proverbe is For the same reason the emperour Otho Galba his successour was evill beloved of all the people which Dion in Othon were in an exceeding feare to see about him them which had beene the ministers and Counsellors to Nero. For although Otho after hee was created Emperour made a reasonable good entrie and shewed himselfe very kind and courteous and moderate in all things seeking by liberalitie and such other meanes to obtain every mans good will yet men could not trust him in any manner nor hope from him any good as long as he was served with Nero his servants So that being so evill beloved he endured not long but being overcome of Vitellius he slew himselfe Contrarily king Lewis the twelfth comming to the crowne of France governed himselfe evil by leaving and forsaking the old and ancient Counsellors and servants of king Charles the seventh his father such as the Countie de Dunois the Marshall de Loheac the Countie de Dampmartin M. Charles de Ambois the Lords de Chaumont du Bueil and other like For he ought to have considered that he succeeded a king which was wise and who had very well managed and ruled his realme and by consequent who had good Counsellors and servants which the rather he should have reserved and retained in his service as indeed hee did a good time after he was made king when he knew by experience the fault he had made For amongst other good parts which were in the said Lewis the twelfth he was not proud but humble and could well acknowledge his faults and amend them insomuch that the fault that he made in disappointing the good servants of his father ought no more to be imputed unto him for an error since he corrected and amended it As sayth the Poet Sophocles To faile and fall a common thing it is To all mankind but he that hath the skill Salve to provide to heale that is amisse Astray goes not as he that stands in ill Which never happeneth to a proud man who alwaies persevers in his evils and if a man will shew him any thing for his good he takes it in evill part and in place to â—mend he addeth more unto them and commits fault upon fault whereby followes his ruine The emperour Galba was of that nature For when a man required anything of him or that any shewed him any faults in the government of the Common-wealth he would provide no remedie for it fearing to be seen to obtemperate and obey his subjects But as for that I have said concerning the change which sometimes ought by a CouÌ„sellors of a Prince dislâ—ked of great men and oâ— the people ought to be put off prince to be made of the Counsellors and servants of his predecessors this hath often happened in France That the king hath ben forced to change new Counsellors to appease the Nobilitie and the male-content people This happened to king Chilperic the first of that name the sonne of valiant king Merovee for he governed himselfe by evill Counsellors which the Frenchmen drove from him whereof hee was so afraid that he fled But a certaine time after he was called againe and governed well by good and wise Counsell and proved a good and a valiant king The same also came to passe in king Charles the wise being Dolphin to king Charles the sixt his sonne to king Charles the seventh and Lewis the eleventh and to many others Annal. upon An. 1458. which is not needfull here to insert But I must needs say That sometimes such changes have been procured rather upon envie than upon just complaint they have made against them which governed and such envies
also comes that vertuous people beeing angry and chafed to see themselves despised as also to see strangers preferred before them suffer themselves to be governed and guided by turbulent passions contrarie to their natures Moreover it seemeth well that the Poet Hesiodius and Aristotle shoot not farre from the white of truth when they say That by right of nature he ought to dominier and rule who hath the more able spirit to know how to command well and he that hath the lesseable ought to obey And although sovereign principalities are not ruled by that naturall law because of the difficultie which falleth ordinarily in the execution of their election yet for all that that law alwayes sticketh naturally in the spirits and minds of men insomuch as it seemes to them which feele themselves to have some sufficiencie that there is wrong done them when they are put by to bring into an office one lesse capable By the abovesaid reasons then I hope men may see and usually we reade how great disorders doe often come when princes have preferred strangers unto publicke charges offices and honours before them of that nation and countrey where such charges and honours are distributed and exercised The yeare 1158 William king of Sicilie by his originall was a Frenchman gave Annale 1168. the estate of the Chancellor of his kingdome to a person very capable and fit but he was not that countreyman but a Frenchman The lords of the kingdome greeved to see a stranger constituted in so high an estate within their countrey and that A strange Chancellor cause of a great massacre in Sicilie the greatest magistracie of justice must needs be exercised by strange hands a very cruell conspiration For not onely they conspired the death of that chancellor a Frenchman but also of all them of the French nation which were dispersed in the kingdome of Sicilie Calabria and Apuleia For that purpose sent they secret letters through all the townes and places of the said countries whereby they advertised their friends and adherents which were alreadie prepared all over that they should massacre and slay each one respectively the Frenchmen of their places and towns on the day and hour that they would assigne them Which was executed and there was made in the said countries an horrible butcherie and exceeding great effusion of French blood Behold the mischeefe that came in that kingdome for having a stranger for their chancellor True it is that some may say that this massacre of the Frenchmen in Sicilia and other countries of Italie happened not so much for that reason that there was a strange chancellor as for that the Italian race hath alwayes ben much enclined to shed the blood of our nation For that same race made also another like generall massacre in the year 1282 by a conspiration wherin it was concluded that every one of the country should slay or cause to be slaine his French guest at the first sound of their Evensong bell even upon Easter day Which conspiration was not only executed but also the rage of the massacrers was so great that they ripped the bodies of women of their owne nation alive which were never so little suspected to be gotten with child by Frenchmen to stifle the fruit they caried And this cruell and barbarous massacre was called the Sicilian Evensong By the SiciliaÌ„ EveÌ„song imitation hereof the same race complotted and executed not in Sicilie but in France it selfe and through all the best townes of the kingdome the horrible and generall massacre of the yeare 1572 which will ever bleed and whereof their hands and swords are yet bloodie Of which exploit they have since incessantly vaunted and braved calling it The Parisien Matines M. Martin du Bellay rehearseth also in Paritien Matinâ— his Memories how the same race murdered a great number of poore souldiers after the journey of Pavie comming towards France lame wounded and unarmed slaying them in their high waies But such is this peoples generositie of heart alwayes to be tenne or twentie against one and to brave such as are wounded or unarmed which have no meanes to resist This Messeresque generositie is at this day called in France Coyonnerie and Poltromerie But let us come to our purpose touching the disorders that come by strange magistrates By the peace of Bretaigne made betwixt Iohn king of Fraunce and Edward king Froissart lib. 1. cap. 216. 246 c. Pla. in Martin 4. of England the countrie of Aquitaine was acquited purely and in al soveraigntie by the sayd king Iohn to the said king Edward This king Edward from the first possession of the sayd countrie gave it to the prince of Wales his eldest sonne who came and lay in Bourdeaux and apart kept a court great and magnificall The gentlemen of Gascoigne and of other countries of Acquitaine which by the means of the sayd peace should become vassals to the king of England to the said prince of Wales his sonne came straight to find the prince at Bourdeaux first to sweare their faith and homage secondly to obtaine his favour and good countenance as is the custome of all nobilitie The prince of Wales very gently courteously benignly and familiarly entertained them but in the meane while he gave all the offices estates of the countrie as the captainships and governments of the towns and castles the offices of bayliffs and stewards the estates of his court unto English gentlemen where of he had alwaies great store about him These English gentlemen although they held no other goods but their estates spent prodigally and held as great a traine as the lords of the countrey and to maintaine that they committed great extortions upon the people Hereupon came it that the people feeling themselves oppressed by the English officers the nobilitie and vertuous people seeing themselves recoiled and kept from offices that the prince gave al to strangers which were not of that nation and that herewith he would needs impose a new tribute and impost upon the countrie in a little time all revolted from his obedience and so caused all the towns of Aquitaine to revolt one after another insomuch that the king of England and the sayd prince of Wales his sonne lost straight all the countrey having therewithall procured the evill will of their subjects by giving offices unto strangers Iohn duke of Bretaigne in regard that hee had taken a wife in England was marvellously Froiss lib. 1. cap 311 â—14 affected to the English partie yea against the king of Fraunce his soveraign lord The nobilitie of Bretaigne were much grieved therat insomuch that one day the three greatest lords of the countrie that is to say the lord de Clisson de Laval and de Rohan went to him and after salutations said to him in this manner Sir wee know not upon what thought you shew your selfe so enclinable and favourable unto the English you know that the
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
boldnesse have made a mock of God but it was never seene that they felt not the punishment and vengeance of their audaciousnesse and impietie as hereafter we will shew by examples Yet wee have cause greatly to deplore the miserie and calamitie of the time wherein we are which is so infected with Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that Atheists esteemed serviceable men even they which have no religion are best esteemed and are called in the court-language people of service because being fraughted with all impietie and Atheisme and having well studied their Machiavell which they know upon their fingers they make no scruple nor conscience at any thing Commaund them to slay and massacre they slay and massacre commaund them to rob and spoile good Catholickes and Cleargie men they rob and spoile all They hold benefices with souldiers garments and short clokes yet exercise no Religion nor cares but for the gaine therof Commaund them to enterprise the betraying or impoysoning of this or that person they make no scruple at it yea they themselves excogitate and devise all wickednesse and impieties as the invention of so many new imposts upon the poore people which they destroy and cause to die with hunger without having any commiseration Atheists inventors of imposts or compassion upon them no more than upon brute beasts Not many yeares agoe did not they invent the impost of processes and contentions of law in Fraunce by the meanes of which impost a poore man cannot seeke by law to recover his owne unlesse before hand he pay the said impost and that he shewed his acquittance But by the meanes of that generous prince of Conde of happie memorie it was taken away by his complaints against these Atheists inventors of such novelties which both by nation and religion are Machiavelistes Have not they also invented new customes tributes and imposts upon paper upon Innes to bee paid by travellers upon the sales of exemptions for lodging souldiers of wardships of marriages of Consulships Syndikes and other such like which cannot bee devised but by impious people which have neither love to their neighbour nor to their countrey the impost of the small seale for sealing of contracts came it not from the same forge If it had not been for the Evangelikes which alone hitherto durst open their mouths to complain of these horse-leeches and blood-suckers had they not lately made lawes and coined edicts to command tributes and summes of mony for each child that should be baptised likewise to levie the twentieth part of every womans dowrie and marriage upon the first conclusion of every mariage yea although after they breake off againe Have they not established the vent and sale of offices of judgement and so brought that now into common use which was utterly abolished by the generall Estates at Orleans have not they devised the offices of Counsellors without wages within Bayliwikes and Stewardships and all for silver Have they not and yet every day doe they not cause the value of money to be augmented for their owne profit for after that by the meanes of their bankes fermes and other their dealings in the realme they have gathered great heapes of money they can at their pleasure enhaunce the value thereof both in their hands and out of their hands Yet none complaines thereof But in the end it will produce and bring forth some great disorder and confusion as hath sometimes been seen for like actions for the reasons well ynough knowne to wise people As for peace these people never like of for they fish alwayes in a troubled water gathering riches and heapes of the treasures of the Realme whilest it is in trouble and confusion They alwayes have in their mouths their goodly Maximes of their Machiavell to empeach and hinder a good peace A prince say they must cause himselfe to bee feared rather than loved this must be held as a resolved point But if a peace be accorded to these rebels such as they desire then would it seeme that the king were afraid of his subjects whereas he should make himselfe to be feared True it is that if such a peace could be made with them as it might againe procure another S. Bartholmewes journey nothing were so good pleasant as that For that is another resolved point and Maxime That a prince ought not to hold any faith or promise but so farre as concernes his profit and that hee ought to know how to counterfeit the foxe to catch and entrap other beasts and as soone as he hath them in his nets to play the lion in slaying devouring them We have set downe unto us that goodly example of Caesar Borgia who in our country could so well counterfeit the said two beasts Behold here the language and dealings of our Machiavelistes which at this day men call people of Service for that there is no wickednesse in the world so strange and detestable but they wil enterprise invent and put it in execution if they can From whence comes it that they be thus enclined to all wickednesse It is because they are Atheists contemners of God neither beleeving there is a God which Atheists encline to all wickednes because they feare not the punishment of God seeth what they doe nor that ought to punish them It is that goodly doctrine of Machiavell which amongst other things complaines so much that men cannot be altogether wicked as we shall touch in his place These good disciples seeing that their master found this imperfection amongst men that they could not shew themselves altogether and in all things wicked doe seeke by all meanes to attaine a degree of perfect wickednesse And indeed they have so well studied and profited in their masters schoole and can so well practise his Maximes that none can deny but they are come unto the highest degree of wickednesse What need men then to be abashed if they see in the world and especially in this poore kingdome of France such famine pestilence civile warres the father to band against his sonne brother against his brother they of the same Religion one against another with all hatred envie disloyaltie treasons perfidies conspirations empoysonments other great sinnes to raigne Is there any marvaile if the people goe to wracke the Cleargie be impoverished the Nobilitie almost extinct For it is the first judgement and vengeance of God which he exerciseth against us because some are filled with all impietie and Atheisme which they have learned of Machiavell and others which should resist such impieties least they should take root doe suffer them to encrease augment So that indeed all men are culpable of Atheisme impietie of the despight of God and Religion which at this day raigneth Therefore most righteously dooth God punish us all For Atheisme and impietie is so detestable and abhominable before Impietie punished of God God that it never remaineth unpunished The Emperour Caius Caligula was a
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
Caesar Bourgia and Agathocles And that Italie delights in nothing so much as novelties and the Italians surpasse other nations in force agilitie of bodie and spirit True it is saith he that vvhen it commeth to battailes they vvill never appeare but men must lay the fault thereof upon the cowardise and little heart of their captaines because they that have knowledge vvill not willingly obey and every man presumeth to know much He sheweth moreover That the magnificent Lawrence had good occasion to enterprise the taking of Italie to deliver it from the slavish servitude wherein it is and that enterprise should be founded upon good iustice because that vvarre cannot faile to be esteemed iust vvhich is necessarie and all armes are good and reasonable when men have no hope otherwhere but by them THis Maxime of Machiavell is a true meanes to sow both civile strange warres all over the world For if princes had this persuasion that it were lawfull for them to assaile any other prince under the pretext and shew that hee handled not well his subjects princes should never want occasions to warre one against another And therefore to say that the magnificent Laurence de Medicis had just occasion to get Italie to deliver it from the evill handling of the potentates thereof which there dominiered and ruled this in no sort could bee called a just cause of warr but it rather may be called an evill against an evill and tyrannie against tyrannie because they de Medicis cannot say that they have any right or title unto Italie But if wee consider what tyrannie is as the elders have spoken thereof we shall find that not onely men in old time called such princes tyrants which handled evill and rudely their subjects as Caligula Nero Commodus other like but also such as handled well and kindlie their subjects when without title they usurped domination upon them as Iulius Cesar Hieron of Siracuse the governours which the Lacedaemonians set over Athens and other like And therefore a prince which hath no title over a countrey cannot lawfully invade it to get dominion there but by tyrannie whatsoever good intent he surmise or have to use the inhabitants friendly when he hath conquered it yet he may well aide another prince having lawfull title to oppose against a tyrannie because that is a common dutie whereby all good princes are obliged to help all such as by title and legitimate cause doe oppose themselves to resist a tyrannie But if a prince goe about to usurpe another countrie after the counsell of Macbiavell without lawfull title under a vaile to deliver that countrey from tyrannie this cannot bee well and justlie done unles a man will say that one tyrant may justlie expulse an other tyrant The Romanes have many times by example shewed this to bee true and never Titus Liviuâ— lib. 7. Dec. 1 would they deale in warre against any man without just title The Samnites which were a mightie people made one warre against the Campani neighbours unto the Romanes which sent to Rome to demand succours They shewed that they were the None may move warre without just title and cause Romanes neighbours and that it well became the Romane generositie and vertue to succour their neighbours seeing also that by marriages there were infinit alliances betwixt the Romanes and the Campanians and the Romanes might alwaies draw great commodities and profits from Campania which was a fertill and plentifull countrie But they could never obtaine other thing at the Romane Senates hand for these allegations but that the Senate sent embassadours to the Samnites to pray them to cease making warre upon the Campanians the Romanes neighbours Then the Campanians deputies said Well my masters seeing you will not now defend us against an unjust tyrannous invasion yet at the least defend that which is your owne for wee yeeld and give our selves to you yea us and all that is ours Then the Senate taking title and foundation of this dedition enterprised the defence of the Campanians which otherwise without title they would never have enterprised And truely the saying of the emperour Martian is very memorable and deserveth good observation That a prince ought never to move warre whilest hee could Pomp. Laetus in Martian maintaine peace as if he would say That Armes ought not to bee employed by a prince but in the defence of his countrey and not to assaile another And indeed a man had need looke about him more than once before hee moove warre and well consider and examine if therein there bee just cause or no for warres are easie to commence as M. Comines sayth but very uneasie to appease and finish And upon this we reade That in the Senate of Rome there was once a very notable disputation betweene Cato one esteemed the wisest of Rome and Scipio Nasica who was reputed the best man of Rome The matter was this After the first Punicke warre the Romanes made peace with the Carthaginians by which peace was accorded That the Carthaginians might not rig any ship of warre nor moove warre against the Romanes or their allies It came to passe a certaine time after this peace that the Carthaginians gathered together many ships which being reported at Rome and the matter propounded in counsell in the Senate Cato and many others reasoned That warre should be made upon the Carthaginians because they had gone from the treatie of peace and that warre might justly be offered unto them as breakers of peace But Scipio Nasica was of a contrarie opinion That there was yet no sufficient cause to make warre for although the Carthaginians had gone against the peace and violated their faith and promise yet the Romanes received no offence or damage as yet and therefore he was of advice That the Carthaginians should bee summoned to lay downe their armes and untackle their ships and observe peace even in the articles which they had broken The pluralitie of voices were of Nasica his opinion and accordingly men were sent to Carthage to summon them to obtemperate and obey the treatie of peace and to repaire contraventions They would doe nothing therein but prepared themselves more to set upon Massinissa their allie and friend Then this comming to counsell in the Senate all agreed That then there was just cause to move warre against the Carthaginians seeing they had alreadie begun to practise the same against Massinissa their allie and friend but there also were diverse opinions whether they should altogether ruinate from the top to the bottome the towne of Carthage after they had taken it or to let it still remaine a towne Cato was of opinion totally to ruinate and destroy it because it could not be kept in any fidelitie but would breake her faith and promise at the first occasion that offered it selfe Nasica was of a contrarie advice saying It was good that Rome had alwayes an enemie upon whom to make warre that the Romane people might
instigation of flatterers and envious people An example hereof is memorable of king Lewis the twelfth who was called the Father of the people For in his time certaine Cardinals and Prelates persuaded him to exterminate and utterly to root out all the people of Cabriers and Merindol in Provence which were the reliques of the Christians called Albi then sore persecuted for Christ telling him That they were sorcerers incestuous Molinaeus de la Monarchia deâ— Francois Anno. 155. persons and heretickes They of Merindol and Cabriers having some sente of the aforesaid accusation sent certaine of their wisest men to remonstrate to the king their justice and innocencie As soone as these men were arrived at the Court the said Cardinals and Prelates did what they could to hinder that they should not be heard and indeed told the king that he ought not to heare them because the Cannon law holds That men ought not to give audience to heretickes nor communicate with them The king replied That if he had to make warre upon the Turke yea against the divell himselfe he would heare them This was an answere worthie of a king For seeing kings hold in their hands the scepter of justice this is not to use but to abuse To condemne any not to heare them The said king Lewis then hearing the said messengers of Cabriers and Merindol they shewed him in all humilitie that their people received the Gospell the Bible the Apostles Creed the commaundements of God and the Sacraments but they beleeved not in the Pope nor in his doctrine and that if it pleased his Majestie to send to enquire of the truth of their speeches they were contented all to die if their words were not found true This good king would needs know if it were so and indeed deputed M. Adam Fumee his master of Requests and one M. Parvi a Iacobin his Confessor to go to Cabriers and Merindol to enquire of the life and religion of the inhabitants in those places which they did and after they had seene and knowne all they made their report unto the king That in those places their children were baptized they taught them the articles of the Faith and the commandements of God that they well observed their Sabboths alwayes preaching thereon the word of God and as for sorceries and whoredomes there were none amongst them moreover they found no images in their temples nor ornaments of the Masse The king having received this report what judgement gave he of it did hee condemne them straight because they had no images nor ornaments of the Masse No he presently swearing by his oth pronounced That they were better men than he or all his people Here may princes learne how to use themselves in supporting against slanderers such in whom there is no appearance of error But leaving this question and againe taking our purpose certaine it is That a prince ought not lightly to attempt warre as Machiavell persuadeth and upon A prince ought to seeke all meanes to put out war by a peace some necessitie having warre in hand he ought to search out and accept all honest conditions to get out of it For sometimes the prince which refuseth honest and reasonable conditions upon hope that his forces are great falleth oftentimes into great distresse and it hath been many times seene that pettie captaines have made head against great and strong powers of mightie princes In the time of the battaile of Poictiers where king Iohn was taken the prince of Wales before the battaile offered the king to yeeld him all that both hee and his Froisar lib. 1 cap 161. Annales upon Anno 1356 Annales upon Anno 1433. people had conquered since his departure from Bourdeaux also to yeeld him all the pillage but the king would not accept this offer but withall asked that the prince and foure of the greatest lords of the armie should yeeld themselves at his will The prince who was generous chose rather to fight it out than to accept so shamefull and dishonorable an accord so hee and his army fought valiantly insomuch that a very little numbar of English overcame great forces of the French and the king was taken and many other great princes and lords for which to redeeme the kingdome was so emptied of silver that they were compelled to make money of leather which in the middest had onely a note of siluer and from this battaile proceeded infinite evils miseries and calamities which had not happened if the king had beene so well advised as to have forgone that war by soft and assured meanes rather than by the hazard of the battaile But contrary to king Iohn king Charles the seaventh reconquering Guienne and Normandie upon the English never refused any proffer or composition sought alwaies to recover that which his predecessors had justly lost without effusion of bloud The Romane hystories are ful of such like examples For that which overthrew the Carthaginians the king Perseus the king Mithridates that which abated the pride of Philip king of Macedon of that great king Antiochus and of many others was they could never accept the good and reasonable conditions of peace which was offered unto them by the Romanes but would rather experiment what force founded upon a good right could doe I say founded upon good right because a small force which hath right with it oftentimes abateth a great force which is not founded on a good right the reason is evident because hee that knoweth hee hath just cause to make warre and which seeth that his adversary trusting much in his forces will not come to any reasonable composition redoubleth his courage his heat and fighteth more valiantlie than hee which is driven thereunto rather upon pride than of any generositie of heart but the principall reason thereof is that God who giveth victories inclineth most often to the rights side and although sometimes it seemes that the wrong carrieth away the victorie yet alwaies God shewes by the end issue according to which we must judge that hee is fot the right Above all the prince ought to appease the warres in his owne countrey whether A prince ought to appease war in his owne countrey they be raised by strangers or by his owne subjects for as for such warres as he may have in a strange land against strangers it may happen they will not prove so evill but hee may provide good souldiers in his neede and especiallie this point is considerable when a princes subjects are naturallie enclined to warre as is the French nation for then necessarily they must bee emploied in that wherein is their naturall disposition or els they will move war against themselves as Salust saith in these words If saith hee the vertue and generositie of princes captaines and men of warre might so well be emploied and shew it selfe of such estimate in peace as in warre humane things would carry themselves more constantly and men
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
of them if they were pardoned the invasion of the former peaces and if now they had a new peace granted them how they would observe it The same embassador with such like hautinesse of heart as before If said he yee will give us a good peace wee will faithfully and perpetually observe it but if you give us an evill peace it will not hold long Some of the Senators disdained and disliked this answere saying they spoke too proudly and as it were already to threaten a revoult and that it did not beseeme vanquished people to carry such high mindes but the wisest and discreetest part of the Senat thought not this answere evill or impertinent but that this embassador spake like a franke and free man and that men should not finde it strange if every man detained in servage would bee remitted into his naturall libertie as soone as hee can and hath meanes for his purpose and therefore resolutely they conclude That the Privernates must have such a peace as to bee received Romane citizens enjoying the same liberties and priveledges that they of the towne of Rome did This was performed and very notable is the reason of their motive For say they there is the peace loyall and assured where men doe willingly appease themselves and a man neede not looke or hope for an assured peace where men are brought to a slavish subjection Heere is also to bee marked the advice and opinion of Titus Livius dictator which hee spake in a full Senat upon that which the Latins demanded that the treatie Dionisius Halic lib. 6. of peace that they had with the Romanes might be confirmed unto them which notwithstanding they themselves had broken in rebelling against the Romanes and beeing vanquished Masters said hee my advice is that wee ought to use kindlie and moderarelie the victorie which wee have had against the Latins for it is the most excellent praise that can come either to publike or private persons not to suffer themselves to be corrupted by prosperitie but to know how to use that is good with a modest and equall courage because all prosperities are accompained with envy yea although they come to oppresse the vanquished that make no resistance Moreover wee ought not so much to trust in fortune which is too inconstant and mutable as wee have many times experimented and therefore ought not to constraine our adversaries to come to the last remedie that is dispaire which often elevateth the heart yea and often the fortune we have cause also to feare the evill grace and disfavour of such as wee would command which should come to passe if wee should alwaies shew our selves rude and sharpe towards such as wee finde faulty For our ancestors have not obtained the seigniory and domination which they have left us by shewing themselves sharp rigorous but rather by appearing gentle benigne and easie to pardon moreover wee must consider that nature hath given all men a desire of libertie insomuch as the faults which men commit being drawne on with desire are greatly to be excused and he that would punish them which desire a good thing certainely it were the next way to overthrow all good order and to bring in amongest men a confusion to murther and sley one another Finally masters wee must consider that the best and most firme domination is that whereby subjects are more detained by good deeds in obedience than that whereby they are contained in their duties by punishments for a good will and well liking accompanieth the one and feare the other but whatsoever is feared is also naturally hated we must also imitate our ancestors which made themseves great in building of townes not in ruinating them in drawing their neighbours into their citie not in slaying them I therefore conclude that wee ought to renew and reconfirme to the Latins the treatie of peace This opinion of dictator Largius was followed by Servius Sulpitius who reasoned next after him and generally by all the Senat as full of all reason and equitie and if at this day men bee governed by reason certaine it is that that opinion of Largius should bee sufficient to shew to any prince that to have a good and durable peace hee ought to grant such a one as men will willinglie observe which will bee done whan thereby shall bee accorded a reasonable liberty under a good assurance And as for assurances of peace the elders in strange warres were wont to use hostages Assurances of peace but the principall bonds there was publike faith and oth whereof wee shall speake in another place as for civile warres they had some other particular meanes beside faith and othe for they bestowed offices of charge and publike estates upon some of them and the other party if not egallie yer so justly as they could to content both the one and the others This often happened at Rome when the commons of the third Estate beeing oppressed of the greatest and richest for that cause there arose up some pupularie insurrection For the common means they used to appease such stirs was almost ordinarily to receive them of the third Estate to the consulship or to be censor priest or Praetor or to other offices insomuch as in the end all offices and Estates were open to all sorts of people without distinction of nobles or basest trades onely regarding their vertue good reputation which alwaies carried away the price untill they which were rich began to buy the voices of election And truly it seemeth that when they of the one partie saw themselves recoyled from the estates charges of the body of the commonwealth wherof they are members and that they are rebutted estranged as suspected persons that thereby they have just occasion to distrust themselves as other men put no trust in them And to this purpose the answere of Brutus is well to be marked for such as were of the third Estate in Rome to the delegates and embassadours of the nobles and Patricians Masters saith hee they of the third Estate in Rome know well that you lords Patricians are indeede men of our word and that for nothing you will contradict your promises Dionisius Halic lib. 6. as wee never knew you did and that you will very well observe towards them all that you promise without any neede of other assurance than your faith and othe but they doe farther consider that after you which at this present doe governe they which succeed will not observe that which you have promised but will enterprice to handle the people tyrannously And therefore there remaines but one sole assurance to the most weake which feare them which are stronger than themselves namely to find meanes that the strongest may not hurt them when they would for so long as there remaines any meanes to hurt there will never want will in the wicked to execute After that Brutus had uttered this speech to the embassadors the Senat found it was
his sepulcher and another Amphitheater at Rome and many other goodly houses and publike buildings most sumptuous to behold he also caused to bee repaired bridges gates waies to furnish many townes with store of money as well to make new buildings in them as to renew the old heerein imitating the example of the emperour Trajan his predecessor who immortalized his name by his publike works and buildings which hee made even in building new townes and ioyning rivers one to another or to the sea by great and deepe channels to aide and make easie the commerce of all countries also in drying up great fennes and marrishes and in laying plaine rocks and mountaines to make fit waies for travailers and in doing other notable workes Such actions as these are meet workes for peaceable times and are honourable and proper to immortalize the name of a prince as to make warre to have victories and triumphs We see that the restauration of good letters which king Francis the first of that name of happie memorie brought into France in his time did more celebrate and make it immortall in the memorie of all Christian nations than all the great warres and victories which his predecessors had And truly princes which love and advance letters doe well merit that learned people should send their honourable memorie to all posterity and such as dispise them and hold them under feete are not worthie that hystoriographers and men of learning should bring their woords and victories into honour and reputation much lesse to immortalize them in the memorie of men For as lawyers say that they ought not to enjoy the benefite of lawes which offend and despise them so the prince which makes no account of learning ought not to enjoy the benefit thereof which is to make immortall generous and vertuous men But if we make comparison of the magnificence and Estate that a prince should Froisar lib. 7 cap. 353. 4. hold in the time of peace and prosperitie with that he should hold during war and povertie there is such difference as betwixt the day and the night for proofe hereof I will alledge but the time of Philip de Valois For wee reade that in that time which was a time of long peace that king had almost ordinarie in his court foure or five kings wich resided with him in regard of his magnificence as the king of Boheme the king of Scotland the king of Arragon the king of Navarre the king of Maiorque many great dukes counties barons prelates the greatest part of whose charges hee defraied that it might appeare that the king of Fraunce was a king of kings It is certaine to maintaine this magnificall and great Estate there must needs follow exceeding great expences but hee might well doe it for his people being ritch and full of peace they had better meanes to furnish and provide for him a crowne than in the time of warre to give him a three halfe pence At that time a king of England passed into France to doe homage unto king Philip for the dutchie of Guienne which the English had long time held of the crowne of France when the English king saw the traine of the court of France hee was ravished in admiration to see so many kings dukes counties barons princes peeres of France constable admirall chancelor marshall and many other great lords which reputed themselves happie to obtaine the good grace of king Philip. This moved the king of England far more easily and in other meanes to doe his homage than he thought to have done and at his returne into England he said on high That he supposed there was neither king nor emperor in the world that held so magnificent and triumphant an Estate as the king of France did Should not we desire to see such a time againe but we are farre from it and take no course thereunto for civile warres cannot bring us unto it but onely a good and holy peace well and inviolably observed by a good reformation of justice and of all estates which was corrupted in France For without it the people can never prosper but shall alwaies bee gnawne and eaten even to the bones and the people beeing poore the king cannot be ritch no neither his nobilitie nor clergie for all the kings revenewes all tallages all the nobilities and clergies rents proceede from the poore people By this which wee have above handled this Maxime of warre is sufficiently understoode I will add no more therunto but that Machiavell shewes himselfe a man of very good grace when he saith That the Italians are a people of nimble light spirits and bodies for hee cannot more properly note them of inconstancie and infidelitie and when afterward he saith That willingly they never go to battails he can not they any better taxe them of cowardise and pusillanimitie but the reason wherby he would seeme to couer this fault is more to be accounted of than the rest For saith he this proceedeth of the little heart cowardise of the captaines as if he said That all Italian captaines are faint hearted cowards which rather discourage than add heart unto their souldiers to fight And heerein I beleeve he saieth truth for so many Italian captaines as wee have seene in France this fifteene yeeres there hath not been one found that hath done any one memorable exploit they can indeede make many vaine and brave shewes and in many subtile stratagems there are found no better warriors but in battailes and assaultes of townes they never by their wills will come as their owne Machiavell beareth them witnesse 2. Maxime To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace and agreement with his adversarie he must commit and use some notable and outragious iniurie against him BEcause sayth Machiavell men are naturally vindicative and desirous Discourse lib. 3. cap. 32. to take vengeance of such as offend them it consequently fals out that they vvhich have outraged or iniured any but especially if the iniurie be great they can never trust him they have so iniured For every man feares and distrusteth his reconciled enemie And therefore to find meanes that a prince may never set his heart and mind upon peace nor reconcile himselfe to any adversarie hee must be persuaded to practise some outragious act upon his said adversarie So by that meanes he will never trust him nor be reconciled with him BEhold heere the very counsell that Achitophel gave to Absalon to make him irreconcilable with David his father and to place a division Samuel lib. 2. cap. 26. and perdurable confusion in all his kingdome For hee advised Absalon to cohabitate and dwell even with his father Davids wives which was the greatest and most villanous injurie that he could have done unto him and to this end he did it that Absalon and all they which followed him might bee utterlie out of hope to make peace with David and by that meanes
a new evill deed and in your prosperitie handle not as enemies them which in your adversitie you elected for friends The people saith Titus Livius were much moved by the ancient merit of the Caerites rather to forget the new fault than the old benefit and a An old pleasure putteth out a new offence peace and remission of their offences was accorded unto them The same moderation of minde used Francis the first of that name of good memorie towards the inhabitants of Rochell in Anno 1541. The Rochelois falling to mutunie against certaine of the kings officers about the impost of Salt but acknowledging Du Bello lib 9. of his Coment their fault they humbled themselves before that good king demanding pardon which hee granted in an oration with a grave and discreet admonishment very worthie such a king and Christian prince in these words My good subjects and friends for such may I well call you since you acknowledge your faults the office and dutie of subjects is so great towards their prince that they which faile in that dutie commit so great a crime as they cannot perpetrate a greater nor more punishable for the inconveniences which may thereupon follow For every estate of The publick estate lieth in wel commanding wel obeying a well instituted monarch and commonweale consisteth in two points namely in the just commandement of the prince or superiors and in the loyall obedience of subiects If either of these want it is as much as in thelife of a man the separation of the bodie and of the soule for in man life can no longer endure than the soule desisteth to command and governe the body and that the body desisteth from obeying the soule God grant mee grace that I may not faile in the commandement which hee hath given mee over you which I doe acknowledge to hold of him as a thing whereof I must make account unto him and although according to that command I have over you I may reasonably practise the punishment of justice upon you yet because it is a thing more covenable for a prince to prefer mercy and clemencie before the rigour of justice but especially towards such as repent and demand pardon I pardon you with a good heart seeing likewise that I know you are children of good fathers whose fidelitie hath beene many times experimented by my predecessors I had rather forget your new misdeede than your ancient merits I hope also that from henceforth you will as willingly bee enclined to obey mee as my naturall inclination is to pardon you I will not doe to you as the emperour did to them of Gaunt which having committed them under the slavish servitude of a citadell defiled his hands with their bloud My hands thanks bee to God are Crueltie takes love from subjects to their princes cleare from the bloud of my subjects and indeede hee lost the hearts and amitie of his subjects by shedding their bloud but I hope that my mercie and clemency shall confirme your hearts love towards me your king who kindly handleth you as a good father and that if you and your predecessors have beene in times past good and faithfull subjects you will bee much better heereafter I pray you forget this offence which is happened and for my part I will not remember it at any time of my life I pray you also bee as good subjects as you have heeretofore beene and I hope God will give mee grace to bee better towards you than I have beene God our Lord and creatour pardon you and I doe heartely forgive you all you have done without excepting any thing At this word proceeding from so magnificall and generous a king all the Rochelois began to weepe for joy and crying Vive le Roy they prayed God to conserve in all prosperitie so good a king so kind and mercifull Then upon the kings commandement all the bells of Rochell were rung all their gunnes were shot off and bonefires made in signe of great rejoycing And so much there wants that good princes have beene enclined to vengeance that contrary the principallitie it selfe makes them forget all affection of vengeance Spartian in Adrian that they had before as wee reade of the emperour Adrian who being come to the empire forgot all his former enmities insomuch as one day soone after he Ascending unto honor is descending from vengeance came to the empire encountring a capitall enemie of his hee said unto him Thou art escaped King Lewis the twelfth before hee was king being but duke of Orleance had many troubles For in the time of king Charles the eight his predecessor his enemies Annales upon Anno 1488. thought to have taken him prisoner but hee saved himselfe in Bretaigne whither hee was persecuted with an army and battaile was given him and the duke of Bretaigne who tooke his part at S. Aubin where the kings armie got the victorie and the said duke of Orleance were taken prisoners led to the castle Luzignen and from thence brought to the great towre of Bourges After all this there was a concorde amongst them and the said duke came to the crowne Being king they which followed him into Bretaigne and to other places during his adversitie persuaded him to bee revenged of such as had made warre upon him at the kings command and they shewed unto him that the cause of his then persecution came not by king Charles his motion who was then within age but by his principallest Counsellors and governours such as was Messire Lewis de la Trimonille and others But that good king Lewis shaped them this answere worthie of so gentle and christian a king that could command his choler and passions Nay saith hee a king of France may not revenge injuries done to the duke of Orleance King Phillip the hardie a gentle prince a lover of peace and very easie to graunt Annal. upon the year 1272. pardon The countie de Foix in his time rebelled but at the request of a sonne in law of the countie this good king pardoned him his fault and gave him againe certaine land which hee caused to bee seized and moreover made him knight and at Court retained him into his service This is far from nourishing enemies and perpetuall vengeance as Machiavell teacheth But heere might I accumulate and heape up many other examples of Caesar Augustus Traian Marcus Antonius Constantine Charlemaine S. Lewis Charles le sage Alexander the great of Sirus and generally of all the good princes which ever have beene all which were endowed with that excellent vertue of clemencie and were farre from all vengeance But these I have recited I hope may serve sufficientlie to shew by good reasons and notable examples that that passion of irreconcilable vengeance is unseemely and unworthie a good prince And as for the examples wherewith Machiavell serves himselfe they bee but examples of tyrants and such as were of no account and of
by Machiavell which maintaineth his subjects in division and partialitie and which seekes to sley all them which love the commonweale and which desire a good reformation a good policie in the commonweale There are also other tokens and markes whereby to know a tyrant as them which wee have before alledged out of doctor Bartolus and them also which hystoriographers have marked to have been in Tarquin the proud For they say when he changed his just and royall domination Dioni Halic lib. 4. into a tyrannicall government he became a contemner and a despiser of al his subjects as well the meane people as the nobilitie and Patritians he brought a confusion and a corruption into justice he tooke a greater number of waiting servants into his guard than his predecessors had he tooke away the authoritie from the assembly of the Senate which it alwaies before had moreover hee dispatched criminall and civile causes after his fancie and not according to right hee cruelly punished such as complained of that change of estate as conspirators against him he caused many great and notable persons to die secretly without any forme of justice hee imposed tributes upon the people against the auncient forme and regalitie to the impoverishing and oppression of some more than of others hee had also spies to discover what was said of him and afterward punished rigorously such as had blamed either him or his government These be the colours wherewith the hystories do paint Tarquin when of a king he became a tyrant and these are ordinarily the colours and liverie of all tyrants banners whereby they may be knowne It seemeth that Tarquin forgot nothing of all that a tyrant could doe but that he slew not Brutus which was a fault in the art of tyrannie as learnedly Machiavell noteth it which fell to bee his ruin But the cause hereof was that Brutus in the court counterfeted the foole wherby Tarquin had no suspition of him For none but wise men and good people are suspect and greevous to tyrants but as for counterfeting fooles unthrifts flatterers bauds murderers inventors of imposts and such like dregs and vermine of the people they are best welcome into tyrants courts yet even amongst them are not tyrants alwaies without danger for amongst such fooles sometimes happeneth a Brutus who at last will plat out their ends so that ever their lives hangs by a small thred as Denis the tyrant sayth But the example of Hieronimus another tyrant of Sicilie is to this purpose well to be noted This Hieronimus was the sonne of a good and wise king called Hiero whom also they well called tyrant because he came not to that estate by a legitimate title although he exercised it sincerely and in good justice who when he died left this Hieronimus his sonne very young and under age For the government therefore of him and of his affaires he gave him fifteene tutors and amongst them Andronodorus and Zoilus his sonnes in law and one Thraso which he charged to maintaine the countrey of Sicilie in peace as he himselfe had done by the space of fiftie yeares of his raigne but especially that they should maintaine the treatie and confederation which he had all the length of his time duly observed with the Romanes The said tutors promised to performe his request and to change nothing in the estate but altogether to follow his footsteps Straight after Hiero was dead Andronodorus being angry because of so many tutors caused the king who was then but 15 yeares old to be proclaimed of sufficient age to bee dismissed of tutors and so dispatched himselfe as well as others of that dutifull care they ought to have had of their king and countrey After he got to himselfe alone the government of the kingdome and to make himselfe to bee feared under the kings authoritie hee tooke to him a great number of waiters for his guard and to weare purple garments and a diademe upon his head and to goe in a coach drawne with white horses altogether after the manner of Denis the tyrant and contrary to the use of Hieronimus yet was not this the worst for besides all this Adronodorus caused the yong king his brother in law to bee instructed in pride and arrogancie to contemne every man to give audience to no man to bee quarelous and to take advantage at words of hard accesse given to all new fashions of effeminacie and riotousnesse and to bee unmeasurable cruell thirstie after bloud After Andronodorus had thus framed to his minde this yong king a conspiration was made against him unto which Andronodorus was consenting to dispatch and sley him but it was discovered but yet executed which A conjuration discovered yet executed was strange For one Theodorus was accused and confessed himselfe to bee one of the conspiracie but being tortured and racked to confesse his complices and parteners in that conspiracie knowing he must needs die and by that meanes desiring to be revenged of that yong tyrant he accused the most faithfull and trustiest servants of the king This young tyrant rash inconsiderat straight put to death his friends and principal servants by the counsell of Andronodorus who desired nothing more because they hindered his deseignes This execution performed incontinent this yong tyrant was massacred and slain upon a straight way by the conspirators themselves which before had made the conjuration the execution whereof was the more easie by the discoverie thereof because as is said the tyrants most faithfull friends and servants were slaine Soone after the tyrants death Andronodorus obtained the fortresse of Siracuse a towne of Sicilie but the tumults and stirres which he raised in the countrey as he thought for his owne profit fell out so contrarie to his expectation that finally he his wife and all their race and the race of Hieronimus were extermined as well such as were innocent as they that were culpable And so doth it ordinarily happen to all young princes which by corruption are degenerated into tyrants So fals it out also to all them which are corrupters of princes to draw them into habits of all wickednesse Lastly here would not bee omitted altogether this wickednesse of Machiavell who confounding good and evill together yeeldeth the title of Vertuous unto a tyrant Is not this as much as to call darkenesse full lightsome and bright vice good and honourable and ignorance learned But it pleaseth this wicked man thus to say to plucke out of the hearts of men all hatred horror and indignation which they might have against tyrannie and to cause princes to esteeme tyrannie good honorable and desirable 16. Maxime A Prince may as well be hated for his vertue as for his vice THe emperour Pertinax saith Machiavell vvas elected emperor Cap. 19. Of the prince against the vvils of his men of vvarre vvhich before had customably lived licentiously in all vices and dissolutenesse under the emperour Commodus his predecessor
there is like to be so little helpe therein as it vvill rather advance his ruine IT should bee best and more expedient for a prince to prevent all his subjects with good and courteous dealings than to attend till hee see himselfe constrained to diminish his rigour and as the common proverbe saith to bend or breake Notwithstanding the counsell here given by Machiavell is altogether wicked and cannot but bring into ruin a prince and his estate for in summe his counsell is To hold hard against his subjects nothing to abate his rigour nor to use any kindnesse or graciousnesse then and when he sees himselfe to doe it constrained and pressed thereunto If a prince then will stand stiffe alwayes rigorously to handle his subjects and to oppresse them The rigour of a prince is the cause of deniall of obedience without abating any thing thereof although he heare of their grievances and complaints and that hee see them prepared to rebellion and to denie their obedience what other thing can there follow but the entire ruine of him and his estate For wherein consisteth the estate of a prince but that his subjects agree together for to yeeld him obedience If then by his obstinate rigour and evill dealing hee so doe as he brings his subjects into that necessitie to denie him obedience will not that be the ruine of him and his estate There is no man of good judgement but he knows this Therefore said the poet Sophocles Even as hard steele in fire we see In pieces breake most easilie So minds too hard and fierce which bee Most oft with fall on ground doth lie Wherefore this precept whereby Machiavell would make a prince stiffe and inflexible against his subjects can bring to him but his owne ruine as it happened to Roboam the king who when his people humbly desired an ease and mitigation of their tributes he obstinately and proudly denied them For this king following such counsell as Machiavell giveth here made answere to his subjects that so much there wanted that he had any intent to abate any thing of his former dealing with them that contrarie he determined to augment rather his rigour towards them And for this cause did the greatest part of his kingdome cut themselves from his rule and obedience And to say that the people are unthankfull to their prince for benefits accorded Constrained graunts are not without profit as it were by constraint this is false and experience shewes us the contrarie For the people is not so speculative that they will cause to seeke out and examine the impulsive cause which moved the prince to commit or ordain any thing but holds themselves contented with the good and profit which redounds to them by that ordinance and the enjoying of the good they receive bringeth unto them such a pleasure and contentment as it moves them to thanke their prince for that good and to praise and blesse him yea to pray unto God for his conservation and prosperitie In all the peace that was made in Fraunce since the civile warres there hath alwayes been seene an experience thereof For a man may well say that the king accorded peace to the Protestants as it were by constraint which indeede is contained in the edicts of peace for the king himselfe so declared it in other edicts which hee made when the warre was renued as he declared by an edict in the yeare 1568 wherein hee saith That hee had alwayes had in his heart to abolish the religion of the said Protestants and the cause of his before suffering it had been as by constraint and to accommodate himselfe to the time The Courtiers also have alwayes called it the Suffered Religion and the Catholicke Romane the authorised Religion Although then that those goodly edicts of peace were accorded by the king against his heart yet ceased not the people to be thankfull unto the king yea to praise and exalt him as a lover of the good and repose of his poore people and to blesse and praise God for him both publickely and privately But put the case that were true which Machiavell saith That the subjects of a prince cannot be thankfull for a benefit accorded by constraint it followeth not therefore that such a benefit and a better handling must needs be unprofitable and without fruit For certaine it is that alwaies this will make cease the complaints of the people and cause them to desist from all rebellions and whatsoever enterprises are intended machinated against him Titus Livius sheweth us by many examples this to have many times happened at Rome where the commons entered into seditions and rebellions against the Patricij and such as were great men in authoritie but they were appeased incontinent as soone as the great men graunted that which they desired And yet wee find not that the great Patricians and nobles of Rome did almost at any time accord unto the commons but as constrained and against their wills There was amongst them men of as good wits and judgement as Machiavell such as Coriolanus Appius Caeso Fabius and other like which cried that they must not accord to common people under the pretext of their seditions and rebellions what they demand because it is an evill example and as it were to give occasion to the people ever to rebell and be seditious causing their faults to turne to their profit but notwithstanding all these reasons the most part of their wise Senators found it more expedient to bow and give place to the tumultuous people than to resist them There hath beene many times seene in Fraunce rebellions and stirres of the people for new imposts which straight were stayed by taking them away And indeed naturall reason sheweth well that it ought so to be For in all things of what sort soever they bee as soone as the cause is taken away men also take away the effect thereof Moreover I will not denie but this is of very evill consequence that a profit should come of a rebellion and sedition but upon this point it is worth noting that seldome or never people arise without some great just and urgent occasion therefore if the prince have not done his dutie to cut off that occasion before but that thereby there arise rebellion sedition he may not find it strange nor evill to remedie it rather late than never and so to purge his negligence A prince in stead to harden his heart against his subjects as Machiavell teacheth shall doe better not to bee so obstinate but to plie and bow his courage when the good of the commonweale and his owne requireth it following the admonition which that wise knight Phenix gave to the prince Achilles his disciple Appease thy selfe Achilles strong thy hardened heart abate A mortall man it not becomes implacable to bee Hom. Iliad 9. Though power most and honour eke on gods attend and wait To prayers of us mortall men yet yeeld they we
thing deceived when thinking to leade a prince unto a soveraigntie of wickednesse hee furnisheth him with inconstancie and mutabilitie as the windes for as soone as the prince shall cloth himselfe with Protheus garments and that hee hath no hold nor certitude of his word nor in his actions men may well say that hee is abandoned of phisitions and his maladie is incurable and that in all vices hee hath taken the nature of the Camoelion At the hands of such a prince which is inconstant variable in his word mutable in actions and commands there is nothing to be hoped for but evill disorder and confusion How much more notable and worthie to bee engraved in princes hearts is that Titus Livius lib. 6. Dec. 3 sentence of Scipio the Affrican That they are vanquishers which being vanquished doe give place vnto Fortune But the better to understand this I will set downe the occasion of this notable speach After by an evill hap of warre Scipio his father and uncle were overthrowne with the most part of their armie in Spaine the day being come whereupon they elected their magistrates at Rome none durst hazard himselfe to demand the government of Spaine for evill luck which happened to the two brothers Scipioes Heereat the Romane people beeing very sad and sorrowfull cast their eies upon the great men of the citie to see if any of their hearts would arise to demand the government of Spaine and because none did it they esteemed the affaires of the common weale to bee in a deplored and desperate estate The above said yong lord Scipio who after was called the Affrican of the age onely of two and twentie yeeres arose and demanded of the Romane people the said government of Spaine shewing by a grave oration full of magnanimitie and assured constancie That his carriage should be good and that they needed not feare that in regard of his yong age there should bee found in him any temeritie for he would doe nothing but by good counsell And although the name of the Scipioes might seeme unluckie in regard that his father unckle had ben vanquished slaine in Spaine that notwithstanding hee doubted not but to turne the chance of Fortune Briefely by a great and favourable consent of all the people hee was chosen governour of Spaine and generall captaine of the Romane armie As soone as hee was in this estate well assured of his vertues hee began to speake to every one with such a majestie and constancie as all men became fully resolved that hee would well acquite himselfe of this charge to the honour and benefit of the common weale After being in Spaine hee convocated the old bands which remained after the defeating of his father and unckle and used unto them good words reasons giving them thanks for the fidelitie they had borne to his diseased father and unckle and that ioyfullie they had received him for their captaine generall although hee was yong of age for the good hope they had of him which was of the race of their dead captaines and that hee would so well performe his dutie that they should truely know that he was of the race of their dead captaines The publike Fortune said hee of the Romane common weale and your vertue must needes keepe us from all despaire of our affaires For this good luck hath ever beene fatally given us being vanquished in our great warres yet ever notwithstanding to remaine victors by resisting by constancie and vertue all malignitie of Fortune The same Scipio another time but long after speaking to Zeusis and Antipater Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 4. embassadors of the king Antiochus which demanded peace of him after he had beene vanquished used these words full of gravitie and wisedome The peace saith hee which you demand now that your are vanquished wee agree unto you with like conditions as you offered before our victory For in all fortune good or evill we have Constancie stirreth not for prosperitie or adversitie alwaies the same courages neither can prosperitie exalt us nor adversitie humble us too much And if you your selves were not good witnesses thereof I would aledge no other testimonie then that of Anniball who is in your army Therefore make knowne unto the king your master that wee accord unto him the same peace which wee offered him before our victorie Heere may you see how constant the Romanes were in vertue without any change either of prosperitie or adversitie Heere is no Machiavelizing wee must not goe to the schoole of Scipio nor of the ancient Romanes nor of any other valiant princes to learne Machiavells doctrine to have an unconstant and mutable courage to change and to turne as the winde This must bee learned in the schoole of a sort of Italian Machiavelists resembling harlots which love every man yet love no person and which with doubtfull and unstayed mindes runne heere and there like Tops Wee commonly say That the king is the lively law of his subjects and that the prince ought to serve for a rule to his people but is it not a ridiculous thing to say That the law ought to bee a thing unconstant and mutable with every winde Nay contrarie the law ought to bee firme constant permanent inviolable and inviolably observed else it is no law And therefore amongst all mortall men the prince is hee which ought to bee most constant and firme to shew that hee is the true and lively law of his people and subjects unto whom his carriage and actions ought to serve for a rule A prince then must bee of one word and to take heede that he bee Constancie of a princē wherein it ought to be employed not mutable nor double of his promises and that hee alwaies have a magnanimous and generous courage tending to vertue and the publike good of his kingdome principallity and that no trouble nor adversitie may abate that generositie and constancie of courage nor any prosperitie make him swell with pride whereby to draw him from vertue In a constant course hee must shew himselfe grave and clement these two should be in him with a temperature such gravitie is requisit for the majestie of his calling with such clemencie and affabilitie as his subjects desire in him In all his actions hee must alwaies shew himselfe to bee one man loving and amiably entertaining men of vertue and of service and alwaies as constantly rejecting vicious people flatterers lyers and other like from which hee can never draw out good services Finally hee ought to bee constant in retaining his good friends and servants and not to take a sinister opinion of them without great and apparent causes and in all things to governe himselfe constantly by good counsell and to bee master of himselfe that is to say of his affections and opinions for to direct them alwaies to good and sage counsell such as were those great Romane monarches Augustus Caesar Vespasian Traian Adrian
they understood how they should administer as a captaine Niger lieutenant of the warre for the emperor Marcus Antonine complained to him But that incommoditie was much more supportable in that time than Spart in Nigro at this day it can bee in Fraunce for the Romane magistrates seldome decided private and particular causes but in Fraunce magistrates must deale in all causes After that the prince hath well established his justice as well by publication of A Prince ought himself to minister Iustice good lawes as by institution of good magistrates yet is he not discharged For he ought himselfe also to deale therin And this is another point of the Counsell which Iethro gave to Moses For after he had counselled him what magistrates hee should establish under him he added more That Moses ought to reserve unto himselfe the knowledge and decision of great affaires which are of consequence And assuredly this is a point very necessarie and which a prince ought not to leave behind for hee is debtor of Iustice to his subjects and ought to give them audience in things wherof he is to have necessarie knowledge for all things are not proper to bee handled before magistrates established by the prince but there are many things wherof the knowledge ought to appertaine to the prince alone as when a meane man wil complaine against some great lord or magistrat or against Publicans and exactors of the princes money or when a man labours for a pardon gift recompence and many other like The prince then ought himselfe either alone or in his Counsell to give often audience unto his subjects For we reade that by the primitive creation of kings Dionis Halic â—ib 1. 5. and monarchs the authoritie which was attributed unto them by the people consisted in three very notable points whereof the first was To minister good justice unto their subjects by causing them to observe the lawes and customes of the countrey and to take knowledge themselves of the injuries which are great and of consequence amongst their subjects The second point was To convocat an assembly of a Senat to handle the affaires of the commonwealth And the third To be the cheefetaine and soveraigne of the warre And for as much as the first dutie of kings consisteth to do good justice unto their subjects the auncient Grecians even Homer calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Distributers of justice This is it wherefore almost all good princes have had their ordinary daies of Audience wherin they took knowledge of the complaints and grievances of their subjects and administred right and justice unto them Iulius Caesar tooke great paine and travaile to heare causes and to administer justice and to cause them to observe lawes which concerned Suet. in Caesar cap. 43. in Aug. cap. 3 in Claud. cap. 15. in Galba cap. 7. 8 9. Domitiano cap 8. the commonwealth as especially the law Sumptuariam which would permit no excesse in bankets nor dissolutnesse in apparell Augustus Caesar likewise kept an ordinarie Audience which he continued untill night yea being evill at ease he in a litter would be carried to the pallace or hold Audience in his house The emperour Claudius also although hee were of an heavie and dull spirit yet held hee his Audience and administred right to parties So did Domitian who how wicked soever he was in other deportments with great industrie and diligence administred good justice unto parties and often revoked decrees from the Centumvirat seat which for favor were given and spared not to punish corrupted Iudges The emperour Galba likewise although he was of the age of threescore and twelve yeares when he came to the empire yet dealt with audience of parties and administred justice So did Traian Adrian the Antonines Severus Alexander and many other Romane emperors give Audience to their subjects and administred justice unto them And very memorable is that which is written of the emperor Adrian namely That one day as hee went into the fields he was required by a poore woman who had watched to speake with him to doe her justice upon a certaine complaint she made unto him The emperour very Dion in Adrian kindly said unto her That that was no place where she should require justice and sent her away till another time The woman replied upon him Sir said she if you wil not doe me justice wherefore deale you to be emperour Adrian was never moved hereat but staied still heard her did her justice If we read the hystories of France wee shall find that it hath yet beene more ordinarie and common with our auncient kings to hold Audiences which men called Lict de Iustice The Bed of Iustice than with the Romane emperours Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour besides Annal. upoÌ„ Anno 809 814 1215. that he tooke great care that Stewards Bayliffes and their deputies should walk upright without abusing their Offices would also that they should reserve unto him all great causes or such as were amongst great lords Then caused hee the parties to appeare before him he heard them patiently and agreed them amiably if he could by any means and so he gave his sentence and good and prompt justice King Lewis the first of that name surnamed le Debonaire because of his good and holy conditions following the traces of Charlemaigne his father held a publicke Audience in his pallace three times in the weeke and heard the grievances and complaints of every one executing to all quicke and right justice But what good came there hereof Even this saith the hystorie that the publicke good in this good kings time was so well governed and administred that there was almost no man found amongst his subjects which complained that any man did him wrong or injurie but al men lived in great peace and prosperitie one not daring to offend another for the feare they had of the kings good justice which he would administer himselfe and so cause his ministers to doe after his example So much could that royall vertue of Iustice doe for the maintenance of peace and prosperitie in a kingdome King Philip Augustus surnamed the Conquerour for his great prowesses and conquests was also a good Iusticer and willingly heard the complaints of his subjects insomuch as one day understanding that Guy Counte de Auverne used greatly to pill and violently to spoile his subjects and neighbours exacting upon them great summes of money against their wils and without the kings consent their soveraigne and having found him culpable hereof condemned him by the advice of the barons of the realme to lose his land and seignorie of Auverne which from that time was united to the crown We may also place here the good justice of the kings Charles le Sage Charles the seventh Charles the eight Lewis the twelfth and of many other kings of France Annal. upon Anno 1255 1269 Gaguin in the liâ—e of S.
Lewis The good justice of Lewis which gave oedinarie audience to the complaints of their subjects and to doe them justice But it shall suffice to close up all this matter with the example of that good king S. Lewis who amongst other vertues wherewith he was endowed he was a very good and upright administer of justice This good king having a great zeale to establish a good Iustice in his kingdome first hee would and ordained That the good and auncient lawes and customes of the kingdome should be well and straitly observed upon the paine he would take of his Bayliffes Seneshals and other magistrates if they caused them not to bee well observed And to the end the said magistrates might carry themselves well in their offices he chose other officers the best that hee could find of which he secretly enquired of their vertues and vices And to the end they might administer good and breefe justice to the poore as to the rich without exception of persons he forbad them to take presents unlesse some present of victuall which may not exceed tenne shillings by the weeke nor any other benefites for them or their children neither of them which were in contention nor of any other person of their bailiwike and territorie and commaunded they should take nothing within their perfecture or jurisdiction For this good king considered that presents benefits and desire to gain are the means wherby magistrates may be corrupted and therfore to shun all corruption he must cut off the meanes therunto Moreover he very rigorously punished such officers of Iustice as abused their estates spared not even great lords themselves but punished them after their merits as happened to the lord de Coucy who caused to strangle two yong Flamins when he found them hunting in his woods For the king caused to be called before him the said lord who fearing to be handled as he had delt with the Flamins wold have taken the hearing of the cause from the king saying he was to be sent for before the peeres of France But the king forced him to abide his judgments indeed had made him die if great lords parents friends of the said lord de Coucy had not importuned so much the king for his pardon unto which the king accorded that he shold have his life but yet he condemned him to the warre against the Turks and Infidels in the holy land by the space of three yeares which was a kind of banishment and besides condemned him in a fine paiment of 10000 Paris pounds which were bestowed on the building of an Hostle Dieu at Ponthoise This king gave not easily any pardon nor without great deliberation And for a devise he had often in his mouth that verse of the Psalme of David Happie are they which doe iudgement and Iustice at all times He said also That this was no mercie but crueltie not to punish malefactors Moreover he was a king full of truth chast charitable and fearing God which are vertues exceeding woorthy for a good prince and which commonly accompanie good justice But the godly precepts hee The tenne commandemēts which the king S. Lewis at his disease gave to his eldest sonne gave being in extremitie of his life to king Philip the Hardie his sonne and successor doe well merit to be written in letters of gold upon the lintels of doores and the houses of all kings and Christian princes to have them alwaies before their eies My deare sonne saith he since it pleaseth God our Father and Creator to withdraw me now from this miserable world to carrie mee to a better life than this I would not depart from thee my sonne without giving you for my last blessing the doctrines and precepts which a good father ought to give to his sonne hoping you wil engrave in your heart these your fathers last words I command you then my deare sonne That above all things you have alwaies before your eies the feare of God our good Father for the feare of God is the beginning yea the accomplishment of all true wisedome if you feare him he will blesse you Secondly I exhort you to take all adversities patiently acknowledging that it is God which visiteth you for your sins not to wax proud in prosperitie accounting that it comes to you by Gods grace not by your merits Thirdly I recommend unto you charitie towards the poor for the good you doe unto them shall be yeelded unto you an hundred fold and Iesus Christ our Saviour shall account it done unto him After I recommend to you very straitly my deare sonne that you cause to keep well the good laws customes of the kingdome and to administer good justice to your subjects for happy are they which administer good justice at all times and to doe this I enjoine you that you be carefull to have good magistrates and command you them that they favor not your Procurators against equitie and that you rigorously punish such as abuse their Offices for when they make faults they are more punishable than others because they ought to govern other subjects and to serve them for an example Suffer not that in judgement there be acception of persons and so favour the poore onely as the truth of his fact doth appeare without favoring him as to the judgement of his cause Moreover I command you that you bee carefull to have a good Counsell about you of persons which be of staied good age which be secret peaceable not covetous for if you doe this you shall bee loved and honoured because the light of the servants makes their masters shine Also more I forbid you to take tallages or tributes upon your subjects but for urgent necessitie evident utilitie and just cause for otherwise you shall not bee held for a king but for a tyrant Further I command you that you be carefull to maintaine your subjects in good peace and tranquilitie and observe their franchises and priveledges which before they have enjoyed and take heede you moove no warre against any Christian without exceeding great occasion and reason Item I exhort you to give the benefices of your kingdome to men of good life and good conscience not to luxurious and covetous wretches My deere sonne if you observe these my commands you shall bee a good example to your subjects and you shall bee the cause that they will adict themselves to doe well because the people will alwaies give themselves to the imitation of their prince and God by his bountie maintaine you firme and assured in your estate and kingdome Thus finished this good king his last words full of holy zeale and correspondent to his life passed and yeelded his soule to his creator which had given it him His sonne king Philip third of that name called the Hardie because of his valiancie which he shewed against the infidels and against other enemies as well during the life as after the death of
his father made good profit of these excellent commands and maintained the kingdome in good peace and great prosperitie during his raigne For an end heereof I doe note in this good king Lewis That it is very true which the scripture witnesseth unto us That the lust shall spring up and receive of God the blessing of a good and long generation For there were more than three hundreth yeeres that the race of this good king held the crowne of France yea there was no more any other race of the blood royall but his For the house of Valois and the house of Burbon have issued from this good king God by his mercie graunt grace to princes of this time which are discended from so good a roote that they may engrave in their hearts the godly commandements of this king whose meaning verily was not onely to prescribe to the said king Philip his sonne but generally to all his posteritie 36. Maxime Gentlemen which hould Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales THe Leages and Cantons of Almaigne saith Machiavell live very peaceably and at their ease because they observe Discourse lib. 1. cap. an equalitie amongst themselves and suffer no gentlemen in their country and those fevv they have they so hate them that vvhen by adventure any of them fall into their hands they put them to death and take none to mercie saying they are they vvhich destroy all and hould schooles of wickednesse I call saith hee them gentlemen vvhich live of their revenew without giving themselves to any trade These in a countrey are very dangerous and above all high Iusticers vvhich hould Castles and fortresses and which have a great number of vassailes and subiects which owe them faith and homage The kingdome of Naples the land of Rome Romaigne Lombardie are full of such manner of men and they are the cause that hitherto no good estate politicke can bee constituted in those places for they are formall and capitall enemies of the civile estate of common-weales THey which have frequented the countries of Almaigne and of Suises may well give Machiavell the lie for that he saith in this Maxime for in those countries may bee found many gentlemen great Iusticers having under them men jurisdictions and castles which were not onely maintained in their nobilitie and authoritie but also are there greatly respected and imployed in publike affaires And so much there wanteth that there they hould a schoole of wickednesse that contrary onely they hould the countries in peace every one in his owne countrey and doe see justice administred to their subjects I will not denie but there are gentlemen in Alemaigne in the countrey of Suisses in France and other where which are bad inough and which are violent and vitious yet for some few wee must not condemne all in generall as Machiavell doth heere who saith they bee dangerous people in a countrie and that they are enemies to an estate politicke I know not if those hee named bee such namely the gentlemen of Naples of Romania of Lumbardie and of Rome and I am content to confesse unto him because I will not contest and strive against him upon a fact which hath some appearance of truth But I deny unto him that on this side the mounts they are such but contrary wee see that it is onely the Nobilitie of France and other neighbour countries which authorize protect justice and which make it to bee obeyed Yet will I also confesse that the gentlemen on this side the mounts are very dangerous and great enemies unto such a politicke estate as Machiavell hath builded by his writings that is a Tyrannicall For hystories tell us that our ancestors especially the barons lords gentlemen have vigorouslie alwaies opposed themselves against tyrannies and would never suffer them long to grow up or take roote which is a naturall thing in the French Nobilitie good though evill for the Machiavellistes strangers which are come into France to practise their tyrannies for by Gods grace they shall with much a doe take any deepe roote there 37. Maxime The Nobility of France would overthrow the estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare THe kingdome of France saith Nicholas is a kingdome more living under lawes than any other whereof their Parliaments Discourse lib. 1. cap. 1. are the gardiants and maintainers especially that of Paris And hitherto that kingdome is maintained because the Parliaments have alwaies beene obstinate executors and resisters against the Nobilitie without which the kingdome of France had come to ruine MAchiavell had done much better to have medled onely with the estate of Florence for hee shewes well his ignorance and that hee never knew the estate of France nor how it hath beene governed by our ancestors For I pray you where hath hee found this that the kingdome of France would dissolve and come to ruine but that the Parliaments are executors against the Nobilitie Is not this as much to say as the French Nobilitie will ruinate the kingdome if it bee not brideled and held short by Parliaments and that it were better there were none I doubt not but that Machiavell thus though For wee see it by the practise of the Machiavellists which never shot at other marke than to ruinate in France all the Nobilitie the better to establish their tyrannie at ease without contradiction And for this effect have they cassed violated and overthrowne all the good lawes of the kingdome by the meanes of which it hath alwaies hitherto been maintained and Machiavell confesseth and said true which his disciples having well marked and desiring to ruinate the said kingdome have not fayled to beginne by the lawes thereof knowing well Since what time Parliaments of France were instituted Before Parliaments the kingdome was no lesse florishing in peace and good iustice than since that having ruinated her foundations she will be easily dissolved and overthrowne But to confute this Maxime I will alledge no other thing but that wee see in our French hystories That our kingdome was as much or more flourishing and better governed before there were any Parliaments in France than since For the Parliament of Paris which is the ancientest was established and constituted in the time of king Philip le Bel Anno 1294. That of Tholouse during the raigne of Charles the seventh Anno 1444. That of Bourdeaux in the time of the same king Anno 1451. That of Daulphin in the time also of the same king but by the authoritie of king Lewis the eleventh his sonne then Daulphin and then inhabiting in Dauphine in Anno 1453. The Parliaments of Dijon and of Provence in the time of the said king Lewis the eleventh That of Rovan in the time of king Lewis the twelfth in Anno 1499. And that of Bretaigne was erected onely in the time of king Henry the second in Anno 1553 But before there was any
That poverty hath many times been cause of great insurrections and civile warres We reade that at Rome Dion Halic lib. 5. 6. 7. there were many stirrs and seditions against usurers which eate up and impoverished the people and caused great faintnesse The like often happened in France for in the time of king Philip Augustus the conquerour in the time of S. Lewis in the time of king Iohn and many other times the Iewes and Italians which held bankes Annal. 3. and practised usuries in France whereby they ruinated the people were chased and bannished out of the kingdome The factions of Mailotins and of such as carried coules and hoods of divers coulours and other like popular inventions tending to seditions and civile warres were not founded upon any other foundation than that For poore people of base estate are alwaies the authors executioners of such factions and seditions In the time also that France was under the obedience of the Romane empire we reade that the Gaulois rose up often when they sought to impoverish Dion in Aug. them by undue exactions As in the time of Augustus there was in Gaul one Licinius a receiver of imposts who practised great and undue exactions upon the people unknowne to Augustus and because at that time part of Gaulois payed tributes each chiefe of every house a certaine summe by moneth this master deceiver made a weeke but sixe daies and a moneth but of twentie foure daies so that in the yeere were foureteene moneths and so two fell to his profit Augustus being advertised heereof was much grieved yet did no justice thereon Not long after Augustus sent for governour into Gaul Quintilius Varus who was a great lord and before had had the government of Siria where he had filled his hands Ariving in Gaul hee sought to doe there as hee had done in Siria and began to commit great exactions upon the people and to deale with them after the Sirian manner that is like slaves The Gaulois seeing this made a countenance voluntarily to accompanie Varus and his army against the high Almaines upon which hee made warre but after they had conducted him and his army into a straight whence hee could not save himselfe they set upon him defeated cut his army in pieces Varus the other great lords of his company slew themselves in dispaire And heereupon the Gaulois rebelled against the Romane emperours many times as under Nero under Galien under many others and at the last freed and cut off themselves altogether from the obedience of the empire Whereupon I conclude That to goe about to hould the people poore as Machiavell counselleth there can arise nothing but insurrections feditions and confusions in the commonwealth But the meanes that a prince ought to hould to inrich his subjects without weakening his owne power is first to take away all abuses which are committed upon Means how a pâ—ince may enrich his subjects on the people in the collection of ordinarie tributes For a prince most righteously may levie ancient accustomed tributes to sustaine publike charges otherwise his estate would dissolve And he ought not to follow the example of Nero who once would needes abolish all tributes and imposts and because the Senate shewed him that hee ought not to doe it hee imposed other new without number For a good wise prince will doe neither the one nor the other but without inventing any new tributes will maintaine himselfe in the exaction onely of the ancient which hee will cause to bee received the most graciouslie and without stirre of the people that can bee which to doe it seemes to bee requisite that such taxes imposts be duely laid without favour or respect of persons which in times of ould was a reformation that the king Tullius Hostilius made in his time at Rome whereupon hee was much praised and his poore people comforted Men must also imitate the ancient Romanes which excepted no person from patrimoniall tributes which are such reall burdens Titus Livin lib. 6. Dec. 3. lib. 3. Dec. 2 as are payed in regard of grounds whereunto they belong For there was neither Senator nor bishop but hee paied as well as they of the third estate There must also bee a provision made that the receivers and treasurers which are they which doe most hurt to the people may no more pill and spoile the world There must also an hand bee houlden that so excessive usuries be no more practised under the name of pensions and interests and that it bee permitted to deliver silver to a certaine moderate profit which upon great paines it may not bee lawfull to exceede for to forbid at once all profit is to give unto men occasions to seeke out palliations in contracts by sales of pensions by letting to hire fruits by selling to sell againe fained renumerations such like coulours There must be a provision made that strangers banquers nor others may no more make themselves bankrouts And here would bee brought in use a law made in the time of the emperour Tiberius whereby it was ordained that no man might hould a banque upon a great paine which had not two Sueton. in Tib. cap. 48. third parts of his goods in ground of inheritance moreover there must bee expressed the superfluities of apparell of banquets and other like whereby men doe so impoverish themselves this shall bee a cause that povertie or to have little shall bee the more tollerable For as Cato the elder said in an oration for the law Oppia against the great estates and luxuries of women It is a great evill and dangerous shame the shame of povertie parcimonie but when the law forbiddeth superfluities excesses of apparell and other vaine expences it covereth that shame with an honourable mantle of living after lawes seeing that it is a most praiseable thing and the contrary punishable and vituperable And assuredly saith hee it ordinarily commeth to passe that when wee are ashamed of that whereof wee should not wee will not be ashamed of that whereof wee ought to have shame Finally a prince must be a good justicer ever respective that the meaner poorer sort be not oppressed by the greatest neither by such men as are violent or evill livers All those things shall bee no charge to the prince to bring to passe yet by these meanes hee may greatly inrich his subjects which then will never spare any thing they have at their princes demand The people of the earledome of Foix are of their owne natures rude and stubborne enough yet wee reade That in the time of Gaston contie of Foix who was in the time of king Charles the sixt his subjects paied him so great tallies and imposts as hee held a kings estate though hee were but a counte Yea they payed him them very liberally without constraint and bore unto him great amitie and benevolence and whereupon came this but because hee
maintained them in peace when all his neighbors about him were in great warre and that hee maintained so good justice amongst them as none but hee alone pilled and vexed them And certaine it is that if men must needes bee robbed and spoiled they had rather to bee so dealt with by one man alone then of many and that subjects will beare it better at their princes hands than of particulars but especiallie when extreame and hard tallies and imposts are laid upon subjects if they bee descried to bee imployed for the publike good and that it bee something softened and sweetened by a good peace justice And therefore de Comines together praiseth and reprehendeth king Lewis the eleventh his master saying That hee pilled and oppressed his subjects but yet hee would never suffer any other to doe them any evill or any way to rob or spoyle them But to many it may seeme that that we have abovesaid tendeth too much unto the dispraise of Povertie which notwithstanding seemes to bee praised and recommended by our Christian religion But hereunto I answer That Povertie of it selfe is neither praiseable nor vituperable but men must judge of them according to circumstances For if it bee suffered with an holy patience by a Christian man who takes in good part and contenteth himselfe with the vocation whereunto God hath called him and with the meanes which he hath given him and if it bee accompanied with a simple and gentle spirit assuredly such a Povertie may bee placed in the ranke of the greatest vertues For it is no small vertue to bee able well and constantly to beare Povertie without straying out of the path but rather a very difficill and rare thing Therefore the Panims themselves praised and admired Aristides Phocion Lisander Valerius Publicola Fabricius Curius Quintus Cincinnatus Menencus Agrippa Paulus Aemilius and many other great persons which have carried themselves like good and vertuous people though they were very poore because they suffered Povertie with a great and constant courage and without straying any thing from vertue Yet so much there wanteth that Christian doctrine approveth this Povertie of begging that contrary it forbiddeth plainely that none bee suffered to beg And likewise the word of God witnesseth unto us That good men will not willinglie suffer their children to beg their bread for alwaies God assisteth and giveth them meanes Therefore Monkes called Mendicants have gone too far in praising extolling and exalting Povertie not taking it as it must be understoode by the word of God And so it is like they will soone repent that from the beginning they have made so deepe a profession of Povertie against which they have many times since pleaded kicked and spurned yet could never bee rid nor dispatched of it but alwaies have beene compelled by Popes and Parliaments alwaies to hould and observe it as a thing wherein lay and lyeth all the perfection of the orders But because this account and narration is pleasant to tyred and wearied readers I will a little discourse upon the warres of these Mendicant friers You must then know that these Mendicants at their first entrie into the world to renowne their names proposed to themselves straightly to follow the estate of perfection How the Mendicants pleaded against Povertie lost the cause that by their owne merits they might enter into Paradize and cause others to enter into favour of them and with their authoritie This estate of perfection they constituted in three points Chastitie Obedience and Povertie Of the two first points wee will not speake heere but onely of the last point which is Povertie Of this Povertie also they have made three kinds High Meane and Base High Povertie which the Franciscan Friers attribute unto themselves is that which hath nothing in this world neither in proper nor in common any way that is neither fields nor house nor possession nor rents nor pension nor beasts nor moveables nor apparrell nor bookes nor rights nor actions nor fruits nor any other thing in the world Behold here indeede a soveraigne pure and exceeding neere Povertie wherin there neither wanteth any thing neither is there any thing to be reprooved since it hath nothing at all The second kind which is for the Dominicans and Iacobins is a Meane Povertie which hath nothing particular or proper but only somethings in common as bookes apparrell and daily victuals The third and last kind which the Carmelites Augustines have retained for themselves is Base Povertie which may have proper common and in particular whatsoever is justly necessarie to life as apparrell bookes certaine pensions and some lands for helpe of their kitchin and necessitie of their living And it is good to note in those good brethren the Carmelites and Augustines how humble they shew themselves to bee contented with so base a kind of Povertie without any desire to mount higher as acknowledging themselves unworthie and incapable for to ascend into so high and superlative a degree These Mendicants then being obliged and restrained unto Povertie by a solemn vow which they make at their profession in their orders they are so annexed united and incorporated in it and with it that never after they could be never so little seperated or dismembred what diligence or labour soever they used to do it hereof they have found themselves much troubled and sorrowfull For howsoever gallant and goodly the Theorique of Povertie is yet in practise they have found it a little too difficile and hard And indeede if you consider more nigh the Theorique thereof especially of that high and soveraigne Povertie I know not whether you can finde any thing in the world more excellent or more admirable For they which make profession thereof in my opinion come something nigh an Angell like nature because the Angels have no need of the use of the earthly corruptible goods of this miserable world but onely take care of divine and spirituall things More also they which make profession of this high Povertie have this advauntage over the rich men which possesse the goods of this vale of miserie that they are not wrapped in so many mischeefes and travailes which accompanie those goods but are franke and free taking no care nor thought for ploughing manuring sowing reaping grape-gathering lopping of trees grafting eradicating cutting planting building selling buying or doing any other like things which concerne the affaires of the world From all these things they are free and exempted having nothing which hindereth them to be in a continuall contemplation and meditation of divine things to come in time unto a great and deepe wisedome yea to approch to the Angelicall nature of the Cherubins and Seraphins which have no other occupation than to contemplate and exalt the Divinitie But also if on the other side you consider the great difficulties in this so strict and straight use of Povertie you shall find it verily a sad and unpleasant thing For it is an approoved