observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdom or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no ways to be restored as heretofore that those times wich have been glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councils would ever acknowledge that Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrel and Olive Garlands to adorn with victory and peace our Gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forraign spoils have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetual issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forraign enterprise now is much more than in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Countrey so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the Kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best director of Counsel preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to pass his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000 marks Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French King ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding son pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King docem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks John gave to the French King to match his calm entrance to a secure peace Until the Confederacy with Scotland and invading of the Land by Charls de Valoys the French King provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noise of war as after he did by the Earls of Richmond and Lancaster although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto His Son the second Edward anno 2. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this State the words are ut Deus nos regat dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitterness and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to consult how Peace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no means violate but in the twentieth year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Cross with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French â—ury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shameful deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second meditation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Armaquibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawful who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in Sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian blood-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of War cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Countrey nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five and twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoid effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian blood he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one hour can overthrow simul parta sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings success as Livy of the Roman fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet
never would be drawn to â—he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum acâ—usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack â—he second time until the French King conâ—ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to â—is oath and the form of peace had vexillis exâ—licatis with banners displayed invaded his doâ—inions in France and with a Fleet intended â—o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subâ—ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom â—ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune â—nd after many years of war and much loss had â—n the end an expectation of peace which opened â—o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were â—n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he â—hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that â—angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name â—f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most â—read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy â—gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no â—ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by â—ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by â—he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul â—ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meanâ— with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamuâ— ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming â—f God good fame nor conscience detained â—he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardiâ—al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the â—ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where â—e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire â—o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty â—f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in diâ—ress and by his filial obedience the strongest â—ond to enter into that holy League they having â—lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected â—n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted â—ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his sucâ—eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were â—either properly ours nor begun by us although â—n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for â—ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she â—pent to confirm amity with Spain by many â—riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she â—ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spaâ—ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that â—his work of peace was by divine providence reâ—erved for him that could and hath best effected â—t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terrâ— marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britaiâ— in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the doorâ— of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the moâ—â— part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else aâ— plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of â—ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a â—uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall â—rom his first purpose and insist upon his own â—uard for which cause to the infinite charge â—f himself and people he levied 80000. men â—ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw â—is forces from France in the thirteenth of his â—eign they invaded the Realm and burned the â—owns of Plymouth and Southampton places â—hat suffered from the same motive the like caâ—amity In the first of Richard the second after the â—attel of Cressy when they feared our too much â—ooting and we too much believed our own forâ—une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly â—alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty â—housand
ROBERTVS COTTONVS BRVCEVS Aesculapius hic Librorum aerugo Vetustas Per quem nulla potest Britonum consumere chartas T. Crâ—ss sculpsit A DISCOURSE OF Foreign War With an ACCOUNT Of all the Taxations upon this Kingdom from the Conquest to the End of the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH Also a List of the Confederates from HENRY I. TO THE End of the Reign of the said Queen shewing which have prov'd most Beneficial to England Formerly Written by Sir Robert Cotton Barronet and now Published by Sir John Cotton Barronet LONDON Printed for Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard and at the White-Hart in Westminster-Hall 1690. THE PREFACE TO THE READER SO strange a desire and itch of writing doth possess the greatest part of the world and men are so in love with their own imaginations that they would have their follies engraved in Brass and Marble Upon this account the learned and most ingenious Physician in that incomparable piece of his Religio Medici hath these words I have heard some with deep sighs lament the lost lines of Cicero others with as many groans deplore the combustion of the Library of Alexandria for my own part I think there be too many in the world and could with patience behold the Urn and Ashes of the Vatican could I with a few others recover the perished leaves of Solomon 'T is not a melancholy Uâ—inam of my own but the desires of better heads that there were a general Synod not to unite the incompatible difference of Religion but for the benefit of Learning to reduce it as it lay at first in a few and solid Authors and to condemn to the fire those swarms and millions of Rhapsodies begotten only to distract and abuse the weaker judgement of Scholars and to maintain the trade and mysterie of Typographers What a multitude of books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning the controversies in Religion between us and the Romanists hath invaded the world and to use Homer's words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of these excepting some few as for example that of the Archbishop Laud's against Fisher Mr. Chillingworth against Knot The Author of Via Recta and Via Devia and that incomparable pair of learned men Dr. Stillingfleet and Dr. Tillotson with the most Learned and Pious Dr. Hammond against that Pest and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Mankind Serjeant the Major part are as he saith a spurious brood the laborious effects of ease and idleness not worthy the Vacant hours of a serious person Having said this it may justly be objected against me why I by putting forth this Book should help to encrease this Epidemical disease To this I answer 1. I received some encouragement by the general favour and acceptance which the world was pleas'd to give to this small Treatise 2. My pious affection and Duty to the Author did inflame my desires to propagate his Name as much as in me lay to Posterity 3. Being but a small Book it was secure from that censure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If this little Treatise may find not only pardon but some acceptance from those few of the more knowing persons I have obtain'd my design To please all I know is impossible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 John Cotton PROPOSITIONS OF WAR and PEACE Delivered to His Highness PRINCE HENRY By some of his Military servants Arguments for War FRames of Policy as well as works of Nature are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on By Armes was laid the foundation of this State whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman It was War that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatness and crowned thereby this State with an eternal peace Times nor our own vertues are not changed Necessity Benefit and Facility of War being the same that they were before to our forefathers Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1. Necessity for 1 Preservation of our own peace 2 Venting of factious spirits 3 Instructing in arms our people We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth For France by the awful hand of his father reduced it fared with us as with the mistress of the world Remoto Carthaginis metu Imperii aemula when the fear of Carthage her competitor for the Empire was removed that fell not by degrees but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voâ—uptates 〈◊〉 negotio ad otium rushed headlong from arms to pleasures from employment to idleness And from hence as greatest Nations cum ab externis causis tutae videntur ipsae suis viribus onerantur when there is no longer fear of forraign enemies their own strength becomes a burthen to them so after many conquests abroad we were at home prest down with the unnatural weight of civil arms For cum foris non habent hostem domi inveniunt when people have no enemies abroad they 'l find some at home as all warlike and fruitful Nations will not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people To add to this necessity the sending away of our factious spirits it will remove the seat of blood from our own doors and prove the cheapest school to train up in arms the better dispositions whose military skill may after serve to defend the State by the late accession of another Nation will be now more needful Ne novus populus otio nimia pecunia lasciviret lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idleness and we in the end enforced with the Satyrist to confess Nâ—nâ— patimur longae patis mala saevior armis Luxuria incubuit We suffer now the harm of a long peace Whilâ—st Riot worse than war doth thus increase 2 Benefits 1 Wealth by 1 Spoil of the Enemy 2 Addition of Revenue by subjected territories 2 Honor by addition of 1 Title 2 Dominion 3. A more facility to effect than heretofore by 1 Addition of new strength 2 Substraction of diversions The facility to effect this being now more than ever by the addition of strength and substraction of diversions in this happy union of the Britain Empire The benefits arise from Profit and Honour The Spoils we have brought away in our French Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories as Normandy Aquitain c. supporting with much and vantage the expence in keeping Our Honour as the Stile of our Kings by confluence of so many Titles increased by accession of so many Territories as we held in France our Dominions and liberties so far inlarged AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESS AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body natural that by
shall be lawful for all persons in our Kingdom to rise up against us and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant acsi Nobis in nullâ— tenerentur so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them as if they were by no tye obliged to us If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State he had never disquieted the calm of his Times or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regency in France he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England Our own times can afford some whose spirit improved by Military imployment and made wanton with popular applause might have given instance of these dangers if good success had been a relative to bad intentions And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions seeking rather a great than a good Fame and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times which if they attain to it is but the condition of Monsters that are generally much admired but more abhorred But war some may say mouldeth not all men thus for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends against Enemies for defence And to those men their own goodness is not safe nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt for Kings suspect good men sooner than bad Kings must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their business and not supra above it or too able for it For another mans too-much sufficiency as they take it is a diminution of their respectiveness and therefore dangerous THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of War which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness and the means of getting to their own justice can never again endure either order or labour and so return but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawless manners For living more riotously than the rapine of forraign victory could warrant as for the most they do in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune they desire a change of the publick Quiet In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings however the world goes they can be no losers for like Silla's Army making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies for the victors Sword seldom teacheth either mean or modesty they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their Countrey-men at home For who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their armes with moderation Against the fury of such seditious Outrages many Parliaments as in the twenty second of Hen. the sixth have been sollicited for redress And that example in Champaign after the Peace at Callis 1360. where this licentious Rout at the close of those wars slew the Duke of Bourbon and besieged the Pope at Avignon may suffice to express this mischief It hath no less weakened the bond of mutual Trade since our Merchants whom the necessity of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended do now teach as a Maxime of their Mysterie and our State That the directest way either to wealth or security is by Rapine and Spoil and to cloak their own ends pretend the common good as if the State stood by their affections when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters and therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonefire of their Countrey if it be but to keep warm and awake their own humours THe last motive from Necessity is the ease War bringeth to a surcharged State Intending it seemeth War but as the Sink and Souldiers but as the Corruptions of Common-weals whereas besides the inevitable use of the one and the noble condition of the other an Errour in the argument Nature doth never oppress further by increase than she again dischargeth The breast of the Mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the Womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth proportioning to the number of the Children the condition of their Strength and Appetites It is then accession of our own that may furcharge for Parents by such indulgent admission may soon famish whom in Motherly affection they intend to cherish But admitting the former ground whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at pleasure to gage the Issue when such elective power is left to him only qui suis stat viribus non alieno pendet arbitrio who stands by his own strength and not at the pleasure of another is considerable since to begin cuivis licet deponere cum victores â—â—lunt is easie for any man but the laying down â—ill be at the Conquerours pleasure For the wastâ—…g of our people in ambitious Enterprizes as that â—…r an Empire by Constantine in France left this 〈◊〉 and as a prey to the barbarous Frontiers â—…mni milite floridae juventut is alacritate spoliaâ—… being left naked of Souldiery and robbed of â—…e choicest flower of youth And when we were â—…ed to make good our undertaking in France the waste of our people was so great that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium the dregs â—f Towns as Curtius saith of Alexander â—eed hiring the Bankrupts by protection as in â—…e twenty second of Edward the first and enâ—…orcing against the rule of justice the Judges to â—…ut Placita corum in respectu qui in obsequium Reâ—…is profecturi sunt Pleas in the behalf of such as â—…ere to go in the Kings service And as Tacitus â—…f a declined Majesty saith emunt militem non â—…egunt they buy their Souldiers rather than make â—…hoice of them we made purchase of general Pardons of all that were Utlegati Banniti aut de Feloniis indictati si cum Rege transitare voluerint out-lawed excommunicated or indicted of Feâ—…ony in case they would go over with the King As in the same year of the former King and in the year after were dischaged out of all Prisons in the Realm to the number of ninety seven notorious Maâ—…efactors b And in the eighteenth of Edward the second and eighth of Edward the third and â—weleth of Edward the fourth we did the like An army better apted by Necessity than Election to â—ive upon the Enemy Quibus ob Egestatem Flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est whose â—ndigency and former ill way of life must needs make them ready for any mischief In the end 〈◊〉 this King last remembred and entrance of 〈◊〉 Heir Richard the second the State began to be seâ—… sible of consuming Issue which not lying in thâ—… Kings power now as the strength of France
most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the eighteenth of Edward the third until the one and twentieth in which space it was taken the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 shill 4 d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 shillings In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat In the thirtieth received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847 l. And in the year following 26355 l. 15 shill In the second of Richard the second de receptis forinscecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for three years compleat Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an 13. 48609 l. 8 shill And for the four succeeding years 90297 l. 19 shill And for the last three years of his Reign 85643 l. From the end of Richard the second until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years 62655 l. 17 shillings And for one succeeding 19783 l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for two years five months in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first four and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938 l. 10 shill for this place And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It cost Henry the sixth above all Revenue 9054 l. 5 shill in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the one and thirtieth of this King there was a Fifteen and 2 shill of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victuals and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one year being 12771 l. And in the sixteenth of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool and Sandwich 12488 l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290 l. 18 shill And in 22. 11102 l. And the year following 10788 l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. 8834 l. And about the thirtieth when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428 l. 18 shill From the first purchase of it by Edw. 3. until the loss thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us than any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the eighth to put off that Kingdom although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable and the keeping more than the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousie that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easie descent into and convenient place to trouble the Countrey a Fetter to intangle them they neither had assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis after the eight years expired of Redelivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town than by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pique and Quarrel between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amiss to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened until conformity of Affections and designs of Councils shall further effect a Remedy The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20 Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. 10153 l. And 11 Henry 6. the Custody of the Marches 4766 l. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l. And in an 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an 26. 12391 l. The Kingdom of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29 E. 3. 2285 l. An. 30. 2880 l. and an 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11 Henry 6. 4000 Marks of annual issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwel Lord Treasurer not above 3040 l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years ending 1571. amounted to 116874 l. In an 1584. for less than two years came it to 86983 l. The charge there in two years of Sir John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000 l. the issue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disbursement in seven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. for nine moneths 167987 l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the first of the King 84179 l. Whose Government although
been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the Kings of Portugal and Spain and the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so far removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse only IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffick here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousie of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral according to Aristhenus counsel to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side than to be made a prey to the Conquer our Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetual service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficial Trade and no less in Policy to ingage that City than to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summs of money as the Interest of late exceeded twenty five Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party than if it were commanded by a Cittadel so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent than ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundy was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give Aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive War secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our Wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aid as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for two respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugal And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdom And after upon the River of Gaâ— rillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdom themselves For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship since upon Union of so many Kingdoms and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy The other that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all forms of antient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibuâ— ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deonitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desâ—t The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it and in such a case the very places must cease to be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these local considerations there will two other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutual aid The one from diversity â—f Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretendeth in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designs Thus was Henry the third served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurr away the peril the poor King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdom of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarr calling in the aide of Edward the third against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannical King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heirs male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incursion of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom and the other