wanting in respect The Parliament which is always vigorous in opposing such Attempts fail'd not to make their most humble Remonstrations to the King worthy of the Wisedom and Constancy which that August Body makes appear on all occasions relating to the defence of the rights of the Crown and the privileges of the Realm The King of Navarre added his own to these wherein he represents to the King that His Majesty was more concern'd than he not to suffer this insolent and unmaintainable attempt of Sixtus And as he thought himself oblig'd by some extraordinary and high manner of proceeding to revenge the affront which was put upon him in that Bull wherein he was treated so unworthily He both had the courage and found the means of fixing even upon the Gates of the Vatican his solemn Protestation against it In which after having first appeal'd as of an abuse to the Court of Peers and to a general Council as superiour to a Pope he protests the Nullity of all Sixtus's procedure And farther adds That as the Princes and Kings his Predecessours have well known how to repress Popes when they forgot themselves and pass'd beyond the bounds of their Vocation by confounding Temporals with Spirituals so he Hopes that God will inable him to revenge upon Sixtus the injury which is done in his Person to the whole House of France imploring for this purpose the succour and assistance of all the Kings and Princes and Republiques of Christendom who as well as himself are assaulted in that Bull. Though Pope Sixtus following the bent of his own temper which was naturally violent and inflexible revok'd not his Bull for this nevertheless as he had a Soul that was truly great he cou'd not but acknowledge that this action was extremely generous nor cou'd he hinder himself from telling the French Ambassadour that he wish'd the King his Master had as much courage and resolution against his real Enemies as the Navarrois had made appear against those who hated his Heresie but not his Person But that wish of his was very fruitless for that poor spirited Prince was in such awe of the League that whatsoever Remonstrances were made him and though the example of the late King his Brother was propos'd to him who had acted with much more vigour on the like occasion on behalf of the Queen of Navarre whom they endeavour'd to have depos'd at Rome that he durst never permit any opposition to that Bull. Insomuch that he contented himself barely with not allowing it to be judicially publish'd in France without so much as once demanding of the Pope that he wou'd revoke it as Charles the Ninth had done who by a manly protestation constrain'd Pope Pius the Fourth to recall that Bull which he had made against Queen Iane d' Albret This was the effect of that fear so unworthy of a King which Henry the Third had of the League which takeing advantage of his weakness became more arrogant and more audacious to oblige him as in effect it did in spight of his repugnance to infringe that Peace which he had given to France and to make War against the King of Navarre who had at all times most punctually obey'd him even when he forbad him to take Arms and to March in defence of him against the League All he cou'd obtain of that party was by gaining a little time to keep matters from coming to extremity the dangerous consequence of which he well foresaw And to this purpose Messire Philip de Lenoncour who was afterwards Cardinal and the President Brulart with some Doctours of the â—orbonne were sent by him to the King of Navarre to persuade him to return into the Communion of the Catholique Church and to suspend the Exerciâ—e of Calvinism at least for the space of six Months during which some expedient might be found to accommodate all things amicably A better choice cou'd not possibly be made for the treating an Affair of that importance than was the person of that famous Nicholas de Brulart Marquis of Sillery whose approv'd fidelity in the Service of our Kings and whose Wisedom and ripe experience in the management of affairs were at length recompens'd by Henry the fourth by conferring on him the highest Honours of the Robe in which Office he gloriously ended his days under the Reign of the late King 'T is the distinguishing character of that illustrious House to have the advantage of being able to reckon amongst the great men who are descended from it two Chamberlains of Kings one Master of the Engines and Machines one Commandant of the Cavalry kill'd at the Battail of Agincourt in fighting for his Country one Procureur General and three Presidents of the Parlament of Paris two Premier Presidents of the Parlament of Bourgogne and above all a Chancellour of France to consummate the Honour of their House and one of the most splendid titles of Nobility which the Sword or long Robe can bestow 'T was then this excellent Person who was joyn'd in Commission with the Sieur of Lenoncour for this important Negotiation Because it was hop'd from his address and the mildness of his behaviour which was insinuating and persuasive that he above all others wou'd be able to win the King of Navarre to a compliance with his Majesties desire that he might not be constrain'd against his own inclinations to bring a War upon him But as that happy hour was not yet come And that it was an ill expedient to procure the Conversion of a Man and especially of a Great Prince who has wherewithall to defend himself when he is attacqu'd to bring Faith to him with threatning like a Chalenge and to shew him the Arms which are in a readiness to constrain him he onely answer'd that he had always been dispos'd as he then was to receive the instructions which shou'd be given him according to the Decisions of a free General Council and not with a Dagger at his Throat which was the Argument they us'd to him after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew There was therefore a necessity at last of coming to a War according to the wishes of the League which believ'd it was able to overwhelm at one push both that Prince and his whole party before he cou'd be recruited with Foreign Forces But it was extremely deceiv'd in that expectation For of the two Armies which the King was oblig'd according to the treaty of Nemours to give to the Command of two Lorrain Princes the one to the Duke of Guise in opposition to the Germans if they shou'd attempt an entrance into France to which they had been solicited by the Huguenots the other to the Duke of Mayenne for his expedition into Guyenne against the King of Navarre whose defeat and ruine the Leaguers concluded to be inevitable the last of the two after a Campaign of ten Months without performance of any thing but onely the taking in some few places of small importance which afterwards were
terms and mutual reproaches without coming to any amicable conclusion The Prince of Condè according to his lofty and severe humour spoke always more sharply than the other two rejecting all methods of reconciliation and saying with an air extremely fierce that there was no belief to be given to those who had so basely falsified their Faith in violating the Edicts of the King to satisfie the Seditious and the Rebels The King of Navarre of a temper much more sweet and complaisant though with a becoming noble boldness he gave the Queen to understand that he had no great reason to commend her proceedings in reference to himself yet he never forgot the respect which was due to her Character And upon occasion of her remonstrating to him that the peace of France depended on his conversion since the onely fear of falling under the dominion of an Huguenot Prince had made and arm'd the League which had no quarrel to His person but onely to his Heresie his answer was no more than this That Religion was onely a pretence â—hich the Authours of the League had taken up to cover their ambition which manifestly design'd the total ruine of the Royal family and as to his conversion he was always dispos'd to it on condition he might be instructed in the truth by a free Council which he had oftentimes demanded and in the definitive judgment of which both he and his party would wholly acquiesce He consented even to a Truce of twelve days during which the King 's good pleasure shou'd be consulted by proposing to him that condition though it was known beforehand that he wou'd never consent to it And in the mean time the Vicount of Turenne coming to wait on the Queen at Fontenay whither she was retir'd the Conference was resum'd for the last time For after they had amplifi'd their Forces on either side and both had set forth the advantages of their own party which cou'd not be done without some sharpness and even menaces the Queen losing patience and taking up that air of haughtiness and Majesty which she had often assum'd at the like Conferences in the Reigns precedent and at the beginning of this said in an imperious tone that there was no more room left for deliberation and that the King who wou'd be absolutely Master in his Realm had fix'd his positive resolution to have but one Religion in France 'T is well Madam repli'd the Vicount with a disdainfull kind of smile we joyn issue with you in the same resolution Let there be but one Religion provided it be ours if otherwise we must hack it out on both sides On which without staying for a reply he made a low bow and immediately withdrew Thus the Conference was ended to the extreme displeasure of the King who to gain covert from that Tempest of the Germans which he foresaw to be powring upon France had passionately desir'd a Peace which he cou'd neither obtain from the King of Navarre nor even from the League in whose quarrel he was engag'd to make War against that King For the Leaguers whose number was prodigiously incrâ—as'd especially in Paris grown jealous of those frequent Treaties with the king of Navarre let loose their tongues more brutally than ever against the King as if he had held a secret correspondence with the Huguenots and play'd booty with the League by a counterfeit shew of ruining its Enâ—mies There are those who have gone so far as to report that at this very time they had laid a terrible Plot against the King in which they engag'd the Duke of Mayenne who had made himself their Head in the absence of his Brother and that the Conspirators had resolv'd to put all the Guards of his Majesty to the Sword to seize his Royal Person and afterwards either to confine him to a Monastery or to imprison him in a Tower to cut the throats of the Chancellour the first President and all the Principal Officers to put others in their places and to create a new Council consisting wholly of their own party to possess themselves of the Bastille the Arsenal the Chastelets the Palace and the Temple to give entrance to the Spanish Armada which was then prepar'd against England by Boulogne and a hundred other partâ—cularities of that Conspiracy which the President de Thou thought fit to insert in his History upon the credit of one Nicholas Poulain Lieutenant in the Provostship of the Isle of France who having been of the Council of the League reveal'd as he relates himself the whole secret to the Chancellor de Chiverny Monsieur Villeroy chief Secretary of State and also to the King But besides that no credit ought in reason to be given to a man of double dealing who has betray'd both sides and who to set himself right with that party he had forsaken may affirm a thousand things which he cannot prove which is a crime that hath often brought the informer to the Gallows there is nothing of all this matter to be seen in those Papers which were written at that time either for or against the League especially in those of the Huguenots who wou'd be sure to omit nothing that cou'd possibly make against their Enemies or for themselves neither in the Memoires of the Chancellour de Chiverny nor of Monsieur de Villeroy who in all probability wou'd not have forgotten a thing of that importance if they had had it from the mouth of the Informer or indeed if they had believ'd it true And certainly there are many things so very improbable in that verbal process of Nicholas Poulain which I have most exactly read and even so many notorious falsities and those so opposite to the nature and genius of the Duke of Mayenne that it is a prodigious thing in Monsieur de Thou that he wou'd take the pains to transcribe it almost word for word in a History so elegant and serious as that of his This in reason shou'd give a caution to such as undertake the writing of a History not to trust all sorts of Writers and not ambitiously to swell their Works with all they find written in certain Unauthentique Memoires without giving themselves the leisure to examine their merit and their quality That which is certain in that affair is that the Leaguers of Paris interpreting maliciously and in the worst sense those Negotiations and Conferences which were made with the King of Navarre were not wanting to make the people understand that the King held intelligence with him and protected the Huguenots It was also in order to destroy that belief and false opinion which ran of him to his disadvantage among the people that the King renew'd with more apparent fervour and solemnity those extraordinary devotions which he practiss'd from time to time and above all his Processions of Penitents which far from serving his design render'd him yet more despicably odious As evil by the abuse of the best and most holy things
the Castle of Amboise and distributed them into several Prisons But the Duke of Mayenne who over-powr'd him in men was already upon the point of coming out from Paris with a strong Army with a resolution of preventing his designs and assaulting him in Tours And upon that consideration it was that he was forc'd to resolve upon the onely way which remain'd for his Shelter from the last extremities of Violence and for the preservation of his Crown and Person France at that time was in a most deplorable condition divided and as it were broken into three Parties which laid it waste That of the League the most powerfull of any by the Rebellion of so many Towns that of the King of Navarre which had greatly strengthen'd it self dureing the first troubles and that of the King which in a manner was reduc'd to his own Houshold and some very few depending Towns It was impossible for him in this condition to carry on the War which he had undertaken against the Huguenots and at the same time to maintain himself against the Army of the Leaguers It remain'd then that of necessity he must close with one of those Parties that by its assistance he might reduce the other to Obedience or at least that he might save himself from ruine which was inevitable if he stood single and expos'd to the violence of the other two Now the Leaguers wou'd neither admit of Peace nor Truce with him having Sworn in the Oath which was administer'd to them by the Duke of Mayenne that they wou'd prosecute their Vengeance to the extremity for the death of the two Guises 'T is manifest by consequence that he was indispensably oblig'd to unite himself with the King of Navarre and to accept the aid he offer'd him with so much frankness and generosity After the death of the Guises that Prince making his advantage of so favourable an opportunity while all things were in confusion amongst the Catholiques had much advanc'd the affairs of his Party by taking of Niort Saint Maxent Maillezais and some other Towns in Poitou since when upon his quick recovery from a dangerous Sickness whereof he was like to die he had push'd his conquests as far as the Frontiers of Touraine having made himself Master of Loudun Thouars Montreiuil Bellay Mirebeau Lisle Bouchard Chastelleraud Argenton and of Blanc in Berry At which time observing the wretched Estate to which the Kingdom was reduc'd by the three Parties which dismembred it he publish'd a Declaration on the fourth of March address'd to the three Estates of France therein exhorting them to Peace which was the onely remedy for so many distempers as afflicted the miserable Nation Then having clearly prov'd that it was impossible for the King to succeed in a Civil War to be prosecuted as some advis'd him at the same time against the Huguenots and Leaguers he offer'd him his Service and all the Forces of his Party not for bringing the Leaguers and the Revolted Towns to punishment but for reducing them to the terms of desiring Peace which he most humbly petition'd him to grant them and to pardon and pass by the injuries he had receiv'd after they had been subdu'd by the joint Forces of all good French-men both of the one Religion and the other marching under the conduct of his Majesty against Rebels After which he protested in the sight of God and ingag'd his Faith and Honour that forasmuch as that union of his most faithfull Servants as well Catholiques as Protestants was onely intended to restore the Royal Authority and Peace in France he wou'd never permit that the Roman Catholique Faith shou'd receive the least prejudice in consideration of it but that it shou'd always be preserv'd in such Towns as shou'd be taken without making any alteration of Religion in them This Declaration made way for the Treaty which was begun with great secrecy immediately after it in order to the Union of the two Kings There were some in the Council who endeavour'd to oppose that Negotiation as fearing that it wou'd much fortify the Party of the League by contributing to the belief of that report which was already spread by the Leaguers amongst the people that the King had always maintain'd a private Correspondence with the Huguenots besides that the Pope whose Friendship was necessary wou'd be scandalis'd at such an Union The King himself had a great repugnance to it and doubtless wou'd much rather have compounded his differences with the Princes of the League if it had been possible and thereby to have renew'd his Edict of Reunion a thing not unknown to the King of Navarre who easily perceiv'd that the Court wou'd never apply to him but for want of others In effect the King in the beginning of March had written to the Duke of Lorrain and had sent him very advantageous conditions for the Princes of his House with all manner of Security for them in case he cou'd prevail with them to receive the Peace and Treaty which he offer'd But being refus'd on that side those of his Council who were of opinion that the King of Navarre's propositions shou'd be accepted inforc'd so far their strongest Argument which was pure Necessity farther alledging the examples of so many Catholique Kings and Princes who like the great Emperour Theodosius made use of Inâ—idels and Heretiques against their Enemies that the King at last consented to set on foot the Treaty It was concluded at Tours on the third of April by the Sieur du Plessis-Mornay who capitulated on the King of Navarre's behalf on these conditions That the said King during the Truce which was made for one year shou'd serve the King with all his Forces That he shou'd have a passage on the Loyre which at length was declar'd to be the Town of Saumur after some difficulties which were remov'd concerning the trusting it in his hands That he shou'd therein have the free exercise of his Religion and in some other little Towns which were left to him by way of caution for his reimbursment of his charges in the War This Negotiation of Du Plessis cou'd not be transacted with so much Secrecy but that it was vented by the Legat Morosini who thereupon us'd his utmost endeavours in three vigorous Remonstrances to hinder that blow which he believ'd wou'd be fatal to Religion according to the false notions which he had of the King of Navarre And the King having told him that after having tri'd all ways of accommodation with the Duke of Mayenne which that Prince had always haughtily rejected necessity compell'd him to make use of the onely remaining means to defend his Life the Legat earnestly besought him to allow him ten days more that he might have opportunity of treating in person with that Duke whom he hop'd he shou'd be able to prevail with to accept those advantageous terms of Peace which were presented him Though the Treaty was not onely concluded but also sign'd as appears
Nuremberg The King was not yet satisfy'd to have wholly extinguish'd that Firebrand of Civil War which the League had lighted up in all the Provinces of France he farther desir'd in order to the security and quiet of his People after so great Troubles to make an end of foreign War which he accomplish'd not long after the Treaty of the Duke of Mercaeur by the Peace of Vervins Since that War which was openly made against the Spaniard during the space of four years had nothing of relation to the League nor the Peace which concluded it I shall forbear any mention of it in this History that I may not exceed the Limits of my Subject I shall only say that after the Spaniard had been oblig'd by vertue of the Articles of Peace to restore all the Places which he had taken from us or that had been basely given up to him during our Troubles we have seen since that time under the glorious Reigns of the Bourbons that imperial House still increasing with the French Monarchy by Peace and War in Greatness in Power and in Wealth even till this present time when Louis the Great by his victorious Arms and by his Laws has rais'd it to the highest pitch of Glory on the Ruines of those who had attempted its destruction by the League A wonderful effect of the divine Providence and Justice and a plain demonstration to all Subjects that they are indispensably oblig'd to give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and that with good Reason founded on the express Commands of Jesus Christ the fourth Council of Toledo inspir'd by God's holy Spirit has made a Decree against such kind of Leaguers containing That whoever shall have violated by any League the Oath of Allegiance by which he is bound to maintain the state of his Countrey and of his King or shall have made any Attempt against his sacred Person or endeavour'd to depose him and tyrannically usurp'd the Soveraign Power let him be Anathema before God the Father and his holy Angels before Iesus Christ and his Apostles before the holy Ghost and the Martyrs let him be cut off from the Catholick Church which be has profan'd by his execrable Perjury and let him be excluded from the Company of the Faithful together with all those who have been partakers of his Impiety for 't is most just that they who are Accomplices and guilty of the same Crime shou'd also be involv'd in the same Punishment THE POSTSCRIPT Of the TRANSLATOR THat Government generally consider'd is of divine Authority will admit of no dispute For whoever will seriously consider that no man has naturally a right over his own Life so as to murder himself will find by consequence that he has no right to take away anothers Life and that no pact betwixt man and man or of Corporations and Individuals or of Soveraigns and Subjects can intitle them to this right So that no Offender can lawfully and without sin be punish'd unless that power be deriv'd from God 'T is He who has commission'd Magistrates and authoriz'd them to prevent future Crimes by punishing Offenders and to redress the injur'd by distributive Justice Subjects therefore are accountable to Superiors and the Superior to Him alone For the Soveraign being once invested with lawful Authority the Subject has irrevocably given up his power and the dependance of a Monarch is alone on God A King at his Coronation swears to govern his Subjects by the Laws of the Land and to maintain the several Orders of Men under him in their lawful priviledges and those Orders swear Allegiance and Fidelity to him but with this distinction that the failure of the People is punishable by the King that of the King is only punishable by the King of Kings The People then are not Judges of good or ill administration in their King for 't is inconsistent with the Nature of Soveraignty that they shou'd be so And if at some times they suffer through the irregularities of a bad Prince they enjoy more often the benefits and advantages of a good one as God in his Providence shall dispose either for their blessing or their punishment The advantages and disadvantages of such subjection are suppos'd to have been first consider'd and upon this ballance they have given up their power without a capacity of resumption So that it is in vain for a Common-wealth Party to plead that men for example now in being cannot bind their Posterity or give up their power For if Subjects can swear only for themselves when the Father dyes the subjection ends and the Son who has not sworn can be no Traytor or Offender either to the King or to the Laws And at this rate a long-liv'd Prince may out-live his Soveraignty and be no longer lawfully a King But in the mean time 't is evident that the Son enjoys the benefit of the Laws and Government which is an implicit acknowledgment of subjection 'T is endless to run through all the extravagancies of these men and 't is enough for us that we are settled under a Lawful Government of a Most Gracious Prince that our Monarchy is Hereditary that it is naturally poiz'd by our municipal Laws with equal benefit of Prince and People that he Governs as he has promis'd by explicit Laws and what the Laws are silent in I think I may conclude to be part of his Prerogative for what the King has not granted away is inheâ—ent in him The point of Succession has sufficiently been discuss'd both as to the Right of it and to the interest of the People One main Argument of the other side is how often it has been remov'd from the Right Line As in the case of King Stephen and of Henry the Fourth and his Descendants of the House of Lancaster But 't is easie to answer them that matter of Fact and matter of Right are different Considerations Both those Kings were but Usurpers in effect and the Providence of God restor'd the Posterities of those who were dispossess'd By the same Argument they might as well justifie the Rebellion and Murder of the Late King For there was not only a Prince inhumanly put to death but a Government overturn'd and first an Arbitrary Common-wealth then two Usurpers set up against the Lawful Soveraign but to our happiness the same Providence has miraculously restor'd the Right Heir and to their confusion as miraculously preserv'd him In this present History to go no further we see Henry the Third by a Decree of the Sorbonne divested what in them lay of his Imperial Rights a Parliament of Paris such another as our first long Parliament confirming their Decree a Pope authorising all this by his Excommunication and an Holy League and Covenant prosecuting this Deposition by Arms Yet an untimely death only hindred him from reseating himself in Glory on the Throne after he was in manifest possession of the Victory We see also the same Sorbonists the same Pope Parliament and
Innocent IX Pope declares himself for the League 861 Duke Anne de Joyeuse the King's Favourite 192 193 His prodigious rise ib. His Elogy ib. He commands the Army against the King of Navarre 194 His Exploits in Poitou 195 c. His faults and presumption at the Battel of Coutras Pag. 202 203 His death ib. Henry de Joyeuse Count de Bouchage becomes Capucin under the name of Fryer Auge and why 368 369 His most extraordinary Procession from Paris to Chartres to ask mercy of the King ib. His going out and re-entring the Capucins 960 c. Francis de Joyeuse Cardinal Protector of France generously maintains the King's Rights 418 His effectual Remonstrance to Pope Sixtus upon his proceedings after the death of the Guises ib. Ivry its situation and the Battel was fought there 770 771 c. L. FRrancis de la Noue at the relief of Senlis 484 Ranges the Army and gains the Battel 485 c. His Valour at the Combat of Arques 748 Wounded and beaten back at the attaquing the Suburbs of St. Martin 353 c. M. de Launoy a grand Leaguer 75 Philip de Lenoncour Cardinal 140 The Sieur de I'Esdiguieres takes Montelimar and Ambrun where the Huguenots plunder the great Church 145 The League and Leaguers its true Original Pag. 2 3 Wherein it is like to that of Calvinism 3 The success it had quite contrary to the end it was propos'd for ib. The first that conceiv'd the design was the Cardinal de Lorrain at the Council of Trent 15 16 The occasion that gave it birth in France 22 23 c. It s Project in Form to which all the Leaguers are made subscribe 32 33 The Refutation of the Articles of the said Form 33 c. It would usurp the Authority Royal in the first Estates at Blois 60 61 c. It s horrible Calumnies against Henry III. 89 166 234 262 234 303 304 The League of Sixteen at Paris its original and progress 93 c. It s twelve Founders 94 c. The Treaty of the League with the Spaniard 102 It hinders the Low-Countries from being united to the Crown 108 In taking Arms at so mischievous a time hinders the ruine of Huguenotism which was going to be destroy'd during the Peace ib. It sends new Memoirs and a new Form of Oath to the Provinces at the coming of the Reyters 234 The Insolence of the Leaguers after the defeat of the Reyters 302 They take Arms and fall upon the Archers who would seize de Prevost Curate of St. Severin that had preach'd seditiously against the King Pag. 203 204 They take the Alarm seeing the King dispos'd to punish them and implore the help of the Duke of Guise 332 c. Their Transports and Acclamations at the Duke's coming 337 They oppose the going forth of Strangers whom the King would have put out of Paris 348 They make Barricades 352 They act openly against the King's Authority at the Estates 389 Their furious deportmenâ—s at Paris after the death of the Guises 427 428 c. They degrade King Henry III. and act â—all sorts of Outrages against him 436 They accuse him of Enchantments and Magic Charms 452 The Cities that entred into the League 461 At Tolous they massacre the first President and Advocate General 462 Their Deputies press the Pope to publish the Excommunication against the King 495 496 They become stronger than ever after the death of Henry III. 737 738 Their Power during the Siege of Paris 800 They offer the Crown of France to the King of Spain 833 834 They cause President Brisson to be hang'd 837 Four of the most Seditious are hang'd at the Louvre 839 They make it appear at the Estates at Paris that they desire nothing less than the King's Conversion Pag. 890 891 Henry d'Orleans Duke de Longueville at the Relief of Senlis 486 Gives Battel to the Leaguers and gains it 487 c. Commands one part of the King's Army 736 And at the Attaque of the Suburbs of Paris 752 753 Charles Duke of Lorrain would not have the passage of the Reyters through his Country oppos'd and why 239 240 c. Would not enter France after the Reyters ib. Obtains Peace of the King 946 Charles Cardinal of Lorrain was the first that form'd the design of a general League of the Catholics 15 16 His Portrait ib. Charles de Lorrain Duke of Mayenne makes Wars with the King of Navarre in Guyenne with little success 143 144 Ioins himself with his Brother the Duke of Guise against the Army of the Reyters 258 259 His brave Action at the Combat of Vimory 270 c. He retires to Lyon in Bourgogn after the death of his two Brothers 426 c. His Encomium and Portrait 453 c. He refuses the great Offers the King made him and goes to the Wars ib. His happy beginnings Pag. 455 His Entry into Paris 457 Weakens the Council of Sixteen by augmenting it 458 459 Causes himself to be declar'd Lieutenant General of the Estate and Crown of France 460 Acts as a Sovereign and makes new Laws 460 461 Marches against the King defeats the Count de Brienne's Troops and takes him Prisoner 480 481 c. He attaques and takes the Suburbs of Tours and returns without doing any thing else ib. His generous Resolution when he saw himself besieged by the Royal Army 507 508 Makes the Cardinal of Bourbon be declar'd King by the Council of the Union 739 He attaques the King at Arques and is repuls'd and beaten 742 743 c. He follows the counsel of M. de Ville-Roy and opposes the designs of the Spaniards 759 760 c. Causes to be proclaim'd Charles X. 764 765. Marches to the Relief of Dreux 769 Loses the Battel of Ivry 787 Breaks with the Spaniards and why 833 c. Divides himself from the Princes of his House 834 c. Is jealous of the young Duke of Guise 835 Causes Four of the principal of the Sixteen to be hang'd up at the Louvre and abates their Faction Pag. 839 Carries the Duke of Parma to the Relief of Roan 846 He assembles the Estates at Paris 862 863 c. His Declaration wherein he invites all the Catholic Lords of the Royal Paâ—ty to meet at the Estates for the good of the Religion and the State 865 866 His Speech and Design in the Estates 875 c. He creates one Admiral and four Marshals of France 873 Causes the Conference of Surene to be accepted by the Estates 878 Takes Noyen 879 Dextrously hinders the Election of a King at the Estates 895 896 Will not hold the King's Absolution good 931 Retires from Paris to Soisons 940 What he did at the Battel of Fontain Francoise 947 948 c. Obtains from the King a Treaty and a favourable Edict 954 955 c. Is very well received by the King at Monceaux 957 Henry de Lorrain Duke of Guise destin'd by his Uncle the Cardinal of Lorrain
most infamous of mankind onely for renouncing Calvinism By how many Forgeries and Calumnies have they endeavour'd to ruine the repute of all such Catholiques as have the most vigorously oppos'd their Heresie History will furnish us with abundant proofs and we have but too many in the Fragments which Monsieur Le Laboreur has given us of their insolent Satyrs where they spare not the most inviolable and Sacred things on Earth not even their anointed Soveraigns For which Reason that Writer in a certain Chapter of his Book wherein he mentions but a small parcel of those Libels after he has said that the most venomous Satyrists and the greatest Libertines were those of the Huguenot party adds these memorable words I should have been asham'd to have read all those Libels for the Blasphemies and Impieties with which they are fill'd if that very consideration had not been ayding to confirm me in the belief that there was more wickedness than either errour or blindness in their Doctrine and that their Morals were even more corrupt than their opinions He assures us in another place that these new Evangelists have made entire Volumes of railing of which he has seen above forty Manuscripts and that there needed no other arguments to decide the difference betwixt the two Religions and to elude the fair pretences of these reforming Innovatours So that all they have scribbled with so much I will not say violence but madness against the Sieur Cayet immediately upon his Conversion cannot doe him the least manner of prejudice no more than their ridiculous prediction wherein they foretold that it wou'd not be long before he wou'd be neither Huguenot nor Catholique but that he wou'd set up a third party betwixt the two Religions For he ever continu'd to live so well amongst the Catholiques that after he had given on all occasions large proofs both of his Virtue and of his Faith he was thought worthy to receive the order of Priesthood and the Degree of Doctor in Divinity and was Reader and Professour Royal of the Oriental Tongues Now seeing in the year 1605 ten years after his Conversion he had publish'd his Septenary Chronology of the Peace which was made at Vervins in the year 1598. Some of the greatest Lords at Court who understood his Merit and had seen him with the King by whom he had the honour to be well known and much esteem'd oblig'd him to add to the History of the Peace that of the War which that great Prince made during Nine years after his coming to the Crown till the Peace of Vervins which he perform'd in the three Tomes of his Nine years Chronology Prinâ—ed at Paris in the year 1608 in which before he proceeds to the Reign of Henry the Fourth he makes an abridgment of the most considerable passages in the League to the death of Henry the third And 't is partly from this Authour and partly from such others as were Eye-witnesses of what they wrote whether in Printed Books or particular Memoires that I have drawn those things which are related by me in this History I am not therefore my self the witness nor as an Historian do I take upon me to decide the Merit of these actions whether they are blameable or praise-worthy I am onely the Relater of them and since in that quality I pretend not to be believ'd on my own bare word and that I quote my Authours who are my Warrantees as I have done in all my Histories I believe my self to stand exempted from any just reproaches which can be fasten'd on me for my writing On which Subject I think it may be truly said that if instead of examining matters of Fact and enquiring whether they are truly or falsely represented that consideration be laid aside and the question taken up whether such or such actions were good or bad and matter of right pleaded whether they deserv'd to be condemn'd or prais'd it wou'd be but loss of time in unprofitable discourses in which an Historian is no way concern'd For in conclusion he is onely answerable for such things as he reports on the credit of those from whom he had them taking from each of them some particulars of which the rest are silent and compiling out of all of them a new body of History which is of a quite different Mould and fashion from any of the Authours who have written before him And 't is this in which consists a great part of the delicacy and beauty of these kinds of Works and which produces this effect that keeping always in the most exact limits of truth yet an Authour may lawfully pretend to the glory of the invention having the satisfaction of setting forth a new History though Writing onely the passages of a former Age he can relate almost nothing but what has been written formerly either in printed Books or Manuscripts which though kept up in private and little known are notwithstanding not the Work of him who writes the History As to what remains none ought to wonder that I make but one single Volume on this Subject though the matter of it is of vast extent I take not upon me to tell all that has been done on occasion of the League in all the Provinces nor to describe all the Sieges the taking and surprising of so many places which were sometimes for the King and at other times for the League or all those petty Skirmishes which have drawn if I may have liberty so to express my self such deluges of Bloud from the veins of France All these particulars ought to be the ingredients of the General History of this Nation under the Reigns of the two last Henries which may be read in many famous Historians and principally in the last Tome of the late Monsieur de Mezeray who has surpass'd himself in that part of his great work I confine my undertaking within the compass of what is most essential in the particular History of the League and have onely appli'd my self to the discovery of its true Origine to unriddle its intrigues and artifices and find out the most secret motives by which the Heads of that Conspiracy have acted to which the magnificent Title of the Holy Vnion has been given with so much injustice and in consequence of this to make an exact description of the principal actions and the greatest and most signal events which decided the fortune of the League and this in short is the Model of my Work As for the end which I propos'd to my self in conceiving it I may boldly say that it was to give a plain understanding to all such as shall read this History that all sorts of Associations which are form'd against lawfull Soveraigns particularly when the Conspiratours endeavour to disguise them under the specious pretence of Religion and Piety as did the Huguenots and Leaguers are at all times most criminal in the sight of God and most commonly of unhappy and fatal Consequence to
those who are either the Authours or Accomplices of the Crime THE CONTENTS OF THE BOOKS The first Book THe General model of the League its Origine its design and the Success it had quite contrary to the end which was propos'd by it In what it resembled the League of Calvinism The condition in which France was at the return of Henry the third from Poland The ill Counsell which he follow'd at the beginning of his Reign in renuing the War The Commendation and Character of that Prince The surprising change which was found in his Carriage and in his Manners The conjunction of the Politicks or Malecontents with the Huguenots Their powâ—rfull Army Commanded by the Duke of Alanson The Peace which was made â—y the interposition of the Queen Mother â—hich produc'd the Edict of May very favourable to the Huguenots This Edict is the occasion of the Birth of the League The League was first devis'd by the Cardinal of Lorrain at the Council of Trent He leaves the design behind him to his Nephew the Duke of Guise The Conference and secret Treaty betwixt that Duke and Don John of Austria By what means Philip the Second discover'd it and made use of it to engage the Duke to take up Arms. The Commendation of the Duke of Guise and his Character How that Duke made use of the Lord of Humieres to begin the League The Project of Humieres his Articles and his Progress The Lord Lewis de la Trimouille declares himself Head of it in Poitou The first Estates of Blois wherein the King to weaken that party declares himself Head of it by advice of the Sieur de Morvillier The Commendation and Character of that Great man What kind of man the Advocate David was His extravagant memoires The Iustification of Pope Gregory the 13th against the slander of the Huguenots who wou'd make him the Authour of it The Edict of May revok'd in the Estates The War against the Huguenots suddenly follow'd by a Peace and by the Edict of Poitiers in their favour which enrages the Leaguers The Restauration of the Order of the Holy Ghost by Henry the third to make himself a new Militia against the League The Duke of Alanson in Flanders where he is declar'd Duke of Brabant This occasions Philip the second to Press the Duke of Guise to declare himself He does it a little after the Death of the Duke of Alanson The Conferences of the Duke of Espernon with the King of Navarre furnishes him with an occasion He makes use of the old Cardinal of Bourbon and sets him up for a Stale The great weakness of that Cardinal The History of the beginning the Progress the Arts and the Designs of the League of the 16 of Paris The Treaty of the Duke of Guise with the Deputies of the King of Spain He begins the War by surprising many Towns The general hatred to the Favourites and especially to the Duke of Espernon causes many great Lords to enter into his Party That first War of the League hinders the Re-union of the Low Countries to the Crown and also the Ruin of the Huguenots Marseilles and Bourdeaux secur'd from the Attempts of the League The generous Declaration of the King of Navarre against the Leaguers and the too mild Declaration of the King The Conference and Treaty of Nemours and the Edict of July in favour of the Leaguers against the Huguenots The Vnion of the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde with the Marshal of Damville The death of Gregory the 13th and Creation of Sixtus Quintus The thundring Bull of that Pope against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde Discourses and Writings against that Bull. Protestation of the King of Navarre posted up at Rome The War in Poitou with the small success of the Duke of Mayenne The Marshalls Matignon and Biron break his measures under-hand The History of the unfortunate expedition of the Prince of Conde at Angiers The Dissolution of his Army The Ordinances of the King against the Huguenots The form which they were made to sign at their Conversion The Embassy of the Protestant Princes of Germany who demand of the King the Revocation of his Edicts The firm and generous Answer of the King the Conference of St. Brix the Impostures of the Leaguers the beginning of the Brotherhood of Penitentiaries The King establishes one in Paris wherein he enrolls himself The Insolence of the Preachers of the League The scandalous Emblem which was made against the King The Impudence of Dr. Poncet and his Punishment The King uses his endeavours to no purpose for a Peace and at last resolves upon a War The Contents of the Second Book THe Duke of Guise complains to the King of the Infringments which he pretends were made to the Treaty of Nemours The Answer to those Complaints which were found unreasonable The Design of the King in the War which he is forc'd to make The Fortune and Rise of the Duke of Joyeuse his good and ill qualities He commands the Royal Army against the King of Navarre His Exploits in Poitou with those of the King of Navarre the Battel of Courtras The Difference of the two Armies how they were drawn up The first shock advantageous to the Duke the general Defeat of his Army the complete Victory of the King of Navarre his Heroick Valour in the Battel and his admirable Clemency after the Victory He knows not how to use it or will not and for what reason The Review of the Army of the Reyters in the Plain of Strasbourgh The Birth and the Quality of the Baron of Dona. The Duke of Guise undertakes with small Forces to ruin that great Army The Spoils which it committed in Lorrain The Reasons why the Duke of Lorrain wou'd not have the passage of that Army oppos'd The Description of the admirable Retreat of the Duke of Guise at Pont St. Vincent The Entry of the Reyters into France The Duke of Guise perpetually harrasses them The Army Royal at Gien The King goes to command it in Person and vigorously opposes the passage of the Reyters Their consternation finding quite the contrary of what the French Huguenots had promis'd them to appease them They are led into La Beauce The Duke of Guise follows them The description of the Attacque and Fight of Vimory where he surprises and defeats a Party of Reyters A gallant Action of the Duke of Mayenne The Retreat at Mont Argis The Sedition in the Foreign Army after that Victory The Arrival of the Prince of Conty Lieutenant General to the King of Navarre restores them to Ioy and Obedience The Duke of Guise having reserv'd to himself but 5000 men fears not to follow the Reyters as far as Auneau The Situation of that Borough The Baron of Dona Quarters there with the Reyters The Duke of Guise disposes himself to attacque them there He gains the Captain of the Castle to have entrance by it into the Borough
Hosts it was always unsuccesfull in the Battels which it strooke against the lawfull power And at length overwhelm'd with the same Engines which it had rais'd for the destruction of the Government Truly 't is a surprising thing to find both in the design and sequel of the League by a miraculous order of the divine providence revolutions altogether contrary to those which were expected On the one side the majestique House of Bourbon which was design'd for ruine gloriously rais'd to that supreme degree of power in which we now behold it flourishing to the wonder of the World and on the other side that of two eminent Families which endeavour'd their own advancement by its destruction the one is already debas'd to the lowest degree and the other almost reduc'd to nothing So different are the designs of God from those of men and so little is there to be built on the foundations of humane policy and prudence when men have onely passion for their guides under the counterfeit names of Piety and Religion 'T is what I shall make evident by unravelling the secrets and intrigues couch'd under the League by exposing its criminal and ill manag'd undertakings which were almost always unsuccessfull and by shewing in the close the issue it had entirely opposite to its designs by the exaltation of those whom it endeavour'd to oppress But is will be first necessary to consider in what condition France then was when this dangerous Association was first form'd against the supreme Authority of our Kings The â—ury of the Civil Wars which had laid the Kingdom desolate under the reign of Charles the Ninth seem'd to have almost wholly been extinguish'd after the fourth Edict of pacification which was made at the Siege of Rochell and if the State was not altogether in a Calm yet at least it was not toss'd in any violence of Tempest when after the decease of the said King his Brother Henry then King of Poland return'd to France and took possession of a Crown devolv'd on him by the right of Inheritance He was a Prince who being then betwixt the years of 23 and 24 was endu'd with all Qualities and perfections capable of rendring him one of the greatest and most accomplish'd Monarchs in the World For besides that his person was admirably shap'd that he was tall of Stature majestique in his Carriage that the sound of his Voice his Eyes and all the features of his Face were infinitely sweet that he had a solid Judgment a most happy Memory a clear and discerning Understanding that in his behaviour he had all the winning Graces which are requir'd in a Prince to attract the love and respect of Subjects 'T is also certain that no man cou'd possibly be more Liberal more Magnificent more Valiant more Courteous more addicted to Religion or more Eloquent than he was naturally and without Art To sum up all he had wanted nothing to make himself and his Kingdom happy had he followed those wholsome Counsels which were first given him and had he still retain'd the noble ambition of continuing at least what he was formerly under the glorious name of the Duke of Anjou which he had render'd so renown'd by a thousand gallant actions and particularly by the famous Victories of Iarnac and Montcontour The world was fill'd with those high Ideas which it had conceiv'd of his rare merit expecting from him the re-establishment of the Monarchy in its ancient splendour and nothing was capable of weakning that hope but onely the cruel Massacre of St. Bartholomew whereof he had been one of the most principal Authours which had render'd him extremely odious to the Protestants And therefore in his return from Poland the Emperour Maximilian the Second who rul'd the Empire in great tranquillity notwithstanding the diversity of opinions which divided his cares betwixt the Catholiques and the Lutherans the Duke of Venice and the most judicious members of that august Senate which is every where renown'd for prudence and after his return to France the Presidents De Thou and Harlay the two Advocates General Pibraâ— and du Mesnil and generally all those who were most passionate for his greatness and the good of his Estate advis'd him to give peace to his Subjects of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd to heal and cement that gaping wound which had run so much bloud in that fatal day of St. Bartholomew and not to replunge his Kingdom in that gulf of miseries wherein it was almost ready to have perish'd But the Chancellour de Birague the Cardinal of Lorrain and his Nephew the Duke of Guise who at that time had no little part in the esteem and favour of his Master and above all the Queen Mother Catharine de Mediâ—es who entirely govern'd him and who after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew dar'd no longer to trust the Protestants These I say ingag'd him in the War which he immediately made against them and which was unsuccessfull to him So that after he had been shamefully repuls'd from before an inconsiderable Town in Dauphine they took Arms in all places becoming more â—ierce and insolent than ever and made extraordinary progress both in that part in Provence in Languedoc in Guienne and Poitou That which render'd them so powerfull which otherwise they had not been was a party of Malecontents amongst the Catholiques who were call'd the Politiques because without touching on Religion they prâ—tested that they took Arms onely for the publique good for the relief and benefit of the people and to reform those grievances and disorders which were apparent in the State A ground which has always serv'd for a pretence of Rebellion to those men who have rais'd themselves in opposition to their Kings and Masters whom God commands us to obey though they shou'd sometimes even abuse that power which he has given them not to destroy or to demollish as he speaks in his holy Scriptures but to edify that is to say to procure the good and to establish the happiness of their Subjects These Politiques then joyn'd themselves to the Huguenots according to the resolution which they had taken at the Assembly held at Montpellier in the month of November and year of our Lord 1574. Henry de Montmorancy Marshal of Damville and Governour of Languedoc who to maintain himself in that rich Government of which he was design'd to be bereft first form'd this party of the Politiques into which he drew great numbers of the Nobles his partisans and Friends and principally the Seigneurs de Thore and de Meru-Montmorancy his Brothers the Count de Vantadour his Brother in Law and the famous Henry de la Tour d' Auvergn Vicount de Turenne his Nephew who was afterwards Marshal of France Duke of Boüillon Sovereign Prince of Sedan and the great Upholder of the Huguenots But that which made their power so formidable in the last result of things was that Monsieur the Duke of Alanson onely Brother of the King and the
whereby to render their Memory immortal and to fill the World with the glory of their names But on the otherside it gives an Historian to understand that when he is oblig'd to write a History neither fear nor hope nor threatnings nor rewards nor hatred nor love nor partiality nor prejudice to any person ought to turn him one single step out of the direct road of truth for which he is accountable to his Reader if he intends not to draw upon himself the contempt and indignation of posterity which will never fail to condemn him for an Impostor and a publick poisoner Thus you have the Character of this great Man in whom nothing cou'd be censur'd but that he was somewhat too timorous and that he had not firmness and resolution enough to give generous and bold advice in pressing emergencies so to have cut up by the root those great evils which threatned the Government Therefore when he saw the King who was yet more fearfull than himself amaz'd at the audaciousness of the Associators And likewise was of opinion that if he wou'd have ventur'd it was not in his power to have suppress'd the League knowing also full well that the Queen Mother who was his Master's Oracle and who underhand supported the League would never consent that the ruine of it shou'd be endeavour'd and that on the other side he was very desirous to draw the King out of this present plunge betwixt both he took a trimming kind of way by which he thought he shou'd be able to preserve the Royal Authority without the destruction of the League To this effect not doubting but that in case it were not prevented they wou'd chuse a Head who had power to turn it against the King himself he advis'd him to declare in that Assembly that far from opposing the League of the Cathâ—liques against the Huguenots he was resolv'd to make himself the Head of it which they dar'd not to refuse him and by that means wou'd make himself the disposer of it and provide that nothing shou'd be enterpris'd against him And truly this was no ill expedient to check and give a stop for some time to the execution of those vast designs which were form'd by the Authours of the League But it must also be confess'd that by signing this and causing it to be sign'd by others as he did when he declared himself the Head of it he authoris'd those very Articles which manifestly shock'd his Royal Authority put the League in condition and even gave it a lawfull right according to that Treaty which he approv'd to act against himself in case he shou'd disturb it or finally break with it which was impossible not to happen in some time he infring'd the Peace which he had given his Subjects by the Edict of Pacification granted to the Huguenots and precipitated France into that bottomless gulf of miseries that are inseparable from a Civil War which himself renew'd and which was of small advantage to him I shall not describe the particularities of it because they belong to the History of France and have no relation to the League which on that occasion acted not on its own account against the Authority of the King By whose orders two Armies the one commanded by the Duke d' Alanson the other by the Duke de Mayenne attacqu'd the Huguenots from whom they took La Charite Issoite Broüage and some other places of less importance I shall onely say that the King quickly growing weary of the Cares of War which were not â—uitable to his humour loving as he passionately did his ease and pleasures A new Peace ensued which was granted to the Huguenots at the end of September in the same year by the Edict of Poitiers little different from that of May onely with this reservation that the exercise of Calvinism was restrain'd within the limits of the former pacifications and that it was forbidden in the Marquisate of Salusses and the County of Avignon Farther it was during this interval of Peace which was highly displeasing to the Leaguers that the King to strengthen himself against the League by making himself Creatures who shou'd inviolably be ingag'd to his Service by an Oath more particular and more solemn than that which universally oblig'd his Subjects establish'd and solemnis'd his new Order of the Holy Ghost which is even at this day and after the entire revolution of an Age one of the most illustrious marks of Honour wherewith our Kings are accustom'd to reward the merit and service of the Princes and the most signaliz'd Nobility It has been for a long time believ'd that Henry the Third was the Institutour and Founder of this Order and himself us'd whatever means he cou'd to have this opinion establish'd in the World But at length the truth is broken out which with whatever arts it is suppress'd can never fail either sooner or later to exert it self and to render to a man's person or his memory the blame or praise that he deserves For it has been found out by a way which cannot be suspected of forgery and which leaves no farther doubt concerning this Subject that the beginning of this Order is to be referr'd to another Prince of the Imperial bloud of France I mean Louis d' Anjou styl'd of Tarento King of Ierusalem and Sicily who in the year one thousand three hundred fifty two instituted in the Castle Del Vovo at Naples the Order of the Knights of the Holy Ghost on the precise day of Pentecost by its constitution containing 25 chapters and which in the style of those times thus begins We Lewis by the Grace of God King of Jerusalem and Sicily to the Honour of the Holy Ghost on whose day we were by Grace Crown'd King of our Realms for the exaltation of Chivalry and increase of Honour have ordaind to make a Society of Knights who shall be call'd the Knights of the Holy Ghost of right intention and the said Knights shall be to the Number of three hundred of which we as beginner and founder of that said Order shall be Prince as also ought to be all our Successours King of Jerusalem and Sicily But seeing he died without Children by Queen Iane the first his Wife and that after his death there happen'd strange revolutions in that Kingdom that order so far perish'd with him that the memory of it had not remain'd if the Original of that constitution of King Lewis had not by some accident fallen into the possession of the Republique of Venice who made a present of it to Henry the third at his return from Poland as of a piece that was very rare and which coming from a Prince of the bloud Royal of our Kings deserv'd well to be preserv'd in the Archives of France which was not the intention of King Henry For finding this Order to be excellent and besides that it was exactly calculated for him because being born on Whitsunday he had been Crown'd
afterwards on the same day King of Poland and some time after King of France as Lewis of Tarento had receiv'd his two Crowns of Ierusalem and Sicily on the like day before he took a fancy to renew that Order four years after his Coronation But desiring to be esteem'd the Authour of it he chang'd the Collar where he plac'd certain Ciphers to which has been substituted in following times the Coat of Arms in manner of a Trophy as it is at present to be seen And after he had transcrib'd what best pleas'd him from the Statutes of that Order he commanded Monsieur de Chiverny to burn the Original thereby totally to extinguish the mâ—mory of it But that Minister though most faithfull to his Master believing not that he was bound to be the Executioner of that Order this rare piece descended to the Bishop of Chartres his Son from whom by succession of time it fell into the hands of the late President de Maisons as it is related by Monsieur le Laboreur who has given us the Copy at large in the second Tome of his Additions to the Memoires of Monsieur de Castelnau In this manner this famous Order was rather restor'd than instituted by King Henry the Third to combine a new Militia of Knights which he might oppose against the Leaguers who were much dissatisfi'd with the Peace which he had given to the Huguenots Nevertheless this Peace was not so well observ'd but that from time to time they created new disturbances which two or three years afterwards kindled the seventh War after the refusal they had made to surrender those cautionary Towns which had been granted them for a certain time which was then expir'd and by their surprisal of some other places But this War was ended in the second year after the conferences of Nerac and Fleix by a peace which lasted four or five years till the League which from the time wherein the King had made himself their Head had not dar'd to attempt any thing all on the sudden declar'd it self against him under another the occasion of which I am going to relate Immediately after the peace was made the Catholiques and Huguenots whom the Civil War had arm'd against each other joyn'd themselves to serve in the Army of the Duke d' Alanson who being declar'd Duke of Brabant by the States of the United Provinces of the Netherlands entred as it were in Triumph into Cambray after he had rais'd the Seige which the Duke of Parma had laid to it And after having been proclam'd a Sovereign Prince in Antwerp and been receiv'd at Bruges and Ghent in the same quality he continued the War assisted underhand by Succours from France and openly by the Queen of England that he might drive the Spaniard out of all the Low-Countries On the other side the Queen Mother who had pretentions to the Crown of Portugal had also sent a gallant Navy to the Tercera Islands under the Command of her Kinsman Philip Strozzi and openly protected Don Antonio who after having lost the Battail before Lisbonne was fled for refuge into France and yet ceas'd not to dispute that Crown against King Philip of Spain For which reason that Prince who follow'd the Steps of his Father and of Ferdinand his great Grandfather by the Mother's side in this as in all other things thought of nothing more than how to greaten himself at our expence and appli'd himself with his utmost vigour to foment new divisions amongst us to hinder us from giving him trouble in his own Estates To this effect he us'd his best endeavours and employ'd all his arts to ingage the King of Navarre and Damville who after the death of his elder Brother was now Duke of Montmorancy to break the peace and renew the War in favour of the Huguenots making not the least scruple on that occasion to act against the true interest of Religion at the same time when he upbraided for the same thing those who in reality made the war in Flanders out of no other consideration but the relief of an oppress'd people of which even the greatest part were Catholiques But seeing that design of his cou'd not possibly succeed for certain reasons which belong not to this History he turn'd his thoughts towards the Duke of Guise and gave orders to his Ambassadour Mendoza to omit nothing which might oblige him to make the League take Arms which was already exceeding powerfull and of which he might absolutely dispose as being the principal Authour and the very Soul of it The Duke who was intrepid and bold even to rashness when he had once resolv'd upon his Business was notwithstanding very subtile and clear-sighted wary and prudent enough to take just measures and not to ingage in any Enterprise of which he was not as much assur'd as man cou'd be to have all the means of making it succeed From thence it proceeded that he resisted for a long time the temptation of great Sums that were offer'd him and held out against the threatnings of the Ambassadour to discover the secret treaty he had made with Don Iohn of Austria the Original of which was in the King of Spain's possession nay even against the pressing solicitations of his Brothers and the rest of the Princes of his House who being more impatient and less discerning than he thought every minute an age till he declar'd himself But at last arriv'd the fatal moment in which after having well examin'd all matters he thought that every thing concurr'd not onely to favour the design he had always had to make himself Head of the Catholique League but also to carry his hopes much farther than his ambition vast as it was had yet led him to imagine In Effect on the one side the King was reduc'd to a lower condition than he ever was before his immense prodigality in a thousand things altogether unworthy of the Royal Majesty and of no profit to the State the pomp the pride and the insupportable insolence of his Favourites his fantastique way of living which hurri'd him incessantly from one extâ—eme into another from retirement and solitude to a City life from Debauchery into Devotion and such a Devotion as pass'd in the peoples minds for a mere Mummery into those Processions of Penitents habited in Sackcloth of several colours where he walk'd himself with his disciplining whip at his Girdle against the Genius of a Nation which loves to serve God in spirit and in truth these and a thousand such like things wholly contrary to our customs and to the use of his Predecessours had drawn upon him such a detestation and so great a contempt from the greatest part of his Subjects that against the ordinary practice of the French who adore their Kings there were given a thousand publique marks and principally in Paris of the aversion which they had for him On the other side all things conspir'd in favour of the Duke of Guise
some secret practices amongst the Huguenots who began to be suspicious of his conduct and that by no means he shou'd permit any other but himself to be Head and Protectour of that Party Thus it was to have been hop'd that under favour of this Peace which had disarm'd the Huguenots they wou'd have been reduc'd insensibly if the Leaguers by taking up Arms to force the King as in effect they did to break the Peace which he had given them had not necessitated them to recommence the War which in the progress of it was favourable to them In the mean time amidst the many good Fortunes which happen'd to the League in the overture of the War they had the displeasure of failing in their endeavours to possess themselves of two very considerable Cities in the Kingdom and such as had render'd them absolute Masters of Provence and Guyenne The one was Marseilles which the second Consul feigning to have receiv'd Orders from the King to invade the Huguenots had put into commotion and was just ready to have deliver'd it into the hands of the Guisards but being circumvented and taken by some honest Citizens who had discover'd his Treason he was immediately hang'd and appeas'd by his death the Sedition which he had rais'd to have betray'd them Lodowick de Gonzaga Duke of Nevers was accus'd as Authour of that Enterprise in hope to have seis'd the Government of Provence but he most constantly deni'd it And as about that time he renounc'd the League the Duke of Guise his Brother-in-Law upbraided him that he had never done it but out of shame and vexation to have miss'd his blow He on the other side protested that he chang'd Parties onely for the satisfaction of his Conscience which oblig'd him so to doe On which Subject to justifie his procedure he affirm'd that he had never enter'd into the League but that it was confidently told him that the Pope had licens'd and approv'd of it But that having some reasons to suspect the contrary he had sent three several times to Pope Gregory the thirteenth to be satisfi'd of his doubts and nam'd the Messenger who was Father Claude Matthew a Iesuite call'd the Post of the League because he was in continual motion betwixt Rome and Paris employ'd in the Business of the Holy Union of which he was a most ardent and zealous Factour And that Duke positively affirm'd that after all he cou'd never draw from the Pope any kind of approbation not so much as by word of mouth much less in writing for he always answer'd that he cou'd never see into the depth of that affair and therefore wou'd not be ingag'd in it The other Town which the League miss'd of surprizing was Bourdeaux where the most zealous Catholiques who were enrag'd against the Huguenots endeavour'd to have made themselves Masters for the League and had already advanc'd their Barricades to the very Lodgings of Marshal de Matignon their Governour a faithfull Servant to the King and a declar'd Enemy to the Guises But that Lord equally Wise Valiant and Resolute knew so well by address to manage the minds of those Citizens that opening for himself a passage through the Barricades without other Arms than a Sword by his side and a riding Rod in his hand he seiz'd on one of the Gates through which causing some of his Troops to enter who were not far from thence he not onely assur'd himself of the Town but also got possession of Chateau Trompette after having seiz'd the Governour who was suspected by him and who was so very silly to come out of the Castle and take part of an Entertainment to which the Marshal had invited the chiefest of the Town To proceed at the same time when the League took Arms and began the War with surprizing by Strategem or taking by force so many places from the King they publish'd their Manifest under the name of the Cardinal de Bourbon who by the most capricious weakness that can be imagin'd had got into his head at the Age of threescore and so many years that he shou'd succeed a King who was yet in the flower of his Youth That Cardinal in that paper having bespatter'd the King and the King of Navarre with all the venom which the factious ordinarily threw upon those two Princes to make them odious to the people concludes that his party had taken Arms onely to preserve Religion exterminate Heresie to Banish from the Court those who abus'd the King's Authority and to restore the three Orders of the Realm to their primitive Estate The Proclamation of a King against his rebellious Subjects ought to be no other but a good Army which he may have in a readiness long before them and reduce them to reason e'er they have time and means to gather Forces sufficient to oppose their Sovereign This was what the King was advis'd to have done by his best Servants and especially by the Lord Iohn d' Aumont Count of Chateau-Rou and Marshal of France He whose inviolable fidelity in the Service of the Kings his Masters and his extraordinary Courage tri'd in so many actions joyn'd with a perfect knowledge of all that belongs to a great Captain have render'd him one of the most illustrious persons of that Age. This faithfull Servant not able to endure either the insolence of the Rebels or the too great mildâ—â—ess of his Master advis'd him resolutely that with his Guards and the old Regiments which he might suddenly form into an Army he shou'd immediately March into Champaign and there fall upon the Leaguers who were yet in no condition to oppose him And truly it appear'd but too plainly that this was the Counsell which ought to have been follow'd For at the beginning of this first War of the League the Duke of Guise to whom the Spaniards after such magnificent promises of so many thousand Pistoles had not yet paid one besides his Pension was not able with all his credit and his cunning to raise above five thousand men the greatest part of which were of Lorrain Troops who came stragling in by a File at a time and whom the King had there yet remain'd alive in his Soul but one spark of that Fire which once so Nobly animated him when being Duke of Anjou he perform'd so many gallant actions might have easily dispers'd with his Household Troops and such of the Nobility as were about him who had been immediately â—ollow'd by the bravest of the Nation had they once beheld him but on Horseback To this purpose Beavais Nangis who was infinitely surpris'd to find the Duke of Guise at Chaälons so thinly attended by his Troops having demanded of him what were his intentions in case the King shou'd fall upon him before he had assembled greater Forces he answer'd him coldly that then he had no other way to take but to retire into Germany with what speed he cou'd But the Queen Mother who held a Correspondence at that
to the King who not being resolv'd what to answer them for fear of provoking the League in case he shou'd grant them their demands or of drawing on himself the united Forces of almost all the Protestants of Germany in case of a refusal to gain time took a Progress as far as Lyons while the Deputies of those Princes were at Paris which caus'd the Count of Montbeliard and the Count of Isembourg who were the chief of that Embassy to return But so did not the rest as being obstinately set down to wait the King's return who was at last constrain'd being overcome by their extreme persistance whom he well hop'd to have tir'd first to give them the Audience which they demanded He who was spokesman for the rest loosing all manner of respect made a blunt and haughty Speech reproching him in certain terms which were but too intelligible that against his Conscience and his Honour he had violated his faith so solemnly given to his most faithfull Subjects of the Protestant Religion to whom he had promis'd the free exercise of it they remaining as since that time they had always done in that perfect obedience which is due from Subjects to their Sovereigns That Prince who at other times was but too meek and patient or rather too weak and timorous was so much offended at this brutal insolence that he was not able to curb himself from breaking out into choler on this occasion For he repli'd smartly to them with that air of Majesty and fierceness which he knew well to take up whensoever it pleas'd him that as he had not taken the liberty to give Laws to their Masters of ruling their Estates according to their own liking and changing the Civil and Religious constitution of their Government so neither on his side wou'd he suffer them to intermeddle in those alterations which he thought fit to make in his Edicts according to the diversity of times and of occasions for the good of his People of whom the greatest part depended on the true Roman Catholique Religion which the most Christian Kings his Predecessours had ever maintain'd in France to the exclusion of all others Afterwards retiring into his Cabinet where after he had revolv'd in his mind what had been said on either part he was of opinion that his Answer had not been sharp enough he sent them by one of the Secretaries of State a Paper written with his own hand which was read to them and in which he gave the Lie in formal terms to all those who said he had done against his Honour or violated his Faith in revoking the Edict of May by that of Iuly after which it was told them from him that they had no more to doe than to return home without expecting any farther Audience This was certainly an Answer worthy of a great Monarch had he maintain'd it by his actions as well as by his words and had he not shewn by his after conduct the fear he had of this irruption of the Germans For in order to prevent it he seem'd to descend too much from that high and Supreme Majesty of a King by treating almost upon terms of equality with the Duke of Guise and offering him besides whatever advantages he cou'd wish in Honours and in Pensions and many Towns for his security which had made him a kind of Independant Royalty in the Kingdome on this onely condition that he would be reconcil'd to the King of Navarre and give him leave to live in quiet as if it were the Duke and not the King who had the power of giving Peace Though these advantageous proffers were sufficient to have tempted the Duke's ambition nevertheless he wou'd not accept them because he hop'd to satisfie it much better by continuing the War in which he had engag'd the King who was not able to recall his promise besides he was not willing to destroy the opinion which the people had conceiv'd of him that he acted by no motive of self-interest but onely for the Cause of God and of Religion This expedient of Peace therefore failing the King who had ardently desir'd it he employ'd another which was to intreat Q. Katharine de Medices to confer with the King of Navarre her Son-in-Law to try if by her usual arts she cou'd induce him to some accommodation which might be satisfactory to the League and stop the Germans of whose Succours his peace once made that King wou'd have no farther use The Queen Mother who at that time desir'd the peace at least as much as he because she fear'd to be left at the discretion of either of the two parties by whom she was equally hated willingly accepted that Commission grounding her hopes on those tricks and artificial ways by which she had so often succeeded on the like occasions Having then advanc'd as far as Champigny a fair house belonging to the Duke of Montpensier she manag'd the matter in such sort by the mediation of that Prince who went to visit the King of Navarre from her that it was agreed there shou'd be a Conference After many difficulties which were rais'd concerning it and which with much canvasing they got over the place was appointed to be St. Brix a Castle near Cognac belonging to the Sieur de Fo rs who was of the King's party She came thither attended by the Dukes of Montpensier and of Nevers Marshal Biron and some other Lords who were no friends to the Guises or the Leaguers to the end that Conference might be the more amicable The King of Navarre came also thither with the Prince of Condè Vicount de Turenne and some others the most considerable of their Party It appear'd manifestly at this Enterview that the Queen held no longer that Authority which had been yielded to her in the former Conferences wherein she had carried all things according to her own desire by the wonderfull Ascendant which she had over their minds And she understood but too well from the very beginning that she had to doe with such as were distrustfull of her subtilties and who wou'd not suffer themselves to be surpris'd easily as some of them had been on St. Bartholomew's day whereof they had not yet worn out the remembrance For they wou'd never adventure themselves all three together in the Chamber appointed for the Conference when the King of Navarre was there the Prince and Vicount well accompanied made a guard at the door and when either of the other two enter'd the King of Navarre and the other did the like for him that they might not put themselves unwarily into her hands on whose word they had no reason to rely and who dar'd not to arrest any of them singly the two remaining being at liberty and in condition to give themselves satisfaction on the Aggressours Thus being too suspicious and their minds too much embitter'd to act calmly and reasonably in this Conference it went off in three Enterviews which were made in resenting
of the Estates at Paris And then it was clearly to be seen that the Heads of the Party who thought on nothing but how to satisfie each man his Ambition under the specious pretence of great Zeal for the Catholick Faith were much more afraid than desirous of the king's Conversion Though it had been made evident to them by invincible Reasons supported by the Authority of the most learned Doctors that Absolution might be given to the King in France without recourse to Rome especially since it wou'd be given only ad Cautelam and that afterwards they wou'd send to the Pope for his Confirmation of it they return'd this Answer by the Archbishop of Lyons That they ardently dâ—sir'd the Conversion of the King of Navarre but that they cou'd not believe it sincere till his Holiness to whose Iudgment they submitted themselves and who alone had the power of absolving him had reconcil'd him to the Church before which time it was not permitted them to enter into any Treaty of Peace or to take any Securities because that wou'd be to prevent the Judgment of the Pope and to treat at least indirectly with him who was yet out of the Pale of the Church which wou'd be directly against the Oath which they had taken And thereupon the Duke of Mayenne who only â—ought the means of retaining as long as possibly he cou'd that almost soveraign Authority which he had usurp'd together with the greatest part of the Princes and Lords of his Party took a new Oath betwixt the Hands of the Legat that they wou'd never acknowledge the King of Navarre even though he shou'd turn Catholick unless by the Commandment of the Pope Thus remaining always fix'd in that Resolution which absolutely hindred any farther progress in the Conference after seven or eight Sessions held at Surenne and two more at Roquette an House belonging to the Chancellor de Chiverny without St. Anthonies Gate and at La Villette betwixt Paris and St. Denis they concluded on nothing that was tending to the Peace while the Spaniards still imploy'd all their Cunning and their Friends in the Estates to perpetuate the War by the election of a King For even before the Conference of Surenne was begun the Duke of Feria Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Spain to the General Estates at Paris accompanied by Don Bernardin Mendoza Ambassador in Ordinary Don Diego d' Ibarra and Iohn Baptista Tassis presented in a full Assembly where he was receiv'd with great Honour his Masters Letters in which he exhorted them to proceed without delay to the election of a Catholick King 'T was that indeed which King Philip infinitely desir'd as well thereby to continue the Enmity betwixt the two Parties which doubtless wou'd have been effected by the choice of a new King as to procure the Crown for his Daughter the Inâ—anta as he had explain'd himself more than once already In effect those Spaniards were not wanting some time after to propose her pretended Right of Proximity as being issued from the Daughter of King Henry the Second But seeing afterwards that they were bent upon a King they renew'd the Proposal of marrying her to the Archduke Ernestus till at last perceiving that both these Propositions were ill relish'd even by their most zealous Partisans who adher'd to all the rest in the election of a King who shou'd be a Frenchman and to whom the King of Spain might give his Daughter in Marriage they made a new Overture after they had taken time to deliberate on an Affair of that importance and said That the King their Master that he might give them full satisfaction was ready to agree on the Marriage of the Infanta with some French Prince whom he wou'd nominate therein comprehending the Family of Lorrain since it was but reasonable that himself shou'd have the choice of the Person whom he intended for his Son in-law but that it was also necessary that the Estates shou'd elect them and shou'd declare both of them King and Queen of France for the whole and every part of it and that he wou'd imploy the whole Forces of his Kingdoms to maintain them in it As almost all the Deputies were desirous of nothing more than to elect a new King who shou'd be a Frenchman this Proposition which seem'd very advantagious was receiv'd by them with so great Applause that the Duke of Mayenne who was newly return'd to the Estates there to frustrate the Designs of the Spaniards durst not undertake to oppose it directly though he was strongly resolv'd to hinder it from taking effect by all the ways in his power because the Election cou'd not possibly fall on him And while he was ploâ—ting the means in order to it that part of the Parliament of Peers which was at Paris for the League having still retain'd notwithstanding the division of their Members those generous Thoughts and inviolable Maximes which they have always made appear on all occasions and in whatsoever condition they were to maintain the fundamental Laws and Prerogatives of the French Monarchy furnish'd him with an excellent Expedient For that Court being inform'd that the Proposition of the Spaniards seem'd to be approv'd by the Estates on the 18th day of Iune made this memorable Decree which contains in substance That not having as indeed they never had any other intention than the maintenance of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion in France under the Protection of a Most Christian King who shou'd be both Catholick and French they have ordain'd and do hereby ordain that it shall be this day remonstrated to Monsieur de Mayenne Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France in the presâ—nce of the Princes and Officers of the Crown being now at Paris that no Treaty shall be made for the transferring of the Crown into the Hands of foreign Princes or Princesses and that he shou'd imploy the Aâ—thority committed to him to hinder the Crown from being transferr'd into a foreign Hand against the Laws of the Realm under the pretence of Religion and that the said Court has from this present time declar'd and does hereby declare all those Treaties which are made and which shall be hereafter made for the establishment of any foreign Prince or Princess to be null and of no effect and value as made in prejudice to the Salique Law and other fundamental Laws of the Realm of France The Duke of Mayenne seem'd to be very much incens'd that they had made this Ordinance without his Participation and vehemently upbraided Monsieur the first President Iean le Maistre whom he had constituted in that Office who not being acquainted with his secret intentions answer'd him with that Gravity and Resolution which is becoming the Head of so venerable a Company when he performs his Duty But in reality that dextrous Prince was glad of such an occasion because he well hop'd this Ordinance wou'd at least put a block in the Spaniard's way But he found
of the League was at that time too strong to think of submitting to him even though he had declar'd himself a Catholick and the People not being yet made sensible of the Extremities of War and their sufferings by reason of it were obstinately resolv'd to maintain it against him and consequently he cou'd not then compass what he so ardently desir'd which was to restore the Quiet of his Kingdom and to settle it in peace by embracing the Religion of his Predecessors But somewhat before the beginning of the Conference at Surenne after making a sober Reflection on the present estate of his Affairs he plainly saw that all things at that time concurr'd to oblige him not to defer his Conversion any longer For on the one side he was assur'd of the Leading men amongst the Hâ—gonots who had the power of raising new Disturbances many of whom and such as were men of the greatest Interest made no scruple to acknowledge that in good policy he ought to go to Mass and that the peaceable possession of a Great Kingdom was worth the pains it wou'd cost him in going Add to this that the Heads of the Union were so much weakned and so little united amongst themselves that they were in no condition of making any long resistance to his Arms though they shou'd refuse to acknowledge him And for the common people of the League they were so overburden'd by the War which wasted them that they desir'd nothing so much as Peace On the other side he observ'd the Spaniards us'd all imaginable means and did their utmost to perswade the States to create a Catholique King That there was great danger lest the Third Party which not long before had laid a Plot to have surpris'd him in Mante and carried him away now joyning with the Catholique Leaguers who were against the Spaniards shou'd elect a King on their side which wou'd be to embroyl France in worse confusions And to conclude that even they who were not of that Party and who had always serv'd him with inviolable faith now besought him to defer no longer his conversion and besought him in such a manner that they gave him easily to understand they wou'd forsake him in case he forsook not his false Religion All these Considerations put together by the Grace of God who makes use of second causes put an end to his delays and brought him to resolve on accomplishing what he had so long design'd by making a publick profession of the Catholique Faith Insomuch that when the Sieur Francis D O who of all the Court-Lords spoke to him with the greatest freedom went to press him somewhat bluntly on behalf of the Catholiques of his Party that he wou'd make good his promise to them He with great calmness gave him those three Reasons which I have already set down why he had till that time deferr'd his Conversion and afterwards gave him his positive word that within three months at the farthest when he had seen what the Conference of Surenne would produce he wou'd make an abjuration of Heresie after he had receiv'd the instruction of the Bishops and Doctors which according to the forms of the Church ought to precede so great an action farther ordering him to assure the Archbishop of Bourges of those his intentions before he went to that Conference being then on his departure And on that account it was that the Archbishop after having receiv'd the Answer which he well knew wou'd be sent from Mante where the Court then was spoke as he did at Surenne and believing that he had now brought the business to a conclusion on the seventeenth of May and at the seventh Session gave the Deputies of the League a full assurance of the Kings Conversion His Majesty also on his part having firmly resolv'd on that holy action fail'd not to write a Letter on the sixteenth of the same Month to many Prelates and Doctors both of his own side and of the League in which he invited them to be with him on the fifteenth of Iuly to the end he might receive those good instructions which he expected from them Assuring them in these very words That they shou'd find him most inclinable to be inform'd of all that belongs to a Most Christian King to know having nothing so lively engraven in his heart as the Zeal for Gods Service and the maintenance of his true Church In the mean time the Ministers and the old rigid Huguenots those false Zealots of their Sect fearing this blow wou'd be fatal to their pretended Religion made frequent Assemblies in private to invent some means of diverting him from this pious resolution And there were some of them who had the impudence to tell him publickly of it in their Sermons and to threaten him with a judgment from Heaven if he forsook the Gospel for it has pleas'd them to honour their Errors with that venerable Name This occasion'd him to assemble all the principal Lords of that new Religion together with their Preachers who were at that time in great numbers at the Court and who to the great grief of the Catholiques perpetually besieg'd him and to tell them plainly that he might free himself once for all from that troublesome persecution That after he had in the presence of Almighty God made all necessary reflections on an affair of that importance he had in conclusion resolv'd to return into the Catholique Church from which he ought never to have been separated And when La Faye the Minister had adjur'd him in the name of all his Brethren Not to suffer they are his very words that so great a scandal shou'd come to them If said he I shou'd follow your advice in a little time there wou'd be neither King nor Kingdom left in France I desire to give peace to all my Subjects and quiet to my own Soul and you shall have also from me all the provisions which you can reasonably desire Thus being without comparison the strongest and in much better condition than he had ever been formerly immediately after he had taken the Town of Dreux which the League though it was of great consequence to them yet durst never attempt to relieve he assign'd the place where he wou'd receive the Instruction which ought to precede the act of Abjuration to be at St. Denis on the twenty second of Iuly The Cardinal of Piacenza caus'd a Declaration to be publish'd in which taking upon him as Legat from the Holy See to pronounce that whatsoever shou'd be done in relation to that Conversion was to be accounted void and null he exhorted all Catholiques both of the one and the other Party not to suffer themselves to be deluded in an Affair of that consequence Prohibiting all men and especially the Ecclesiasticks on pain of Excommunication and privation of their Benefices from going to St. Denis and assisting at that Action But notwithstanding all these prohibitions which were thought to be made by the sollicitation of
Morosini Legate touching the Murther of the Guisâ—s 413 414 c. The Conference of Cardinal Morosini with the Duke of Mayenne 474 c. The Conference of the two Kings at Tours 478 The Conference of the Lorrain Princes at Rhemes 829 The Conference of du Plessis Mornay and of Sieur de Ville-Roy for the Peace 858 859 c. The Conference at Suresne 879 880 c. Charles de Cosse Count de Brissac 105. â—uted the Government of the Castle of Anger 's 153 189. he joins with the Troops of the Duke of Guise 259. he 's refus'd the Admiralâ—y that the Duke of Guise ask'd for him and was given to the Duke of Espernon 312. his Elogy ibid. causes the Barricades to be made 352. his scoffing raillâ—ry upon this Subject 355. he leads the King's Soldiers disarm'd to the New market ib. is President of the Nobles at the Estates of Blois 388. is there arrested Prisoner and presently deliver'd 403. is made Governour of Paris by M. de Mayenne 939. he receives the King into Paris who makes him Marshal of France Pag. 942 Coutras its situation and the Battel fought there 202 203 c. D. FRancis de Daillon Count du Lude wounded at the Battel of Ivry 790 Guy de Daillon Count du Lude and Governour of Poitou his Elogy 791 The Advocate David and his Mâ—moirs 63 The Baron of Dona General of the Reyters 230. his birth and qualities 231 c. his negligâ—nce repair'd in part by his courage and valâ—ur at the combat of Vimory 272. suffers himself to be surpriz'd in Auneau where the Reyters are defeated 280 281. saves himself in the defeat 293. his return into Germany in a very pitiful condition 300 E. THE Fifth Edict of the Pacification extremely advantageous to the Huguenots call'd the Edict of May 14. 't is revok'd Pag. 61 The Edict of Blois against the Huguenots ib. The Edict of Poictiers favourable to the Huguenots 74 The Edict of July against the Huguenots 121 The Edict of Reunion against the Huguenots in favour of the League 378 Philip Count d'Egmont at the Battel of Ivry where he is slain 789 John d'Escovedo Secretary to Don John d'Austria assassinated by Order of Philip the Second and why 21 The Duke d'Espernon the King's Favourite confers with the King of Navarre about his Conversion and what happens thereupon 87 88 the hatred which was bore him was the cause that many brave persons entred into the League 105. he treats with the Reyters 160 161 275. is made Admiral of France and Governor of Normandy 313. his Character and Portrait 314. a great Enemy to the Duke of Guise 315. his Banishment from Court 377. he abandons Henry IV. 735 Francis d'Espinay de Saint Luc. 105 211. defeats the Rear-guard of St. Mesme 151. his brave Action at the Battel of Coutras Pag. 224 Peter d'Espinal Archbishop of Lyons counsels the Duke of Guise not to quit the Estates 396 c. is arrested Prisoner at Blois with the Cardinal de Guise 403. is ransom'd for money and made Chancellor of the League 794. is chief of the Deputation for the League at the Conference at Suresne 879. the sum of his Answer to the Harangues of the Archbishop of Bourges 884 c. The Estates of France have but deliberative voices 36 61 The first Estates of Blois where the King declares himself Head of the League 61 c. The second Estates of Blois 385 c. They act openly against the King's Authority 388 c. They declare the King of Navarre incapable to succeed to the Crown 289 c. The Estates of the League at Paris 865 F. AN horrible Famine in Paris during the Siege 800 801 James Faye d'Espesses Advocate General maintains strongly the Rights of the King and the Liberties of the Gallicane Church against the Leaguers at the Estates of Blois 390 The President Ferrier Chancellor to the King of Navarre is made Huguenot towards the end of his days Pag. 87 88 The Form of the League 32 Form of the League of Sixteen 100 101 Form which was made to be sign'd by the Huguenots that re-enter'd into the Church 154 Four Gentlemen of the House of Fourbin are cause of the reducing of Provence 936 G. GEnebrard makes a Sermon against the Salique Law at the Procession of the Estates of the League 867 868 c. The Cardinal of Gondy Bishop of Paris incloses himself during the Siege with his Flock for their relief 803. he endeavours to make the People return to their Duty 836 Ludovic de Gonzague Duke de Nevers renounces the League and why 111 112. he goes Ambassador to Rome to yield Obedience and to dâ—sire Absolution of the King 932 c. Gregory XIII would never approve of the League 112 113. his death 130 Gregory XIV declares for the League against the King whom he excommunicates with all his Adherents 825 826 827. sends an Army into France ib. his Bull is condemn'd and has no effect ib. Philibert de la Guiche Grand Master of the Ordnance at the Battel of Ivry Pag. 782 Guincestre Curate of St. Gervais a grand Leaguer 98. lifts up his hand at his Auditors in the midst of his Sermon and even at the first President and assures them the death of the Guises would be revenged 429 c. he accuses King Henry III. of Sorcery in the midst of his Sermon 452 H. AChilles de Harlay first President of the Parliament of Paris runs the â—isque of his life in opposing the Leaguers 248. They constrain'd him in the midst of a Sermon to lift up his hand with others 429. is carried Prisoner to the Bastille 446. his Elogy 447 James de Harlay Sieur de Chanvallon Governour of Sâ—ns for the League repulses the King's Army at two Assaults and keeps the place 795. his spiritual Raillery upon the four Marshals of the League 873 Nicholas de Harlay Barâ—n of Sancy levies an Army of Swisses and Germans for the King at his own proper charges 502 c. and joins them to the King's Army 504 The Sieur Denis de Here Counsellor of Parliament carried to the Bastille by the Leaguers 448. his Elogy ib. Henry III. King of France and Poland 5 10. his Pourtrait Pag. ib. The Change made in his Conduct and Manners when he was King of France ib. He engages presently in the War against the Huguenots contrary to the counsel of the Emperor the Venetians and his best Servants 6 7 8 He declares himself Head of the League 73 He is not the Institutor but the Restorer of the Order of the Holy Ghost 75 78 Solicits in vain the King of Navarre to re-enter into the Catholick Church 87 88 is calumniated by the Leaguers 89 90 His weak Resolutions 86 116 123 139. His Declaration against the Leaguers too weak 119 Makes a Peace very advantageous to the Leaguers 123 124 Makes War against the King of Navarre with great repugnancy 143 144 Raises the Duke of