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A37146 The history of the campagne in Flanders, for the year 1697 together with a journal of the siege of Ath, and a summary account of the negotiations of the general peace at Ryswick / by Edward D'Auvergne ... D'Auvergne, Edward, 1660-1737. 1698 (1698) Wing D297; ESTC R15640 139,524 172

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Religion they knew very well that if England and Holland had been left ingag'd in a War with the French King all the advantages he would have had by it would onely have made more firm and lasting Fetters for themselves and 't is therefore probable that the Emperour and King of Spain joyn'd in this Peace of Italy at the Popes most earnest Sollicitations who though his Mediation signified little on the other side of the Alpes yet was very desirous of seeing Peace at his own doors and us'd consequently all his Industry and Interest to bring it about And if such were the vain and groundless hopes of the Popish Bigots abroad our Jacobites were no less elevated at home upon this separate Treaty of Savoy and the consequent Treaty for the Peace of Italy they could imagine no less than that the French King would force every one of the Allies in the Continent of Europe one after another to make up an accommodation and thus that nothing would remain for him but to deal with England and bend all his Forces upon it for the reestablishment of the late King But they both have been very much deceiv'd in the event which does now convince the World that the French King aim'd particularly at coming by this means the sooner to a General Peace with all the Allyes and to have so much the better Terms for himself And indeed at that very time that these things were Transacting in Italy so much to the prejudice of the General Interest of the Allyes the French King had an Agent in Holland to make overtures of a General Peace and the Duke of Savoy made use of this very pretext to excuse the Treaty he had made apart with France in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenbourgh he was jealous or rather pretended to be so of the States having receiv'd an Agent from France to treat with them and therefore he thought that he might very well treat for himself Monsieur de Callieres as we have said it in our precedent History had come to Holland with a passe from the States at the very opening of the Campagne and resided privately at Delft the whole Summer to negotiate Affairs with some of the States Ministers in order to come to a General Treaty this occasion'd so many Journeys which Monsieur Dyckvelt made between Holland and the Camp in Brabant to give an account to the King and receive His Majesty's instructions But whether the uncertain state of the King of Spain's Health who had a most dangerous fit of sickness the latter end of the Summer made the French delay and spin away time in their Offers or that the Imperialists and Spaniards were unwilling to hear of reducing things no farther than the Treaty of Nimeguen the King of Swedens Mediation was not accepted in due Form by the French King and the Congress of the Allies at the Hague till the Campagne was over or rather till the beginning of the Winter upon which the Baron de Lillienroot the Swedish Minister at the Hague receiv'd full powers from Stockholme to manage the Mediatour's part in the Congress that should be held for the concluding of a General Peace between France and the Allies Things being brought thus far towards a Treaty the several Princes concern'd begun to appoint Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries for it of which I shall onely mention the Principal On the Emperours side were nam'd the Count de Caunitz his Ambassadour and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague Count Straatman and the Baron de Zeilern On his Majesty of Great Britains the Earl of Pembrook my Lord Viscount Villiers now E. of Jersey His Majesty's Ambassador to the States and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and Sir Jos Williamson to whom was joyn'd afterwards in Commission as third Plenipotentiary Ambassador my L. Lexinton His Majesties Ambassador at Vienna as 't were provisionally for during the whole Congress he did not leave the Imperial Court. On the French Kings behalf were nam'd M. de Harlay Boneuil Monsieur de Courtin who not being able to attend upon this great imployment by reason of his great age and a blindness that seiz'd him immediately after his Nomination Count de Crecy Verjus was appointed in his stead as second and the third Monsieur de Calliere before hand in Holland as his Most Christian Majesty's Agent to make the Overtures of a Treaty On the behalf of Spain were nam'd Don Barnardo de Quiros the King of Spain's Ambassadour to the States General and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and the Count de Tirimont to whom the Elector of Bavaria joyn'd the Baron de Preylmeyer to take care of his own particular Interest For the States General were nam'd Messieurs Boreel Dyckvelt and Van Haren all these had the Character of Ambassadours Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries as well as the Mediatour The rest I shall leave to those who write particularly the Account of the Negotiations of this Peace to account for After the accepting the Mediation of Sweden and the naming of Plenipotentiary Ambassadours by the Chief Powers concern'd Monsieur de Callieres who hitherto had kept up very privately in Holland and mostly at Delft took upon him the publick Character of the French Kings Minister and had very frequent Conferences with the Ministers of the States in the presence of the Mediatour or particularly among themselves to settle the Preliminaries in order to come to a place of Treaty Monsieur d'Avaux the French Ambassadour at Stockholm had made several offers to the Court of Sweden in order to open the way to a General Treaty by the Mediation of that Crown not onely during the Campagne of 1696. but also in the Winter 1694. which the Allies pretended to have been more advantagious than those given by Monsieur de Callieres at the Hague This created some contest about settling the Preliminaries and therefore retarded that Business for some time however the French Court having insisted upon Monsieur de Callieres offers as the onely authentick ones the Preliminaries were at last agreed upon and sign'd by the Mediatour in presence of Monsieur de Callieres and Messieurs Boreel and Dyckvelt the 31th of January old Style of which this was the Substance Monsieur de Callieres having communicated his full power from the French King for this purpose to the Mediatour did declare in the French King his Masters Name that in order to a General Treaty of Peace his Most Christian Majesty Consented and Agreed 1. That the Treaties of Westphalia and Nimoguen should be the Basis and Foundation of the Treaty to be made with the Allies 2. To Restore to the Empire the Town of Strasbourg in the Condition it was when taken by his Majesty 3. To Restore to the King of Spain the Town of Luxembourgh in the state 't is now in 4. The Towns of Mons and Charloroy as they are at present
5. All places in Catalonia in the Kings possession which have been taken since the Treaty of Nimeguen in the state they were when taken 6. To the Bishop of Liege the Town and Castle of Dinant in the state they were at the taking of them 7. All the Reunions made since the Peace of Nimeguen 8. Lorrain according to the Conditions of the said Treaty Monsieur de Callieres having made the said declaration to the Mediatour in the presence of Monsieur Dyckvelt they went afterwards to the Sieur Boreels House who because of his indisposition could not come to the Mediatours as it had been agreed and the Mediatour having follow'd them thither Messieurs Dyckvelt and Boreel did signifie to him in Monsieur de Callieres presence that they had agreed that upon the Conclusion and Signing of the Peace the Most Christian King should Recognize the Prince of Orange for King of Great Britain without any Difficulty Restriction Condition or Reserve which Monsieur de Callieres confirm'd to the Mediatour in the name of his Most Christian Majesty all which was accordingly Enter'd and Sign'd by the Mediatour in his * A Signing Book kept by the Mediatour Protocol the 31th January 10th February 1697. Most people especially those who are Well-wishers to the Kings Person and Government expected that His Majesty should have been acknowledg'd by the French for King of Great Britain in the Preliminaries as a necessary step without which no General Treaty could be thought of wherein His Majesties Ambassadours should not be receiv'd by the French as Ambassadours from the King of Great Britain but the French Court would not yield to this Point because if the Treaty should break off yet the King would gain thereby the onely difficulty that was to be regulated between England and France the other difficulties being but inconsiderable and easily accommodated and therefore offer'd that it was sufficient seeing the case was so that His Majesty should be acknowledgd for King of Great Britain at the Conclusion and Signing of the Treaty His Majesty preferring the Peace and Quiet of Europe to what at the bottom was but a meer Formality Consented that the Negotiations should be manag'd this way being satisfied with the Guaranty of Sweden upon this point in the Preliminaries And notwithstanding that the French King did not acknowledge His Majesty till the Signing of the Peace yet the whole Treaty was so manag'd at Ryswick that our Ambassadours and Plenipotentiaries met with nothing that might derogate in the least from the Honour due to Ministers of that Character from the Crown of England However his Majesties Domestick Enemies had some hopes upon this account and they thought themselves in no ill Condition by it As for the Imperial Minister the Count de Caunitz he was not present at the Signing of the Preliminaries because the French allow'd no other Conditions in them for the Duke of Lorrain but those of Nimeguen which had been protested against in due Form by the last Duke of Lorrain and which neither the Emperour nor the present Duke could ever accept of Affairs being brought thus far towards a General Treaty as to have the Preliminaries Sign'd by the Mediatour no other difficulty remain'd to hinder the opening of the Congress but the agreeing upon the Place of Treaty Breda Maestricht or Nimeguen were sometimes propos'd by the French other people talk'd of Vtrecht the Imperialists were for having the Congress in Germany either at Cologne or Aix la Chappelle but the Emperour was very backward in explaining himself upon this Article his Minister still insisted at the Hague to have the Business of Lorrain put in a way of accommodation before the Place of Treaty was nam'd for though the French made no other overture in the Preliminaries for the Dutchy of Lorrain but the Treaty of Nimeguen yet France gave hopes of better Conditions for that Duke when-once it should come to a Treaty the Imperial Court would have had these Conditions explain'd in the Preliminaries but France would not consent to it These Contestations took up a great deal of time and prov'd a great obstacle to the agreeing upon a Place to Treat in In the mean while the French and the Dutch pitch'd upon a place of Treaty which I dare say is the most convenient that can be met with in Christendom for such a Business and that was His Majesties Royal Palace at Ryswick so situated that it has the advantage of two large and populous Towns just by it being not above an English Mile from the Hague and two from Delft where consequently the Ambassadors on both sides could Lodge themselves conveniently without being press'd for Scarcity of Lodging or impos'd upon in the Excessive Rates of Houses both which inconveniencies must have been the Consequence of having the Treaty in any one Town of Holland besides or Germany and were sufficiently felt in the Congress of Nimeguen Besides the French were to come from Delft to Ryswick one way and the Allies from the Hague another directly opposite so that no unlucky meeting of Coaches and wrangling for precedency could ever happen to interrupt the Negotiations This Palace is call'd the House of Newbourgh built aside of the Village of Ryswick about two Bowes shot to the West by Frederick Henry Prince of Orange His Majesties Grandfather and is a Fabrick of Modern Architecture onely a little too low consisting of three Pavillons or Piles of Buildings upon a Line joyn'd together by two Galleries all of Free Stone and of an equal Height the Front of the House looks to the Hague Northwards and the back with the Gardens towards Delft Southwards and therefore it afforded all the Accommodations that could possibly be desir'd for a Congress to Negotiate a Peace an Apartment in the Center for the Mediator and one upon the Right and another upon the Left for the two different Parties whereby no manner of Dispute could happen about the going out or coming in and such other accidents which it has been very difficult to Regulate in other Places Most of the Allies agreed immediately that a Palace so conveniently situated and having such Accommodations to prevent any differences about the Ceremonial should be the Place of Treaty and accordingly His Majesty order'd it forthwith to be Repaired and the States had it handsomly Furnish'd for such an occasion and certainly it could signifie no less than a good Omen to his Majesties Affairs that after so long and cruel a War wherein the French had done whatever lay in their power to dispute his possession of the British Throne yet at last they very willingly came to Treat of Peace in his own House Whilst these advances were making towards a General Treaty there were no less preparations in the Frontiers between France and the Allies than if it had been the very middle of the War and indeed 't is very necessary to be more cautious than usual in such a Conjuncture because the
Affairs enough to keep France quiet and to make it observe the Terms of the last Treaty unless it would run the Risk of an Alliance which hereafter would be more fatal to it than ever My last Reflexion shall be about the Advantages which England has gain'd by the present Peace As for the King he has rais'd an Eternal Monument of Fame and Glory to himself by it in bringing of a War in which he had already gain'd an Endless Renown in exposing his Person so freely to all the Dangers and Fatigues of it every Campagne to so happy a Period in spight of all the difficulties which seem'd rather to intail it upon himself and his Dominions in steering all along so justly and nicely among all the different Parties Nations Religions and Interests that made up the Body of the Allies as to bring them to joyn and Center together in effecting his Peaceable and quiet Settlement upon the Throne of these Realms even notwithstanding too many ill Successes in the Course of the War both for his and their Affairs and by this Union among the Chief Powers of the League so strictly carried on and so happily manag'd of which the French themselves when Enemies gave the * Father la Rue his Funeral Oration upon the Marechal of Luxembourg Applause to our Great Prince to compass an Honourable Peace for his Allies as well as for himself But the Glory of Kings does not alwayes make the Happiness of Subjects this would not amount to so much for us if the welfare of England was not joyn'd with it and here it is that we must take a view of the Advantages which England reaps at present by that Peace it owes to the Wisdom and Valour of our Good and Gracious as well as Great Sovereign in which case it would be enough to say that England has gain'd its cause by it and compass'd the great and noble design it did chiefly aim at in the War of recovering under His Majesty's Government its Rights Priviledges and Liberties which had been so notoriously violated before and of securing thereby the Protestant Religion not onely amongst us but in the rest of Christendom which was then in so manifest and apparent a danger by the violent Irruptions of a Popish Government so as for the future we might intail both our Religion and Liberties to Posterity upon a surer and more solid Foundation then they could have when in the reach of Tyranny and Arbitrary Power But over and above which indeed is but a necessary consequence of the former England is again re instated in its prerogative of holding the Ballance of Europe and keeping a due aequilibrium among the contending Powers of Christendom as it is its true interest for Popery nor Arbitrary Power can hardly be introduc'd amongst us but by a pernicious Adherence or rather Servility to one side or t'other to render it formidable thereby to the rest of the World by this means to compass such Tyrannical designs under the shelter of it and I think we have had but too much experience already to vouch for the Truth of this Assertion And as England has so gloriously recover'd itself and is reinstated in the Umpireship of the Affairs of Europe by gaining of our Cause in the happy Conclusion of a War in which we were so necessarily ingag'd so consequently is it in our Power to make the present Peace Solid Lasting and Durable for neither side will think it their advantage to be troublesome whilst a powerful Umpire is resolv'd to maintain the Ballance of Affairs Whilst England is in this Condition it is in its true Posture and as it should be but in order to keep and maintain our selves in it these two things seem to be absolutely necessary The first is a Careful regard to the State of Affairs abroad not to look upon them with an indifferency because we are in an Island happily divided from the rest of the World which frees us from a great many of its Commotions and Disturbances but whenever this point of the Umpireship in which our own Safety as well as Glory is so nearly concern'd lies at Stake then to ingage heartily and freely for the Liberty of Europe for otherwise we must at length become a Prey our selves or be involv'd in a War at last which will then cost us more Millions than in taking things at the beginning it would have cost us Hundred Thousands of Pounds for the Truth of which I need but appeal to the vast Expences of the late War The Second is Peace and Unity among our selves for besides that this Umpireship of the Affairs of Christendom wholly depends upon it which will always shelter us from Enemies abroad at the same time that it makes us great in the World it is the onely bottom that the present Government and with it our Religion Priviledges and Liberties can stand upon for their Fate is at present inseparable and I may boldly venture to say that as Affairs are now in Europe if our unhappy Divisions should work to that height as to produce a Change which God forbid no Revolution can happen in England from the present Government but for Popery and Tyranny without a very great Miracle to prevent it which is a Risk no wise Protestant can expose the Common Interest of all that call themselves Reformed to And therefore whatever Designes too many people amongst us may directly propose to themselves in carrying off of Factions and Divisions to work a Change of Affairs either in Church or State to their own Advantage of what side soever they may be yet in effect they onely work for their own Destruction and must of Course be involv'd in the Ruines of that very Fabrick which they endeavour to pull down and thus open the only remaining Inlet to Popery and Slavery And I pray God that all that call themselves Protestants may lay these things seriously to their Hearts that so our own Divisions may not one day effect what all the Power of France prompted and incouraged by the Treacherous and base Contrivances of an Unnatural Party of Men at home has not been able to perform and to this End may the God of Peace guide our judgements in all things and endow our Hearts with a healing Christian Charity among our selves which is the onely Bond of Peace so that though we cannot bring Matters to an exact Uniformity of Sentiments in Matters of Religion yet thereby we may at least be hinder'd from biting and devouring one another which cannot end otherwise but in a Common Ruin and united in the Methods of a mutual defence as we have at present more than over an Unity of Interest against the Common Adversary FINIS Books printed for Matthew Wotton at the Three Daggers in Fleet-street Numb 7. Shewing the Usefulness of Humane-Learning in Matters of Religion Numb 8. Shewing the Necessity of such a Christian Discipline as is Consistent with Civil Power in Opposition to the Extreams on both sides Books printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleet-street THE Honourable Hugh Hare Esq has Charge at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey held at Darking The Second Edition Corrected Dr. Falle's Account of the Isle of Jersey with a new Map dedicated to the King His Three Sermons on several Occasions Sir Francis Bacon's Essays A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays Or The Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth By Mr. Tim. Nurse The Anatomy of the Earth By Thomas Robinson Rector of Ba●by in Cumberland
THE HISTORY OF THE Campagne IN FLANDERS For the Year 1697. Together with a Journal of the Siege of At h and a Summary Account of the Negotiations of the General Peace at Ryswick By EDWARD D'AUVERGNE M. A. Then Chaplain to His Majesties Regiment of Scots Guards LONDON Printed for Matt. Wotton at the Three Daggers and John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleetstreet 1698. Where are Sold the Histories for the Years 1692 1693 1694 1695 and 1696. Written by the same Author TO His EXCELLENCY THE Earl of Portland His Majesty's Ambassadour Extraordinary in France Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter c. My LORD I Humbly beg leave to offer the following History to your EXCELLENCY to which among other Considerations a Principle of Gratitude has determin'd me to express in some measure the Sence I have of the present Blessings we all enjoy and which bring my Labours of this kind to a most Happy Conclusion by a Glorious Peace in the Management whereof your EXCELLENCY has been so much concern'd My LORD This is a Work which will make your Name Great and Happy in the Memory of all Succeeding Generations as it ingrafts it at present in the Hearts and Affections of all Men in England that value their Religion Rights and Liberties which they find establish'd upon a stable and solid Foundation in the perfection of so Great a Work But this My LORD is not the only Title you have to our Thanks and Praise the great hand you had in bringing about the happy Revolution and the Share you have had in almost all the Actions of our great Monarch ever since are what ought to make you ever dear to England and almost all the rest of Europe My LORD I will not pretend to enter upon your EXCELLENCY's Panegyrick in this Epistle it is indeed more than can be compriz'd in it as well as a Subject above the Power of my Pen You were dedicated even in your Youth to His Majesty's Service at which time you gave such uncommon Demonstrations of Zeal Fidelity and Affection as have justly fix'd you in His Royal Favours And as might well be expected from such beginnings you have been ever since ingag'd in the Great Atchievements of Glory and Renown In Warre you have been a constant Partaker of all those Dangers to which our Great Monarch has so often and so wonderfully expos'd Himself in the Bloody and Hazardous Fields of Mars you have still been with Him in so many Battles and Sieges you have shar'd in all the Fatigues of so many Campagnes and have been a considerable Actor in His most Happy and Successful Enterprizes In Peace Your EXCELLENCY has had the Ministry of the most Important Affairs of Europe 〈…〉 equal Integrity Wisdom and Faithfulness and 〈…〉 for His Majesty's Advantage as your own Honour and Reputation Such Rare and Extraordinary Qualities have induc'd the King to make Choice of Your EXCELLENCY for his Ambassadour Extraordinary in a Court where especially in the present Conjuncture of Affairs they are more than ever requisite In the discharge of which most Noble Function you have justified the Choice that has been made of your Person by answering in all things the Greatness of Your Master and the Credit Wealth and Renown of a Nation you have always had a particular Ambition to be a Member of and whose Welfare Happiness and Prosperity you aim at in all your Proceedings But My LORD all this would be but Vanity were there not a better Foundation for the Glory of another World by a true Sence of Piety and an uprightness of Conscience for which your Life is so Exemplary And may your EXCELLENCY go on daily more and more in doing good especially in this respect both by your Authority and good Example that Vice Irreligion and Profaneness meeting with all Discouragements from so eminent a Person we may see Vertue Justice and Godliness which is like to be our best Security for the continuance of the present Peace flourish under so good an Influence These are the Hearty Wishes and Prayers of My LORD Your EXCELLENCY ' s Most Humble and most Obedient Servant E. D'Auvergne TO THE READER THE onely occasion I have for a Preface is to give the Reader some Satisfaction for the coming out of this History so late and the Reason in few words is that I could not get the several Lines of Battle of the French Armies in Flanders the last Year soon enough having receiv'd them from France but in the Christmas Holidays besides several Memoirs from Holland particularly about the Electors Motions the last Campagne which I got about the same time and which were absolutely necessary for the compiling of this Work And when I have told the Reader that I have Compos'd it since the beginning of January I believe he will be satisfied that I have made some dispatch in the Publishing of it I must desire the Reader to observe that whereas I have intimated in the Body of this Account that Pensionary Heinsius his Journey from the Hague to the Camp the last Campagne might have been to open a way for the Conferences between the Earl of Portland and the Marechal of Bouflers because they happen'd two or three dayes after upon good information I find that the first overture was made by one Monsieur de Gy Brother or near Relation to Prince Vaudemont's Master of the Horse who passing through the Marechal de Boufler's Camp the Marechal desir'd him to make his Compliments to My Lord Portland and to let him know that he was very desirous to Embrace him which Monsieur de * He is since made Town Major of Mons for this Service Gy signified to his Lordship at his coming to Brussels and My Lord having return'd the Compliment That he would be very glad to meet him half way for that Purpose the Marechal sent an Express of it to the French Court and having Receiv'd an Answer he dispatcht a Trumpet in our Camp for the first Meeting I have no more to desire of the Reader but to take Notice that this History as well as all the former goes by the old or Julian Account observ'd in England and to Correct the few Errours of the Press he may meet with the most unpardonable being inserted here below ERRATA PAge 42. Line 17. Vlbray Lege Vibray p. 48. l. Antopen and the Dender near the Denmonde at Wiese Le and the Dender between Dendermonde and Wiese p. 85. l. 7. ti● 't was in the Night Le. till 't was late in the Night p. 86. l. 2. Major of the Day Le. Major-General of the Day p. 89. l. 36. Malenbec Le. Mulenbeck THE HISTORY OF THE Campagne IN FLANDERS For the Year 1697. HAving given the Publick an Account of several of the former Campagnes in which the Reader could find but little pleasure besides the satisfaction of knowing the Truth of several Matters of Fact in the Tragical Scenes of the most
along the Demer about Hasselt had Orders to come to Louvain the 26th and incamp between this place and Corbeck upon the Dyle and being joyn'd the 27th by the Regiments of Horse of Tilly Erbach Prince Philip Nassau-Friezland Flodorf Huybert Saxen-Heylbourg Saxon-Gotha and Arco from the neighbouring Quarters they came to Tombeck and Rassiere the Brook of Lahn before them being all under the Command of Count Tilly The Dutch Infantry cantoon'd hereabouts incamp'd at Eygenhoven and the Brandenbourg Troops Quarter'd about Diest and Arfcht and Villages along the Rupelle came to incamp the 27th between Terhulpen and Gerival near the Bois de Sogne towards Wavre commanded by General Heyden consisting then of 18 Battallions of Foot and 17 Squadrons of Horse where they were joyn'd by the Garrison of Louvain commanded by Major General Churchill and the Dutch Foot incamp'd at Eygenhoven The Dutch Guards from Liere and the Garrison of Malines commanded by Brigadier Tiffin came the same day to the Camp at Ixelles and at the Orders the Quarter-Masters were commanded to be this Evening at the Retrenchment of Waterlo The Dutch Cavalry in Quarters at Brussels march'd the 28th by two in the Morning by the Grande Chaussee through the Bois de Sogne towards Braine la Leu the Infantry incamp'd near the Fauxbourg of Ivelles follow'd and then our Artillery which had been brought from Ghendt to Brussels by Water for this purpose as that of Holland had been sent from Malines to Ghendt and all was clos'd up by the Dutch Horse Canton'd about Brussels and Malines but the heavy Baggage was to be left behind till the next day The Vanguard of Horse as soon as it came into the Plain beyond the Bois de Sogne sent detachments to Genap Wavre and Nivelle to cover the March of the Army at the same time Count de Noyelles sent detachments of Foot from Waterlo to the Church of Ophain the Abbey of Bois-Seigneur-Isaac and the Village of Bas Istre towards Braine le Chasteau to cover the March for this Camp on all sides If Bouflers had been pass'd the Sambre instead of these detachments a great Body of Horse was to have been order'd towards Genap and Nivelle commanded by a General Officer but Bouflers was still on the other side and sav'd us this Care At the same time that the Prince's Troops incamp'd at Ixelles were marching through the Bois de Sogne for Braine le Leu the Troops incamp'd at Terhulpen and Gerival under General Heyden and the Dutch Horse under Count Tilly from Tombeeck march'd about between the Dyle and the Wood to this Camp and thus joyn'd altogether the 28th being incamp'd with an Elbow upon the right between the Abbey of Bois Seigneur-Isaac and the Village of Bas Istre towards Brain le Chasteau this was the Poste of the right Wing of Horse and Right of the Body of Foot the rest of the Camp went in a strait Line from the Abbey of Bois-Seigneur-Isaac upon the Right as far as the Brook of Leu upon the Left towards the Wood of Sogne and Waterlo having the Village or rather small Town of Braine la Leu before it as the Village of Ophain was before the Center and the foremention'd Abbey upon the Right all three in a Line The Abbey of Bois-Seigneur-Isaac was mark'd for the King's Quarter which consequently gave the Name to the Camp and the Prince and most of the Generals Quarter'd at Brain la Leu the Prince in his own Castle which he has here and where he was born of the Princess of Cantecroix Count de Noyelles continued in the Retrenchments of Waterlo till the 29th to see all the Baggage come up safe through the Wood which was order'd to follow the Army and then march'd from thence with the Body under his Command and took his Post in the Line as it had been assign'd to the several Regiments where all the Battallions incamp'd double as the Elector's Army did at Deinse because the distance was too great for the Foot to fill if the Company 's had incamp'd in their full depth and therefore 't was thought convenient to incamp so as that every Battallion might be divided into two and take up the ground between the Right and Left This Army at the first joyning consisted of 75 Squadrons of Horse 26 of Dragoons and 64 Battallions making in all 46490 Men. A detachment of 400 Men was sent to Nivelle under the Command of a Field Officer to keep Garrison there and secure a Post that was very necessary for the cover of our Army or from whence the Enemies could very much annoy us if they got once to be Masters of it and therefore this could not be construed an infraction of the agreement made on both sides with the Lady Abbess of Nivelle because 't was onely for the present security of the Army which would have been done by the French themselves upon such an occasion or if they gain'd an opportunity by it of attaquing our Army with more advantage As for the English Horse and Dragoons which had march'd out of Ghendt towards Alost under the command of General Auerquerque in order to come to this Camp they were order'd to march back again for their quarters to be at hand near the Electors Army whilst he had two of the Armies of France which were now about Tournay and Courtray for dangerous Neighbours for all the Brandenbourg Cavalry design'd to serve in Flanders was not yet come to Brabant But the Dutch Horse upon English pay Lloyds Dragoons and the Dutch Regiments of Montigny Turck Zuylen now Schulembourg and Noyelles march'd on towards the General Rendezvous at Bois-Seigneur-Isaac to make room for the same number being 18 Squadrons of Dutch Horse and four of Dragoons design'd to serve in Flanders under Lieutenant General Opdam which being now come into this Countrey cantoon'd on both sides of the Canal in the Quarters left by chose that had march'd into Brabant The Spanish and Bavarian Horse came up about the same time and quarter'd along the Scheld between Ghendt and Dendermond so that the Elector had all the Horse of his Army now ready to joyn him As for the Horse belonging to the Princes Army at Bois-Seigneur-Isaac it was actually incamp'd in the Line and the Magazines of Hay and Oats that were at Brussels were transported in Waggons to Waterlo where we had them at hand to subsist the Army with dry Forrage Whilst our Forces in Brabant were marching up to joyn together at this Camp His Majesty who could not let his Armies be in the Field without him arriv'd at Oranje-Polder in the Maes from England the 27th and came the same Evening to the Hague where he was Complimented by the Deputies of the States and Forreign Ministers My Lord of Pembrook His Majesty's first Ambassadour Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary for the Treaty of Peace came over at the same time but an indisposition hinder'd Sir Joseph Williamson from coming to Holland till the next
Nassau-Saarbruck left the Camp to go to the Baths of Aix la Chappelle for his Health and Count d'Arco General of the Bavarians was left Commander in Chief of the Army Upon this going of the Prince of Nassau's to Aix la Chappelle My Lord of Athlone had once Orders to go and Command the Army in Flanders and was preparing to leave the Prince's Army for that purpose but how this came to be alter'd is what brings me to speak of the Affairs of our Army in Brabant The Marechals of Bouflers and Villeroy being now separated and march'd from the Neighbourhood of the Canal of Brussels a great deal of our Cavalry could be spar'd out of our Camp where there was hardly any Forrage to be had at present to go and subsist more conveniently some where else and therefore all the Cavalry upon English Pay being first joyn'd with the Dragoons that had been posted behind the Canal march'd on the 18th from Diegom to Wavre upon the Dyle for the Conveniency of Forrage but the Dutch Horse being left in this Camp were furnish'd with dry Forrage from the States Magazines in the Town Upon this March of our English Cavalry to Wavre the Prince of Tilly left Masy and pass'd the Meuse at Namur to incamp within the Retrenchment upon the Height of Ste Barbe there to subsist in the Condros and spare the Forrage on this side for our Cavalry The both the Duke of Ormond and the Prince of Hesse left the Army the first to go for England and thence to Ireland for his Domestick Affairs and the last into Germany and this day being the Term given in the French Project there was no other Discourse in the Camp but of Peace but how this came to fail is what I have given an account of just now The 24th the Prince gave Orders for all the Artillery and Baggage-Horses to be sent for from Grazing and for the Army to be ready to march upon Information that Bouflérs Army was upon the March towards the Plain of Fleury the said Marechal having left the Camp of Stanberg and the Neighbourhood of Grammont on the 22th to come to Enghien whereupon Count Tillard was left at Grammont with 18 Battallions and as many Squadrons for the Guard of the Convoys between the Scheld and Villeroy's Camp and of the Bread which was Bak'd in this Town for the use of the Armies The 23d the Marechal of Bouflers continu'd to march upon the Right and came to incamp at Soignies where he was joyn'd by the Marquis de Courtebonne and the ten Battallions under his Command which had been posted about Mons since Bouflers March towards Dendermond The French being got so far towards the Sambre alarm'd the Prince who as we have now said order'd all the Horses to be sent for from Grazing but did not get into the Camp till the 25th and the Artillery and heavy Baggage could not march till the next day towards Louvain Major General Stewart with Tiffin's Brigade was now upon his March from the Pays de Waes back to the Canal of Brussels who with the Body commanded by the Count de Noyelles upon this Canal was to joyn the Prince's Army at Louvain Our English Cavalry and Dragoons at Wavre were to march towards Namur who with the Prince of Tilly and the Garrison we had in the place might have cover'd it till the coming up of the Prince's Army The 26th the Artillery and heavy Baggage began to File off towards Louvain under the Escorte of a Colonel with 1000 Foot and the Army had Orders to follow the same way the next day to march thence towards the Mchaigne But Count Nassau Lieutenant General and Major General Erle were to be left at Brussels with 15 Battallions English and Dutch to incamp within the new Line which was now almost finish'd there to cover the Town The Prince had sent an Express to Loo to give His Majesty an account of the Marechal de Boufler's Motions and of his Resolutions thereupon but Namur being at present an Attempt not to be made by the French considering the Strength of the place with that of its Garrison and the Forces we had about it and the Backwardness of the Season and that besides it would put the Army to great Difficulties to march that way without any pressing Occasion and Boufler's Army being halted at Soignies where it was now Hutted and in no likelihood to stir from thence it was therefore thought convenient to countermand this March and it was accordingly countermanded the 27th for the English Infantry could not stir but with great Difficulty because they wanted Horses to carry their Baggage two Waggons had been allow'd each Battallion till the coming up to this Camp which had been hir'd by the King the beginning of the Campagne to supply the present Necessity but having been dismiss'd at the coming to this Ground only one could be had at present and if the Army had been oblig'd to march most of the Officers must have left all their Baggage behind them for very few had Horses to carry it and therefore not to put them to such a Hardship it was thought more Expedient to let the Foot remain where it was and that it would be sufficient to send the Dutch Cavalry and Dragoons being still in this Camp under the Command of the Earl of Athlone towards the Mehaigne These Agitations had stopt his Design to go and command the Army in Flanders in the absence of the Prince of Nassau Saarbruck and that thought was now quite laid aside to go and command the Army we were going to form towards the Mehaigne where besides all the Dutch Horse and Dragoons My Lord was to have Tiffin's Brigade from the Pays de Waes and the two Brigades of Belcastel and Oxensterne from the Canal making together sixteen Battallions which now could be spar'd from thence upon the Marching off of Villeroy towards Audenarde and Bouflers to Soignies and only one Battallion was left thereupon for the Guard of the Canal The 28th all these Regiments joyn'd together near Louvain under the Command of the Count de Noyelles Lieutenant General and Major General Stewart and incamp'd behind the Dyle about a League above the Town with the Left at Corbeck and the Right extending it self towards Neer-Ische but that of Colonel Saunderson was commanded to incamp with the Artillery at Louvain without Brussels-porte and the Detachment of the Prince's Army that cover'd it was order'd back to the Camp The 30th all the Horses belonging to the Infautry incamp'd at Cockelberg were remanded to Graze as before along the Dyle between Louvain and Malines and a Colonel with a Detachment of 1000 Foot was sent to Louvain to bring the Artillery back again to our Camp The same day My Lord Portland came from the Hague to Brussels in order to have another Conference with the Marechal of Bouflers as 't was suppos'd upon what had happen'd at Ryswick the 20th Instant and
several Princes and States ingag'd in the War together in order to open their Conferences * April 5. 1697. dye as 't were upon the very Threshold of the Congress and yet the Treaty not delay'd at all by so Fatal an Accident The Regency under his Successor Charles the Twelfth who was then a Minor carried on the Mediation without any Intermission by dispatching new full Powers to the Swedish Minister at the Hague and both the Allies and France receiv'd it without any Wrangling or Hesitation which as on the one hand it redounded very much to the Glory and Honour of the Crown of Sweden so on the other it demonstrated plainly the Sincerity of the most Powerful Parties concern'd in the War and that they desir'd in earnest the Peace and Quiet of their own Dominions and the General Repose of Christendom We have seen France gain considerable Advantages over the Allies both in Land and Sea Expeditions the last Campagne and yet not stand upon much higher Terms for it in the Treaty unless it was the keeping of Strasbourg and the giving an Equivalent for it which if duly consider'd was as much for the Advantage of the Empire as Strasbourg was for that of France for Strasbourg an Imperial Town would have made but a very weak Barriere to the Empire but as it is now that the Empire has the Fort of Kehl opposite to Strasbourg and all the Forts and strong Places on the right side of the Rhine it seems to be in a better Condition to hinder the French from passing of the Rhine than in the State 't was left by the Treaty of Nimeguen And indeed 't was well for the Peace and Quiet of Europe that those met with most Success the last Campagne who wanted Peace the most else a General Peace could not have been negociated with so much Expedition and so few Difficulties to overcome And for this reason we find no Losers in the Treaty but it seems at once Advantagious for all the Parties concern'd Spain has reduc'd the French by its strict Union with the Allies more than by any Efforts of its own within the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Treaty notwithstanding that the French were Masters of the whole Dutchy of Luxembourg before the War whereas before in all the precedent Treaties since that of Vervins the Spaniards were always giving up considerable Towns and Provinces to France and especially in those of the Pyrenees Aix la Chappelle and Nimeguen The Empire has a much stronger Frontier by this Treaty than by that of Nimeguen considering the better Conditions given at present to the Duke of Lorraine and that France has quitted all the Country Towns and strong places it had on the other side of the Rhine before by vertue of the Westphalian Treaty and that of Nimeguen and although the Empire has quitted Strasbourg and deliver'd it up to the French in lieu of Brisach Fribourg and all that France had beyond the Rhine yet having the Fort of Kehl by vertue of this Treaty on the opposite side of the Rhine to Strasbourg it will always be a Curb and a Bridle upon the French and will hinder them from Subsisting beyond the Rhine with an Army as long as this Place is in the hands of an Imperial Garrison which Strasbourg of it self could not have done if it had been restor'd to the Empire in the Condition wherein 't was taken by the French The States General have plainly gain'd their Cause about the Electorate of Cologne which was one of the Articles upon which France declar'd War against Holland and by regaining with it the Dutchy of Luxembourg to Spain in the late Treaty they have remov'd the French altogether from their Frontier especially from the Rhine whereby they made that Fatal Irruption upon them in the Year 1672. They have likewise Parried a Mortal Stroke to their Religion Commerce and Liberties by the Happy and Miraculous Turn of Affairs in England just at the beginning of the Wars which in a great Measure was due to their Assistance and their Liberty laying upon the same Stake with ours and the Protestant Interest all over Christendom but especially in the United Provinces being imbark'd upon the same Bottom with the Fate of the Church of England we may say that they have been together with us deliver'd from Popery and Slavery As for the Advantages of France in this Peace notwithstanding that it has lost all Footing in Italy by the Separate Treaty with Savoy by giving back Pignerol after a Possession of above Sixty Years to obtain it that Lorrain is restor'd upon much better Terms for that Duke and the Empire than those agreed upon in the Treaty of Nimeguen and notwithstanding the great and prodigious Expences to which the French King has been oblig'd to carry on so long and tedious a War which in truth he began himself against so many Confederates and yet that he is still reduc'd to the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Peace which for this reason looks like so much Blood shed and Treasure spent to no purpose that Cazal has been taken by the Allies Lorrain and Dinant restor'd both which were in his Possession even at the Treaty of Nimeguen and Luxembourg given back to the Spaniards all which Places were in the hands of the French before the beginning of the War and that he has been oblig'd to evacnate all the Towns and Fortresses he has taken since at the Expence of so much Blood and Money and all the Country he was Master of beyond the Rhine in Exchange for Strasbourg Yet it must be own'd that the French King has manag'd the whole War with abundance of Art and Wisdom that he has gain'd very great Advantages over the Allies that he has brought them to make a Peace upon his own Terms and extricated himself very gloriously thereby out of all the Difficulties which a Powerful Confederacy had brought his Kingdom to not so much by the Vigour of their Efforts as by the Necessity of his own Affairs the Consequence of a Burdensome and Expensive War carried on by himself against so many Potent Enemies which had reduc'd most of the Provinces of France to an Universal Poverty and Misery and at last he remains Master of Strasbourg in Alsatia Longwy and Saar-Louis in Lorrain much more to his Advantage than the Equivalents he gives being thereby in a Condition to hinder Lorrain though restor'd from being troublesome to France and still to keep the Rhine and the Empire in awe and has Power enough left by it to be still formidable to the rest of Europe and to disturb the Peace and Quiet of Christendom as soon as his Coffers are replenish'd unless his Adherence to the Publick Faith and Sacredness of Treaties constrains him more than the Apprehension of the Power and Greatness of any of his Neighbours Yet notwithstanding these Advantages on both sides in the Treaty of Ryswick it is certain that both France
and the Allies are fallen very short of their Expectations in the last War France propos'd to it self at least to have chang'd the Twenty Years Truce into a perpetual Treaty in pursuance of the repeated Instances made by the French Ambassadour at the Dyet of Ratisbone for that purpose and nothing in the World could have prevented not only this but even the Ruin of the Protestant Religion every where and with it the Truckling of the Empire the Spanish and United Netherlands to the Power of France save the Happy Wonderful and Sudden Revolution in England when in all Humane Probability His Majesty's Expedition with so considerable a Body of the States Forces in that Kingdom must have created such Civil Wars as would have been rather Subservient to carry on the great Designs of France instead of hindering them which I think is a sufficient Argument to convince any Man unless he is byass'd by his Passions Prejudices and Interest that it was the doing of that over-ruling Providence who as the Psalmist tells us * Psal 33. Maketh the Devices of the People to be of none effect and casteth out the Counsels of Princes As for the Allies they had sufficiently felt the Effects of that Great Power which the French had come to by the Treaty of Nimeguen and whilst the Court of England was ingag'd in the Interests of France that turn'd the Scale so much that there could be no resistance for them But that powerful Kingdom having been so happily and suddenly drawn out of the Interests of France or rather deliver'd out of its Power by the late Revolution in the Government and brought over by it to the side of the Allies in whose Cause the Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties of that Kingdom were so nearly concern'd as the Liberties of Europe were reciprocally involv'd in the Destiny of that Nation so the Allies conceiv'd very great Hopes thereupon of reducing France to much lower Conditions than the Treaty of Nimeguen and of hindering it hereafter from disturbing so often the Peace and Quiet of Christendom But several Accidents have stop'd the Progress of the Allies Affairs thus far the first has been the War of Ireland which hinder'd England from bending the Force of its Arms against France at the beginning to imploy them for the three first Campagnes to recover a Kingdom which so undoubtedly belongs to it and in which it was certainly the Interest of the French to maintain the War as long as possibly they could not to mention the persidious Malice of a Party of Men and unnatural Patriots we have at Home which has weaken'd our Efforts very much and clogg'd the Progress of our Affairs so as to make them often drive heavy The second has been the Over-sight of the Imperial Court in not making a Peace with the Grand Seignior after the Siege of Belgrade as the Turks so earnestly sollicited it at that time And the third The Obstinacy of the Turks so prejudicial at last to their true Interest in carrying on so unsuccessful a War in Hungary when by the necessity of the Emperour's Affairs whilst ingag'd in a War against France they could have made a very Advantageous Peace for themselves which they ought to have done chiefly when they found that notwithstanding the great Diversion they expected from the French upon the Rhine the Imperialists could give them an intire Rout at Salankement and take in the Campagnes following Guyla and Great-Waradin from them for which ill Policy they find at present but too much reason to repent when they see themselves left in the Lurch and to deal with a Powerful Confederacy which now that there is a General Peace in Christendom can bend all its Forces against a weaken'd and drooping Empire The first of these Obstacles being at length happily surmounted by the Reduction of Ireland France contriv'd an Invasion in the Year 1692. to make us look to our own defence at home instead of increasing the strength of the Allies abroad by which though it miscarried in the main yet it gain'd the Town of Namur And the defeat of Landen in 1693 having shew'd the necessity there was for England and the States to augment considerably their Land Forces the Scale begun to turn the Campagne following and the weight of England appear'd very considerable in the Ballance chiefly in the Campagne of 1695 by the Glorious Recovery of Namur which if it be true that France offer'd to treat upon the Foot of Nimeguen before upon the Issue of the Campagne of 1694 sufficiently justified the Conduct of the Allies in the rejecting of it when the French lost Cazal in Italy at the same time And there is a great deal of reason to think that the carrying of the War by the Allies thereafter would have been attended with many other Glorious Advantages and very Fatal to the French had it not been for the Duke of Savoy's deserting of the Common Interest in the Campagne of 1696 and what was may be in some measure the Cause of it the Money difficulties which happen'd in England at that time and oblig'd us to Reform our Coin which had been Clipp'd and Debas'd almost to nothing so that it could bear no Price abroad but must have hinder'd our Armies at last from Subsisting in Flander's and drawn the loss of the Spanish Netherlands after it without a speedy Remedy And as we could not carry on the War nor indeed our Trade without Reforming our Coin so France expected we should be reduc'd to such Extremities in the doing of it as might have put a People together by the Ears that is not us'd to want which would have made it worth its while to continue a War in which it would once more have had a fair Chance to subdue the League and Compass its great Designes by the Ruine of England This may be reckon'd the true Cause both of the inaction and weakness of the Allies for the two last Campagnes and of the continuing of the War then by the French King But though our Money difficulty's occasion'd in a great measure this prolonging of the War by the French yet our overcoming of them so happily and in so little a time which demonstrated the vast and unexpected Wealth of a Nation they reckon'd altogether impoverish'd and which was represented as such by our Domestick Enemies has made amends for it in opening the Eyes of our late Enemies and letting them see that the Continuation of the War would Ruin France before it could Beggar England which has contributed very much to facilitate and bring about that Universal Peace which Christendom now Enjoys And though the Allies have fallen short of their Expectations in the War and that France still continues in the main upon the Foot of the Treaty of Nimeguen yet England having so successfully rcover'd its Liberties and maintain'd and vindicated the Liberties of all Europe at the same time it is thereby in a Condition to ballance