Communities proceeded common Government in which not to admit Sovereignty is the means to preserve their Freedom but if the Seeds of Royalty are once sown they will produce the Desire of Monarchy which puts an end to their Liberty In a word 't is Peace alone as we shall shew elsewhere that preserves aâ—quir'd Kingdoms provided that Peace be cautious and arm'd For so it gives opportunity to Possession to settle its Government and justifie its Title without the trouble of War which confounds all Right and gives opportunitâ— to turbulent uneasie Spirits and robs the Commander oâ— his Authority Wherefore a Prince ought not only to endeavour to procure Peace to his new Kingdoms but also to the neighbouring Provinces for the same sparks of Fire easily catch and the fury of Arms soon embroils those that are near them This was the Reason that King Philip III. took up Arms against Emanuel Duke of Savoy when he would have taken Monferrat from the Duke of Mantua his Majesty endeavouring to decide those Pretentions by Justice not Force nor would he suffer the Ambition of one person to disturb the Quiet of all Italy The same Danger is at present to be fear'd unless these Animosities which have put so many Princes in Arms be accommodated for the Sword once drawn either revenge thinks of satisfaction for Affronts received or Justice of recovering her Right or Ambition of extending its Dominions or Mars himself of trying his Strength I conclude this Discourse with four Verses of Tasso in which he very judiciously and concisely comprehends the true Grounds upon which any new Kingdom should be established EMBLEM LX. AN Arrow sent from a Bow either mounts or falls without suspending in the Air like time present which is so imperceptible that it no sooner is but is past Or like Angles in a Circle where the acutâ— becomes obtuse without ever forming a right Angle The first point of the Arrows consistence is the first of its Declination the higher it mounts the nearer 't is to its fall All things when they arrive at their highest Pitch muâ—â— necessarily decline Hippocrates observ'd this in humanâ— Bodies that when they are past thriving they immediately begin to decay 1 Nec enim in melius verti nec diu sistere valent reliquum est â—t 〈◊〉 deterius dilabantur Hippoc. Nothing in Nature is Permanent the Heavens themselves never rest no more do their Effectâ— which they imprint on things below for which Reason Socrates attributed all changes of Government to them 2 Qui causam esse tradit quod nihil perpetuò maneat sed omnia motu quâ—dam orbicular mutentur Arist. 5. Pol. Monarchies differ not from Animals and Vegetables they are born live and die like them nor have they any time of Consistence so that their falls are natural 3 Naturales esse conversâ—â—â—es Rerumpub Cic. lib. 2. de nar Deor. In not increasing they decrease There is no interval in the fall of the highest Fortune when it once begins to fall 't is impossible to stop it 't is more difficult for the Majesty of Princes to fall from the highest Pitch to the middlemost than from thence to the lowest Degree 4 Regum majestatem dissiâ—ilius à summo fastigio ad medium detraâ—i quam a mediis ad ima praeâ—ipitari Livius But all Kingdoms don't rise and fall by the same Degrees when they are got up to the highest Point they fall with more speed than they rose 5 Fati maligna perpetuaque in ommbus rebus Lex est â—t ad summum perducta rursus ad infimum velocius quidem quam ascenâ—erunt relabantur Seneca Alexander was twelve years in raising his Kingdom which decay'd in a very small time being rent and divided at first into four and afterwards into more Principalities The Causes of the Rise and Fall of States are many those who attribute them to Motion or the power of the Stars or the number of Plato or Climacterick years deny Providence the care of Sublunary things He who has design'd to make the World will not disdain to govern it Nay to create and not take care of the World would be disapproving his own work If God vouchsafed himself to paint the Peacocks Tail and the Butterflies Wings shall we think he will commit to Chance the management of Empires and Monarchies upon which depend the Happiness or Ruin of Mankind for whom all things were created 'T would be impious to believe it and to attribute the Success of things to our own Counsels the highest Arrogance By him Kings Reign and with his own Hands he disposes of Scepters and though in their Preservation he give their free Course to those natural Inclinations which were either born with us or imprinted in us by some other influence without giving any check or restraint to Free-Will yet does God himself order and dispose them 〈◊〉 that no Government was ever ruin'd without the intervâ—ning of some humane Folly and Bindness 6 Ego ita comperi omma Regna Civitâ—tes Nationesque usque eo prospâ—â— imperium habuâ—sse dum apud eos vera consilia valuerunt ubicunque Grâ—â— Timor Voluptas â—a corruptâ—re post paulo immâ—nutâ— opes deinde 〈◊〉 in perium postremè servitus imposita est Sallust I cannot forâ—bear thinking that Empires would be pepetual if Princeâ— would accommodate their Will to their Powâ—â— their Power to their Reason and their Reason to Accidents Since then Prudence and humane Counsel have their 〈◊〉 in the falls of Empires we may easily find the Causes therâ— of which are either general or particular general which comprehend all Kingdoms whether acquir'd by Successioâ— Election or Conquest and are many but may be reduâ—â— to four Principal ones from whence proceed the rest 〈◊〉 in the Horizon of the World from the four Cardiâ—â— Winds proceed many collateral ones These Causes are Râ—â—ligion Honour Life and Estate for the Conservation 〈◊〉 which Civil Society was first instituted and the People â—â—â—came subject to the Government of one a few or many and whenever they find themselves oppres'd in any one 〈◊〉 these four they rebel and change the Form of the Governâ—ment We will therefore touch upon these with as muâ—â— brevity as the Subject will admit Though Religion as we said before be the strongâ— Bond of Governments yet is it that which disunites thâ—â— most and reduces them into many Forms when it is 〈◊〉 universal for those who are of different Opinions 〈◊〉 God never live in Unity among themselves If they â—â—â—gree and quarrel about trivial Customs and Manners 〈◊〉 much more will they about their Affection and Loyaâ— due to the Creator of all things and furious Zeal of â—â—â—derstanding things of such importance Liberty of Câ—â—â—science is the ruin of any State Those who disagree matters of Religion are to one another as the Holy Sâ—â—rit says Pricks in their Eyes and Thorns in their Sides 7 Numb 33. 5. The Duty
impâ—ovidus spe vana tumens Tac. 1. Hist. and that in their Resolves their Votes are counted not weighed and that Communities are always fuller of Raw Ignorant Persons than of those of Prudence and Experience thence happen grievous Inconveniencies And we see at present that Republick governs with great Applause by the best Maxims and that she always promotes the universal Peace and good Correspondence with her neighbouring Princes not being to be prevail'd upon by the continual Importunities of France to join in the present War by which she has not only oblig'd the House of Austria but has been also freed from this general Influence of Mars by which she has gained more than she could have done by the Sword The Neighbourhood of greater Power is not always Dangerous it is sometimes like the Sea which Ebbing leaves whole Provinces to the Continent There are not few Princes and Republicks which owe their Preservation to this Monarchy 'T would be a dangerous Attempt for the lesser Powers always to join in making War upon the Greater as we observ'd elsewhere States gain more by their good Correspondence with Princes than by Force They are cunning Ladies who easily captivate their Heart and Will and guide their Actions to their particular Ends. Let 'em not therefore be disturbed if Princes are sometimes angry with them for such Anger is like the Petty Quarrels of Lovers which are the Renewing of Love Let them blame rather Jealousies and credulous Suspicions which make them doubt the Fidelity of their best Friends which is the Vice of the Multitude who measure Things not by Reason but by their vain Suspicions These Arts of Sowing Discord and procuring the Rise of one by the Fall of others are most in use in Courts and Palaces They proceed from Ambition for Rewards being already divided and there being no means to introduce new Forms but by the Corruption of others they procure it by Scandal and Violence Sometime 't is the Envy of one Minister to another for some excellent Qualifications endeavouring to prevent his continuance in a Post where they may be conspicuous or else to ruine the Reputation he has already acquir'd by false Accusations And when he can't obscure the Truth he Sneers Joaks at and Ridicules it under pretence of a kind of Friendship that losing his Credit in Things of small concern he may afterwards gain it in Things of greater moment Such malicious sly Tricks are ever perniâ—ious to their Author as Tacitus remark'd in Hispon 19 Perniciem aliis ac postremum sibi invenere Tac. 1. Annal. and in those who followed him Notwithstanding Lucinus Proculus succeded well by accusing others 20 Vt cuique erat criminando quod facillimum factu est pravâ—s callidus bonos modestos anteibat Tac. 1. Hist. This sometimes happens when Goodness and Modesty are so reserv'd as to live privately despising the Honours and Favour of Princes as it befalls those who through distrust of their own Abilities are thought unfit for the Management of Publick Affairs such as these assiduous Malice such as is intent upon gaining Mens Opinions easily robs of the due Rewards of their Vertue as Tigillinus us'd to do 21 Praefecturâ—â— vigilum praetorii alia praemia virtutum velocius vitiis adeptus Tac. 1. Hist. But such Artifices fall with the same speed they rise of which Tigillinus is an Example who died infamously by his own Hands 22 Inter stupra concubinarum oscula deformeâ— mores sectis novacula faeucibus infamem vitam foedavit etiam exiâ—u seâ—â— inhonesto Tac. 1. Hist. EMBLEM LXXVI THE Sun darts the Rays of his Light upon a Concave-Glass and thence proceeds in Rays of Fire the Figure of this present Emblem intimating That in the good or bad Intention of the Ministers consist Peace or War The Reverberation of the Orders they receive is Fatal If the Breast be of clear and plain Crystal the Orders flow thence as pure if not purer than they entred but if it be Steel they will imbroil the whole World in Wars To this end Princes desirous of Peace should beware of making use of Warlike Ministers for as they found all their Fortune upon Arms they continually seek Occasions to exercise them France had never bewail'd the Effects of so much Discord nor Europe of so many Wars had not the Preservation of that King's Favour consisted therein We find in Holy Writ that the Priests carried the Trumpets wherewith they declared War 1 And the Sons of Aaron the Priest shall blow with the Trumpets and they shall be for an Ordinance for ever to you throughout your Generations Numb 10. 8. that the Modesty and Gravity of their Sacred Office would not use them without great Occasion The Breasts of Princes are Seas which swell with Mountains of Waves when their Ministers are blustering Boreas's but are calm and serene when they are gentle Zephyrs for a generous and peaceful Mind tempers the hot and dangerous Orders and turns them to good like the Sun whose Rays though they pass by Angles endeavour to free themselves from this imperfect Form and return Spherical in their Reverberation And sometimes it suffices not that their Intention is good if they pass for Warriors for either none believe that Men of their Courage would neglect an Occasion and Fear arms against their Bravery or at least Malice takes it as a Pretence The Count of Fuentes foreseeing what would happen to the Valtoline from the Revolt of the Grisons upon account of the League with the Republick of Venice built a Fort at the Mouth of the River Ada for the Security of the State of Milan The Duke of Feria in the same Country summon'd the Catholicks to defend themselves from the Protestants The Duke d' Ossuna endeavour'd by a Fleet which he had in the Adriatick to divert the Arms of Venice upon Friuli And to these three Ministers are ascrib'd the Wars which were afterwards occasion'd through the Troubles of the Duke of Savoy In those who assist at Treaties of Peace the Danger is yet greater each acting according to his Inclination and Passion and not according to the good Intention of the Prince Don Lopez de Haro being disgusted by King Sancho the Strong reveng'd himself in the Treaties of Peace between that King and Peter III. King of Arragon differently reporting the Answers of both which incens'd them more than before The greatest Misfortune of Princes is that they can't Personally assist at all Affairs but are oblig'd to be guided by others Reports which are like Streams which are always tinctur'd with the Quality of the Minerals through which they pass proceeding always infected with the Malice Passion or Affection of the Ministers and answer their Conveniencies and Designs by these they strive to flatter the Prince preparing them so that they may be grateful to his Taste and Inclination Ministers and principally Embassadors eager to shew their
Subjects can never long bear 〈◊〉 War at Home for by maintaining in this manner â—oth Friends and Enemies Charges encrease Means â—il and Dangers continue But if any one thinks â—â—reby to sooth up and the more easily appease him he â—â—gaged with it is imprudent Counsel there being no â—â—ttering a declared Enemy Moderation in War is â—ot imputed to Clemency but to Weakness and the â—ost Powerful lose their Reputation and are endanger'd 〈◊〉 it The King of Spain 's Mildness to Charles of Savoy â—â—st him dear This Duke made War against Ferdinand Duke of Mantua to assert his ancient Pretensions upon Montferrat and King Philip III. not thinking it fit that 〈◊〉 Sword should decide this Suit then depending before the Emperor and that the Quarrel of these two â—rinces should disturb the Peace of all Italy made War â—pon the former and sate down before Asti not with â—â—y design to enter that Place forcibly which might â—â—ve been easily done but by this Menace to oblige him 〈◊〉 Peace as accordingly he did This moderate way â—f proceeding encreased the Duke's Obstinacy and contrary to the Treaty he again took up Arms kindling another War more dangerous than the first Upon which His Majesty besieged Verâ—eil which he took but presently restored again so that the Duke who saw his Designs succeed so happily struck up a Leagâ—â— with the French and Venetians at Avignoâ— and a third time disturbed Italy All which Wars might very easily have been avoided had the Duke of Savoy been made to feel the weight of the Spanish Arms and suffered the loss of part of his State Whoever has once opposed a greater Power will never become a Friend till he sees himself oppressed and robb'd of all as Vocula said to the Mutinous Legions when he encouraged them against some Provinces of France 4 〈…〉 cum spoliâ—â—i exutique 〈…〉 fore Tac. Hist. l. 4. that revolted Princes are not feared for having the Weapons in their Hands but for knowing how to use them No one assaults him who dares turn again Almost all Wars are grounded either upon the Oscitancy or Cowardice of the Person against whom they are waged What Risque is there in making War against a Prince wholly devoted to Peace since whatever the Success be that will certainly be obtained For this Reason it seems convenient that the Maxims of the Spaniards be changed in Italy which endeavour to inculcate That the King wishes nothing so much as Peace and would purchase it at any Rate It is fit indeed Princes should know that His Majesty is always Sincere and willing to keep a good Understanding with them ready to employ all his Forces for their Conservation and Defence and that he will spare no Care which may contribute to the Quiet of those Provinces but withal they should know That if any one unjustly opposes his Grandeur and conspires to overthrow it putting him to the Damages and Expences of War he will get Satisfaction by detaining what he shall take from them What Court of Justice will not allow Costs to the Party that sues another without Reason â—â—o will not try his Sword upon the Body of a potent 〈◊〉 if he can do it with safety When a Victory is obtained the Spoils should be 〈◊〉 among the Soldiers and particular Honour shewed 〈◊〉 as have eminently signalized themselves in the Fight â—â—at Valour seeing it self rewarded may be encouraged 〈◊〉 greater Enterprizes and be an Example to others 〈◊〉 this end the Romans invented so many Crowns â—ollars Ovations and Triumphs Saul erected to himâ—â—lf a Triumphant-Arch upon the Defeat of the Amaâ—â—â—ites 5 Saul came to Caâ—mel and behold â—e set him up a place 1 Sam. â—5 12. Nor are these Honours to be done the â—â—rvivors only but those also who have valiantly lost â—â—eir Lives in the Battel since they bought the Victory 〈◊〉 so dear a Price Signal Services done the State canâ—ot be recomeâ—â—â—ed but by some Eternal Remembrance â—hus those of 〈◊〉 were requited with a Sepulchre â—hich lasted 〈◊〉 many Ages 6 And set up 〈◊〉 pillars upon it one against another for 〈◊〉 father his 〈…〉 And he set great pillars round â—â—out them and set arms upon the pillars for a perpetual memory 〈◊〉 carved ships beside the arms that they might be seen of men â—â—â—lling in the sea This sepulchre which he made at Modin standeth 〈◊〉 unto this day 1 Maccab. 13. 28 29 30. The Soul sensible of 〈◊〉 own 〈◊〉 undervalues Dangers to make the â—emory of its Actions immortal too Hence the Spaniards 〈◊〉 old raised as many Obelisks about every Soldier 's â—omb as he had killed Enemies 7 〈…〉 Arist. l. 7. Poâ— c. 2. God being the â—â—vereign Disposer of Victories to him we ought to pay 〈◊〉 Acknowledgments first to engage him to grant us â—thers not only by way of Thanksgiving and Sacrifice â—ut by Spoils 〈◊〉 and Offerings as the Israelites did â—pon raising the Siege of Bethulia and routing the Assyrians 8 After when they 〈…〉 Jerusalem they worshipped the Lord and as soon as the 〈◊〉 were purified they offered their burntâ— offerings and their 〈◊〉 offerings and their gifts Iudith 1â— 18. and Ioshua after his Victory over the Men of Ai 9 And thou shalt offer burnt-offerings thereon unto the Lord thy God and thou shalt offer peace-offerings 〈◊〉 27. 6. In which particular the Spanish Kings have always been very liberal which Piety of theirs God has rewarded with the present Monarchy EMBLEM XCVIII WAR in many things resembles Fire not only in its Nature which is to destroy but also for that the same Matter wherewith it iâ— fed when there is too much of it extinguishes it Arms support War but if they are very powerful quench it 〈◊〉 change it into Peace Therefore whoever would obâ—â—in this must use them it being impossible that any â—eace should be concluded with Honour and Advantage â—Nless it be treated of under the Shieldâ— and with this â—he Arm must be guarded which reaches out the Hand to receive the Olive of Peace Clovis wish'd for two Right-Hands one arm'd to oppose Alaricus the other â—aked to present in token of Peace to Theodorick the Mediator between them The Arms of a Prince should be equally prepared for Peace and War Clovis never thought he could obtain that by shewing his unarmed Right-Hand without having at the same time another â—pon its Guard This is that the Greeks meant by the Hieroglyphick of a Man holding in one Hand a Pike in the other a Caduceus Negotiation expressed by the latter can never succeed except the Menace of the former attend it When the Athenians were annoyed by Eumolphus their General marched first with a Caduceus in his Hand and was follow'd by the flower of his Men in Armour hereby shewing himself ready as well for Peace as War When the Rhodians sent an Embassy to Constantinople there went one by the Embassador's side carrying three Boughs signifying the same
Disposition of Mind To which Virgil seems also to have alluded in this Verse of his Pacem orare manu praefigere puppibus arma * Virg. To sue for Peace yet prosecute the War Even after the Conclusion of Peace Care ought still to be taken of War since between the Conqueror and Conquered no firm Faith is ever established 1 Cum in victores victosque munquam solida fides convalesceret Tac. Hist. l. 2. One Day saw that of the French several times engaged and violated at Casal and the Marquess de Saint Croix 's Goodness abused he who preferred the Quiet of Italy before the Glory of Victory which an advantageous Post and 〈◊〉 Forces offered him as 〈…〉 In Treaties of Peace a Free Temper is no less requisite than iâ— the Management of a War He that consâ—lts too much his Honour in them and would conquer his Enemy as well with the Pen as Sword buâ—ies Sparks under the Ashes to kindle the Fire of a greater War Those Peaces which Pompey and after him the Consul Mancinus made with the Nuâ—â—â—tines had no effect because they were not a little derogatory to the Honour of the Roman Commonwealth The Capitulation of Asti between Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy and the Marquess de Hinoâ—osa was soon broken upon account of one of the Articles about Diâ—arming the Soldiers not much for His Majesty's Reputation which those Disturbances and Innovations of the Duke seemed to tend to No Peace can be secure when there is so much inequality 2 Bellum anceps an pax inâ—onesta placeret nec dubitatum de bello Tac. Annal. l. 15. One of the Privernates being asked by the Roman Senate how his Countrymen would observe the Peace if it were allowed them answered Faithfully and for Ever if you grant us a good and equal one but if you impose hard Conditions you must not expect we should keep them long 3 Si 〈◊〉 dederitis fidam perpetuam si 〈…〉 Tit. Liv. l. 8. Never does any one observe a Peace which he knows is to his Disadvantage 4 Nec credideris ullu◠〈…〉 in ea conditione cujus cum paniteat diutius quam necesse sit mansurum Tit. Liv. l. 8. Except it be Honourable and for the Conveniency of both Parties it will be but a lame Contract he that studies most his own Interest in it makes it most slender and subjects it to an easie Rupture Upon any ill Success one is not immediately to have recourse to Peace as long as the least room is left for putting Affairs in a better posture otherwise it can never go well with the Oppressed Hence after the loss of the Battel of Toro Alphonsus King of Portugal thought it not a good Time to talk of Agreeing with â—â—rdinand the Catholick That is a weak Peace which â—â—rce and Menace extort for Honour and Liberty never 〈◊〉 to plot against it There are usually no less Cheats and Contrivances in â—reaties of Peace than in War witness those pretended 〈◊〉 of Rhadamistus to take away Mithridates 's Life * Tac. Annal. l. 12. â—hey are generally set on foot only to discover the â—ctions and Designs of the Enemy to give Time for â—â—rtifications Succours and the Practices of Alliance 〈◊〉 waste the Enemy's Forces break Confederacies and â—ll asleep with the Hopes of Peace Diligence and Precaution Sometimes they are clapt up in order to raise â—ew Forces frustrate Counsels and in a word to serve 〈◊〉 a Truce or Cessation of Arms until a better Opporâ—â—nity for taking them up again shall offer it self or that the Seat of the War may be changed Thus the French Sign'd the Peace of Mouzon with no other intent than to remove the War into Germany and fall upon the Valtoline that way So the only end of the Peace of Ratisbone was to disarm the Emperor for at the same Time the French agreed to it they were brewing a League with the Crown of Sweden against him and there was not above two Months between the one and the other Now in the like Cases War is much better than a suspected Peace 5 In pace suspecta tutius bellum Tac. Hist. l. 4. this being indeed a Peace without Peace 6 Saying Peace peace when there is no peace Ier. 6. 14. Peaces should be perpetual as all those of God have been 7 And I will establish my covenant between me and thee and thy seed after thee in their generations for an everlasting covenant to be a God unto thee and to thy seed after thee Gen. 17 7. Hence the Holy Scriptures call such Treaties Covenants of Salt by this expression intimating their Permanency 8 The Lord God of Israel gave the kingdom over Israel to David for ever even to him and to his sons by a covenant of salt 2 Chron. 13. 5. A Prince who is a real Lover of Peace and sincerely endeavours the Settlement of it is not afraid to bind even his Posterity to its Observance A short Peace is good for nothing but to gather Fuel to light War withal The same Inconveniencies attend Trucer made for a few Years they do but suspend Anger for a time and give place for the sharpening of Swords and pointing of Lances by their means Usurpations pass into Prescription and Peace is afterwards rendred more difficult inasmuch as no one resigns willingly what he has possessed a long time The Ten Years Truce between the Emperor Charles V. and Francis I. gave not Peace to Europe as * In â—ul Indict Conc. Trident. Pope Paul III. very well observed But when the Peace is secure firm and honourable no prudenter Course can be taken than to embrace it however Victorious your Arms are or whatever considerable Progresses may be expected from them since the Casualties of War are various and fortunate often beget unhappy Successes How frequent is it to see him begging for Peace who was but just before asked it A Certain Peace is better than a Victory in Expectation the one depends on our own Pleasure the other is in God's Hand 9 Melior enim tutiorque est certa pax quam sperata victoria illa in tuaâ— haec in Deorum manu est Liv. Dec. 3. l. 1. And though Sabinus said That Peace was to the Glory only of the Conqueror but Profitable to the Conquered 10 Pacâ—m concordiam victis utiâ—ia victoribâ— tantum pulcâ—ra esse Tac. Hist. l. 3. yet this Advantage reaches the Victor too for by being so he may have it the more advantageous and secure the Progresses already made There is no better Time for Peace than when one is uppermost in War This among other Reasons moved Hanno when News was brought to Carthage of the Victory of Cannae to advise the Senate to close with the Romans And it was for nothing but the neglect of this that they were forced in the end to submit to such Laws and Conditions as Scipio thought fit
God as the Prince So that though many of your Royal Highness's Ancestors have had Favourites who with much care and zeal as we see at present have endeavour'd to Act with the greatest Integrity yet have their attempts met with answerable Success Let not your Royal Highness be deceiv'd by the example of France whose Territories we see indeed much enlarg'd by the Counsels of a Favourite but not without detriment to the Kingdom and prejudice to the Royal Prerogative Whoever shall duely consider the Persecution of the Queen Mother and Duke of Orleans the Blood of Monmorency spilt that of the Prior of Vendosme of Paul Reny and of Monsieur de Macraints the Imprisonment of the Duke of Bulloign the Exactions and Oppressions of the Subjects the Usurpation of the Duâ—chy of Lorrain the Leagues made with the Dutch Protestants and Swedes the Design upon Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy the Peace made at Mouzon without the knowledge of the Allies the Curb impos'd upon the Valtoline and Grisons the Succours sent to Scotland and the English Parliament the Sieges of Fontarabie St. Omer Thionville Fornavent and Catelet the loss of so many Soldiers at Lovain Tarragone Perpignan Saâ—e Valence upon the Po Imbree and la Râ—que the retaking Aire and the Bass. He I say who shall consider these things will find that all his measures were grounded upon Violence and that his Favour was founded upon force that the Sword so daring against the Persons of Kings has been timoâ—ous and cowardly against this Minister that Fortune has favoured his Temerity that he has succeeded by the same means he should have fail'd whereas we have lost by the same methods we should have gain'd a sure Sign that God prospered this Favourite for the Exercise of Christianity and for our Chastisement forestalling our Prudence and confounding our Valour Kingdoms destin'd to Ruin fall by the same means they should be supported thus the entrance into the Adriatick created Distrust the Protection of Mantua Jealousie the opposition at Nivers Wars the Diversion Expence the Army in Alsace Rivals the War for Spain Rebellions At the Siege of Casal we lost an opportunity of putting an end to the War the Counsel of Secretary Passiers to Prince Thomas hindred the relief of Turin and triumph over France The same thing happed at Aire for a foolish piece of Formality the News that was brought of the Siege of Arras made them omit the Care of relieving it For a vain Scruple D' Amvilliers was not succoured through Cowardize or Treachery Chapelle surrendred O Providence Divine Whither tend such variety of Accidents so different from their Causes 'T is not by chance that the Government of Europe is put into the hands of Favourites God grant Success may answer the publick Prayers The End of the First Volume His Royal Highness William Duke of Glocester Printed foâ— M. Gilliflower and L. Meredith THE Royal Politician REPRESENTED IN One Hundred Emblems Written in Spanish by Don Diego Saavedra Faxardo Knight of the Order of St. Iago Plenipotentiary Ambassador To the Cantons of SWITZERLAND At the Imperial Diet at RATISBON At the Famous Treaty of MVNSTER And of the Supreme Council of State for both of INDIES With a large Preface containing an Account of the Author his Works and the Usefulness thereof Done into English from the Original By Sir IA. ASTRY VOL. II. LONDON Printed for Matâ— Gylliflower at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-Hall And Luke Meredith at the Star in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCC OF THE EDUCATION OF A PRINCE EMBLEM LI. THERE is nothing better or more advantageous to Mankind than prudent Diffidence 't is the Guard and Preservation of our Lives and Fortunes our own Security obliges us to it without it there would be no Caution without which no Safety that Prince governs best who trusts fewest there is but one Confidence safe which is not to depend upon the Will of another For who can secure himself of Man's heart hid in the privatest corner of the Breast whose Secrets the Tongue dissembles the Eyes and all the Motions of the Body contradict 1 Eccles. 13. 31. 'T is a Gulf rowling with the Tempests of different Affections a Sea full of hidden Rocks which no Chart can discover What Prudence must the Needle be touched with for a Prince to sail by through such dangerous and difficult Seas 2 The heart is deceitful above all things anâ— desperately wicked Who can know it Ierem. 17. 9. How well should he know the Winds when to furl and loose the Sails of Confidence In this consists the chiefest Art of Government 't is in this that a Princes danger chiefly consists either through want of Experience in Affairs or Knowledge of his Subjects none of them appearing ill to him For in his Presence all compose their Actions and adjust their Looks Their set Speeches sound nothing but Love Zeal and Fidelity and their Attendance nothing but Respect and Obedience Discontent Hatred and Ambition being hid in the heart which made one say a Prince should trust no Body but both extreams are equally to be avoided 3 Utrumqâ— in vitiâ— est omnibâ—is credere nulli Seneca To trust none is the Suspicion of a Tyrant to trust all the easiness of an imprudent Prince Confidence is not less important to a Prince than Distrust The one is worthy a sincere and Royal Breast the other is very necessary in the Art of Government as an Instrument by which Policy works its Ends. The Difficulty consists in knowing how rightly to use one and t' other so that neither a too credulous Confidence expose you to Infidelity and Dangers or a too suspicious Distrust provoke Hatred or make the Prince by reason of this Diffidence incapble oâ— treating with any one He should not measure all thingâ— by Confidence nor all by Distrust If a Prince will trusâ— none who can serve him without evident Dangers 'T is aâ— great a misfortune to lose a faithful Minister upon vain and groundless Suspicions as by a too easie Credulity to trusâ— those who are not so Let a Prince confide but at the same time suspect that he may be cheated this Suspicion ought not to retard the Course of his Actions but only to be a Caution to him if he was without Suspicion he would be too careless Suspicion is a cautionary Security a due weighing of Matters he who doubts nothing can never know the Truth Let him give Credit as if he believ'd and distrust as if he believ'd not Confidence and Diffidence being thus governed by Prudence and Reason work Miracles Let the Prince therefore be well advised in the Affairs which he treats of in the Alliances which he ratifies in the Peaces which he concludes and in all other Treaties in general which concern the Government and when he Signs them let his hand be full of Eyes as in the prefent Emblem that he may see what he does The Bawd in Plautus valued