by the Graecians is a mere Fable and that the Persians gave a Relation of Xerxes's and Darius's Expeditions against Greece very different from what the Greeks themselves do but he carries his Point farther and as an Instance how little any History can be depended upon he tells you That of the most Eminent Greek Writers some make the Sea-Fight of Salamis to have been before that of Platea and others place it after Now it were I think a sufficient reply to all this Objection if a Man should urge That some Falshoods there are very reconcileable with Human Infirmity and such as according to the Distinction of the Schools though not true are yet no Lyes because they are utter'd in the Integrity of the Man's Heart But then as for the Impostures charged upon Tacitus by Tertullian and the Reproach of one of the most Scandalous and Profligate Authors extant cast upon him by Budâ—us their true Meaning is not to load him with such Accusations of Falshood as simple Ignorance or Inadvertency might acquit or excuse him in or the too easie Credit given to Mistakes generally receiv'd might be alledg'd in mitigation of But their Intention was to expose his impious Misrepresentations of the Christians the Scoffs and insolent Railleries against our Holy Religion attack'd by him in its very Foundations laid in the Old Testament his ridiculing the Miracles of Moses and reviling the Iews with Worshipping the Image of a Wild Ass. And these I acknowledge are Calumnies full of true Pagan Venom and such as no Man can be too severe in condemning But then I must take leave to urge withal that if this Author must be thrown aside in resentment for what he hath said to traduce the True GOD and the Christian Worship he must be banish'd in a great deal of Good Company For the same Rule will oblige us to burn almost all the Heathen Authors very few of whom are clear of endeavouring to blacken us by such kind of vile Aspersions The same Reply may serve to take off that Sâ—nâ—â—nce pronounc'd against this Author by Casaubon who in his Preface to Polybius affirms the Reading of Tacitus to be the most dangerous Study that Princes can employ themselves in by reason of the many ill Characters to be met with in his Works There is indeed a very ill Custom to which Casaubon is too much addicted That I mean of never bestowing a Man's Pains upon any Author without lowering the Reputation of all besides to gain more Credit and Authority to that One and however he might think fit to treat Tacitus upon this occasion we know that at other times he hath not been sparing in Commendations of him 'T is true his History now extant relates the Actions of the Worst and Wickedest Princes that perhaps ever were and it is our great Misfortune that those other Books of it which contain'd the Reigns of Emperours as eminently Good such as Vespasian Titus Nerva and Trajan are lost But at this rate no History in the World no not even that of the Bible it self can escape Censure if the exposing Ill Examples to publick View must be thought to deserve it For all treat of Bad as well as Good Men and require a Reader 's Iudgment and Care to distinguish between that part of the Account which ought to be imitated and that which ought to be avoided I cannot absolutely deny but in the Times of Tertullian there might be reason to apprehend some Danger from the bitter Invectives of Pagan Writers because the World was not then cleansed from Errours as now blessed be God by his Grace it is But I can by no means be brought to think that any Mischief is capable of being done by them now when every body sure is proof against such Calumnies and not in a condition to receive ill Impressions from any thing which the Infidelity they livâ—d in then might put them upon writing against the Gospel and its Doctrines Indeed without taking all this Pains Tacitus might have been left to stand upon his own Legs the general Esteem of his Works being more than enough to bear down all the Authorities we have been considering though no Arguments from the Reason of the thing had been brought to confute them But if it were necessary to balance one Authority against another besides the universal Consent and Approbation of Learned Men I am able to produce Two of weight sufficient to cast the Scale clearly on the other side The first is that of Tacitus the Emperour who in that highest Elevation this World is capable of did at Two hundred Years distance after this Historian's Death glory in the same Name and valued himself upon his Descent from so Great and Worthy an Ancestor As Marks of the Honour he bore to his Memory Statues of him were by his Order set up in the Libraries and Ten Transcripts of his Books made constantly f How little â—ffâ—ct this Order had is plain from the great part of Tacitus his Woâ—ks now lost Nor indeed was there time for any great good to come of his intended Respects for Tacitusâ— â—eign'd but Six Months every Year that so they might be preserv'd and handed down from one Age to another as we find they are now to ours The second is the Great Duke Cosmo de Medicis whose Memory will always live in Honour as long as Politics and Good Government to speak in the Language of his own Country continue to be cultivated and respected This Prince singled Tacitus out from the rest of the Historians as the Person most capable at once of forming his Iudgment and giving his Curiosity the most solid Satisfaction But to the Suffrage of Princes and Emperours we may indeed add the general Voice of Mankind For what can be a greater Testimony in his Honour than the Pains all Nations have taken to translate Tacitus into their own Language Besides his Annals and History he hath left us a Treatise concerning the different Sorts of People who inhabited Germany in his Time and their respective Manners and Customs as also the Life of his Father-in-Law Agricola Somâ— there are who father upon him the little Tract concerning the Causes of the Corruption and Decay of Latin Eloquence which others rather think to be Quintilian's But Lipsius seems to go upon better grounds when he thinks it cannot belong to either of them As for the little Collection of Facetiae which Fulgentius Planciades quotes under Tacitus his Name they are so manifestly supposititious that scarce any body but that wretched Grammarian was ever impos'd upon by them The genuine Compositions of Tacitus do very easily distinguish themselves both by their Matter and their Form By the former of which in agreement with Scaliger I am to understand the Diction or Manner of the Author and by the latter the Substance of Things treated of He is particularly remarkable for inserting Speeches upon all occasions sometimes only obliquely and hinting the
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
takes not place if it be not done in its Place Gracian Discourse 30 of his Agudeza When there is a great Number of People involv'd in a Conspiracy or any attempt against a Prince or State and consequently that it requires a long Inquiry to discover them all it is more expedient for him to dissemble that he may not irritate Wasps All Punishment which is extended far how just foever it be passes not for an Act or Iustice nor for Example but for a Butchery and makes the Prince hated as Sanguinary and his Body to be privately carry'd out And although he was inform'd that several Courtiers and Senators had assisted him with their Counsel and Money yet no farther enquiry was made z A Courier who was carrying Letters from several Protestant Princes and Lords of Germâ—ny to the Landâ—grave of Hâ—sse being taken by some 〈◊〉 of Charles V. they found among his Dispatches a Memorandum of Succours which they offer'd him in order to continue the War against the Emperor but this Prince without reading any more than the Title threw it into the Fire judging as Iulius Caesar who would not read the Letters sent to Pompey from the Nobility of Rome that the most agreeable way to Pardon was voluntarily to be ignorant of the Offence Epitâ—â—e of his Life by Don Iuan Ant. de Vera. XLI Towards the End of this Year a Triumphal Arch was erected near Saturn's Temple for the recovery of the Eagles by the Conduct of Germanicus and under the Auspices of Tiberius a Temple was dedicated to Fo rs Fortunae a Tacitus saith Aedes Fortis Fortunâ— There was at Rome a Fortune named Fâ—rs Fortunae as if one should say Casual Fortune or Fortune which decides the Lot of War With which may agree Prosperous For 〈◊〉 which Rodolph the Master gave her This Goddess had a Temple first at Rome under the Reign of Servius Tâ—lliâ—â— and receiv'd then Gifts of those who liv'd on their Rents without being of any Trade in the Gardens near the Tiber which Iulius Caesar bequeath'd to the People of Rome A Chapel to the Family of the Iulii and Statues to Divine Augustus in a Place call'd the Bovillae 770 Years after the Building of Rome XLII IN the Consulship of C. Caelius and L. Pomponius on the 26th of May Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci Chatti Angrivarii and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils Captives and Pictures of the Mountains Rivers and Battels were carried before him as if the War had been ended because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person sitting in his Triumphal Chariot with his Five Children added much to the Splendor of the Show and the satisfaction of the Spectators But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those who consider'd that the Favour of the People had not been fortunate to his Father Drusus that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd 1 A Great Man who hath the Favour of the People and cultivates it by popular actions as Germanicus did and his Father had done is always hated by his Prince either because such a Subject seems not to stand in need of his Favour or because a Man who hath the People at his Devotion exposes himself to a thousand Suspicions which his Rivals have opportunity to raise and foment in the Prince's Mind Insomuch that this Great Man must fall soon or late if he continues at Court or amongst the People whose Idol he is Every body knows what the Battel of Barieades May 12. 1588. cost the Duke of Guise when the Parisians declar'd so openly for him that Henry III. was forc'd to leave the City To conclude as the Hatred of the People is the reward of the Prince's Favourites the Hatred of the Prince is reciprocally the reward of the Peoples Favourites XLIII Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sesterces b About thiry five Shillings in our Money a Man in Germanicus's Name and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulship c It is to be observ'd That all the Collegues of Tiberius's Consulships came to Unfortunate Ends Quintilius Varus by Despair Germanicus and Drusus by Poyson Piso Governor of Syria and Sejanus by the Sentence of the Senate but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him 1 When the Prince is hated his sincerest actions are mis-interpreted but above all the Caresses and Honours which he doth to a Great Man whom the People knows or imagines that he doth not love and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court pretending it was for his Honour and in order to it contriv'd Occasions or laid hold on the first that offer'd Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia and was hated by Tiberius d Dio saith that when Archelaus was accused by his Subjects before Augustus Tiberius pleaded his Cause in the Senate So that Tiberius might 〈◊〉 him for his Ingratitude Lib. 14. because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes 2 Commines saith that most People have naturally an Eye to aggrandize or to save themselves and this is the Reason that they easily range themselves on the strongest side Memoâ—rs l. 1. c. 9. which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberius but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus who were of Opinion that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius whilst C. Caesar was living and had the Government of the East 3 The Counsel which Augustus's Ministers gave Archelaus was according to all the Rules of Policy and so much the more because that Caius Caesar had also two Brothers and that they were all three younger than Tiberius Notwithstanding this Counsel was the principle Cause of this King's ruine An instance that Humane Prudence serves for the sport of Fortune which to speak with Polibius often takes delight to give the greatest Actions of Men an issue directly contrary to what they design'd Hist. 2. All that Archelaus could have done was to have carry'd himself after such a manner towards these two Princes as to have honour'd Calus as the Principal and Tiberius as Subordinate which would not have given â—ealousie to Caius nor have affronted Tiberius who had not himself retir'd to Rhodes but that he might not by his presence obscure the Glory of the Grandsons of Augustus who were enter'd on Employments In fine Evils that are very remote and not certain ought not to hinder a Prudent Man from making his advantage of the present Conveniencies for if one must take into consideration all accidents that may happen one what can one ever resolve
with safety When Ferdinand the Catholick came to take possession of his Kingdom of Spain he said to Doâ— Antonio de la Cueva who notwithstanding he had receiv'd many favours from him preferr'd Philip I. King of Castile before him Whâ— could have thought Don Antonio that you would have abandon'd me on this Occasion But Sir reply'd La Câ—eva who could have thought that a very old King had longer to live than a Young one and that Philip fresh and blooming like a Rose was tâ— wither and die in three days â—Such is the Method of all Courtiers they adore the Rising and turn their backs on the Declining Prince Epitome of the Life of Charles V. and Lib. 3. of the Life of the Great Captain But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal that he would pardon him upon his Submission 4 Princes who have been neglected despised or persecuted by the Favourites or Ministers of their Predecessors rarely forgive them when they come to reign As soon as the Cardinal Henry of Portugal came to the Throne he abandon'd all the Ministers of King Sebastian and all the Principal Officers of the Crown who little thinking that he who was so old would survive Sebastian who was Young and who had no great Esteen or Affection for him had not paid him that respect which was due to his Rank Hist. of thâ— Union of Protugal with Castile Lib. 3. He not suspecting Treachery or not daring to shew his suspicions if he did for fear of the Emperor's Power hastens to Rome when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius and an Accusation against him in the Senate he soon ended his Days whether by a Natural or a Voluntary Death is not certain not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him which were meer â—ictions but because he was broken with Age and Grief and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery 5 Things that are tolerable appear insupportable to Kings and those which are really rough and hard to bear are almost always mortal to them Commines comparing the Evils which Lewis XI had made many persons suffer with those which he suffer'd himself before his Death saith that his were neither so great nor of so long continuance but besides that he was in a higher Station in the World than those he had treated ill the little that he suffer'd against his Nature and against what he was accustom'd to was harder for him to bear And four Pages after speaking of his Physician who handled him in the rudest manner This was saith he a great Purgatory to him in this World considering the Obâ—dience which he had had from so many good and great Men. His Memoirs lib. 6. cap. 12. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province and Tiberius declar'd that by the Addition of the Revenues of it Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Penny e Establish'd by Augustus about the Year 760. 〈◊〉 is â—poken of at the â—nd of the first Book of the Annals impos'd on all Commodities that were sold and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena and of philopator King of Cilicia which happen'd both about the same time produc'd great disorders in those Nations some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own others to be Subject to the Roman Empire The Provinces of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Taâ—es petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them XLIV He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs and with the State of Armenia of which I have given an account before telling them withal that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus 1 When a Great Man iâ— so belov'd of the People that the Prince is Iealous of him but dares not shew his resentment of it the most common expedient is to give him some remote Government or some splendid Embassy to with-draw him from the Eyes and the Applause of the People under a pretence that none but he is capable of that Employment For if the Prince hath â— Design to destory him he easily finds ways for it by the advantage of his distance which prevents the People from knowing the Orders that he sends who was the fittest Person for this Expedition Drusus being too young and himself in his declining years 2 There are some Employments for which a good Understanding with a long Experience is sufficient but there are others for which vigour of body is also necessary Philibert-Emanuel Duke of Savoy said that a General of an Army ought to be of a middle Age betwixt Manhood and Old Age that he might be capable of being sometimes Marcellus and sometimes Fabius That is to say to know how to wait for Opportunities as the Latter and to fight as the Former Charles V. said of a Count of Feria that by his Prudence 〈◊〉 commandâ—d as a Captain and that his Vigour made him sight as a Common Soldier Epitome of his Life Upon which the Senate decreed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas with a more absolute Power than those Governors who obtain'd them by Lot or by the Prince's Nomination But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria because he was ally'd to Germanicus 3 There is nothing more dangerous than to give two Neighbouring Governments to two Men betwixt whom there is a Close tye of Kindred Friendship or Interests for it is to give them an opportunity to act by concert and to rebel against the Prince Lewis XI having agreed by the Treaty of 〈◊〉 to give for Appanage to his Brother Charles Champagne Brie and some neighbouring Places was careful enough not to accomplish this Treâ—ty which left him to the Discretion of Charles and of the Duke of Bâ—rgundy For the situation of Champague and Brie was convenient for them both and Charles might upon a Days notice have succours from 〈◊〉 the two Countreys joyning together So that Lewis chose rather to give him Guienâ—e with 〈◊〉 although this Partition was of much greater value than that of Brie and Champagne being resolv'd that his Brother and the Duke should not be so near Neighbours Comminâ—s lib. 2. cap. ult of his Memoirs by the Contract of the Daughter of the Former to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter and had put Cneius Piso in his Place a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Caesar when it was reviv'd in Africk who follow'd the Party
Pomp from Pessinum in Greece to Rome These Games consisted only in Scenical Sports and were a solemn time of Invitation to Entertainments among Friends They were always celebrated in April that were at hand 5 Whatever Discontents the People are under propose to them Plays and Shews and they soon forgeâ— the Causes of them 'T is a more easiâ— Transition from Sorrow to Ioy than from Ioy to Sorrow A Carousal or Mascarade sometimes will reduce them to their Duty They are amused by such sort of Diversions as Children are quieted when they cry by Babies VII The Vacation being ended every Man returned to his Business and Drusus went to the Army in Illyricum leaving all under great Expectation to see Germanicus's Death revenged upon Piso. They often complained he marched over the pleasant Countries of Asia and Greece to avoid by his Contumacy and Delays the Conviction of his Crimes For it was commonly reported That the infamous Poisoner Martina sent by Cneius Sentius to Rome died suddenly at Brindisi that Poison was found in her Hair yet no sign thereof appear'd upon her Body 1 The most dangerous of all Poisons is that operates without leaving any visible sign thereof It was impossible to prove Germanicus was poisoned All the Proof was only from the Correspondence of Plancina with Martina The Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. of France mentions a Servant of the Duke of Alenson called Blondel accused of Poisoning his Master and was several times put upon the Rack tho' there was no other Evidence against him than Suspicion because he had been a Servant to Cardinal Biragne who according to the Testimonly of Admiral Coligni told Charles IX and Hâ—nry III. They would never have an end of their Enemies but by the help of their Cooks VIII But Piso after he had sent his Son to Rome with Instructions how to apply to Tiberius for his Favour went to seek Drusus from whom he expected more Countenance for removing his Rival than Displeasure for taking off his Brother 2 Princes are very well pleased to find Persons that will clear the Way for them to the Throne but when such Services are done by Poisoning or Murder if they be wise they will be cautious how they shew any Acknowledgement for them when they havâ— no share in the Crime In these matters to be Grateful is to be an Accomplice and to be Ungrateful is a sign of Prudence and Equity Tiberius to shew he was not prejudiced against Piso received his Son honourably and made him such Presents as were usual to young Gentlemen of his Quality Drusus told Piso If those things were true that were reported he should be much troubled 3 It much concerns Princes to revenge the Death of their Predecessoâ—s that are Murthered or Poisoned for there is no other way to assure their own Lives than by taking care there be no Example of Impunity for a Prince's Death If the Successor punish it not that tells the People a Conspiâ—acy may be sometimes just and reasonable An Opinion Princes ought to be careful to prevent Undeâ— Claudius Chereas and Lupus who killed Caligula suffered tho' this Murther mounted him into the Throne Domitian likewise punished Epaphroditus for having only assisted Nero to kill himself tho' he was proscribed by a Decree of the Senate Nerva on the contrary exposed himself to the Fury of the Soldiers because he would not deliver up the Murtherers of Domitian From which Danger nothing saved him but his adopting Trajan Yet it has been at all times an inviolable Maxim among Princes Never to pardon those that have killed their Predecessors nor those that have Murthered any Foreign Prince Tho' Albert Duke of Austria was chosen King of the Romans in the Life of the Emperor Adolph of Nassauâ— and after the Death of Adolph whom he killed in a Duel when he would have had his Election confirmed or rather a new Election made some of the Electors and many of the Princes of thâ— Empire made a Complaint against him to the Elector Palatin whereby they would set aside this second Election as a Man that having killed his Predecessor was incapable and unworthy to succeed him Oxenstiern de Ratione Status c. 5. part 1. but that he wished they might appear false and the Death of Germanicus fatal to none 4 It always becomes a Prince to speak graciously to those that are accused and justifie themselves tho' he knows they are guilty for fear if he behave himself otherwise his Passion or particular Hatred be lookt upon as the Cause of their Condemnation He spoke this publickly declining private Conversation with him which none doubted to be by Tiberius's Order because Drusus was of himself too easie and unwary to have practised so much Art and Cunning above his Years 5 A Prince that gives himself the Trouble to Instruct his Son soon makes him an able Man For the Schollar is the more Docile because of the Respect he bears to the Authority of his Master and the Master more Careful because of the Interest he has in the Eduation of his Schollar Paterculus ascribes all the Abilities of Tiberius to the Divine Precepts of Augustus Innutritus Coelestium praeceptorum disciplinis Hist. 2. Cabrera says That Charles V. when he returned to Spain after his Abdication had thoughts himself of Educating of Don Carlos the Prince of Spain who neither regarded his Governors nor Tutors but his want of Health prevented It may be too he changed his Mind because he would not teach him Maxims of Policy which are dangerous for an ill Temper such as Don Carlos to learn Diego de Mendosa says That it is the Custom for the Princes of Lâ—on to take their Children with them to the Wars and to be their Masters in all parts of their Education The Ponces formerly Dukes of Cadiz now Dukes of Arcos are Hereditary Grandees and that Honour is always in their Family as the Guzmans Dukes of Medina-Sidonia their Rivals These two Houses are distinguished from other Grandees originally because of the twelve Families that enjoy this Honour there is yet only the Guzmans and Ponces that the King of Spain hath named and acknowledged such Ch. 9. 14. du liv 4. de la Guerre de Grenade IX Piso having sailed over the Adriatick Sea and left the Ships at Acona came by Pisenum l Now la Marca d' Ancona and so by the Via Flamina m That is one of the great Ways to Rome made by Flaminius the Consul to joyn the Legion that returned from Panonia to Rome to go into Garison in Africa But because it was reported he intended to Corrupt the Soldiers by conversing much among them 6 When a great Man is suspected by his Prince or actually accused of any Crime against the State he cannot be guilty of a greater Imprudence than to Converse with the Soldiers especially if he had any Credit before
the good Grandmother 3 As Historians ought not to approve the Reflections the People make of a Prince and great Men yet they ought less to pass them in silence for the end of their Writing is to give Examples whereby we may know Good and Bad and shun those things which Envy and Evil-speaking may interpret ill and Uncle with the Blood of this unhappy House Two days were spent under colour of examining the Cause Tiberius encouraging Piso's Children to defend their Mother And when no Answer was given to the Accusers and the Witnesses against her their Hatred gave way to Compassion The Consul Aurelius Cotta being asked his Iudgment for when the Emperor propounds the Consuls speak first he gave it That Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals part of his Goods Confiscated the rest given to Cneius Piso on condition he chang'd the name of Cneius that M Piso be degraded 4 Iudges should always give Iudgment according to the severity of the Laws 't is not for them but the Prince to shew Mercy This of the Consul Cotta was rigorous but conformable to the Laws the chieâ— end of which is to strike terrour in Offenders Besides Princes love to have Iudges severe so that if they please to shew any Mercy the Criminals may be the more obliged to them However the Iudges should never exceed those Bounds their Conâ—ciences prescribe and their Complaisance to the Prince ought not to go beyond that rigour the Law requires For it is a rashness and injustice to condemn a Criminal to more than his Crime deserves on supposition that the Prince will moâ—â—rate the Sentence 25000 Crowns allowed him and he banished for Ten years and Plancina pardoned at the intercession of Augusta XVIII Tiberius moderated the Sentence and thought it not reasonable that Piso's Name should be rased out of the Annals 5 It is Wisdom in â— Prince to stop those Sentences against great Men that carry along with them marks of Infamy and reflect on the Honour of their Family Philip II. of Spain understanding the Circumstances of Gonâ—alo Pizarro's Crime who was Beheaded in the Reign of Charles V. for endeavouring to fix himself in the Government of Peru which his Brother had Conquered without ever consenting to the Title of King which those of the Country offered him declares by an Act signed with his own Hand That Gonâ—alo was never a Traitor tho' condemned as such commanding that Name should be blotted out of all the Histories where he was called so Don Iuan Antonio de Vera dons l'Epitome de la Vie de la Charles V. Those who have mind to see a Case parallel to Piso need only read there when Mark Anthony that actually engaged in a Civil War and Iulius Antonius that violated Augustus's House remained there And as for Marcus Piso he would not suffer him to be attainted and granted him all his Father's Estate for he was never covetous as I have often said and shame for acquitting Plancina made him more merciful When Valerius Messalinus proposed the erecting a Golden Statue in the Temple of Mars the Avenger and Coecina Severus an Altar to Revenge he forbid them saying Such Offerings ought to be for Foreign Victories but Domestick Evils should be buried in Sorrow Messalinus was also for giving Thanks to Tiberius and Augusta to Antonio and Agrippina and to Drusus for revenging Germanicus's Death but never mentioned Claudius L. Asprenas asked him before the Senate whether that was a willful Omission and then Claudius was entred with the others The more I consider modern or ancient Histories I discover the greater Vanity and Uncertainty in Human Affairs for in Fame Hope and Estimation all were rather destined to the Soveraignty than he whom Fortune had reserved for the future Prince 1 There are often Instances in Elective Governments that the People who love much to Discourse of Affairs of State speak of divers Princes every one according to his Fancy or Desire till at last they Name him that is chosen Tac. Hist. 2. And as there is no Court where so many Changes happen nor so maâ—y unexpected Elections as at Rome Scipio Ammirato had Reason from hence to Discourse of the Election of the Popes out of which I shall give you an Extract It seems says he those Wise Men that take upon them to point out who will be Elected make Age the principal Condition of Election concluding the young Cardinals are never to hope for the Pontificate which is very wrong for Leo X. came to it at the Age of 37. Boniface VIII at 34. Clement VII at 45. Others take it for granted they will never Elect a Foreigner for a Pope because the Italian Cardinals that are always more numerous than the Tramontans will never suffer the Popedom to be out of their Nation Without going farther for an Example we see the contrary in Adrian VI. who was not only a Fleming but had never seen Rome nor Itaâ—y And Cardinal Pâ—ol had been Pope but that his Pious Modesty refused the Adoration at midnight Calixtus III. and Alexander VI. who are not very ancient were not they Spaniards Others say That the Cardinals of an Illustrious House or that have many Relations can never hope for the Pontificate and yet Paul III. and Paul IV. were both very nobly Born and the last had so many Relations that there is no Family in Italy has more Men Lands and Charges than the House of â—araffa And besides Clement VII was not only very Noble but an absolute Lord tho' under the modest Title of Governor of a great part of Tuscany How oâ—t was it said that after the Pontificate was out of the Benedictines they resolved it should never return into any Religious Order Yet besides Sixtus IV. and Pius V. one a Cordelier and the other a Dominican in the year 1585. when of 64 Cardinals there were only two Religious Felix Peretti a Franciscan was made Pope Testimonials sufficient that neither young Men nor Strangers neither Nobles nor Monks are excluded as their Politicks would predict There are those also lay it down for a Rule that they will never make a severe Man nor one that is very liberal or that loves War Pope Can they have a Pope more severe than Pius V. more Liberal than Iulius III. more stout and martial than Iulius II. From whence Ammirato concludes That whatever the world may say and the Cardinals Cabal together yet the Election of Popes is without doubt directed by the Hand of God Disc. 1 du Liv. 3. de son Comm. sur Tac. There cannot be a greater Instance of this than what is mentioned in a Letter of Cardinal Ioyeuse where he gives an Account to Henry IV. of France of the Election of Cardinal Borghese who was Paul V. instead of Cardinal Tosco whom the Cardinals Aldrobrandi and Montalto the Heads of the two Châ—ef Factions in the Conclave agreed to Elect. Upon that says
the same Blood and Rome obliged to them for her great Power This War was the first occasion of raising Cn. Pompâ—ius Marius and Sylla who turned those Arms against the City they were entrusted with against the Allies For Sylla that was of a noble Family out much lessened in their Greatness valuing himself upon the Credit of ending the War in Italy demanded the Consulate and obtained 〈◊〉 by the Suâ—â—ragâ—s of almost all the Citizens At the same time the Government of Asia â—alling to Sylla Pub. Sulpicius the Tribune declared for Marius who at 70 years of Age would Command all the Provinces and by a Law turn'd Sylla out of the Government to give it to Marius whence presently began Sylla's Civil War who drove Marius and Sulpicius with their Accomplices out of Rome This War was succeeded by that of Cinnâ— who was no more moderate than Marius or Sulpicius He to Revenge himself of the Senate that deposed him from the Consulate and put another in his place recalled Marius and his Son from Exile and all of their Party that were Banished to strengthen his own to which by great Promises he drew all the Officers of the Roman Army at Nola. While he made War with his Country Cn. Pompeius seeing himself disappointed in his hopes of being continued Consul stands 〈◊〉 'twixt the Commonwealth and Sylla to watch an opportunity to mâ—nd his Condition by going with his Army to that side had the Advanâ—age For it often happens in Civil Wars that great Men Sacrifice their Alâ—egiance to their Interest Pompey dying after he had given Cinna Battle he and Marius became Masters of Rome whose Entry was followed with the Death of the Consuls Octavius killed by their Order and Cornelius Merula who cut his Veins to prevent Cinna's Revenge for being in his Place Marius dying next year at the beginning of his Seventh Consulate Cinna that entred upon his Second had all the Power of the Government but being very violent the great Men retired to Sylla in Greece which made him return into Italy to revenge the Nobles who made him their Chief as Marius was of the People and Cinna was slain by the Soldiers who Mutined against him when he would have had them Embarkt to Fight the Nobles Sylla endeavours to end all Differences by a good Accommodation and upon â—easonable Terms but Peace would not please those that hoped to advantage themselves by Fishing in Troubled Waters The Ambition of young Marius elected Consul at 26 years of Age continued the War but after he lost a Battle he was slain by some that Sylla hired to do it He was surnamed The Happy so much was his Courage valued This Victory made Sylla Dictator who so much abused his Authority that Marius and Cinna were regretted For he was the first invented Proscription i. e. by publick Authority gave a Reward to any one should kill a Citizen of Rome so that more was noâ— given for the Head of an Enemy slain in Battle than for a Citizen's killed in his own House After Cinna Marius and Sylla came Pompey the Great who according to Tacitus was not better than they but knew more how to Dissemble Post quos Cn. Pompeius occultior non melior Hist. 2. As soon as Pompey was in the Management of Publick Affairs not content to be the first he would be alone from thence came Caesar's Iealousie which in Conclusion produced another Civil War where Fortune leaving Pompey Caesar became Master of the Empire Paterâ— Hist. 2. Chap. 6. â— 12. 13. 15. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 25. 28. 33. 47. 48. hindred them making many Laws and very different till Sylla the Dictator changed or abolished them to make all new Then there was some Intermission which continued not long by reason of Lepidus's turbulent Demands and the Licentiousness of the Tribunes who managed the People as they pleased and made as many Laws as they had Persons to accuse so that the Commonwealth being corrupt the Laws were infinite 1 The multitude of Laws says Plato de Republica is as sure a sign of the Corruption of a State as a multitude of Physicians is of a Complication of Distempers It may truly be said adds a great Minister That new Laws are not so much Remedies for the Disorders of States as Testimonies thereof and sure toâ—ens of the weakness of a Government if old Laws have been well executed there will be no need of renewing them nor making others to stop new Disorders which then had never been settled Chap. 5. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique However it be Mezeray had reason to say That the multiplying Regulations in France served only to multiply the Abuses Dans la Vie d' Henry III. XXIX Then Cneius Pompeius was a third time Consul n Paterculus says That in this Consulate he had no Colleague and that this extraordinary Honour gave Caesar so much Iealousie that from that time they were irreconcileable Enemies He adds Pompey used all his Authority against Canvasing for Offices Chap. 47. and chose for Reformation of Manners but being more severe 2 In making Laws the Disposition of the People is to be observed No Laws are worse than those that require Perfection for the difficulty of observing them brings them into a Disuse Practice never reaches Speculation and consequently things are not to be adjusted in such a manner as will be best but in such a manner as will last longest Cardinal Pallavicini very properly calls too severe Laws the Bane of publick Tranquillity than the Offences deserved was the Subverter of the Laws he made and lost by Arms what he had gain'd by them o All good Men says the same Author would have Pompey and Caesar both quit their Commands Pompey agreed with those would have Caesar do it but was against doing it himself too And thence began the Civil War Chap. 48. From that time there were continual Troubles for Twenty Years no Custom no Law observed the greatest Crimes went unpunished and many good Actions were fatal At length Augustus Caesar being the Sixth time Consul and settled in his Authority he abolished those things he commanded in his Triumvirate and gave new Laws to be observed in time of Peace and under a Monarch And that they might be the better kept he appointed some to look after them The Law Papia Poppaea provided the People as common Parent should inherit their Goods that left no Children p By the Lex Papia those who had never been Married nihil capiebant â—x testamentis they were incapable of taking any thing by Will But the Orbâ— i. e. those who had been Married but had no Children lost only a Moiety And it is in this Sense Iuveâ—al makes the Adulterer say to the Husband Quod tibi filiolus vel filia nascitur ex me Iura parentis habes propter me scriberis haeres Legatum omne capis nec non dulce caducum Sat. 9.
Peace No they are made great by our intestine Discord and Dissentions they make their Enemies Faults the Glory of their Army composed of several Nations which Prosperity keeps together and Adversity will disband unless the French and Germans and what I blush to say some Britains too are foolishly lavish of their Blood to establish Usurpation It cannot be conceived that Enemies will continue longer Faithful and Affectionate than Servants the feeble Bonds of their Love are Fear and Terror if they are once removed they 'll streight begin to hate those they cease to dread All the Encouragements to Victory are on our side the Romans have no Wives to raise their Courage or Parents to upbraid their Flight they have either no Country to defend or if they have 't is another These few but fearful Men distracted by their Ignorance casting their Eyes on our strange Heavens Earth and Woods the Gods at last propitious have in a manner delivered into our Hands pent up and bound Ne'r fear the gaudy Terror of their glittering Gold and Silver that neither can defend or hurt We shall have Troops marching even in their very Army The Britains will remember sure their Country's Cause nor can the French forget their former Liberty Like the Vsipian Cohort the Germans will desert We have nothing more to fear their Garisons are drained their Colonies are made up of Old Men some refusing to Obey and others Commanding tyrannically while their Towns are at Difference and Discord among themselveâ— Here is the General and the Army their Tribute and Mines with other sorts of Miseries the Punishment of Slaves which you must suffer for ever or revenge on this Spot therefore going to fight remember your Ancestors and pity your Posterity XXXIII They received this Speech with Ioy Singing and Shouting and making different Noises according to the rude Custom of their Country And as the Troops came together and the glittering Armour appeared some of the Hottest advanced forward and both Armies were putting in Order Agricola altho' his Soldiers were very joyful and scarce to be restrained by Advice supposed it best to say something before they engaged In eight Years time Fellow-Soldiers by your Pains Fidelity and Valour and the auspicious Fortune of the Roman Empire you have conquered Britain In so many Expeditions and bloody Battels there was need of your Labour and Patience to encounter opposing Nature as well as Resolution to resist the Enemy As I do not repent my having you for my Soldiers so I hope you do not your having me for your Leader I have surpassed the Limits of our ancient Generals and you the Bounds of preceding Armies We do not possess the End of Britain by Fame and Report but have actually seized it with our Arms and Pavilions Britain is found and subdued I have often heard the Brave cry out when you were fatigued with Bogs and Hills and Rivers in your March When shall we have an Enemy When shall we fight They now appear forced from their lurking Holes and you enjoy your Wish and a fit Opportunity for your Valour All Things will be prone and yield to us if Victors but cross and adverse if vanquished For as to have finished such tedious Iourneys to have evaded such great Woods and crost so many Arms of the Sea is honourable and becoming if we go on so if we turn our Backs that which was our Advantage will prove our Danger We have not their Knowledge of the Country or the same Provisions for the Army But we have Swords and Hands and in them we have All I am very well satisfied Flight is neither safe for the General nor the Army an honourable Death far excels a mean ignoble Life Safety and Honour dwell together But it cannot be inglorious to fall on the utmost Confines of Earth and Nature XXXIV If you had new Nations and an untried Foe I would make the Deeds of other Armies an Argument for your Courage But now reflect on your own Exploits interrogate your own Eyes they are the same who by Stealth and under the Covert of the Night assaulted the Ninth Legion and were routed by a blast of your Breath they are the most apt to run of all the Britains for which Reason they are now alive When we Travel the Wild Forest we chase away the sturdy Monsters of the Wood with Force and Violence but the Rascal Herd flies at the Noise of every Passenger so the most daring Britains are long since dead these are but base ignoble Numbers whom you have found not because they have resolved to fight but because they are the last you have overtook their Bodies are fixed with excessive Fear to the Ground o'er which you 'll gain a fair and signal Victory Put an end to your Expeditions and let this Day finish the Work of fifty Years convince the Commonwealth that neither the Length of the War nor any Excuses for not making an end of it can be charged upon the Army XXXV Whilst he was speaking their Ardor was visible when he had ended they freely vented their Ioy running to their Weapons As they were thus fired and rushing forwards he put them in order Eight Thousand Foot he placed in the Middle and Three Thousand Horse in the two Wings the Legions he placed before the Trenches thinking it would mightily add to his Glory if he could gain a Victory without the Effusion of Roman Blood or at least keep them as a Reserve in case of a Repulse The Britains drew up their Army on the higher Ground most for shew and Terror but so as the foremost Battalions stood on the Level the rest rising one above another with the Hill the Chariots and Horsemen fill'd the middle part of the Field with their din and clatter whirling up and down Agricola perceiving their Numbers to be Superior that he might not be charged at once in Flank and Front widened his Ranks so that his Army became more thin as well as more extended Some advised him to make the Legions advance but he being always ready to hope and resolute in Danger alighted from his Horse and placed himself a Foot before the Ensigns XXXVI The Fight began at a distance which the Britains managed with great Constancy and Cunning avoiding or putting by whatever was cast at 'em with their short Bucklers and great Swords but poured upon us a Shower of Darts till Agricola encouraged three Batavian Cohorts and two Tungrians to bring them to Sword 's Point and Handy-blows which they were well verss'd in being old Soldiers But that was no way of fighting for the Britains who wore little Shields and great Swords without Points so that they were not fitted for a close or open Fight Whilst the Batavians dealt Blows striking them with the Bosses of their Bucklers battering and bruising their Faces and thrusting others aside who upon even Ground opposed their Passage advanced up the Hill the other Cohorts with a joynt