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A11366 The tvvo most vvorthy and notable histories which remaine vnmained to posterity (viz:) the conspiracie of Cateline, vndertaken against the gouernment of the Senate of Rome, and the vvarre which Iugurth for many yeares maintained against the same state. Both written by C.C. Salustius.; Bellum Catilinae. English Sallust, 86-34 B.C.; Sallust, 86-34 B.C. Bellum Jugurthinum. English. aut; Heywood, Thomas, d. 1641. 1609 (1609) STC 21625; ESTC S116620 153,941 206

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in ful cariere to affront any that came so to intangle and disorder the Army Thus with these ready and trained footmen they had almost routed their enemies This very instant Zama was strongly pressed● the Colonels and Tribunes discharged their duties most valiantly other hopes they expected none but such as their own prowesse could affoord each other In like manner the Townesmen resisted as valiantly they fought stoutly and prepared for all euents One party was more violent to wound another then carefull to defend their owne bodies The cry was mixt with contrary encouragements with contrary ioyes and contrary sorrowes The noise of Weapons ascended the Aire and no spare of shot was made on either side Those vpon the wals assoon as the heat of the fight a litle slaked took leisure to behold the horse fight of Iugurth As the Iugurthines either prospered or had the worse so might a man perceiue in their faces courage or feares and as they could either be seen or heard by their fellowes some they taught some they incouraged made signes with their hands and like moueable gestures with their bodies as men are constrained to doe in auoiding or weilding their missile weapons Which being made knowne to Marius for vpon that quarter lay his charge he began of purpose to slaken the assault and to dissemble a distrust of preuailing permitting the Numidians at pleasure to behold the Kinges encounter Whilst the Zamenses stood thus earnestly gazing vpon their fellowes vppon the sodaine Marius attempteth the wall with great violence the souldiers by Scalado had almost gained the curtaine The Townesmen run to defence stones fireworkes and shot fly thicke and threefold The Romans at first receiued them valiantly but after that one or two ladders were broken ouerthrown those that stood vpon them were pittifully brused The residue as well as they could retired some sound the greater part wounded And thus night parted the fray CHAP. 18. 1 Metellus riseth from Zama 2 Wintereth his army 3 turneth force into pollicy 4 Iugurth yeeldeth flyeth off againe MEtellus perceiued that hee spent time and men to no purpose that the Town was impregnable that Iugurth could not bee forced to fight but by ambushes in places of his owne choise and lastly that Summer was spent he arose from Zama and into those towns which had reuolted from Iugurth being by nature or art any way fortified he thrust in sufficient garrisons 2 The residue of his Troops he led into the prouince there to spend the Winter in garrison Being there as others had done he suffered them not to spend their times in sloth and lazinesse but sithence he could not preuaile by force he worketh the Kings frends by policy and prepareth to make vse of theyr trayterous mindes in stead of fight 3 Acquaintance is the Anuile on which this proiect must be hammered Bomilchar the man This was he that had accompanyed Iugurth to Rome and after giuing in of sureties had notwithstanding secretly made an escape in feare of processe for the death of Massiua Him hee meaneth to make proofe of by faire words and golden promises First he soundeth and secretly eff●cteth a priuate conference and then vpon oth hee auoweth to procure him pardon and performance of all other promises from the Lords of the Senat if he would vndertake to deliuer him Iugurth aliue or dead The Numidian being partly of a perfidious disposition and partly misdoubting that if the Romans and his Lord Iugurth fell into tearmes of peace himselfe by the Articles of agreement might happen to bee demaunded and deliuered to punishment was quickly perswaded Vpon the first occasion Bomilchar finding Iugurth troubled and perplexed for his euill fortune commeth vnto him and with teares in his eyes mouth and beseecheth him that he would now at length looke vppon the compassiona●e estate of himselfe his Children and the whole Kingdome of Numidia which had so well deserued at his hands He fayleth not to put him in mind that in al fights they had carryed away the worst that the Countrey lay wasted that much people were either slaine or carryed away Prisoners that the wealth of the Kingdome was exhausted By this time sayth hee you haue made tryall inough what your Souldiers can doe what your fortunes can promise I could wish you to aduise lest your hopes vppon aelayes fayle you not the Numidians take some course to prouide for themselues By these and like reasons he insinuateth with the kings humours to fa●l to composition Messengers are sent to shewe the Generall that Iugurth is ready to performe whatsoeuer is commaunded● that without capitulation he will simply yeeld himselfe and his kingdome to his discretion 4 The Generall speedily causeth all the Gentlemen of Senators ranke to bee sent for out of their wintering places with them others whom he thinketh meet he goeth to counsell according to ancient custome by an order set downe by the Counsell Iugurth is commanded by Messengets to bring in two hundred thousand waight of siluer all his Elephants and a proportion of horse and munition Which beeing perfomed with expedition the Consull likewise commandeth the fugitiues to be brought bound before him According to commaund the greater part are so presented vpon the first motion of the composition some few departed into Mauritania toward king Bocchus 5 Thus Iugurth being bereaued of his Armes men and mony is summoned to Tisidium to performe the Articles when againe he beganne to repent him of his bargaine and by the sting of his owne conscience to growe suspitious of deserued punishment His doubts wore out many daies somtime he recounted that in the irkesomnesse of aduerse fortune all miseries were lighter then the pressures of warre at another time his mind was perplexed to thinke vpon the hard estate of those who from a kingdome were deiected to seruitude At last being not yet furnished with many and great meanes of assistants vncashiered he beginneth the warre afresh At Rome the Lordes going to Counsell concerning the prouinces Numidia is againe decreed to Metellus CHAP. 17. Marius affecteth the Consulship his politicke proceeding IN these times by chance C Marius offered Sacrifice to the gods at Vtica The Auruspex declared that the signes portended great and wonderful euents These the fauours of the Gods he laid vp in his minde and other times making like triall of his fortunes he alwaies found the tokens answerable An immeasurable desire of attaining the Consulship had long ago possessed the man to the atchiuing whereof besides the discent of his house he had good giftes at will Industrious honest a great souldier high minded Parsimonious in priuate a contemner of wealth pleasure in publicke onely greedy of glory Notwithstanding his birth and his bringing vp at Arpinas in his Childhood where he first learnt to vndergoe the labour of war he spent his youth in seruice for wages not in learning the Greek toong or City-complements And thus by being conuersant among virtuous
his confederates and already hauing ingaged his credit thorough all countries as deeply as possible his assurance coulde stretch vnto and withal not vnpolitickly obseruing that the remaines of Sillas army by liuing more riotuously then the rapines of their late victory could warrant them whereof a fresh memory yet boiled in their stomackes did itch after a seconde ciuill Warre roundly resolueth with himselfe to become maister of the state 2. In Italy no Army was on foot G. Pompeius Contra Tigranē Methridatem managed the warre in forreigne countries His hopes in standing for the Consul-ship were not fewest The Senate was secure All men in peace all places deuoted to good Correspondency Fitter opportunities could not fortune haue heaped into Catelines bosome He tooke holde and therefore about the Kalends of Iune L. Caesar and C. Figulus being Consulles hee sendeth for euery man aparr some he intreateth others hee comforteth and opposeth to their considerations their own strength compared it with the weaknesse of the state vnprouided and lastly forgetteth not to insinuate the massinesse of reward which attended vppon their purchase of victory 3. After this priuate discourse he findeth a time to call a generall Counsel of all those whom either for Nobility for deepenesse of interest in the plot or desperate dispositions he durst best intrust Of the Order of Senators appeared P. Lentulus Sura P. Antronius L. Cassius Longinus C. Cethegus P. and Seruius the sonnes of Silla Seruius L Vergunteius Q. Anntus M. Porcius Lecca Lucius Bestia Q. Curius Of the order of Knights M Fuluius the Noble L Statilius P Gauinius Capito C Cornelius Besides these many of the Colonies and infranchised Cities men of good esteeme in their Countries yea and some great personages but in more secret maner were a Counsell in the action whom neyther want nor any other necessity drew in but meere ambition to share for their fortunes Moreouer the maior part of the youth and those especially of the Gentry were glad of the proiect and fauored the plot such I meane whose humors desired to spende gallantly or to liue wantonly affecting incertainties for certainties and bloodshed rather then peace Some liued in those daies who durst affirme that M Licinius Crassus was not altogether a stranger vnto that assembly for that G Pompeius his corriuall and aduersarie was then preferred to be Lord Generall of the Army against whose credite and greatnesse hee cared not whose enuy or what power he prouoked nothing mistrusting if the conspiracy prospered but that he would find means to become their leader Before this aduenture a former conspiracy had been on foot against the state wherein Cateline had likewise beene an Actor whereof before I proceede further I will discourse with all truth to my vtmost power CHAP. 6. 1. Cateline in suing for the Consulship is denied 2. His first Treason discouered 3. Piso is sent into Spaine 4. The reasons his death 1. LTullus and Marcus Lepidus beeing Consuls P. Antronius and P. Silla Consuls elect were accused of bribery a Quod per ambitum aut alia via sinistra ad magistratus pervenisse conuinc●bantur et poenas dabaut à magistratu abire cogebantur and therfore fined disgraced Not long after Cateline being in office was also attainted for extortion and prohibited to stand for the Consulship for that according to Law hee could not trauers the accusation and giue in his b Quicumque magistra●um p●tebat nomen suum immune dare oportebat name blamelesse within his ti●e limitted At the same time liued G. Piso a young Gentleman discended of Honourable parentage but exceeding wilde poore and factious Penury and euill education set his thoughts on working to innouation 2. About the Nones of December Cateline this yong Gentleman and Antronius laid their heads together in the Capitoll to murder the two Consuls L Torquatos and L. Cotta vppon the Kalends of Ianuary and then c Correptis facibus they two seizing on the Ensignes of honor and office to poast away this Piso with an Army for the retaining of both d S. superiorem inferiorem Spaines to their vses Which complot being discouered they deferred the second resolution of the murder vntill the Nones of February Then they intended not the destruction of the two Consuls onely but the destruction also of many of the Nobility Wherein if Cateline had not made too much hast to Court to haue giuen his complices the watch-word without doubt that day had proued the bloudiest season that euer the Citty of Rome had beheld sithence the laying of her first foundations The c N●ndum conveneran● cum signū d●●et slow approach of the Conspirators broke the neck of the intended enterprize 3 Notwithstanding Piso was sent Lord President into the hether Spaine f Viciniorē Italiae not without the conniuance of Marcus Crassus for that he stood assured that Piso was no small aduersary vnto the greatnesse of C Pompeius 4. Neither yet could the Lords of the Senate be taxed of improuidence for intrusting the prouince to such a companion for it was their pollicy to remoue so corrupt a member farre from the more sounder and vitall parts of the Commonweale partly for that they mistrusted that many good men might houer vnder the wing of his preferment and partly for that the power of Pompey and his credit with the army were with reason growne verie suspitious vnto the state But this very Piso in the midst of his iourney was slaine by those horsemen ouer whom he commanded Some gaue out that the Barbarians could not disgest g Minus est im●eratorem iniustum esse quam superbū Minus superbum esse quā crudelem his iniust imperious and cruell gouernment Others that those horsemen being the ancient followers of Pompey his faithfull seruitors committed the murder not without his priuity affirming that the Spaniards neuer committed so execrable an homicide yet had indured many more seuere Lieutenants For our parts we will leaue it as we found it and so end the Relation of this first Treason CHAP. 7. 1. Cateline exhorteth his complices to perseuerance 2. They require the conditions of the warre 3. He giueth them satisfaction 1 CAteline assoone as he perceiued that those his complices whom wee nominated before were now assembled althogh he had often dealt in particular with euery one of them yet supposing it a point of no small regarde to deale with them in general now or neuer to settle their resolutions retired himself into the remotest roome of his house from whence all strangers excluded thus and thus he began his Oration Vnlesse my very soule were fully perswaded of your valors and constancies it were impossible to hope that any Fortunate successe should second these our attempts and those strong hopes of Liberty and power whereof we account our selues in better part of possession were idle and to no purpose neither I for
foo●men and the Elephants and so leaueth him with instructions how to dispose of his people Himselfe with the whole body of his Chiualry and his choisest footmen approacheth neare vnto the mountain And then turning to his people he goeth from one company to another Seuerally admonishing intreating them to beare in memory their ancient prowesse and by being victors free their kingdome from the Auarice of the Romaines Then he put them in mind how they were but to deal with those fellowes whom heeretofore they had routed and inforced to passe sub iugum a Sub s●r cam ab hactis ad summā ignominiam vt ante That they had but onely made change of their Captaine not of their Cowardice That as their Geeneral he had had an eye and care vpon al accidents as became him That he had taken the aduantage of the higher ground That he had intermingled the trained men with raw nouices so that they neede not to be affraide that few should bee ouermatched with many neither that vndisciplined Souldiers should cope with their betters and therefore they should stand resolute and intentiue to charge their enemies assoone as the signal were sounded This day quoth he you shal either put end to your trauailes by victory or for euer heereafter begin the Tragedy of your miseries Lastly he adresseth his speech to those whom either he had aduanced by reward or Office vnto military honours and praieth them man by man to bee mindful of his fauours and they to say the like vnto their followers From words he applyeth to diuersity of humors some hee promiseth some he threatneth others hee emboldneth and generally encourageth all sorts by one meanes or other All this while Metellus marching downe the hill and ignorant of this the enemies approach was with his army fully discouered to Iugurth At first the vnvsuall apparition begat doubt what the matter should signifie for the Numidians and the horse were couched amongest the bushes yet not fully hidde by the lownesse of the bowes Notwithstanding the truce continued a while vncertain both by the Nature of the place and the enemies cunning for they hadde obscured all their military ensignes But at length vpon further discouery the Ambush was discerned and the battaile ordered The Battallion which by his first direction marched intire vpon the right hand being now neerest aduanced towards the enemy he changeth and diuideth it into three partes in reliefe each of other Betweene euery band hee placeth his Archers and Slings and rangeth his Caualrie vpon the head of the battaile Then for shortnes of time not permitted to vse many wordes of incouragement he bringeth his Army into the plaine without alteration of order saue that in the first ranks the souldiers turned their faces Nam à latere erant à dex●ra At his approch when he perceiueth that the Numidians lay quiet and stirred not from the hill he dispatched Colonell Rutilius with the readiest Footemen and some horse towards the Riuer to preuent the enemies commodious encamping vpon coniecture that by light skirmishes and often alarms Iugurth would do his worst to stay their dislodge but if he found no profe by force then he would try to weary the souldier by heare and thirst After Rutilius followed the Generall slowly descending the hill as the nature of the place would giue leaue Marius guided the rereward himselfe marched with the horsmen of the left wing Eò quod à dextro latere erant hostes those in the battaile made the vant-guard Iugurth obseruing that the tayle of the enemies Army had passed his formost ranks maketh hast to take that part of the hill from whence Metellus had descended with a troope of some two thousand footemen fearing least the departed enemy would thither returne againe for refuge and fortifie This done he suddenly giueth the signall to charge Some of the Numidians beginne with the hindermost and cut them in peeces whilest others of their companions charge in in flanck somtime vpon the left side sometime vppon the right They shew themselues euery where with their menacing weapons They presse hard in and in all places make triall to disorder the Roman ranks Those of best courage who not able to indure these Branadoes offered to answer the insulting Numidian were deluded by the vncertaine fight of the enemy For they were wounded a farre off and found no meanes of reuenge by striking or aduancing to ioyne For the horsmen were instructed before by Iugurth that when any troopes of Romans pursued them in flight they shold not retire in thick cōpanies or in one intire body but that one troop should fly this way another that far assunder that so finding themselues superiour in number they might attach either vpon their sides or at their backes some seperated or dismounted companions in case they were not able to make their party good with the whole troop But if they found that the h●● was more aduantagious for their retraite then the plaines to those places the Numidian horses were also accustomed to make quicke way through the bushes But these thickits and rough passages prohibited the pursute of the Romans The whole businesse seemed long doubtfull variable bloudy and lamentable some fled others pursued neyther the Ensignes were followed nor order kept euery man as daunger attached him there receiued the charge and made his best resistance Corslets Weapons Horses Men Friends and Enemies lay intermingled in one another gore in the medly counsell and command were of no vse fortune gouerned all By this time a great part of the day was spent and yet the victory vncertaine All sortes languished with labour and heat But Metellus perceiuing that the Numidians began somewhat to faint by some and some he gathered his scattered Troopes into one Battallion hee relyeth the rankes and faceth the aduerse footmen with foure Legionary cohorts These Metellus finding after their toylesome labour breathing themselues in the higher grounds Generally beseecheth and intreateth not to forsake their fellow Souldiers neyther to suffer their enimies already as good as defeated to wrest the victory out of their possessions hee telleth them that they haue neither Campe nor fortified place to retire vnto The safety of their liues consisted onely in their Swords Neither all this while was Iugurth ydle he visited euery place he entreated he re-enforced yea euen himselfe with certaine choise companions prooued an onset vpon euery quarter He releeued the wearied h●e charged the wauering fighting a far off in proper person he repulsed the bands which fought most couragious Thus these two excellent Generals behaued themselues in sufficiencies equal in forces vnequal In souldiery Metellus had the aduantage s. vbi pugnatū est the place was discōmodious● except in goodnesse of souldiery Iugurth had the better in all points But the Romans vnderstanding that they had neither place of refuge neither that the enemy would bee brought at any hand to fight
like For whereas the Latines neglected things triuiall as Sacrifices Playes Triumphs Ensignes of Magistracies the generall gouernment of the state Subsidies Auguries Parliaments and the difficile diuision of the people into wards and Tribes Lastly the potencie of the Senat the priuiledges of the Commons the Authoritie of Magistrates and the power of the people be in my iudgement hath best performed them of anie man liuing And to make them the more easie to bee vnderstood hee hath compared the customes of the Greeks with the Lawes of the Latines deriuing the priuiledges of Clyents which Romulus instituted and which Caesar noteth to be common amongst the Gals from the Athenians and Thessalians The Roman Dictator to be of equall power to the Haumoste of the Lacedemonians to the Archon of the Thessalians and the Aesynmet of the Mytilens yea had it not hin for this mans labours the Lawes of Romulus Numa and Seruius together with the Original discent of the Romans had bin long since buried in forgetfulnesse through the pride of the Romans who accounted omitted these remembrances as base vulgar A fault almost common with al Authors as if they were as well knowne to strangers as to Natiues The like diligence almost vsed Plutarch in his Roman Antiquities Plutarch what censure is to be giuen of him I thinke euerie man knoweth For seeing he was the Schoole-maister of that excellent Prince Traian an ancient Courtier and at last Gouernour of Istria there is no question to be made but he ioyned practise and experience to his great wisedome Hee wrote the Historie of the two most famous people of the world not methodically and in order but abruptly and by way of Comparison All that I admire in him is his so free opinion in al matters that to me he seemeth rather a censurer of Princes then an Historiographer yet with this submission to his worth that if any man may be thought a fit Vmpire in businesse of such weight I hold him to be Plutarch or no man For vvhat could be vnknovvne to a man of so high a reach so deepe a iudgement Which are verie remarqueable in his most graue disputations of a Republicke and his profound Philosophie The Originall occasions of wars their openings their progressions ouerthrowes and victories he handleth like an excellent Commander And sometimes he discendeth to matters of meanest moment euen of houshold affaires as is that remembraunce of Cato the Censor who of purpose set enmitie betweene his seruants Least by their ouermuch licentiousnesse they should busie their braines about proiects of farre worse consequence The like he remēbreth of Pericles who accustomed to sell to the vtmost aduantage the reuenues of his domaines and to buy by the penny his daily prouision Oftentimes hee relateth thinges incredible and meerely fabulous but he vseth the worde Phasi to forewarne rash beleefe As in the life of Licurgus he writeth That a Lacedemonian Lad suffered the Rack euen to death rather then he would reueale the theft of a Fox And that Agesilaus was amerced by the Ephori for populer dependancy That he sometimes committed an ouer-sight in the Antiquity of the Romans for that being a Graecian and not perfectly vnderstanding the Latine tongue as himselfe confesseth in the life of Demosthenes he is to be borne withall As where he writeth that in Iudgements Gracchus by the Law Sempronia equalled the Gentlemen with the Senators when as by the same Law that prerogatiue was taken from the Senate and absolutely transferred to the Gentlemen as Velleius Appian Asconius Tacitus and Florus testifie It is apparant that he mistook Legem liuiam pro Sempronia and Gracchus for Drusus The like fault he committed in valewing the Drachma with the Roman Denarius and the Mina with Libra in the liues of Fabius and Anthony which Budeus f●llowing soone slipped into error As hee could not choose the quotient being false c. Dio For Dio who can make question of his excellency and sufficiency beeing a man that spent his whole time in affaires of the state and running through all the degrees of Office was twice chosen Consull and after that Proconsull wherein he gouerned the Prouinces worthily no doubt ioyned experience to his great learning He it was that collected the order of their Dyets their Magistracies the course of their proceeding● in law the inauguration of their Princes and the policies of their state Yet seemeth he to striue of purpose to maintaine the factions of Caesar and Anthony against Pompey and Cicero And those prodegies which hapned in the borders of the Marconrani he attributeth to Arnulphus the Egiptian not to the Christians whereat Turtullian Eusebius Orosius Iustine Paulus Diaconus and Marcus Aurelius himselfe contested in his letters to the Senat. Many are of opinion that Diodorus was matcheable vnto him Diodorus many that he deserueth precedencie for my part I see no such reason either for phrase thē which nothing could be penned more vulgar or for method of History That whereof he meaneth to relate he disposeth of truely orderly and bri●fely in the beginning of euery booke The proofe whereof you may find in his first booke wherein he diuideth his whole worke into fortie Bookes and in six includeth all the former time before the Troian war The eleuen following beginning at the Troian warre end with the death of Alexander the last four and twenty discend to the wars of the Gals The which computation amounteth to about one thousand one hundred and thirty yeares besides the reports before the Troian war which the Ancients deemed fabulous From whence to the return of the Heraclidae according to the account of Apollodorus he numbreth XC yeares from thence to the first Olimpiad CCCXXVIII from the first Olimpiad to the war of the Gals DCCXXX Likewise he only of al the Ancient adi●ynd vnto his history the times wherin the most eminent Philosophers Poets and Historiographers flourished As in his fourteenth Book he witness●th that Ctesias began his history at Ninus Lysiades being Archon He also collected together six bookes of this Author concerning the Empire of the Assyrians and as many of the Persians for the most part generallie discenting from Herodotus Whose Authorities Plutarch Pausanias Athenaeus and almost all the Greeke Authors do also follow To vs is nothing remaining but an Epitome Thucidides Thucidides he saith began his history Charites being Archon Q. Furius and M. Papirius Consuls viz. from the restoring of the Heraclidae to the taking of Perinthus Theopōpus Theopompus began at the first year of Phillip King of Macedon Calimedes being Archō in the hundred fiue Olimpiad C. Genutius L. Aemilius being Consuls And for that which Diodorus reprehendeth in Theopomp for the same may another reprehend Diodore Of eight and fiftie Bookes saith he since are suspitious So saith Viues of sorty of Diodors we haue scarse twelue remaining fiue whereof are stuffed with such idle matter That nothing was euer written more fabulous
of all men hath discouered that Nation which lay buried in ignorance and Barbarisme a thousand yeares before his time Next after him approcheth F. Leandrus and S. Munster the former described Italy the other all Germany as liuely to viewe as if it were in Maps or Tables adioyning thereto the History of the various fashions and maners of the people But Munster had done well if he had turned his Cosmographiam into Germanographiam being indeed nothing else to speak on saue a particuler description of Germany and Heluetia their scituations people and discent But as our Geographistorici mingled Topography with story Xenophon so our Philosophistorici beutified their Narrations of Action with precepts of wisedome In which kind great is the praise of Xenophon yea the greater in that he had no president to imitate as Velleius witnesseth of Homer nor none that shall be able to imitate him Nearest approacheth Plutarch then Laertius and thirdly Philo Iudaeus betweene whom and Plato the Ancients in my iudgement gaue a most true censure Equall vnto these is Iosippus Iosippus or if inferior in secrets of Philosophy farre superiour in the searches of Antiquitie At which Ierom doth wonder that such exquisit knowledge of the Graecian discents should be ●ound in a man of the Irish Nation But the reason thereof is apparant in his Bookes against Appion the Grammarian wherin he so verisieth the writings of Moses though sufficient-full of credit themselues by the authorities of the Graecians the Persians the Egiptians Caldaeans that nothing can be read with more profit by those who are desirous to studio Antiquities The Ages of the old world related by Moses he confirmed by the Testimonies of twelue Historiographers t● take away all scandall of incredulity The Auncestry saith Religion learning and integritie of his Countrey-men He not onely preferreth before all Nations thereby to reuiue the ecclipsed honor thereof but also doth his vtmost to redeeme from obliuion and opposition things of vndoubted veritie For by his writings the Fables of Herodotus Diodorus and Iustine are easily to be refuted After him Hegesippus a Iew Hegesippus wrote fine Bookes of the Iewish wars which Ambrose by report turned into Latine But Iosippus wrote better and truer because hee was both in Action and command and being prisoner to Vespahtian and Titus Notwithstanding by their fauours purchased the freedome of the Cit●ie and the Honour of a Statue For in him were inuested these good parts of an Historiographer which we haue mentioned before viz great learning vnpassionate integrity experience of affaires His integritie is apparant in this That being a Iew he gaue notwithstanding a graue ve●e●ent and La●dible Testimonie of Christ whereas our Ecclesiasticall writers discoursing vpon the aduersaries of our Religion are so farre transported with Enuie that they not onelie conceal their deserued commendations but also disgrace them with most opprobrius and vndecent railings Wherof let Iulian the Apostata be the plaintife who though he were worthie both of blame punishment yet for th●se things which be performed with good commendation and honour he ought not to be silenced by an Historiographer Ammianus wherein our writers haue generally faulted And certes should rather haue imitated Ammianus Marcellinus his method and ardent desire of deliuering in Vtramque partem nothing but truth who after he had committed the neuer-dying vertues of Princes to memory then proceeded to display their vices as euerie good Author ought to do And the accusations which he laid vpon Iulian were that he mingled old Heathnish superstitions with the vnspotted simple for those be his words religion of the Christians that he bereft them of all helps of learning cruely commanded the Countes Palatines of Constantius to be murdred These were his vices His excellent vertues as his temperance his fortitude his continency his fauour to wisedome and his Iustice aboue opinion he proueth by action and witnesse As in this one example for many When Delphidius Gallus a most sharpe Orator ●ad accused Numerius President of Narbon in France then lying at Paris and was vrged to bring forth his proofes and witnesses Most mighty Caesar saith he what man will euer be found guilty if his bare deniall be sufficient to cleare him To whom Caesar answered And what man shall euer depart innocent if one mans accusation should suffice to condemne him This Ammianus was a Graecian a Knight and a follower of Vrsicinus maister of the horse in all the warres almost which in those times were managed by the Romans in Europ or Asia His workes remaine whole and digested into eighteen Bookes beginning at the thirtieth yeare of the Emperor Constantius and ending with Valeus The o●her thirteene are easie to be added out of other mens writings He had begun at Nerua where Tacitus ended and whom of all men he resolued to obserue and imitate Onely heerein is the difference that Tacitus according to the times had a speciall regard of the Roman el●gance but Ammianus vsed Italian phrases and som●●imes neither Latine nor Romaine but plaine Greeke He much and often digresseth from the maine history a disease whereunto euen the greatest Authors are much inclined and whereof Possidonius doth grieuously complaine against Cicero But Ammianus regarding the matter more then the phrase salueth that Octiection against himselfe in this manner In that saith he the text seemeth tedious it profiteth our vnderstanding to the ful for whosoeuer affecteth ouermuch breuity where things of doubtfull knowledge are related seeketh after ease but ripeneth not his iudgement Wherefore amongst such diuers and different variety of Authors it is most necessarie for euery man to make a true and aduised choise of that learning whereunto his study standeth most adicted least in this small and short leisure of life he seeme not to haue read much and y●t in points of amb●guity cannot determine with himsel●e vpon what to resolue As if he be throughly perswaded of Polidor for the affaires of England although he be suspitious to the Scots and French of Rhenanus for the Historie of Germany and Aemilius for the state of France then shall he need to take no great paines in Beda Guagun Gacus Saxo and such l●ke who handled the said Histories without method or order and no maruel for as those Times afforded great plenty of writers so their credits and reputations quickly vanished Plutarch reckoneth vp three hundred that wrote the battaile of Marathon And of thirty that committed to print the affaires of Italy one onely mans credit and good method haue quite put the residue to the horne In these times the world swarmeth with such as commit to writing things of base and vulgar Argument whereas in times of greatest antiquity wee had almost none And therefore because it were a labour infinite to peruse euery mans papers let the Iudicious Reader out of manie make choise of the better by the assistance of these directions or by better of his owne if he can
crewe by all meanes possible to containe the faction in strength and vigour to hasten the death of the Consull to be resolute for slaughter fire and the like miseries of war for within a day or two he would not faile to approch the Citty with a powerfull army These were the passages at Rome from the Campe C. Manlius had sent certain Agents of his rout vnto Q. Martius with these Ouertures CHAP. 10. 1. The Letters of Manlius to the Generall 2. His answere 3. Catelines colourable excuse of his iourny 4. His letter to the contrary I Call God and Man most Woorthy Generall to witnes that we haue taken Armes neither against our Country neither to the perrill of any priuate subiect but onelie to free our needy and mis●rabe carcasses from iniuries from violence and the oppression of Vsurers the most of vs not daring to shewe our faces in our owne Countrey and all of vs in generall without credit or releefe In which estate it was not lawful for any of vs according to the freedome of our Ancestors to prosecute the clemencie of our auntient Lawes neither hauing forfetted our Patrimonies to keep our bodies from imprisonment so rigorously hath the Vsurer and the Praetor oppressed vs. In former times the compassion of our Elders hath often acquited the disabilities of the Romaine people by actes of Parliament And euen but * * S. recentissime yesterday in our remembraunce by the generall applause of all good men order hath bin taken by reason of the excessiue interest to pay the principall out of the publicke Treasury yea the very Comminaltie either seduced by desire of superiority or vnderhand armed by the Ambition of Great men hath often disvnited it selfe from the Vnion of the Fathers but we neither Ambitious of Empery nor desirous of Riches the motiues of all Warres discourtesies amongst mortall Creatures request onely Liberty the want whereof no honest man can tollerate but with the losse of his deerest life Wherefore vpon our bended knees we intreat your worthinesse together with the Lordes of the Senate to prouide for our miseries and to restore vs to that aduantage of Lawe of the which the partiality of the Praetor hath defrauded vs not inforcing vs iniuriously to that desperate extremity wherin we can but onely study howe to satiate our insatiable swordes with execution of deepest reuenge Vna sal●● miseris nullam sperare salutem 2. To these Q. Martius made no other aunswere but that if they expected fauour from the Lords of the Senate they should not implore it in armed manner but submissiuely to trauell to Rome where they might be assured to finde such clemency and curtesie before the Lordes of the Senate and the Roman people as neuer any man ye● importuned their mercy that departed away at any time vnpardoned 3. But Cateline from diuers stages in his iourny Vt i●cautos opprimeret dispatcheth away Letters to many of the Consulare dignity and to euery gentleman of quality besides intimating therby that since he was not of power to make his party good against the faction of his Aduersaries who most falsly and malliciously had suggested many slaunderous accusations against him hee was contented to yeilde to time and to choose a Vrbem antiquissimo fad●re Romanis coniunctam Massilia for the place of his voluntary exile not for that forsooth he was any way guilty of so heinous an imputation but for the good and welfare of the state least by his presence peraduenture some seditious partiality might arise in the state Contrary vnto these Q. Catulus read other Letters before the Lords of the Senat which as he affirmed were dated vnto him vnder the name of Cateline The Transcript whereof followeth L. Cateline to Q. Catulus health 4. THy assured constancie by triall experimented and in my most weighty daungers neuer omitted hath cōfidently waranted these my commendations vnto thine vnspotted loyaltie For what reasons I listed not to frame my defence in that new Counsel I am now determined to yeelde you satisfaction that not out of a guilty conscience which vpon mine honour I protest to be true but being first prouoked by iniurious disgraces for that being denied the rewardes of my labours and deserts I could not obtaine the place of dignity duely diuolued to me according vnto my wonted custome I haue now taken vpon me the publicke defence of the oppressed people not for that out of mine owne reuenewes I coulde not satisfie my owne debts since the onely liberality of Aurelia Oristilla and her daughter was not onely sufficient to discharge my selfe and my sureties but for that I obserued men of no worth to be preferred to places of honor and my selfe vpon false suggestions too iniuriously reiected Vpon these terms I make no question but to be able to preserue the remainder of my reputation I was determined to haue written more at large but I was informed that warrant were out to attach me I not onely commend but also intrust vnto thy loyalty Oristilla Defend her from wrong I beseech thee euen for the loue of thy deerest children Farewell CHAP. 11. 1. Cateline commeth to the camp of Manlius 2. The estate of Rome and the bordering Countreyes after his departure 1. BVt Cateline hauing made some small stay with C. Flaminius in the country a Ciuitas municipalis in Hetruria of Aretium and leauing the City before prepared well fortified departeth towards the campe of Manlius accompanied with the Fasces and other the Ensignes of Honour Vppon intelligence whereof at Rome the Senate proclaimeth Cateline and Manlius Traitours To the residue of their partakers they limit a day by which if they surceased their armes b Quod prudentia S. factum est vt sine periculo reip principes coniurationis punirentur all offences past were pardoned except to those who by name were condemned of Treason The Consuls themselus were commanded to leuy forces Caius Antonius with al expedition to pursue Cateline Cicero to guard the Citty 2. At that time in my iudgement the condition of the Roman people appeared most miserable Vnto whome notwithstanding that all places from East to West were subiected by Armes and that at home they wallowed in ease and riches the onely two contents which all flesh affecteth yet fostered they within their owne bowels a viperous consort of fellow-Cittizens who rather then they woulde surcease the obstinacie of their priuate Humours cared not what became of themselues and their countrey For after the two proclamations divulged by authority from the Senate it was not knowne that anie one man of such a multitude neither for lucre of the proposed reward reuealed any part of the conspiracy neither vpon assurance of pardon sought to flie from the partie So desperat a contagiō of reuolt like to a Pestilential Feauer had possessed the minds of the greater part of the people and worse then that the zeale of those
Spaine thou hast reuiued the remembrance of our deceased Progenitors Mas●inissae qui claruit sub Hasdrubaie Aboue all a worke most difficult thy Vertues haue ouertopped Enuy. And now for that I perceiue that my life draweth towardes an end I admonish and adiure thee by this right hand and the allegiance which thou owest to thy countrey Quam ad tunc tenuit that thou estrange not thy loue and seruice from these thy kinsmen whom by fauor and adoption I haue created thy Brethren neither couet thou in gouernment to admit of strangers rather then of those who are allied vnto thee in blood and parentage Loyall friends not the armed Souldier nor the Richest Treasure are the surest guards of Kingdomes True friendship which thou canst neither allure by practise nor buy with gold is purchased by respect fidelity And who I pray thee should be more indeered then one Brother to another Or what stranger shall that man find confident who proueth a Traytour to his owne blood Surely if you continue vertuous I bequeath you a strong Kingdome if yee turne euill a weake Patrimony By Vnity small thinges are multiplyed by Dissention the greatest kingdomes are ruinated Beleeue me Iugurth it is thy Office for that thou art eldest in yeares and experience to take care that nothing happen contrary to these my latest Counsels for in all controuersies the man that is most powerfull though hee receiue an iniury yet will it be supposed that he hath giuen it because he is best able to do it Againe you my sonnes see that you Honour and aduance this your worthy Kinsman Imitate and out-strippe hins in vertue least it be said by me that I haue adopted brauer Children then I haue begotten Although Iugurth conceited that the King spake not this from his heart hauing his mind busied vpon farre higher different cogitations yet for the present he gaue courteous and gracious language Within a fewe dates after Micipsa dyed CHAP. 2. 1. The Roytelets assemble about partition of the Kingdome 2. Hiempsal disgraceth Iugurth 3. His reuenge 4. And preparation to warre 5. His course after victory 6. Adherbals Accusation 7. Iugurths excuse 8. Order taken to content both Parties 9. The yssue AFter the three Roytelets according to the custome of their Auncestors had Royally interred the body of Micipsa they apointed a time of meeting ther to take order for their further affaires Where Hiempsal the youngest of three but by Nature the proudest now as before time scorning the base discent of Iugurth by his mother tooke place vpon the right hand of Adherbal that Iugurth might not sit in the midst which amongst the Numidians is accounted the most Honourable place Neither could he by his Brothers earnest importunity without apparant discontent be perswaded to remoue on the other hand Where amongst many particulars proposed of gouernement Iugurth affirmed that whatsoeuer Micipsa had decreed fiue yeares before his death ought to be of no validity for that by reason of his aged years during those times his sences had failed him Wherewithall Hyempsal was well pleased for within the space of these three yeares last past quoth hee you were adopted as co-heire into the Kingdome Which words tooke deeper impression in the heart of Iugurth then any man present would haue suspected 3 This disgrace from this time forwarde prouoked Iugurth irresolute betweene wrath and feare to study and plot in his minde how to surprize Hyempsal by Treason Which determination working but to slow effects and his inraged passion nothing the lesse by time asswaged he now resolueth to dispatch it vpon any occasion At their first meeting shewed you before to auoide all causes of contention they tooke Order to diuide the Treasure and to limit out euery man the bounds of his portion A time certaine is set downe to perfect both these Decrees but with order to haue the diuision of the money first dispatched Whereuppon the Roytelets seuerally remoue to places neerely adioyning to that place where the Treasures were stored Hiempsal tooke vp his lodging by great chaunce in his house who was Captaine of the Guard to Iugurth a man very inward and gracious with his maister Him by fortune thus making a fit Instrument for Treason Iugurth solliciteth by massie promises corrupteth without deniall importuneth to forge and deliuer him the counterfeit keyes of his house for the true keyes were nightly carried vp into Hiempsals Chamber The remainder as occasion serued himselfe with his armed retinue would take order to dispose of The Numidian speedily executeth his masters commands and according to his instructions at night giueth entrance vnto Iugurths Souldiers who were no sooner in possession of the house but they disperse themselues some to seeke the King some to murder Hiempsals seruants others to make good their entrance in case any person made resistance This done they left no secret place vnransaked they broke vp Presses and diued into euery blind corner confounding all places with noise and vprore and at last lighted vppon Hiempsal hidden in the lodging of a poore Maide-seruant whether the sudden apprehension of feare and ignorance of the place in the beginning of the tumult had frighted him to flye vnto The Murderers as they had in commaund strike off his head and present it to Iugurth The fame whereof in a trice flyeth ouer all Affrique 4. Adherbal and the Subiects of Micipsa stand astonished at the report of so haynous a treacherie The people in generall fall to partes-taking The greater number continue constant to Adherbal the men of Warre follow Iugurth Whereupon without further delay he raysest the strongest forces he can hee seizeth vppon Townes some by force and some by faite speeches hee vniteth them to his former portion and casteth in his mind how to become sole-Lord of Numidia Adherbal notwithstāding that he had sent his messengers to Rome to informe the Lordes of the Senat of the death of his Brother and his particuler misfortunes yet seeing himselfe well accompanied with armed troopes he doubteth not the aduenture of his welfare vpon the hazard of a battell But comming vnto tryall his army was defeated himselfe glad to flye into his owne prouince from whence he tooke his way towards Rome 5 Now Iugurth being Maister of his desires peaceable Lord of al Numidia reuoluing in his mind the future scandall of this heynous murther saw none of whom he should need to stand in feare of but the Roman people To mitigate whose wrath no hopes remained but such as Mony and the auarice of the Nobilitie afforded Wherfore to preuent stormes on that side hee within a few dayes after dispatcheth his Ambassadors towards Rome plentifully loaden with Gold and Siluer giuing them instructions First to present his ancient acquaintance Secondly to drawe in New And lastly to bee sparing towardes no man so hee were in place to countenance his practises So ariuing at Rome according to the direction of their Lord
they all hate vs in regard of your alliance In those places on no side can I turn my visage but I shall behold many hostile remembrances of our Auncestors seruice Can they then take compassion of him who was once their capitoll enemy No my Lordes Micipsa taught vs to crouch to no men but to the Roman people yea to defie strange leagues and alliances Your friendships were Bulwarkes impregnable to secure vs. If fortune should frowne vppon this Empire then I know our estate were also desperate but by your owne prowesse and the fauours of the Gods your Common-weale flourisheth in wealth and increase prosperity tryumpheth in your Citties and loyaltie in your Prouinces blessings which make easie the reliefe of your associate VVhereof I despaire not but onely feare least the priuate insinuation of Iugurth of whom you haue yet made small triall peruert the iudgement of some whom as I heare with tooth and naile he seuerally laboureth to worke to corrupt to inueigle not to passe any decree in his absence without hearing his answers obiecting that my complaints are false my flight dissimulation and that I might haue stayed with security in any kingdom if it had so beene my pleasure O! I would to God I might but liue to see the same man who hath by his impious treacherie inwrapped me in this conflict of miseries in like case dissembling that these humane Controuersies might at some one time or other be referred either to your decisions or to the iustice of the immortall Gods That so being now proud and famosed for his villanies and as a man exposed to all calamities he might suffer the deserued reward of his impieties committed against our Father of murther inflicted vppon our Brother and of Treason the source of my miseries Deerest Brother although thy death were vntimelie and thou of life bereaued by him whom of all men liuing it worst beseemed yet am I of opinion that this thy misfortune is rather to be ioyed at thē lamented For with thy life thou lost but thy kingdom of flight of banishment of pouerty al such afflictions Sic Virg. ● terq● quaterque be●ti Queis ante ora patrum Troia sub montibus altis Contigi● oppetere which oppresse my very soule thou art insensible But I vnhappy mā throwne headlong out of my Patrimony into an Ocean of miseries wander the world as a spectacle of humaine change vncertaine what course to run Shall I reuenge thy wrongs Alas I am not of power Shall I doe good to our Country Ah! My life and death slandeth at the deuotion of others for death I wish It were an honourable period to my misfortunes rather then by affecting of longer life to make shew that in loue thereof beeing quite spent with miseries I liued content to brooke his insolent iniuries But as I am I haue neither pleasure to liue nor meanes to die without impeachment of mine honour And therefore thrice-Honourable Lords I adiure you by your children parents Sueto Neque me neque liber●● meos chariores habebo quam c. yea by the maiesty of the Roman Empire to put redresse to my miserable estate to preuent these wronges and not to suffer this your kingdome of Numidia to bee ruinated by Treason and the blood of our family After the King had made an end of his speech the Agents of Iugurth more confident in their gold then the goodnesse of their cause Callidè tacent ꝙ iussu Iugurthae made this short reply That Hyempsall was slaine by certaine Numidians for his crueltie That Adherbal had begun the warre vnprouoked and being ouercome Quia natura s●rox superbus re vera erat fell to complaints hauing no further means to prosecute his enuy That Iugurth humbly petitioned the Lords of the Counsell would be pleased to make no other construction of his vpright carriage Vnde laudatissimus redierat then of such as he shewed in their seruice at Numantia neither yet to preferre the words of his enemie Iugurthae mores Scipioni imperatori popul●que Romano iampridem no●i essent before his deeds Which ended both parties are commanded to depart the Court. Whereupon the Lords demaund opinions The fauourites of Iugurth and with them the maior part of the Senate traduced by gifts made small account of Adherbals complaints The deserts of Iugurth they aduanced with fauour commendation allowance and thankes no lesse outstriuing by all meanes possible to extenuate so apparant a treason and villany committed by a Stranger then if they had bin pleading in a righteous cause to reap glory and commendation But in opposition some fewe to whom right and indifferencie were more respectiue then rewards gaue sentence with Adherbal That he was to be succoured and the murder of Hyempsal to be seuerely punished Amongst thē of especiall note was Emilius Scaurus a Gentleman stout of courage factious and ambitious of rule honour and riches but close and cunning of carriage This man after he had obserued the infamous abhominable bribery of Iugurth fearing as in like cases happeneth that free speech against the abuses of corrupted greatnesse might procure enuie contained his humors from their accustomed Liberty 8. Notwithstanding in Senate the greater part preuailed Meed and fauour ouerswayed Equity and an order recorded that ten Commissioners should be sent into the prouince of Micipsa to make a diuision thereof betweene Adherbal and Iugurth The president of this Embassie was L. Opinius a man Honourable by birth and great in Senate who beeing Consull after the deaths of C. Graccus and M. Flaccus made sharp and cruell vse of that victory which the Nobility gained against the Commons Him at Rome his professed aduersary Iugurth notwithstāding entertaineth with especiall curtesie 9. By Largesse and promises hee likewise suborneth him to set more by profit then fame faith or reputation he attempteth the residue by like cunning Some he worketh a few made more Conscience of Honesty then of Money In the diuision of the kingdome the portion thereof that bordereth Mauritania populous and firtill is assigned to Iugurth the other part fairer in shew then profit but beautified with hauens and adorned with costly buildings was giuen to Adherbal CHAP. 2. 1. The description of Affricke 2. The first inhabitants ORder calleth vpon mee briefely to discourse of the scituation of Affrique as also to shew what Nations liued with vs in warre or amity But as for those places countries which either for their extream rough mountaines or vast deserts lie vnfrequented I wil but point at randon the residue I will discourse of in shortest maner In the diuision of the Terrestriall Globe some attribute vnto Affrick a third part othersome speaking onely of Asia and Europe containe Affrique in Europe Westward it boundeth vpon the Mediterranean and Ocean seas Eastward vpon those steepe mountaines which the inhabitants tearme Catabathmon The sea is stormy the shores without hauens the soile firtill
that my misery might win you to credit But sithence the destinies haue reserued me to this houre wherein I am made a laughing stock and matter of triumph to the disloialty of Iugurth I do not now thinke vpon death nor the diuersion of miseries but onely pray that I might share in his punishments so I were sure to participate of his fortunes As for the kingdome of Numidia which I confesse is yours prouide for it as you thinke best let me intreat you thus much for the maiesty of your Empire and our plighted faiths in friendship onely to deliuer my body from the tyranny of this impious conspirator And this as you tender the remembrance of my Grand-father Massinissa CHAP. 5. 1. Ambassadors of greater quality are againe sent into Affrique 2. Remisly they leaue things as they find them 3. Cirtha is forced 4. Adherbal slayne VPon the reading of these Letters some of the Lords were very hot to haue an Army forthwith leuied for Affrique affirming that they were in honour ingaged to send present succors to Adherbal and at leysure to consult vpon Iugurths contempt for disobeying the order of the Ambassadors But on the contrary his fauourites with much ado bestird them to dash this decree Thus as in like cases priuate fauour peruerted publicke honesty Notwithstanding least they should seeme to doe nothing they hast in Ambassage grauer personages men of great place and quality againe into Affricke amongest whom was M Scanus of Consulare dignity powerful in Senate of whom we told you before These men for that Iugurth had incurred the a Qua legatis non parnisset generall hatred and the Numidians also with no lesse importunity did solicite a speedy departure in three daies space were got a shippebord and with a faire passage arriued at Vtica whence in hast they posted away their Letters to Iugurth with intimation tha● he should all excuses and delayes set apart vpon sight thereof retire into his owne prouince not forgetting likewise to acquaint him how they were especially sent vnto him from the Lords of the Senate 2 Iugurth hearing that such eminent persons and of such authority in Rome were imployed to crosse his disseignes at first somewhat perplexed betweene feare and perseuerance stood diuersly distracted what to determin He feared the displeasure of the Senate for his contempt towards the former Ambassadors but lastly the blinde humour of Ambition ouermastred his sences And so an vngracious Counsel forced out of a rash resolue preuailed to the worst Whereupon giuing a generall assault to the Towne he laboured his vtmost to become maister thereof confidently hoping that by drawing his enemies forces to to diuers defences either the sworde or policy would cast vpon him the Trophy of victory Which not succeeding neither his proiects of circumventing Adherbal before he should come to Negotiation with the Ambassadors sorting to effect fearing by longer stay further to exasperate Scaurus his anger whom hee much feared in the company of some few horsemen hee retired into his owne Prouince where being giuen to vnderstand in the name of the Senate in what heynous measure they took his contumacy in not desisting from the siege of Cirtha and what greeuous punnishment they threatned after much debating on both sides the Ambassadors retired towards Rome b Quia ●alses in●●p●i ratiou●s causas friuolas adduceret Iugurtha without accomplishing any agreement to purpose 3 After newes heereof was brought vnto Cirtha the c Cirthae pro presidio imbositi post diuisionem regni Italians vppon whose Vertue the safety of the Towne consisted perswaded themselues that if they motioned a composition and yeelded the place they in regarde of the Roman name should bee sure to finde good dealing moue Adherbal to giue his consent to yeelde himselfe the Towne to Iugurth with conditions of security for his life All other the Controuersies to be referred vnto the good pleasure of the Senate Adherbal though hee had rather haue vndergone any extreamity then trusted Iugurths oath yet because it lay in their powers to constraine him how obstinat soeuer yeilded to accept of whatsoeuer Articles the Italians did thinke meetest 4 The first sacrifice that Iugurth offereth after some cruell tortures Inermibus verefim●le est pepercit an tamen Italicis non constat is his brothers blood the second a promiscuous slaughter of the young Numidians and Marchants as any one hapned to meete with his armed enemie CHAP. 6. 1. The Humour of the Lords the opposition of Memmius the subtility of Iugurth 2. The Romans first preparation to warre 3. frustrated by Iugurth AFter intelligence heerof was certified at Rome and the matter began to be expostulated in Senate the olde fauourites of the King sometime by interuption and sometime by faire speeches intermingled with foule found occasions by protraction of time to adde hopes of mittigation of the offence And if C. Memmius a In proximum annum Tribune elect of the people a man of an vndaunted spirit and much offended at the insolencies of the Gentry had not preferred an information to the people against Iugurth howe matters were carried viz that by a few factious Cittizens the offender was likely to bee pardoned without doubt all displeasure had bin forgotten by procrastination of consultations Of so great moment were fauour and Mony 2 But the popular feare awakeneth the Drousie spirits of the Lordes of the Senate to recall to their memories the inexcusable management of this foul fact By the Lawe Sempronia Numidia and Italy are the appointed prouinces for the future Consuls P. Scipio Nasica and L. Calphurnius Bestia are nominated The lot of Numidia fell vpon Calphurnius of Italy vpon Scipio Wages and al other ammonitions necessary for warre are proportioned for the Army of Affricke Iugurth contrary to immagination being beyond doubt perswaded that all thinges would to contentment be managed at Rome for money by message hearing heereof sendeth his own sonne with two of his trustiest Counsellors in Ambassage to the Senate To these he giueth in strict charge as he had done at the death of Hyempsal to worke vppon all creatures with money After their arriuall at Rome the Senate was demanded by Bestia if it were their pleasures that Iugurths Messengers should bee suffered to enter within their walles For answere they replyed that vnlesse he would personallie appeare before the Counsell Table and there simply surrender himselfe and his kingdome that his Legats within ten daies next immediately following should get them packing out of the confines of Italy at perill The Consull acquainteth the Numidians with the decree of the Counsell acordingly they departed without satisfaction to any thing they demanded Meane time Calphurnius mustreth his army entertaineth gentlemen and amongst them some factious spirits whose greatnesse he made account should be his protection against errors and calumnies of these Scaurus made one of whose carriage and behauiour wee haue alreadie related