impiety It might possibly be that the Bishops did it in tendernesse of their reputation but yet hardly for to punish a person publikely and highly is a certain declaring the person punished guilty of a high crime and then to conceale the fault upon pretence to preserve his reputation leaves every man at liberty to conjecture what he pleaseth who possibly will believe it worse than it is in as much as they think his judges so charitable as therefore to conceale the fault least the publishing of it should be his greatest punishment and the scandall greater then his deprivation * Simplicitèr pateat vitium fortasse pusillum Quod-tegitur majus creditur esse malum Martial However this course if it were just in any was unsafe in all for it might undoe more then it could preserve and therefore is of more danger then it can be of charity It is therefore too probable that the matter was not very faire for in publike sentence the acts ought to be publike but that they rather pretend heresy to bring their ends about shewes how easie it is to impute that crime and how forward they were to doe it And that they might and did then as easily call Heretick as afterward when Vigilius was condemned of heresy for saying there were Antipodes or as the Fryars of late did who suspected Greek and Hebrew of heresy and cald their Professors Hereticks and had like to have put Terence and Demosthenes into the Index Expurgatorius sure enough they raild at them pro concione therefore because they understood them not and had reason to believe they would accidentally be enemies to their reputation among the people By this instance which was a while after the Nicene Councell where the acts of the Church were regular judiciall and orderly Numb 18. we may guesse at the sentences passed upon heresy at such times and in such cases when their processe was more private and their acts more tumultuary their information lesse certaine and therefore their mistakes more easie and frequent And it is remarkable in the case of the heresy of Montanus the scene of whose heresy lay within the first three hundred yeares though it was represented in the Caralogues afterwards and possibly the mistake concerning it is to be put upon the score of Epiphanius by whom Montanus and his Followers were put into the Catalogue of Hereticks for commanding abstinence from meats as if they were unclean and of themselves unlawfull Now the truth was Montanus said no such thing but commanded frequent abstinence enjoyned dry diet and an ascetick Table not for conscience sake but for Discipline and yet because he did this with too much rigour and strictnesse of mandate the Primitive Church mislik'd it in him as being too neere their errour who by a Judaicall superstition abstain'd from meats as from uncleannesse This by the way will much concern them who place too much sanctity in such Rites and Acts of Discipline for it is an eternall Rule and of never failing truth that such abstinences if they be obtruded as Acts of originall immediate duty and sanctity are unlawfull and superstious if they be for Discipline they may be good but of no very great profit it is that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which S. Paul sayes profiteth but little and just in the same degree the Primitive Church esteem'd them for they therefore reprehended Montanus for urging such abstinences with too much earnestnesse though but in the way of Discipline for that it was no more Tertullian who was himselfe a Montanist and knew best the opinions of his own Sect testifies and yet Epiphanus reporting the errours of Montanus commends that which Montanus truly and really taught and which the Primitive Church condemn'd in him and therefore represents that heresy to another sense and affixes that to Montanus which Epiphanius beliv'd a heresy and yet which Montanus did not teach And this also among many other things lessens my opinion very much of the integrity or discretion of the old Catalogues of Hereticks and much abates my confidence towards them And now that I have mentioned them casually in passing by I shall give a short account of them for men are much Numb 19. mistaken some in their opinions concerning the truth of them as believing them to be all true some concerning their purpose as thinking them sufficient not only to condemn all those opinions there called hereticall but to be a precedent to all Ages of the Church to be free and forward in calling Heretick But he that considers the Catalogues themselves as they are collected by Epiphanius Philastrius and S. Austin shall finde that many are reckoned for Hereticks for opinions in matters disputable and undetermin'd and of no consequence and that in these Catalogues of Hereticks there are men numbred for Hereticks which by every side respectively are acquitted so that there is no company of men in the world that admit these Catalogues as good Records or sufficient sentences of condemnation For the Churches of the Reformation I am certain they acquit Aërius for denying prayer for the dead and the Eustathians for denying invocation of Saints And I am partly of opinion that the Church of Rome is not willing to call the Collyridians Hereticks for offering a Cake to the Virgin Mary unlesse she also will runne the hazard of the same sentence for offering Candles to her And that they will be glad with S. Austin l. 6. de haeres c. 86. to excuse the * D. Thom. l. contr gent. c. 21. Tertullianists for picturing God in a visible corporall representment And yet these Sects are put in the black book by Epiphanius and S. Austin and Isidore respectively I remember also that the Osseni are cald Hereticks because they refused to worship toward the East and yet in that dissent I finde not the malignity of a heresy nor any thing against an Article of Faith or good manners and it being only in circumstance it were hard if they were otherwise pious men and true believers to send them to Hell for such a trifle The Parermeneutae refused to follow other mens dictates like sheep but would expound Scripture according to the best evidence themselves could finde and yet were called Hereticks whether they expounded true or no. The * Euthym. part 1. tit 21. Epiphan haeres 64. Pauliciani for being offended at crosses the Proclians for saying in a regenerate man all his sinnes were not quite dead but only curbed and asswaged were called Hereticks and so condemned for ought I know for affirming that which all pious men feele in themselves to be too true And he that will consider how numerous the Catalogues are and to what a volumn they are come in their last collections to no lesse then five hundred and twenty for so many heresies and Hereticks are reckoned by Prateolus may think that if a re-trenchment were justly made of truths and all impertinencies and all opinions either
the Inquisition and restraining Prophesying who yet when they had shaked off the Spanish yoke began to persecute their Brethren It was unjust in them in all men unreasonable and uncharitable and often increases the error but never lessens the danger But yet although the Church I mean in her distinct Clericall capacity was against destroying or punishing difference in opinion Numb 12. till the Popes of Rome did super-seminate and perswade the contrary yet the Bishops did perswade the Emperours to make Lawes against Heretiques and to punish disobedient persons with fines with imprisonment with death and banishment respectively This indeed calls us to a new account For the Church-men might not proceed to bloud nor corporall inflictions but might they not deliver over to the Secular arme and perswade Temporall Princes to doe it For this I am to say that since it is notorious that the doctrine of the Clergie was against punishing Heretiques the Lawes which were made by the Emperours against them might be for restraint of differing Religion in order to the preservation of the publique peace which is too frequently violated by the division of opinions But I am not certaine whether that was alwayes the reason or whether or no some Bishops of the Court did not also serve their owne ends in giving their Princes such untoward counsell but we find the Lawes made severally to severall purposes in divers cases and with different severity Constantine the Emperour made a Sanction Ut parem cum fidelibus Apud Euseb. de vita Constant ii qui errant pacis quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant The Emperour Gratian decreed Ut quam quisque vellet religionem sequeretur conventus Ecclesiasticos semoto metu omnes agerent But he excepted the Manichees the Photinians and Eunomians Theodosius the elder made a law of death against the Anabaptists of his time and banish'd Eunomius and against other erring persons vide Socrat. l 7. c. 12. appointed a pecuniary mulct but he did no executions so severe as his sanctions to shew they were made in terrorem onely Vid. Cod. de heretic L. manichees leg Arriani l. Quicunque So were the Lawes of Valentinian and Martian decreeing contra omnes qui prava docere tenent that they should be put to death so did * Apud Paulum Diac. l. 16. l. 24. Michael the Emperour but Iustinian onely decreed banishment But what ever whispers some Politiques might make to their Princes as the wisest holiest did not think it lawful for Church-men alone to doe executions so neither did they transmit such Numb 11. persons to the Secular Judicature And therefore when the Edict of Macedonius the President was so ambiguous that it seemed to threaten death to Heretiques unlesse they recanted S. Austin admonished him carefully to provide that no Heretique should be put to death alledging it also not onely to be unchristian but illegall also and not warranted by imperiall constitutions for before his time no Lawes were made for their being put to death but however he prevailed that Macedonius published another Edict more explicite and lesse seemingly severe But in his Epistle to Donatus the African Proconsul he is more confident and determinate Necessitate nobis impactâ indictâ ut potiùs occidi ab eis eligamus quam eos occidendos vestris judiciis ingeramus But afterwards many got a trick of giving them over to the Secular power which at the best is no better then hypocrisie removing Numb 12. envie from themselves and laying it upon others a refusing to doe that in externall act which they doe in councell and approbation which is a transmitting the act to another and retaining a proportion of guilt unto themselves even their own and the others too I end this with the saying of Chrysostome Dogmuta Serw. de Anathemate impia quae ab haereticis profecta sunt arguere anathematizare oportet hominibus autem parcendum pro salute eorum candum SECT XV. How farre the Church or Governours may act to the restraining false or differing opinions BUt although Hereticall persons are not to be destroyed yet heresy being a work of the flesh and all hereticks criminall persons whose acts and doctrine have influence upon Communities of men whether Ecclesiasticall or civill the governours of the Republique or Church respectively are to do their duties in restraining those mischiefes which may happen to their severall charges for whose indemnity they are answerable And therefore according to the effect or malice of the doctrine or the person so the cognisance of them belongs to severall judicatures If it be false doctrine in any capacity and doth mischiefe in any sense or teaches ill life in any instance or incourages evill in any particular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these men must be silenced they must be convinced by sound doctrine and put to silence by spirituall evidence and restrained by authority Ecclesiasticall that is by spirituall censures according as it seemes necessary to him who is most concern'd in the regiment of the Church For all this we have precept and precedent Apostolicall and much reason For by thus doing the governour of the Church uses all that authority that is competent and all the meanes that is reasonable and that proceeding which is regular that he may discharge his cure and secure his flock And that he possibly may be deceived in judging a doctrine to be hereticall and by consequence the person excommunicate suffers injury is no argument against the reasonablenesse of the proceeding For all the injury that is is visible and in appearance and so is his crime Iudges must judge according to their best reason guided by law of God as their rule and by evidence and appearance as their best instrument and they can judge no better If the Judges be good and prudent the error of proceeding will not be great nor ordinary and there can be no better establishment of humane judicature then is a fallible proceeding upon an infallible ground And if the judgement of heresie be made by estimate and proportion of the opinion to a good or a bad life respectively supposing an error in the deduction there will be no malice in the conclusion and that he endeavours to secure piety according to the best of his understanding and yet did mistake in his proceeding is onely an argument that he did his duty after the manner of men possibly with the piety of a Saint though not with the understanding of an Angel And the little inconvenience that happens to the person injuriously judged is abundantly made up in the excellency of the Discipline the goodnesse of the example the care of the publike and all those great influences into the manners of men which derive from such an act so publiquely consign'd But such publique judgement in matters of opinion must be seldome and curious and never but to secure piety and a holy
Christianity and the encrease of interest and the abatements of Christian simplicity when the Churches fortune grew better and her Sonnes grew worse and some of her Fathers worst of all For in the first three hundred years there was no sign of persecuting any man for his opinion though at that time there were very horrid opinions commenced and such which were exemplary and parallel enough to determine this Question for they then were assaulted by new Sects which destroyed the common principles of nature of Christianity of innocence and publike society and they who used all the meanes Christian and Spirituall for their disimprovement and conviction thought not of using corporall force otherwise then by blaming such proceedings And therefore I doe not only urge their not doing it as an Argument of the unlawfulnesse of such proceeding but their defying it and speaking against such practises as unreasonable and destructive of Christianity For so Tertullian is expresse Humani Ad Scapulat juris naturalis potestatis unicuique quod putaverit colere sed nec religionis est cogere religionem quae suscipi debet sponte non vi The same is the Doctrine of S. Cyprian Lactantius S. Hilary Minutius Felix Sulpitius Severus S. Chrysostome S. Hierom S. Austin Damascen Theophylact Socrates Scholasticus and S. Bernard as they are severally referr'd to and urg'd upon occasion in the following Discourse To which I adde that all wise Princes till they were overborn with faction or sollicited by peevish persons gave Toleration to differing Sects whose opinions did not disturb the publike interest But at first there were some hereticall persons that were also impatient of an Adversary and they were the men who at first entreated the Emperours to persecute the Catholicks but till foure hundred yeares after Christ no Catholick persons or very few did provoke the secular arme or implore its aide against the Hereticks save only that Arrius behav'd himselfe so seditiously and tumultuarily that the Nicene Fathers procur'd a temporary Decree for his relegation but it was soon taken off and God left to be his Judge who indeed did it to some purpose when he was trusted with it and the matter wholly left to him But as the Ages grew worse so men grew more cruell and unchristian and in the Greek Church Atticus and Nestorius of Constantinople Theodosius of Synada and some few others who had forgotten the mercies of their great Master and their own duty grew implacable and furious and impatient of contradiction It was a bold and an arrogant speech which Nestorius made in his Sermon before Theodosius the younger Da mihi O Imperator terram ab haereticis repurgatam ego tibi vicissim coelum dabo Disperde mecum haereticos ego tecum disperdam Persas It was as groundlesse and unwarrantable as it was bloody and inhumane And we see the contrary events prove truer then this groundlesse and unlearned promise for Theodosius and Valentinian were prosperous Princes and have to all Ages a precious memory and the reputation of a great piety but they were so farre from doing what Nestorius had suggested that they restrained him from his violence and immanity and Theodosius did highly commend the good Bishop Proclus for his sweetnesse of deportment towards erring persons far above the cruelty of his Predecessor Atticus And the experience which Christendom hath had in this last Age is Argument enough that Toleration of differing opinions is so farre from disturbing the publick peace or destroying the interest of Princes and Common-Wealths that it does advantage to the publick it secures peace because there is not so much as the pretence of Religion left to such persons to contend for it being already indulged to them When France fought against the Huguenots the spilling of her own blood was argument enough of the imprudence of that way of promoting Religion but since she hath given permission to them the world is witnesse how prosperous she hath been ever since But the great instance is in the differing temper Government and successe which Margaret of Parma and the Duke of Alva had The clemency of the first had almost extinguished the flame but when she was removed D' Alva succeeded and managed the matter of Religion with fire and sword he made the flame so great that his Religion and his Prince too hath both been almost quite turned out of the Countrey Pelli è medio sapientiam quoties vi res agitur said Ennius and therefore the best of men and the most glorious of Princes were alwayes ready to give Toleration but never to make executions for matters disputable Eusebius in his second Book of the life of Constantine reports these words of the Emperour Parem cum fidelibus ii qui errant pacis quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant Ipsa siquidem communicationis societatis restitutio ad rectam etiam veritatis viam perducere potest Nemo cui quam molestus sit quisque quod animo destinat hoc etiam faciat And indeed there is great reason for Princes to give Toleration to disagreeing persons whose opinions by faire meanes cannot be altered for if the persons be confident they will serve God according to their perswasions and if they be publikely prohibited they will privately convene and then all those inconveniences and mischiefes which are Arguments against the permission of Conventicles are Arguments for the publick permissions of differing Religions because the denying of the publick worship will certainly produce private Conventicles against which all wise Princes and Common-Wealths have upon great reasons made Edicts and severe Sanctions Quic quid enim agitur absente rege in caput ejus plerunque redundat say the Politicks For the face of a man is as the face of a Lion and scatters all base machinations which breath not but in the dark It is a proverbiall saying quod nimia familiaritas servorum est conspiratio adversus Dominum and they who for their security runne into grots and cellars and retirements think that they being upon the defensive those Princes and those Lawes that drive them to it are their Enemies and therefore they cannot be secure unlesse the power of the one and the obligation of the other be lessened and rescinded and then the being restrained and made miserable endeares the discontented persons mutually and makes more hearty and dangerous Confederations King Iames of blessed memory in his Letters to the States of the United Provinces dated 6 March 1613. Thus wrote .... Magis autem è re fore si sopiantur authoritate publicâ ita ut prohibeatis Ministros vestros ne eas disputationes in suggestum aut ad plebem ferant ac districtè imperetis ut pacem colant se invicem Tolerando in istâ opinionum ac sententiarum discrepantiâ ..... Eoque justiùs videmur vobis hoc ipsum suadere debere quòd neutram comperimus adeò deviam ut non possint cum fidei
the word of God and prayer For these wayes are most naturall most prudent most peaceable and effectuall Only let not men be hasty in calling every dislik'd opinion by the name of Heresy and when they have resolved that they will call it so let them use the erring person like a brother not beat him like a dog or convince him with a gibbet or vex him out of his understanding and perswasions And now if men will still say I perswade to indifferency there is no help for me for I have given reasons against it I must beare it as well as I can I am not yet without remedy as they are for patience will help me and reason will not cure them let them take their course and He take mine Only I will take leave to consider this and they would doe well to doe so too that unlesse Faith be kept within its own latitude and not cald out to patrocinate every lesse necessary opinion and the interest of every Sect or peevish person and if damnation be pronounced against Christians believing the Creed and living good lives because they are deceived or are said to be deceived in some opinions lesse necessary there is no way in the world to satisfie unlearned persons in the choice of their Religion or to appease the unquietnesse of a scrupulous conscience For suppose an honest Citizen whose imployment and parts will not enable him to judge the disputes and arguings of great Clerks sees factions commenced and managed with much bitternesse by persons who might on either hand be fit enough to guide him when if he follows either he is disquieted and pronounced damned by the other who also if he be the most unreasonable in his opinion will perhaps be more furious in his sentence what shall this man doe where shall he rest the sole of his foot Upon the Doctrine of the Church where he lives Well! but that he heares declaimed against perpetually and other Churches claime highly and pretend fairely for truth and condemne his Church If I tell him that he must live a good life and believe the Creed and not trouble himselfe with their disputes or interesting himselfe in Sects and Factions I speak reason Because no law of God ties him to believe more then what is of essentiall necessity and whatsoever he shall come to know to be reveal'd by God Now if he believes his Creed he believes all that is necessary to all or of it selfe and if he doe his morall endeavour beside he can doe no more toward finding out all the rest and then he is secured but then if this will secure him why doe men presse further and pretend every opinion as necessary and that in so high degree that if they all said true or any two indeed of them in 500 Sects which are in the world and for ought I know there may be 5000 it is 500 to one but that every man is damn'd for every Sect damnes all but it selfe and that is damn'd of 499 and it is excellent fortune then if that escape and there is the same reason in every one of them that is it is extreme unreasonablenesse in all of them to pronounce damnation against such persons against whom clearely and dogmatically holy Scripture hath not In odiosis quod minimum est sequimur in favoribus quod est maximum saith the Law and therefore we should say any thing or make any excuse that is in any degree reasonable rather then condemn all the world to Hell especially if we consider these two things that we our selves are as apt to be deceived as any are and that they who are deceived when they used their morall industry that they might not be deceived if they perish for this they perish for what they could not help But however if the best security in the world be not in neglecting all Sects and subdivisions of men and fixing our selves on points necessary and plain and on honest and pious endeavours according to our severall capacities and opportunities for all the rest if I say all this be not through the mercies of God the best security to all unlearned persons and learned too where shall we fix where shall we either have peace or security If you bid me follow your Doctrine you must tell me why and perhaps when you have I am not able to judge or if I be as able as other people are yet when I have judged I may be deceived too and so may you or any man else you bid me follow so that I am no whit the nearer truth or peace And then if we look abroad and consider how there is scarce any Church but is highly charg'd by many Adversaries in many things possibly we may see a reason to charge every one of them in some things And what shall we do then The Church of Rome hath spots enough and all the world is inquisitive enough to find out more and to represent these to her greatest disadvantage The Greek Church denies the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son If that be false Doctrine she is highly too blame if it be not then all the Western Churches are too blame for saying the contrary And there is no Church that is in prosperity but alters her Doctrine every Age either by bringing in new Doctrines or by contradicting her old which shewes that none are satisfied with themselves or with their own confessions And since all Churches believe themselves fallible that only excepted which all other Churches say is most of all deceived it were strange if in so many Articles which make up their severall bodies of Confessions they had not mistaken every one of them in something or other The Lutheran Churches maintaine Consubstantiation the Zuinglians are Sacramentaries the Calvinists are fierce in the matters of absolute Predetermination and all these reject Episcopacy which the Primitive Church would have made no doubt to have called Heresy The Socinians professe a portentous number of strange opinions they deny the holy Trinity and the satisfaction of our blessed Saviour The Anabaptists laugh at Paedo-baptism The Ethiopian Churches are Nestorian where then shall we fix our confidence or joyn Communion to pitch upon any one of these is to throw the dice if salvation be to be had only in one of them and that every errour that by chance hath made a Sect and is distinguished by a name be damnable If this consideration does not deceive me we have no other help in the midst of these distractions and dis-unions but all of us to be united in that common terme which as it does constitute the Church in its being such so it is the medium of the Communion of Saints and that is the Creed of the Apostles and in all other things an honest endeavour to find out * Clem. Alex. stromat 1. ait Philosophiam liberam esse praestantissimam quae scil versatur in perspicaciter seligendis dogmatis omnium Sectarum
matter and form in doctrine and deportment towards God and towards man and judicable in both tribunals But the Scripture and Apostolicall Sermons having expressed most high indignation against these masters of impious Numb 16. Sects leaving them under prodigious characters and horrid representments as calling them men of corrupt minds reprobates concerning the faith given over to strong delusions to the beliefe of a lye false Apostles false Prophets men already condemned and that by themselves Anti-christs enemies of God and heresy it selfe a work of the flesh excluding from the kingdome of heaven left such impressions in the minds of all their successours and so much zeal against such Sects that if any opinion commenc'd in the Church not heard of before it oftentimes had this ill luck to run the same fortune with an old heresy For because the Hereticks did bring in new opinions in matters of great concernment every opinion de novo brought in was lyable to the same exception and because the degree of malignity in every errour was oftentimes undiscernable and most commonly indemonstrable their zeale was alike against all and those Ages being full of piety were fitted to be abused with an overactive zeale as wise persons and learned are with a too much indifferency But it came to passe that the further the succession went from the Apostles the more forward men were in numbring Numb 17. heresies and that upon slighter and more uncertain grounds Some foot-steps of this wee shall finde if we consider the Sects that are said to have sprung in the first three hundred years and they were pretty and quick in their springs and falls fourescore and seven of them are reckoned They were indeed reckoned afterward and though when they were alive they were not condemn'd with as much forwardnesse as after they were dead yet even then confidence began to mingle with opinions lesse necessary and mistakes in judgement were oftener and more publike then they should have been But if they were forward in their censures as some times some of them were it is no great wonder they were deceiv'd For what principle or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had they then to judge of heresies or condemn them besides the single dictates or decretals of private Bishops for Scripture was indifferently pretended by all and concerning the meaning of it was the Question now there was no generall Councell all that while no opportunity for the Church to convene and if we search the communicatory letters of the Bishops and Martyrs in those dayes we shall finde but few sentences decretory concerning any Question of Faith or new sprung opinion And in those that did for ought appeares the persons were mis-reported or their opinions mistaken or at most the sentence of condemnation was no more but this Such a Bishop who hath had the good fortune by posterity to be reputed a Catholike did condemn such a man or such an opinion and yet himselfe err'd in as considerable matters but meeting with better neighbours in his life time and a more charitable posterity hath his memory preserv'd in honour It appears plain enough in the case of Nicholas the Deacon of Antioch upon a mistake of his words whereby he taught 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to abuse the flesh viz. by acts of austerity and selfe denyall and mortification some wicked people that were glad to be mistaken and abused into a pleasing crime pretended that he taught them to abuse the flesh by filthy commixtures and pollutions This mistake was transmitted to posterity with a full cry and acts afterwards found out to justifie an ill opinion of him For by S. Hierome's time it grew out of Question but that he was the vilest of men and the worst of Hereticks Nicolaus Antiochenus omnium Ad Ctesiph immunditiarum conditor choros duxit faemineos And againe Iste Nicolaus Diaconus ita immundus extitit ut etiam in praesepi Domini nefas perpetrârit Accusations that while the Epist. de Fabiano lapso good man liv'd were never thought of for his daughters were Virgins and his Sons liv'd in holy coelibate all their lives and himselfe liv'd in chast Wedlock and yet his memory had rotted in perpetuall infamy had not God in whose sight the memory of the Saints is precious preserv'd it by the testimony of * L. 3. Stromat Clemens Alexandrinus and from him of †L. 3. c. 26. Hist. Eusebius and Nicephorus But in the Catalogue of Hereticks made by Philastrius he stands markt with a black character as guilty of many heresies By which one testimony we may guesse what trust is to be given to those Catalogues Well This good man had ill luck to fall into unskilfull hands at first but Irenaeus Justin Maryr Lactantius to name no more had better fortune for it being still extant in their writings that they were of the Millenary opinion Papias before and Nepos after were censured hardly and the opinion put into the catalogue of heresies and yet these men never suspected as guilty but like the children of the Captivity walkt in the midst of the flame and not so mcuh as the smell of fire passed on them But the uncertainty of these things is very memorable in the Story of Eustathius Bishop of Antioch contesting with Eusebius Pamphilus Eustathius accused Eusebius for going about to corrupt the Nicene Creed of which slander he then acquitted himselfe saith Socrates and yet he is not cleared by L. 1. c. 23. posterity for still he is suspected and his fame not cleare However Eusebius then scap'd well but to be quit with his Adversary he recriminares and accuses him to be a favourer of Sabellius rather then of the Nicene Canons an imperfect accusation God knowes when the crime was a suspition proveable only by actions capable of divers constructions and at the most made but some degrees of probability and the fact it selfe did not consist in indivisibili and therefore was to stand or fall to be improv'd or lessen'd according to the will of the Judges whom in this cause Eustathius by his ill fortune and a potent Adversary found harsh towards him in so much that he was for heresy deposed in the Synod of Antioch and though this was layd open in the eye of the world as being most ready at hand with the greatest ease charged upon every man and with greatest difficulty acquitted by any man yet there were other suspicions raised upon him privately or at least talkt of ex post facto and pretended as causes of his deprivation least the sentence should seem too hard for the first offence And yet what they were no man could tell saith the story But it is observable what Socrates saith as in excuse of such proceedings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 1. c. 24. It is the manner among the Bishops when they accuse them that are deposed they call them wicked but they publish not the actions of their
Saint Gregory The lot was throwne and God made to be Judge so as he was tempted to a miracle to answer a question which themselves might have ended without much trouble The two Missals were laid upon the Altar the Church door shut and sealed By the morrow Mattins they found S. Gregories Missall torne in pieces saith the story and thrown about the Church but S. Ambrose's open'd and laid upon the Altar in a posture of being read If I had been to judge of the meaning of this Miracle I should have made no scruple to have said it had been the will of God that the Missall of S. Ambrose which had been anciently used and publickly tryed and approved of should still be read in the Church and that of Gregory let alone it being torn by an Angelicall hand as an argument of its imperfection or of the inconvenience of innovation But yet they judg'd it otherwise for by the tearing and scattering about they thought it was meant it should be used over all the world and that of S. Ambrose read onely in the Church of Millaine I am more satisfied that the former was the true meaning then I am of the truth of the story But we must suppose that And now there might have been eternal disputings about the meaning of the miracle and nothing left to determine when two fancies are the litigants and the contestations about probabilities hinc inde And I doubt not this was one cause of so great variety of opinions in the Primitive Church when they proved their severall opinions which were mysterious questions of Christian Theologie by testimonies out of the obscurer Prophets out of the Psalmes and Canticles as who please to observe their arguments of discourse and actions of Councel shall perceive they very much used to doe Now although mens understandings be not equall and that it is fit the best understandings should prevaile yet that will not satisfie the weaker understandings because all men will not think that another understanding is better then his own at least not in such a particular in which with fancy he hath pleased himself But commonly they that are least able are most bold and the more ignorant is the more confident therefore it is but reason if he would have another beare with him he also should beare with another and if he will not be prescribed to neither let him prescribe to others And there is the more reason in this because such modesty is commonly to be desired of the more imperfect for wise men know the ground of their perswasion and have their confidence proportionable to their evidence others have not but over-act their trifles and therefore I said it is but a reasonable demand that they that have the least reason should not be most imperious and for others it being reasonable enough for all their great advantages upon other men they will be soone perswaded to it for although wise men might be bolder in respect of the persons of others less discerning yet they know there are but few things so certaine as to create much boldness and confidence of assertion If they doe not they are not the men I take them for 2. When an action or opinion is commenc'd with zeale and piety against a knowne vice or a vitious person commonly all the Numb 2. mistakes of it's proceeding are made sacred by the holiness of the principle and so abuses the perswasions of good people that they make it as a Characteristick note to distinguish good persons from bad and then whatever error is consecrated by this means is therefore made the more lasting because it is accounted holy and the persons are not easily accounted hereticks because they erred upon a pious principle There is a memorable instance in one of the greatest questions of Christendome viz. concerning Images For when Philippicus had espyed the images of the six first Synods upon the front of a Church he caused them to be pulled down now he did it in hatred of the sixth Synod for he being a Monothelite stood condemn'd by that Synod The Catholiques that were zealous for the sixth Synod caused the images and representments to be put up againe and then sprung the question concerning the lawfullness of images in Churches Philippicus and his party strived by suppressing images to do disparagement to the sixth Synod the Catholiques to preserve the honour Vid. Paulum Diaconum of the sixth Synod would uphold images And then the question came to be changed and they who were easie enough to be perswaded to pull downe images were over-awed by a prejudice against the Monothelites and the Monothelites striv'd to maintain the advantage they had got by a just and pious pretence against images The Monothelites would have secur'd their error by the advantage and consociation of a truth the other would rather defend a dubious and disputable error than lose and let goe a certain truth And thus the case stood and the successors of both parts were led invincibly For when the Heresie of the Monothelites disbanded which it did in a while after yet the opinion of the Iconoclasts the question of Images grew stronger Yet since the Iconoclasts at the first were Heretiques not for their breaking Images but for denying the two wils of Christ his Divine and his Humane that they were called Iconoclasts was to distinguish their opinion in the question concerning the Images but that then Iconoclasts so easily had the reputation of Hereticks was because of the other opinion which was conjunct in their persons which opinion men afterwards did not easily distinguish in them but took them for Hereticks in gross and whatsoever they held to be hereticall And thus upon this prejudice grew great advantages to the veneration of Images and the persons at first were much to be excused because they were misguided by that which might have abused the best men And if Epiphanius who was as zealous against Images in Churches as Philippicus or Leo Isaurus had but begun a publike contestation and engaged Emperours to have made Decrees against them Christendom would have had other apprehensions of it then they had when the Monothelites began it For few men will endure a truth from the mouth of the Devill and if the person be suspected so are his wayes too And it is a great subtlety of the Devill so to temper truth and falshood in the same person that truth may lose much of its reputation by its mixture with error and the error may become more plausible by reason of its conjunction with truth And this we see by too much experience for we see many truths are blasted in their reputation because persons whom we think we hate upon just grounds of Religion have taught them And it was plain enough in the case of Maldonat that said of an explication of a place of Scripture that it was In cap 6. Iohan most agreeable to Antiquity but because Calvin
a confronting of a Divine institution * BUt is it not also heresie Aerius was condemned §. 47. And Hereticks for heresie by the Catholike Church The heresie from whence the Aërians were denominated was sermo furiosus magis quà m humanae conditionis dicebat Quid est Episcopus ad Presbyterum nihil differt hic ab illo A mad and an unmanly heresie to say that a Bishop and a Priest are all one So Epiphanius Assumpsit autem Ecclesia IN TOTO haeres 75. MUNDO ASSENSUS FACTUS EST antequam esset Aërius qui ab ipso appellantur Aëriani And the good Catholike Father is so angry at the heretick Aërius that he thinks his name was given him by Providence and he is call'd Aërius ab aërijs spiritibus pravitatis for he was possessed with an uncleane spirit he could never else been the inventer of such hereticall pravity S. Austin also reckons him in the accursed roll of hereticks and adds at the conclusion of his Catalogue that he is NO CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN that assents to any of the foregoing Doctrines amongst which this is one of the principall Philastrius does as much for him But against this it will be objected first That heresies in the Primitive Catalogues are of a large extent and every dissent from a publike opinion was esteemed heresie 2 ly Aërius was called heretick for denying prayer for the dead And why may he not be as blamelesse in equalling a Bishop and a Presbyter as in that other for which he also is condemn'd by Epiphanius and S. Austin 3 ly He was never condemn'd by any Councell and how then can he be called heretick I answer that dissent from a publike or a received opinion was never called heresie unlesse the contrary truth was indeed a part of Catholike doctrine For the Fathers many of them did so as S. Austin from the Millenary opinion yet none ever reckon'd them in the Catalogues of hereticks but such things only set them downe there which were either directly opposite to Catholike beliefe though in minoribus articulis or to a holy life 2 ly It is true that Epiphanius and S. Austin reckon his denying prayer for the dead to be one of his owne opinions and hereticall But I cannot help it if they did let him and them agree it they are able to answer for themselves But yet they accused him also of Arianisme and shall we therefore say that Arianisme was no heresie because the Fathers call'd him heretick in one particular upon a wrong principall We may as well say this as deny the other 3 ly He was not condemned by any Councell No. For his heresie was ridiculous and a scorne to all wise men as Epiphanius observes and it made no long continuance neither had it any considerable party * But yet this is certaine that Epiphanius Philastrius S. Austin call'd this opinion of Aërius a heresie and against the Catholike beliefe And themselves affirme that the Church did so and then it would be considered that it is but a sad imployment to revive old heresies and make them a peice of the New religion And yet after all this if I mistake not although Aërius himselfe was so inconsiderable as not to be worthy noting in a Councell yet certainly the one halfe of his error is condemn'd for heresie in one of the foure Generall Councells viz. the first Councell of Constantinople 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 6. We call all them hereticks whom the Ancient Church hath condemn'd and whom we shall anathematize Will not Aërius come under one of these titles for a condemn'd heretick Then see forward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here is enough for Aërius and all his hyperaspists new and old for the holy Councell condemnes them for hereticks who doe indeed confesse the true faith but separate from their Bishops and make conventicles apart from his Communion Now this I the rather urge because an Act of Parliament made I o of Elizabeth does make this Councell and the other three of Nice Ephesus and Chalcedon the rule of judging heresyes I end this particular with the saying of the Councell of Paris against the Acephali who were the branch of a Crabstock and something like Aërius cited by Burchard Nullâ ratione Clerici aut Sacerdotes lib. 2. decret cap. 226. habendi sunt qui sub nullius Episcopi disciplina providentiâ gubernantur Tales enim Acephalos id est sine capite Priscae Ecclesiae consuetudo nuncupavit They are by no meanes to be accounted Clergy-men or Priests that will not be governed by a Bishop For such men the Primitive Church call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is headlesse wittlesse people This onely Acephali was the title of a Sect a formall heresy and condemn'd by the Ancient Church say the Fathers of the Councell of Paris Now if we can learn exactly what they were it may perhaps be another conviction for the necessity of Episcopall regiment Nicephorus can best informe us lib. 18. ca. 45 Eccles. hist. Eodem tempore Acephali quorum dux Severus Antiochenus fuit c Severus of Antioch was the first broacher of this heresy But why were they called Acephali id est sine capite quem sequuntur haeretici Nullus enim eorum reperitur author à quo exorti sunt saith Isidore But this cannot be for their lib. 8. cap. 5. Etymol head is knowne Severus was the heresiarch But then why are they called Acephali Nicephorus gives this reason and withall a very particular account of their heresy Acephali autem ob eam causam dicti sunt quòd sub Episcopis non fuerint They refused to live under Bishops Thence they had their Name what was their heresie They denied the distinction of Natures in Christ. That was one of their heresies but they had more for they were trium capitulorum in Chalcedone impugnatores saith Isidore they opposed three Canons of the Councell of Chalcedon One we have heard what their other vbi suprà heresies were we doe not so well know but by the Canon of the Councell of Paris and the intimation of their name we are guided to the knowledge of a second They refused to live under the government of a Bishop And this also was impugnatio unius articuli in Chalcedone for the eighth Canon of the Councell of Chalcedon commands that the Clergy should be under Episcopall government But these Acephali would not they were antiepiscopall men and therefore they were condemn'd hereticks condemn'd In the Councell of Paris of Sevill and of Chalcedon But the more particular account that Nicephorus gives of them I will now insert because it is of great use Proinde Episcopis Sacerdotibus apud eos defunctis neque baptismus juxtà solennem atque receptum Ecclesiae morem apud eos administratur neque oblatio autres aliqua divina facta ministeriumvé Ecclesiasticum sicuti mos est celebratum est
Christianae veritate cum animarum salute consistere c. The like Councell in the divisions of Germany at the first Reformation was thought reasonable by the Emperour Ferdinand and his excellent Sonne Maximilian For they had observed that violence did exasperate was unblessed unsuccessefull and unreasonable and therefore they made Decrees of Toleration and appointed tempers and expedients to be drawn up by discreet persons and George Cassander was design'd to this great work and did something towards it And Emanuel Philibert D. of Savoy repenting of his warre undertaken for Religion against the Pedemontans promised them Toleration and was as good as his word As much is done by the Nobility of Polonia So that the best Princes and the best Bishops gave Toleration and Impunities but it is known that the first Persecutions of disagreeing persons were by the Arrians by the Circumcellians and Donatists and from them they of the Church took examples who in small numbers did sometime perswade it sometime practise it And among the Greeks it became a publick and authorized practise till the Question of Images grew hot and high for then the Worshippers of Images having taken their example from the Empresse Irene who put her Sonnes eyes out for making an Edict against Images began to be as cruell as they were deceived especially being encouraged by the Popes of Rome who then blew the coales to some purpose And that I may upon this occasion give account of this affaire in the Church of Rome it is remarkable that till the time of Iustinian the Emperour A. D. 525. the Catholicks and Novatians had Churches indifferently permitted even in Rome it selfe but the Bishops of Rome whose interest was much concerned in it spoke much against it and laboured the eradication of the Novatians and at last when they got power into their hands they served them accordingly but it is observed by Socrates that when the first Persecution was made against them at Rome by Pope Innocent I at the same instant the Gothes invaded Italy and became Lords of all it being just in God to bring a Persecution upon them for true beliefe who with an incompetent Authority and insufficient grounds doe persecute an errour lesse materiall in persons agreeing with them in the profession of the same common faith And I have heard it observ'd as a blessing upon S. Austin who was so mercifull to erring persons as the greatest part of his life in all senses even when he had twice chang'd his mind yet to Tolerate them and never to endure they should be given over to the secular power to be kild that the very night the Vandals set down before his City of Hippo to besiege it he dyed and went to God being as a reward of his mercifull Doctrine taken from the miseries to come and yet that very thing was also a particular issue of the Divine Providence upon that City who not long before had altered their profession into truth by force and now were falling into their power who afterward by a greater force turned them to be Arrians But in the Church of Rome the Popes were the first Preachers of force and violence in matters of opinion and that so zealously that Pope Vigilius suffered himselfe to be imprisoned and handled roughly by the Emperour Iustinian rather then he would consent to the restitution and peace of certain disagreeing persons but as yet it came not so farre as death The first that preached that Doctrine was Dominick the Founder of the Begging Orders of Friers the Friers Preachers in memory of which the Inquisition is intrusted only to the Friers of his Order and if there be any force in dreams or truth in Legends as there is not much in either this very thing might be signified by his Mothers dreame who the night before Dominick was born dream'd she was brought to Bed of a huge Dog with a fire-brand in his mouth Sure enough however his disciples expound the dreame it was a better sign that he should prove a rabid furious Incendiary then any thing else whatever he might be in the other parts of his life in this Doctrine he was not much better as appears in his deportment toward the Albigenses against whom hee so preached adeo quidem ut centum haereticorum millia ab octo millibus Catholicorum fusa interfecta fuisse perhibeantur saith one of him and of those who were taken 180 were burnt to death because they would not abjure their Doctrine This was the first example of putting erring persons to death that I find in the Roman Church For about 170 years before B. Bruno Berengarianes è suâ diocesi expulit non morti aut suppliciis corporalibus tradidit Berengarius fell into opinion concerning the blessed Sacrament which they cald Heresy and recanted and relapsed and recanted againe and fell again two or three times saith Gerson writing against Romant of the Rose and yet he died siccâ morte his own naturall death and with hope of Heaven and yet Hildebrand was once his judge which shewes that at that time Rome was not come to so great heigths of bloodshed In England although the Pope had as great power here as any where yet there were no Executions for matter of opinion known till the time of Henry the Fourth who because he Usurped the Crown was willing by all means to endeare the Clergy by destroying their Enemies that so he might be sure of them to all his purposes And indeed it may become them well enough who are wiser in their generations then the children of light it may possibly serve the pollicies of evill persons but never the pure and chaste designs of Christianity which admits no blood but Christs and the imitating blood of Martyrs but knowes nothing how to serve her ends by persecuting any of her erring children By this time I hope it will not be thought reasonable to say he that teaches mercy to erring persons teaches indifferency in Religion unlesse so many Fathers and so many Churches and the best of Emperours and all the world till they were abused by Tyranny Popery and Faction did teach indifferency for I have shewn that Christianity does not punish corporally persons erring spiritually but indeed Popery does The Donatists and Circumcellians and Arrians and the Itaciani they of old did In the middle Ages the Patrons of Images did and the Papists at this day doe and have done ever since they were taught it by their S. Dominick Seventhly And yet after all this I have something more to exempt my selfe from the clamour of this Objection For let all errours be as much and as zealously suppressed as may be the Doctrine of the following Discourse contradicts not that but let it be done by such meanes as are proper instruments of their suppression by Preaching and Disputation so that neither of them breed disturbance by charity and sweetnesse by holinesse of life assiduity of exhortation by
God and lives as contrary to the Lawes of Christianity as a Heretick and I am also sure that I know what drunkennesse is but I am not sure that such an opinion is Heresy neither would other men be so sure as they think for if they did consider it aright and observe the infinite deceptions and causes of deceptions in wise men and in most things and in all doubtfull Questions and that they did not mistake confidence for certainty But indeed I could not but smile at those jolly Fryers two Franciscans offered themselves to the fire to prove Savonarola to be a Heretick but a certaine Iacobine offered himselfe to Commin l. 8. c. 19. the fire to prove that Savonarola had true Revelations and was no Heretick in the meane time Savonarola preacht but made no such confident offer not durst he venture at that new kind of fire Ordeal and put case all four had past through the fire and dyed in the flames what would that have proved Had he been a Heretick or no Heretick the more or the lesse for the confidence of these Zealous Ideots If we mark it a great many Arguments whereon many Sects rely are no better probation then this comes to Confidence is the first and the second and the third part of a very great many of their propositions But now if men would a little turn the Tables and be as zealous for a good life and all the strictest precepts of Christianity which is a Religion the most holy the most reasonable and the most consummate that ever was taught to man as they are for such propositions in which neither the life nor the ornament of Christianity is concerned we should find that as a consequent of this piety men would be as carefull as they could to find out all truths and the sense of all revelations which may concern their duty and where men were miserable and could not yet others that liv'd good lives too would also be so charitable as not to adde affliction to this misery and both of them are parts of good life to be compassionate and to help to beare one anothers burdens not to destroy the weak but to entertain him meekly that 's a precept of charity and to endeavour to find out the whole will of God that also is a part of the obedience the choyce and the excellency of Faith and hee lives not a good life that does not doe both these But men think they have more reason to bee zealous against Heresy then against a vice in manners because Heresy is infectious and dangerous and the principle of much evill Indeed if by a Heresy we mean that which is against an Article of Creed and breaks part of the Covenant made between God and man by the mediation of Jesus Christ I grant it to be a very grievous crime a calling Gods veracity into question and a destruction also of good life because upon the Articles of Creed obedience is built and it lives or dies as the effect does by its proper cause for Faith is the morall cause of obedience But then Heresy that is such as this is also a vice and the person criminall and so the sin is to be esteem'd in its degrees of malignity and let men be as zealous against it as they can and imploy the whole arsenall of the spirituall armour against it such as this is worse then adultery or murther in as much as the soule is more noble then the body and a false doctrine is of greater dissemination and extent then a single act of violence or impurity Adultery or murder is a duell but Heresy truly and indeed such is an unlawfull warre it slayes thousands The loosing of Faith is like digging down a foundation all the superstructures of hope and patience and charity fall with it And besides this Heresy of all crimes is the most inexcusable and of least temptation for true faith is most commonly kept with the least trouble of any grace in the world and Heresy of it selfe hath not only no pleasure in it but is a very punishment because faith as it opposes hereticall or false opinions and distinguishes from charity consists in meare acts of believing which because they are of true propositions are naturall and proportionable to the understanding and more honourable then false But then concerning those things which men now adayes call Heresy they cannot be so formidable as they are represented and if we consider that drunkennesse is certainly a damnable sin and that there are more Drunkards then Hereticks and that drunkennesse is parent of a thousand vices it may better bee said of this vice then of most of those opinions which we call Heresies it is infectious and dangerous and the principle of much evill and therefore as fit an object for a pious zeale to contest against as is any of those opinions which trouble mens ease or reputation for that is the greatest of their malignity But if we consider that Sects are made and opinions are called Heresies upon interest and the grounds of emolument we shall see that a good life would cure much of this mischiefe For first the Church of Rome which is the great dictatrix of dogmaticall resolutions and the declarer of Heresy and calls Heretick more then all the world besides hath made that the rule of Heresy which is the conservatory of interest and the ends of men For to recede from the Doctrine of the Church with them makes Heresy that is to disrepute their Authority and not to obey them not to be their subjects not to give them the Empire of our conscience is the great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Heresy So that with them Heresy is to be esteemed clearely by humane ends not by Divine Rules that is formall Heresy which does materially disserve them and it would make a suspicious man a little inquisitive into their particular Doctrins and when hee finds that Indulgences and Jubilies and Purgatories and Masses and Offices for the dead are very profitable that the Doctrine of primacy of infallibility of superiority over Councels of indirect power in temporals are great instruments of secular honour would be apt enough to think that if the Church of Rome would learn to lay her honour at the feet of the Crucifix and despise the world and preferre Ierusalem before Rome and Heaven above the Lateran that these opinions would not have in them any native strength to support them against the perpetuall assaults of their Adversaries that speak so much reason and Scripture against them I have instanced in the Roman Religion but I wish it may be considered also how farre mens Doctrines in other Sects serve mens temporall ends so farre that it would not bee unreasonable or unnecessary to attempt to cure some of their distemperatures or misperswasions by the salutary precepts of sanctity and holy life Sure enough if it did not more concern their reputation and their lasting interest
For others I shall be incurious because the number of them that honour you is the same with them that honour Learning and Piety and they are the best Theatre and the best judges amongst which the world must needs take notice of my ambition to be ascribed by my publike pretence to be what I am in all heartinesse of Devotion and for all the reason of the world My Honour'd Lord Your Lordships most faithfull and most affectionate servant J. TAYLOR The Contents of the Sections SECTION I. OF the Nature of Faith and that its duty is compleated in believing the Articles of the Apostles Creed Pag. 5. SECT II. Of Heresy and the nature of it and that it is to be accounted according to the strict capacity of Christian Faith and not in Opinions speculative nor ever to pious persons pag. 18. SECT III. Of the difficulty and uncertainty of Arguments from Scripture in Questions not simply necessary not literally determined pag. 59. SECT IV. Of the difficulty of Expounding Scripture pag. 73. SECT V. Of the insufficiency and uncertainty of Tradition to expound Scripture or determine Questions pag. 83. SECT VI. Of the uncertainty and insufficiency of Councels Ecclesiasticall to the same purpose pag. 101. SECT VII Of the fallibility of the Pope and the uncertainty of his Expounding Scripture and resolving Questions pag. 125. SECT VIII Of the disability of Fathers or Writers Ecclesiasticall to determine our Questions with certainty and Truth pag. 151. SECT IX Of the incompetency of the Church in its diffusive capacity to be Iudge of Controversies and the impertinency of that pretence of the Spirit pag. 161. SECT X. Of the authority of Reason and that it proceeding upon the best grounds is the best judge pag. 165. SECT XI Of some causes of Errour in the exercise of Reason which are inculpate in themselves pag. 171. SECT XII Of the innocency of Errour in opinion in a pious person pag. 184. SECT XIII Of the deportment to be used towards persons disagreeing and the reasons why they are not to be punished with death c. pag. 189. SECT XIIII Of the practice of Christian Churches towards persons disagreeing and when Persecution first came in pag. 203. SECT XV. How farre the Church or Governours may act to the restraining false or differing opinions pag. 210. SECT XVI Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions pag. 213. SECT XVII Of compliance with disagreeing persons or weak Consciences in generall pag. 217. SECT XVIII A particular consideration of the Opinions of the Anabaptists pag. 223 SECT XIX That there may be no Toleration of Doctrines inconsistent with piety or the publique good pag. 246. SECT XX. How farre the Religion of the Church of Rome is Tolerable pag. 249. SECT XXI Of the duty of particular Churches in allowing Communion pag. 262. SECT XXII That particular men may communicate with Churches of different perswasions and how farre they may doe it pag. 264. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OF THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING THe infinite variety of Opinions in matters of Religion as they have troubled Christendome with interests factions and partialities so have they caused great divisions of the heart and variety of thoughts and designes amongst pious and prudent men For they all seeing the inconveniences which the dis-union of perswasions and Opinions have produced directly or accidentally have thought themselves obliged to stop this inundation of mischiefes and have made attempts accordingly But it hath hapned to most of them as to a mistaken Physitian who gives excellent physick but mis-applies it and so misses of his cure so have these men their attempts have therefore been ineffectuall for they put their help to a wrong part or they have endeavoured to cure the symptomes and have let the disease alone till it seem'd incurable Some have endeavoured to re-unite these fractions by propounding such a Guide which they were all bound to follow hoping that the Unity of a Guide would have perswaded unity of mindes but who this Guide should be at last became such a Question that it was made part of the fire that was to be quenched so farre was it from extinguishing any part of the flame Others thought of a Rule and this must be the meanes of Union or nothing could doe it But supposing all the World had been agreed of this Rule yet the interpretation of it was so full of variety that this also became part of the disease for which the cure was pretended All men resolv'd upon this that though they yet had not hit upon the right yet some way must be thought upon to reconcile differences in Opinion thinking so long as this variety should last Christ's Kingdome was not advanced and the work of the Gospel went on but slowly Few men in the mean time considered that so long as men had such variety of principles such severall constitutions educations tempers and distempers hopes interests and weaknesses degrees of light and degrees of understanding it was impossible all should be of one minde And what is impossible to be done is not necessary it should be done And therefore although variety of Opinions was impossible to be cured and they who attempted it did like him who claps his shoulder to the ground to stop an earth-quake yet the inconveniences arising from it might possibly be cured not by uniting their beliefes that was to be dispaird of but by curing that which caus'd these mischiefes and accidentall inconveniences of their disagreeings For although these inconveniences which every man sees and feeles were consequent to this diversity of perswasions yet it was but accidentally and by chance in as much as wee see that in many things and they of great concernment men alow to themselves and to each other a liberty of disagreeing and no hurt neither And certainely if diversity of Opinions were of it selfe the cause of mischiefes it would be so ever that is regularly and universally but that we see it is not For there are disputes in Christendome concerning matters of greater concernment then most of those Opinions that distinguish Sects and make factions and yet because men are permitted to differ in those great matters such evills are not consequent to such differences as are to the uncharitable managing of smaller and more inconsiderable Questions It is of greater consequence to believe right in the Question of the validity or invalidity of a death-bed repentance then to believe aright in the Question of Purgatory and the consequences of the Doctrine of Predetermination are of deeper and more materiall consideration then the products of the beliefe of the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of private Masses and yet these great concernments where a liberty of Prophecying in these Questions hath been permitted hath made no distinct Communion no sects of Christians and the others have and so have these too in those places where they have peremptorily been determind on either side Since then if men are
much the more force and efficacy because Numb 25. it began upon great reason and in the first instance with successe good enough For I am much pleased with the enlarging of the Creed which the Councell of Nice made because they enlarged it to my sense but I am not sure that others are satisfied with it While we look upon the Article they did determine we see all things well enough but there are some wise personages consider it in all circumstances and think the Church had been more happy if she had not been in some sense constrain'd to alter the simplicity of her faith and make it more curious and articulate so much that he had need be a subtle man to understand the very words of the new determinations For the first Alexander Bishop of Alexandria in the presence Numb 26. of his Clergy entreats somewhat more curiously of the secret of the mysterious Trinity and Unity so curiously that Socra l. 1. c. 8. Arius who was a Sophister too subtle as it afterward appear'd misunderstood him and thought he intended to bring in the heresy of Sabellius For while he taught the Unity of the Trinity either he did it so inartificially or so intricately that Arius thought he did not distinguish the persons when the Bishop intended only the unity of nature Against this Arius furiously drives and to confute Sabellius and in him as he thought the Bishop distinguishes the natures too and so to secure the Article of the Trinity destroyes the Unity It was the first time the Question was disputed in the world and in such mysterious niceties possibly every wise man may understand something but few can understand all and therefore suspect what they understand not and are furiously zealous for that part of it which they doe perceive Well it hapned in these as alwayes in such cases in things men understand not they are most impetuous and because suspition is a thing infinite in degrees for it hath nothing to determine it a suspitious person is ever most violent for his feares are worse then the thing feared because the thing is limited but his feares are not so that upon this grew contentions on both sides and Lib. 1. c. 6. tumults rayling and reviling each other and then the Laity were drawn into parts and the Meletians abetted the wrong part and the right part fearing to be overborn did any thing that was next at hand to secure it selfe Now then they that lived in that Age that understood the men that saw how quiet the Church was before this stirre how miserably rent now what little benefit from the Question what schisme about it gave other censures of the businesse then we since have done who only look upon the Article determind with truth and approbation of the Church generally since that time But the Epistle of Constantine to Alexander and Arius tells the truth and Cap. 7. chides them both for commencing the Question Alexander for broaching it Arius for taking it up and although this be true that it had been better for the Church it never had begun yet being begun what is to be done in it of this also in that admirable Epistle we have the Emperours judgement I suppose not without the advise and privity of Hosius Bishop of Corduba whom the Emperour lov'd and trusted much and imployed in the delivery of the Letters For first he calls it a certain vain piece of a Question ill begun and more unadvisedly published a Question which no Law or Ecclesiasticall Canon defineth a fruitlesse contention the product of idle braines a matter so nice so obscure so intricate that it was neither to be explicated by the Clergy nor understood by the people a dispute of words a doctrine inexpliable but most dangerous when taught least it introduce discord or blasphemy and therefore the Objector was rash and the answerer unadvised for it concernd not the substance of Faith or the worship of God nor any cheife commandment of Scripture and therefore why should it be the matter of discord For though the matter be grave yet because neither necessary nor explicable the contention is trifling and toyish And therefore as the Philosophers of the same Sect though differing in explication of an opinion yet more love for the unity of their Profession then disagree for the difference of opinion So should Christians believing in the same God retaining the same Faith having the same hopes opposed by the same enemies not fall at variance upon such disputes considering our understandings are not all alike and therefore neither can our opinions in such mysterious Articles so that the matter being of no great importance but vaine and a toy in respect of the excellent blessings of peace and charity it were good that Alexander and Arius should leave contending keep their opinions to themselves ask each other forgivenesse and give mutuall toleration This is the substance of Constantine's letter and it contains in it much reason if he did not undervalue the Question but it seems it was not then thought a Question of Faith but of nicety of dispute they both did believe one God and the holy Trinity Now then that he afterward called the Nicene Councell it was upon occasion of the vilenesse of the men of the Arian part their eternall discord and pertinacious wrangling and to bring peace into the Church that was the necessity and in order to it was the determination of the Article But for the Article it selfe the Letter declares what opinion he had of that and this Letter was by Socrates called a wonderfull exhortation full of grace and sober councels and such as Hosius himself who was the messenger pressed with all earnestnesse with all the skill and Authority he had I know the opinion the world had of the Article afterward is quite differing from this censure given of it before and Numb 27. therefore they have put it into the Creed I suppose to bring the world to unity and to prevent Sedition in this Question and the accidentall blasphemies which were occasioned by their curious talkings of such secret mysteries and by their illiterate resolutions But although the Article was determin'd with an excellent spirit and we all with much reason professe to believe it yet it is another consideration whether or no it might not have been better determin'd if with more simplicity and another yet whether or no since many of the Bishops who did believe this thing yet did not like the nicety and curiosity of expressing it it had not been more agreeable to the practise of the Apostles to have made a determination of the Article by way of Exposition of the Apostles Creed and to have left this in a rescript for record to all posterity and not to have enlarged the Creed with it for since it was an Explication of an Article of the Creed of the Apostles as Sermons are of places of Scripture it was
Testament the Jewes pretend that the Christians have corrupted many places on purpose to make symphony between both the Testaments On the other side the Christians have had so much reason to suspect the Jewes that when Aquila had translated the Bible in their Schooles and had been taught by them they rejected the Edition many of them and some of them called it heresy to follow it And Justin Martyr justified it to Tryphon that the Jewes had defalk'd many sayings from the Books of the old Prophets and amongst the rest he instances in that of the Psalm Dicite in nationibus quia Dominus regnavit à ligno The last words they have cut off and prevail'd so farre in it that to this day none of our Bibles have it but if they ought not to have it then Justin Martyrs Bible had more in it then it should have for there it was so that a fault there was either under or over But however there are infinite Readings in the New Testament for in that I will instance some whole Verses in one that are not in another and there was in some Copies of S. Marks Gospel in the last Chapter a whole verse a Chapter it was anciently called that is not found in our Bibles as S. Hierom. ad Hedibiam q. 3. notes The words he repeats Lib. 2. contra Polygamos Et illi satis faciebant dicentes saeculum istud iniquitatis incredulitatis sub stantia est quae non sinit per immundos spiritus veram Dei apprehendi virtutem idcirco jam nunc revela justitiam tuam These words are thought by some to favour of Manichaisme and for ought I can finde were therefore rejected out of many Greek Copies and at last out of the Latine Now suppose that a Manichee in disputation should urge this place having found it in his Bible if a Catholike should answer him by saying it is Apocryphall and not found in divers Greek Copies might not the Manichee ask how it came in if it was not the word of God and if it was how came it out and at last take the same liberty of rejecting any other Authority which shall be alledged against him it he can finde any Copy that may favour him however that favour be procured and did not the Ebionites reject all the Epistles of S. Paul upon pretence he was an enemy to the Law of Moses indeed it was boldly and most unreasonably done but if one title or one Chapter of S. Mark be called Apocryphall for being suspected of Manicheisme it is a plea that will too much justify others in their taking and chusing what they list But I will not urge it so farre but is not there as much reason for the fierce Lutherans to reject the Epistle of S. James for favouring justification by works or the Epistle to the Hebrewes upon pretence that the sixth and tenth Chapters doe favour Novatianisme especially since it was by some famous Churches at first not accepted even by the Church of Rome her selfe The Parable of the woman taken in adultery which is now in Joh. 8. Eusebius sayes was not in any Gospel but the Gospel secundum Hebraeos and S. Hierom makes it doubtfull and so does S. Chrysostome and Euthimius the first not vouchsafing to explicate it in Homilies upon S. John the other affirming it not to be found in the exacter Copies I shall not neede to urge that there are some words so neer in sound that the Scribes might easily mistake There is one famous one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which yet some Copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense is very unlike though the words be neer and there needs some little luxation to straine this latter reading to a good sense That famous precept of S. Paul that the women must pray with a covering on their head 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of the Angels hath brought into the Church an opinion that Angels are present in Churches and are Spectators of our devotion and deportment Such an opinion if it should meet with peevish opposites on one side and confident Hyperaspists on the other might possibly make a Sect and here were a cleer ground for the affirmative and yet who knowes but that it might have been a mistake of the Transcribers to double the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for if it were read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the sense be women in publike Assemblies must weare a vaile by reason of the Companies of the young men there present it would be no ill exchange for the losse of a letter to make so probable so cleare a sense of the place But the instances in this kinde are too many as appears in the variety of readings in severall Copies proceeding from the negligence or ignorance of the Transcribers or the malicious * Graeci corruperunt novum Testamentum ut testantur Tertul. l. 5. adv Marcion Euseb. l. 5. Hist. c. ult Irenae l. 1. c. 29. allu haerel Basil l. 2. contr Eunomium endeavour of Hereticks or the inserting Marginall Notes into the Text or the neerenesse of severall words Indeed there is so much evidence of this particular that it hath encouraged the servants of the Vulgar Translation for so some are now adayes to preferre that Translation before the Originall for although they have attempted that proposition with very ill successe yet that they could think it possible to be prov'd is an Argument there is much variety and alterations in divers Texts for if they were not it were impudence to pretend a Translation and that none of the best should be better then the Originall But so it is that this variety of reading is not of slight consideration for although it be demonstrably true that all things necessary to Faith and good manners are preserv'd from alteration and corruption because they are of things necessary and they could not be necessary unlesse they were delivered to us God in his goodnesse and his justice having oblig'd himself to preserve that which he hath bound us to observe and keep yet in other things which God hath not oblig'd himselfe so punctually to preserve in these things since variety of reading is crept in every reading takes away a degree of certainty from any proposition derivative from those places so read And if some Copies especially if they be publike and notable omit a verse or title every argument from such a title or verse loses much of its strength and reputation and we finde it in a great instance For when in probation of the mystery of the glorious Unity in Trinity we alledge that saying of S. John there are three which bear witnesse in heaven the Father the Word and the Spirit and these three are one the Antitrinitarians think they have answered the Argument by saying the Syrian Translation and divers Greek Copies have not that verse in them and therefore being of doubtfull Authority cannot conclude with certainty in a Question of
inculpably both on their own and their Parents part they misse of baptism for that is the doctrine of the Church of Rome which they learnt from S. Austin and others also doe from hence baptize Infants though with a lesse opinion of its absolute necessity And yet the same manner of precept in the same forme of words in the same manner of threatning by an exclusive negative shall not enjoyn us to communicate Infants though damnation at least in forme of words be exactly and per omnia alike appendant to the neglect of holy Baptism and the venerable Eucharist If nisi quis renatus shall conclude against the Anabaptist for necessity of baptizing Infants as sure enough we say it does why shall not an equall nisi comederitis bring Infants to the holy Communion The Primitive Church for some two whole Ages did follow their own principles where ever they lead them and seeing that upon the same ground equall results must follow they did Communicate Infants as soon as they had baptized them And why the Church of Rome should not doe so too being she expounds nisi comederitis of orall manducation I cannot yet learn a reason And for others that expound it of a spirituall manducation why they shall not allow the disagreeing part the same liberty of expounding nisi quis renatus too I by no meanes can understand And in these cases no externall determiner can bee pretended in answer For whatsoever is extrinsecall to the words as Councels Tradition Church Authority and Fathers either have said nothing at all or have concluded by their practise contrary to the present opinion as is plaine in their communicating Infants by vertue of nisi comederitis 5. I shall not need to urge the mysteriousnesse of some points in Scripture which ex natura rei are hard to be understood Numb 8. though very plainly represented For there are some secreta Theologiae which are only to be understood by persons very holy and spirituall which are rather to be felt then discoursed of and therefore if peradventure they be offered to publike consideration they will therefore be opposed because they runne the same fortune with many other Questions that is not to be understood and so much the rather because their understanding that is the feeling such secrets of the Kingdome are not the results of Logick and Philosophy nor yet of publike revelation but of the publike spirit privately working and in no man is a duty but in all that have it is a reward and is not necessary for all but given to some producing its operations not regularly but upon occasions personall necessities and new emergencies Of this nature are the spirit of obsignation beliefe of particular salvation speciall influences and comforts comming from a sense of the spirit of adoption actuall fervours and great complacencies in devotion spirituall joyes which are little drawings aside of the curtaines of peace and eternity and antepasts of immortality But the not understanding the perfect constitution and temper of these mysteries and it is hard for any man so to understand as to make others doe so too that feele them not is cause that in many Questions of secret Theology by being very apt and easy to be mistaken there is a necessity in forbearing one another and this consideration would have been of good use in the Question between Soto and Catharinus both for the preservation of their charity and explication of the mystery 6. But here it will not be unseasonable to consider that Numb 9. all systems and principles of science are expressed so that either by reason of the Universality of the termes and subject matter or the infinite variety of humane understandings and these peradventure swayed by interest or determin'd by things accidentall and extrinsecall they seem to divers men nay to the same men upon divers occasions to speak things extremly disparate and sometimes contrary but very often of great variety And this very thing happens also in Scripture that if it were not in re sacrâ seria it were excellent sport to observe how the same place of Scripture serves severall turns upon occasion and they at that time believe the words sound nothing else whereas in the liberty of their judgement and abstracting from that occasion their Commentaries understand them wholy to a differing sense It is a wonder of what excellent use to the Church of Rome is tibi dabo claves It was spoken to Peter and none else sometimes and therefore it concerns him and his Successors only the rest are to derive from him And yet if you Question them for their Sacrament of Penance and Priestly Absolution then tibi dabo claves comes in and that was spoken to S. Peter and in him to the whole Colledge of the Apostles and in them to the whole Hierarchy If you question why the Pope pretends to free soules from Purgatory tibi dabo claves is his warrant but if you tell him the Keyes are only for binding and loosing on Earth directly and in Heaven consequently and that Purgatory is a part of Hell or rather neither Earth nor Heaven nor Hell and so the Keyes seem to have nothing to doe with it then his Commission is to be enlarged by a suppletory of reason and consequences and his Keyes shall unlock this difficulty for it is clavis scientiae as well as authoritatis And these Keyes shall enable him to expound Scriptures infallibly to determine Questions to preside in Councels to dictate to all the World Magisterially to rule the Church to dispence with Oaths to abrogate Lawes And if his Key of knowledge will not the Key of Authority shall and tibi dabo claves shall answer for all We have an instance in the single fancy of one man what rare variety of matter is afforded from those plain words of Oravi pro te Petre Luk. 22. for that place sayes Bellarmine is otherwise to be understood of Peter otherwise of the Popes and otherwise of the Church of Rome And pro te Bellar. lib. 1. de Pontif. c. 3. § respondeo primò signifies that Christ prayed that Peter might neither erre personally nor judicially and that Peters Successors if they did erre personally might not erre judicially and that the Roman Church might not erre personally All this variety of sense is pretended by the fancy of one man to be in a few words which are as plain and simple as are any words in Scripture And what then in those thousands that are intricate So is done with pasce oves which a man would think were a commission as innocent and guiltlesse of designs as the sheep in the folds are But if it be asked why the Bishop of Rome calls himselfe Universall Bishop pasce oves is his warrant Why he pretends to a power of deposing Princes Pasce oves said Christ to Peter the second time If it be demanded why also he pretends to a power of authorizing his
alike necessary or alike indifferent if the former why does no Church observe them if the later why does the Church of Rome charge upon others the shame of novelty for leaving of some Rites and Ceremonies which by her own practice we are taught to have no obligation in them but to be adiaphorous S. Paul gave order that a Bishop should be the husband of one wife The Church of Rome will not allow so much other Churches allow more The Apostles commanded Christians to Fast on Wednesday and Friday as appeares in their Canons The Church of Rome Fasts Friday and Saturday and not on Wednesday The Apostles had their Agapae or love Feasts we should believe them scandalous They used a kisse of charity in ordinary addresses the Church of Rome keeps it only in their Masse other Churches quite omit it The Apostles permitted Priests and Deacons to live in conjugall Society as appears in the 5. Can. of the Apostles which to them is an Argument who believe them such and yet the Church of Rome by no meanes will endure it nay more Michael Medina gives Testimony that of 84 Canons Apostolicall which Clemens collected De sacr hom continent li 5. c. 105. scarce six or eight are observed by the Latine Church and Peresius gives this account of it In illis contineri multa quae temporum corruptione non plenè observantur aliis pro temporis De Tradit part 3. c. de Author Can. Apost materiae qualitate aut obliteratis aut totius Ecclesiae magisterio abrogatis Now it were good that they which take a liberty to themselves should also allow the same to others So that for one thing or other all Traditions excepting those very few that are absolutely universall will lose all their obligation and become no competent medium to confine mens practises or limit their faiths or determine their perswasions Either for the difficulty of their being prov'd the incompetency of the testimony that transmits them or the indifferency of the thing transmitted all Traditions both rituall and doctrinall are disabled from determining our consciences either to a necessary believing or obeying 6. To which I adde by way of confirmation that there are some things called Traditions and are offered to be proved to Numb 9. us by a Testimony which is either false or not extant Clemens of Alexandria pretended it a Tradition that the Apostles preached to them that dyed in infidelity even after their death and then raised them to life but he proved it only by the Testimony of the Book of Hermes he affirmed it to be a Tradition Apostolicall that the Greeks were saved by their Philosophy but he had no other Authority for it but the Apocryphall Books of Peter and Paul Tertullian and S. Basil pretend it an Apostolicall Tradition to sign in the aire with the sign of the Crosse but this was only consign'd to them in the Gospel of Nicodemus But to instance once for all in the Epistle of Marcellus to the Bishop of Antioch where he affirmes that it is the Canon of the Apostles praeter sententiam Romani Pontificis non posse Conciliae celebrari And yet there is no such Canon extant nor ever was for ought appears in any Record we have and yet the Collection of the Canons is so intire that though it hath something more then what was Apostolicall yet it hath nothing lesse And now that I am casually fallen upon an instance from the Canons of the Apostles I consider that there cannot in the world a greater instance be given how easy it is to be abused in the believing of Traditions For 1. to the first 50. which many did admit for Apostolicall 35 more were added which most men now count spurious all men call dubious and some of them universally condemned by peremptory sentence even by them who are greatest admirers of that Collection as 65. 67. and 8 ⅘ Canons For the first 50 it is evident that there are some things so mixt with them and no mark of difference left that the credit of all is much impared insomuch that Isidor of Sevill sayes they were Apoeryphall made by Hereticks and published under the Apud Gratian. dist 16. c. Canones title Apostolicall but neither the Fathers nor the Church of Rome did give assent to them And yet they have prevail'd so farre amongst some that Damascen is of opinion they should Lib. ◠c. 18 de Orthod fide be received equally with the Canonicall writings of the Apostles One thing only I observe and we shall find it true in most writings whose Authority is urged in Questions of Theology that the Authority of the Tradition is not it which moves the assent but the nature of the thing and because such a Canon is delivered they doe not therefore believe the sanction or proposition so delivered but disbelieve the Tradition if they doe not like the matter and so doe not judge of the matter by the Tradition but of the Tradition by the matter And thus the Church of Rome rejects the 84 or 85 Canon of the Apostles not because it is delivered with lesse Authority then the last 35 are but because it reckons the Canon of Scripture otherwise then it is at Rome Thus also the fifth Canon amongst the first 50 because it approves the marriage of Priests and Deacons does not perswade them to approve of it too but it selfe becomes suspected for approving it So that either they accuse themselves of palpable contempt of the Apostolicall Authority or else that the reputation of such Traditions is kept up to serve their own ends and therefore when they encounter them they are more to be upheld which what else is it but to teach all the world to contemn such pretences and undervalue Traditions and to supply to others a reason why they should doe that which to them that give the occasion is most unreasonable 7. The Testimony of the Ancient Church being the only Numb 10. meanes of proving Tradition and sometimes their dictates and doctrine being the Tradition pretended of necessity to be imitated it is considerable that men in their estimate of it take their rise from severall Ages and differing Testimonies and are not agreed about the competency of their Testimony and the reasons that on each side make them differ are such as make the Authority it selfe the lesse authentick and more repudiable Some will allow only of the three first Ages as being most pure most persecuted and therefore most holy least interested serving fewer designs having fewest factions and therefore more likely to speak the truth for Gods sake and its own as best complying with their great end of acquiring Heaven in recompence of losing their lives Others * Vid. Card. Petron. lettre an Sieur Casaubon say that those Ages being persecuted minded the present Doctrines proportionable to their purposes and constitution of the Ages and make little or nothing of those Questions which
have suspended or cassated the Decree in case the Pope had then disavowed it For besides the condemnation of Pope Honorius for heresy the 13 th and 55 th Canons of that Councell are expressely against the custome of the Church of Rome But this particular is involved in that new Question whether the Pope be above a Councell Now since the Contestation of this Question there was never any free or lawfull Councell * Vid. postea de Concil Sinvessane §. 6. N. 9. that determined for the Pope it is not likely any should and is it likely that any Pope will confirm a Councell that does not For the Councell of Basil is therefore condemn'd by the last Lateran which was an Assembly in the Popes own Palace and the Councell of Constance is of no value in this Question and slighted in a just proportion as that Article is disbelieved But I will not much trouble the Question with a long consideration of this particular the pretence is senselesse and illiterate against reason and experience and already determin'd by S. Austin sufficiently as to this particular Epist. 162. ad Glorium Ecce putemus illos Episcopos qui Romae judicaverunt non bonos judices fuisse Restabat adhuc plenarium Ecclesiae universae Concilium ubi etiam cum ipsis judicibus causa possit agitari ut si male judicasse convicti essent eorum sententiae solverentur For since Popes may be parties may be Simoniacks Schismaticks Hereticks it is against reason that in their own causes they should be judges or that in any causes they should be superior to their judges And as it is against reason so is it against all experience too for the Councell Sinvessanum as it said was conven'd to take Cognisance of Pope Marcellinus and divers Councels were held at Rome to give judgement in the causes of Damasus Sixtus the III Symmachus and Leo III and IV as is to be seen in Platina and the Tomes of the Councels And it is no answer to this and the like allegations to say in matters of fact and humane constitution the Pope may be judg'd by a Councell but in matters of Faith all the world must stand to the Popes determination and authoritative decision For if the Pope can by any colour pretend to any thing it is to a suprem Judicature in matters Ecclesiasticall positive and of fact and if he failes in this pretence he will hardly hold up his head for any thing else for the ancient Bishops deriv'd their Faith from the fountaine and held that in the highest tenure even from Christ their Head but by reason of the Imperiall * Vide Concil Chalced act 15. City it became the principall Seat and he surpriz'd the highest Judicature partly by the concession of others partly by his own accidentall advantages and yet even in these things although he was major singulis yet he was minor universis And this is no more then what was decreed of the eighth Generall Act. ult can 21. Synod which if it be sense is pertinent to this Question for Generall Councels are appointed to take Cognizance of Questions and differences about the Bishop of Rome non tamen audacter in eum ferre sententiam By audactèr as is supposed is meant praecipitanter hastily and unreasonably but if to give sentence against him bee wholy forbidden it is non-sense for to what purpose is an Authority of taking Cognizance if they have no power of giving sentence unlesse it were to deserre it to a superiour Judge which in this case cannot be supposed for either the Pope himselfe is to judge his own cause after their examination of him or the Generall Councell is to judge him So that although the Councell is by that Decree enjoyn'd to proceed modestly and warily yet they may proceed to sentence or else the Decree is ridiculous and impertinent But to cleare all I will instance in matters of Question and opinion For not only some Councels have made their Decrees Numb 5. without or against the Pope but some Councels have had the Popes confirmation and yet have not been the more legitimate or obligatory but are known to be hereticall For the Canons of the sixth Synod although some of them were made against the Popes and the custome of the Church of Rome a Pope a while after did confirm the Councell and yet the Canons are impious and hereticall and so esteem'd by the Church of Rome her selfe I instance in the second Canon which approves of that Synod of Carthage under Cyprian for rebaptization of Hereticks and the 72 Canon that dissolves marriage between persons of differing perswasion in matters of Christian Religion and yet these Canons were approved by Pope Adrian I. who in his Epistle to Tharasius which is in the second action of the seventh Synod calls them Canones divinè legalitèr praedicatos And these Canons were used by Pope Nicholas I. in his Epistle ad Michaclem and by Innocent III. c. à multis extra de aetat ordinandorum So that now that wee may apply this there are seven Generall Councels which by the Church of Rome are condemn'd of errour The * Vid. Socra l. z. c. 5. Sozom. l. 3. c. 5. Councell of Antioch A. D. 345. in which S. Athanasius was condemn'd The Councell of Millaine A. D. 354. of above 300 Bishops The Councell of Ariminum consisting of 600 Bishops The second Councell of Ephesus A. D. 449. in which the Eutychian heresy was confirmed Gregor in Regist li. 3. caus 7. ait Concilium Numidiae errasse Concilium Aquisgrani erravit De ra ptore raptâdist 20. can de libellis in glossâ and the Patriarch Flavianus kild by the faction of Dioscorus The Councell of Constantinople under Leo Isaurus A. D. 730 And another at Constantinople 35 years after And lastly the Councel at Pisa 134 years since Now that these Generall Councels are condemn'd is a sufficient Argument that Councels may erre and it is no answer to say they were not confirm'd by the Pope for the Popes confirmation I have shewn not to be necessary or if it were yet even that also is an Argument that Generall Councels may become invalid either by their own fault or by some extrinsecall supervening accident either of which evacuates their Authority and whether all that is required to the legitimation of a Councell was actually observ'd in any Councell is so hard to determine that no man can be infallibly sure that such a Councell is authentick and sufficient probation 2. And that is the second thing I shall observe There are so many Questions concerning the efficient the forme the Numb 6. matter of Generall Councells and their manner of proceeding and their finall sanction that after a Question is determin'd by a Conciliary Assembly there are perhaps twenty more Questions to be disputed before we can with confidence either believe the Councell upon its meere Authority or obtrude
where clearly the High Priest was supreme in many senses yet in no sense infallible will it inferre more to us then it did amongst the Apostles amongst whom if for orders sake S. Peter was the first yet he had no compulsory power over the Apostles there was no such thing spoke of nor any such thing put in practise And that the other Apostles were by a personall priviledge as infallible as himselfe is no reason to hinder the exercise of jurisdiction or any compulsory power over them for though in Faith they were infallible yet in manners and matter of fact as likely to erre as S. Peter himselfe was and certainly there might have something hapned in the whole Colledge that might have been a Record of his Authority by transmitting an example of the exercise of some Judiciall power over some one of them If he had but withstood any of them to their faces as S. Paul did him it had been more then yet is said in his behalfe Will the Ministeriall Headship inferre any more then when the Church in a Community or a publike capacity should doe any Act of Ministery Ecelesiasticall he shall be first in Order Suppose this to be a dignity to preside in Councels which yet was not alwayes granted him Suppose it to be a power of taking cognisance of the Major Causes of Bishops when Councels cannot be called Suppose it a double voyce or the last decisive or the negative in the causes exteriour Suppose it to be what you will of dignity or externall regiment which when all Churches were united in Communion and neither the interest of States nor the engagement of opinions had made disunion might better have been acted then now it can yet this will fall infinitely short of a power to determine Controversies infallibly and to prescribe to all mens faith and consciences A Ministeriall Headship or the prime Minister cannot in any capacity become the foundation of the Church to any such purpose And therefore men are causlessely amused with such premises and are afraid of such Conclusions which will never follow from the admission of any sense of these words that can with any probability be pretended 8. I consider that these Arguments from Scripture are too weak to support such an Authority which pretends to give Numb 10. Oracles and to answer infallibly in Questions of Faith because there is greater reason to believe the Popes of Rome have erred and greater certainty of demonstration then these places can be that they are infallible as will appear by the instances and perpetuall experiment of their being deceived of which there is no Question but of the sense of these places there is And indeed if I had as clear Scripture for their infallibility as I have against their halfe Communion against their Service in an unknown tongue worshipping of Images and divers other Articles I would make no scruple of believing but limit and conform my understanding to all their Dictates and believe it reasonable all Prophecying should be restrain'd But till then I have leave to discourse and to use my reason And to my reason it seemes not likely that neither Christ nor any of his Apostles S. Peter himselfe not S. Paul writing to the Church of Rome should speak the least word or tittle of the infallibility of their Bishops for it was certainly as convenient to tell us of a remedy as to foretell that certainly there must needs be heresies and need of a remedy And it had been a certain determination of the Question if when so rare an opportunity was ministred in the Question about Circumcision that they should have sent to Peter who for his infallibility in ordinary and his power of Headship would not only with reason enough as being infallibly assisted but also for his Authority have best determin'd the Question if at least the first Christians had known so profitable and so excellent a secret and although we have but little Record that the first Councell at Jerusalem did much observe the solennities of Law and the forms of Conciliary proceedings and the Ceremonials yet so much of it as is recorded is against them S. James and not S. Peter gave the finall sentence and although S. Peter determin'd the Question pro libertate yet S. James made the Decree and the Assumentum too and gave sentence they should abstaine from some things there mentioned which by way of temper he judg'd most expedient And so it passed And S. Peter shewed no sign of a Superiour Authority nothing of S. Chrysost. hom 3. in act Apost Superiour jurisdiction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that if this Question be to be determin'd by Scripture it Numb 11. must either be ended by plaine places or by obscure plaine places there are none and these that are with greatest fancy pretended are expounded by Antiquity to contrary purposes But if obscure places be all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by what meanes shall we infallibly find the sense of them The Popes interpretation though in all other cases it might be pretended in this cannot for it is the thing in Question and therefore cannot determine for it selfe either therefore we have also another infallible guide besides the Pope and so we have two Foundations and two Heads for this as well as the other upon the same reason or else which is indeed the truth there is no infallible way to be infallibly assured that the Pope is infallible Now it being against the common condition of men above the pretences of all other Governours Ecclesiasticall against the Analogy of Scripture and the deportment of the other Apostles against the Oeconomy of the Church and S. Peters own entertainment the presumption lies against him and these places are to be left to their prime intentions and not put upon the rack to force them to confesse what they never thought But now for Antiquity if that be deposed in this Question there are so many circumstances to be considered to reconcile Numb 12. their words and their actions that the processe is more troublesome then the Argument can be concluding or the matter considerable But I shall a little consider it so farre at least as to shew either Antiquity said no such thing as is pretended or if they did it is but little considerable because they did not believe themselves their practise was the greatest evidence in the world against the pretence of their words But I am much cased of a long disquisition in this particular for I love not to prove a Question by Arguments whose Authority is in it selfe as fallible and by circumstances made as uncertain as the Question by the saying of Aeneas Sylvius that before the Nicene Councell every men liv'd to himselfe and small respect was had to the Church of Rome which practise could not well consist with the Doctrine of their Bishops infallibility and by consequence supreme judgement and last resolution in matters of
Faith but especially by the insinuation and consequent De Rom. Pont. l 4. c. 2. § secunda sententia acknowledgement of Bellarmine that for 1000 years together the Fathers knew not of the Doctrine of the Popes infallibility for Nilus Gerson Alemain the Divines of Paris Alphonsus de Castro and Pope Adrian VI persons who liv'd 1400 after Christ affirm that infallibility is not seated in the Popes person that he may erre and sometimes actually hath which is a clear demonstration that the Church knew no such Doctrine as this there had been no Decree nor Tradition nor generall opinion of the Fathers or of any age before them and therefore this opinion which Bellarmine would faine blast if he could yet in his Conclusion he sayes it is not propriè haeretica A device and an expression of his own without sense or precedent But if the Fathers had spoken of it and believed it why may not a disagreeing person as well reject their Authority when it is in behalf of Rome as they of Rome without scruple cast them off when they speak against it For as Bellarmine being pressed with the Authority of Nilus Bishop of Thessalonica and other Fathers he sayes that the Pope acknowledges no Fathers but they are all his children and therefore they cannot depose against him and if that be true why shall we take their Testimonies for him for if Sonnes depose in their Fathers behalfe it is twenty to one but the adverse party will be cast and therefore at the best it is but suspectum Testimonium But indeed this discourse signifies nothing but a perpetuall uncertainty in such topicks and that where a violent prejudice or a concerning interest is engag'd men by not regarding what any man sayes proclaim to all the world that nothing is certain but Divine Authority But I will not take advantage of what Bellarmine sayes nor what Stapleton or any one of them all say for that will bee Numb 13. but to presse upon personall perswasions or to urge a generall Question with a particular defaillance and the Question is never the nearer to an end for if Bellarmine sayes any thing that is not to another mans purpose or perswasion that man will be tryed by his own Argument not by anothers And so would every man doe that loves his liberty as all wise men doe and therefore retain it by open violence or private evasions But to return An Authority from Irenaeus in this Question and on behalf of the Popes infallibility or the Authority of the Sea of Rome Numb 14. or of the necessity of communicating with them is very fallible for besides that there are almost a dozen answers to the words of the Allegation as is to be seen in those that trouble themselves in this Question with the Allegation and answering such Authorities yet if they should make for the affirmative of this Question it is protestatio contra factum For Irenaeus had no such great opinion of Pope Victors infallibity that he believed things in the same degree of necessity that the Pope did for therefore he chides him for Excommunicating the Asian Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all at a blow in the Question concerning Easter day and in a Question of Faith he expresly disagreed from the doctrine of Rome for Irenaeus was of the Millenary opinion and believed it to be a Tradition Apostolicall now if the Church of Rome was of that opinion then why is she not now where is the succession of her doctrine But if she was not of that opinion then and Irenaeus was where was his beliefe of that Churches infallibility The same I urge concerning S. Cyprian who was the head of a Sect in opposition to the Church of Rome in the Question of rebaptization and he and the abettors Firmilian and the other Bishops of Cappadocia and the voisinage spoke harsh words of Stephen and such as become them not to speak to an infallible Doctor and the supreme Head of the Church I will urge none of them to the disadvantage of that Sea but only note the Satyrs of Firmilian against him because it is of good use to shew that it is possible for them in their ill carriage to blast the reputation and efficacy of a great Authority For he sayes that that Church did pretend the Authority of the Apostles cum in multis sacramentis divinae rei à Epist. Firmiliani contr Steph. ad Cyprian Vid. etiam Ep. Cypriani ad Pompeium principio discrepet ab Ecclesia Hierosolymitanâ defamet Petrum Paulum tanquam authores And a little after justè dedignor sayes he apertam manifestam stultitiam Stephani per quam veritas Christianae petrae aboletur which words say plainly that for all the goodly pretence of Apostolicall Authority the Church of Rome did then in many things of Religion disagree from Divine Institution and from the Church of Jerusalem which they had as great esteeme of for Religion sake as of Rome for its principality and that still in pretending to S. Peter and S. Paul they dishonoured those blessed Apostles and destroyed the honour of their pretence by their untoward prevarication which words I confesse passe my skill to reconcile them to an opinion of infallibility and although they were spoken by an angry person yet they declare that in Africa they were not then perswaded as now they were at Rome Nam Cyprian Epist ad Quintum 〈◊〉 nec Petrus quem primum Dominus clegit vendicavit sibi aliquid insolentèr aut arrogantèr assumpsit ut diceret se primatum tenere That was their belief then and how the contrary hath grown up to that heigth where now it is all the world is witnesse And now I shall not need to note concerning S. Hierome that he gave a complement to Damasus that he would not have given to Liberius Qui tecum non colligit spargit For it might be true enough of Damasus who was a good Bishop and a right believer but if Liberius's name had been put instead of Damasus the case had been altered with the name for S. Hierom did believe and write it so that Liberius had subscrib'd to Arrianism And if either he or any of the rest had believ'd the De Script Eccles. in Fortunatiano Pope could not be a Heretick nor his Faith faile but be so good and of so competent Authority as to be a Rule to Christendome Why did they not appeale to the Pope in the Arrian Controversy why was the Bishop of Rome made a Party and a concurrent as other good Bishops were and not a Judge and an Arbitrator in the Question Why did the Fathers prescribe so many Rules and cautions and provisoes for the discovery of heresy Why were the Emperours at so much charge and the Church at so much trouble as to call and convene in Councels respectively to dispute so frequently to write so sedulously to observe all advantages
against their Adversaries and for the truth and never offered to call for the Pope to determine the Question in his Chaire Certaindly no way coud have been so expedite none so concluding and peremptory none could have convinc'd so certainly none could have triumph'd so openly over all discrepants as this if they had known of any such thing as his being infallible or that he had been appointed by Christ to be the Judge of Controversies And therefore I will not trouble this discourse to excuse any more words either pretended or really said to this purpose of the Pope for they would but make books swell and the Question endlesse I shall only to this purpose observe that the Old Writers were so farre from believing the infallibility of the Roman Church or Bishop that many Bishops and many Churches did actually live and continue out of the Roman Communion particularly * Vbi illa Augustini reliquorum prudentia quis jam ferat crassissimae ignorantiae illam vocem in tot tantis Patribus Alan Cop. dialog p. 76 77. Vide etiam Bonifac. 11. Epist ad Eulalium Alexandrinum Lindanum Panopli l. 4. c. 89. in fine Sa'meron Tom. 12. Tract 68. § ad Canonem Sander de visibili Monarchia l. 7. n. 411. Baron Tom. 10. A. D. 878. S. Austin who with 217 Bishops and their Successors for 100 years together stood separate from that Church if we may believe their own Records So did Ignatius of Constantinople S. Chrysostome S. Cyprian Firmilian those Bishops of Asia that separated in the Question of Easter and those of Africa in the Question of rebaptization But besides this most of them had opinions which the Church of Rome disavowes now and therefore did so then or else she hath innovated in her Doctrine which though it be most true and notorious I am sure she will never confesse But no excuse can be made for S. Austins disagreeing and contesting in the Question of appeales to Rome the necessity of Communicating Infants the absolute damnation of Infants to the paines of Hell if they die before Baptism and divers other particulars It was a famous act of the Bishops of Liguria and Istria who seeing the Pope of Rome consenting to the fifth Synod in disparagement of the famous Councell of Chalcedon which for their own interests they did not like of they renounced subjection to his Patriarchate and erected a Patriarch at Aquileia who was afterwards translated to Venice where his name remaines to this day It is also notorious that most of the Fathers were of opinion that the soules of the faithfull did not enjoy the beatifick Vision before Doomesday whether Rome was then of that opinion or no I know not I am sure now they are not witnesse the Councels of Florence and Trent but of this I shall give a more full account afterwards But if to all this which is already noted we adde that great variety of opinions amongst the Fathers and Councels in assignation of the Canon they not consulting with the Bishop of Rome nor any of them thinking themselves bound to follow his Rule in enumeration of the books of Scripture I think no more need to be said as to this particular 8. But now if after all this there be some Popes which were notorious Hereticks and Preachers of false Doctrine some that Numb 15. made impious Decrees both in faith and manners some that have determin'd Questions with egregious ignorance and stupidity some with apparent Sophistry and many to serve their own ends most openly I suppose then the infallibility will disband and we may doe to him as to other good Bishops believe him when there is cause but if there be none then to use our Consciences Non enim salvat Christianum quod Pontifex Tract de interdict Compos à Theol. Venet. prop. 13. constantèr affirmat praeceptum suum esse justum sed oportet illud examinari se juxta regulam superius datum dirigere I would not instance and repeat the errours of dead Bishops if the extreme boldnesse of the pretence did not make it necessary But if we may believe Tertullian Pope Zepherinus approv'd the Lib. adver Praxeam Prophecies of Montanus and upon that approbation granted peace to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia till Praxeas perswaded him to revoke his act But let this rest upon the credit of Tertullian whether Zepherinus were a Montanist or no some such thing there was for certain Pope Vigilius denyed Vid. Liberal in breviatio cap. 22. Durand 4. dist 7. q. 4. two natures in Christ and in his Epistle to Theodora the Empresse anathematiz'd all them that said he had two natures in one person S. Gregory himselfe permitted Priests to give confirmation which is all one as if he should permit Deacons to consecrate they being by Divine Ordinance annext to the higher orders and upon this very ground Adrianus affirms that the Pope may erre in definiendis dogmatibus fidei And that we may not feare we shall want instances we may to secure it Quae. de confirm art ult take their own confession Nam multae sunt decretales haereticae sayes Occham as he is cited by Almain firmitèr hoc credo 3. dist 24. q. unica sayes he for his own particular sed non licet dogmatizare oppositum quoniam sunt determinatae So that we may as well see that it is certain that Popes may be Hereticks as that it is dangerous to say so and therefore there are so few that teach it All the Patriarchs and the Bishop of Rome himselfe subscrib'd to Arrianism as Baronius confesses and * Dist. 19. c. 9. L. 4. Ep. 2. Gratian affirms that Pope Anastasius the Second was strucken of God for communicating A. D. 357. n. 44. with the Heretick Photinus I know it will be made light of that Gregory the Seventh saith the very exorcists of the Roman Church are Superiour to Princes But what shall we think of that decretall of Gregory the Third who wrore to Bonaface his Legate in Germany quod illi quorum uxores infirmitate aliquâ morbidae debitum reddere noluerunt aliis poterant Vid. Câ—iranz Sum. Concil sol 218. Edit Antwerp nubere was this a Doctrine fit for the Head of the Church an infallible Doctor it was plainly if any thing ever was doctrina Daemoniorum and is noted for such by Gratian caus 32. q. 7. can quod proposuisli Where the glosse also intimates that the same priviledge was granted to the Englishmen by Gregory quia novi erant in fide And sometimes we had little reason to expect much better for not to instance in that learned discourse in the * Canon Law de majoritate obedientiâ where the Popes Supremacy over Kings is proved from the first chapter of Genesis and the Pope is the Sunne and the Cap per venerabitem qui filii sint legitimi Emperour is the Moone for
fit maxime in Angliâ haec est ratio quia in peccatis concepta fuit sicut caeteri Sancti And the Commissaries of Sixtus V. and Gregory XIII did not expunge these words but left them upon Record not only against a received and more approved opinion of the Jesuites and Franciscans but also in plain defiance of a Decree made by their visible head of the Church who if ever any thing was decreed by a Pope with an intent to oblige all Christendome decreed * Hâc in perpetuum valiturâ constitutione statuimus c. De reliquiis c. Extrav Com. Sixt. 4 cap. 1. this to that purpose So that without taking particular notice of it that egregious sophistry and flattery of the late Writers of the Roman Church is in this instance besides divers others before mentioned clearly made invalid For here the Bishop of Rome not as Numb 16. a private Doctor but as Pope not by declaring his own opinion but with an intent to oblige the Church gave sentence in a Question which the Dominicans will still account pro non determinatâ And every decretall recorded in the Canon Law if it be false in the matter is just such another instance And Alphonsus à Castro sayes it to the same purpose in the instance of Celestine dissolving Marriages for heresy Neque Caelestini error talis fuit qui soli negligentiae imputari debeat ita ut illum errasse dicamus velut privatam personam non ut Papam quoniam hujusmodi Caelestini definitio habetur in antiquis decretalibus in cap. Laudabilem titulo de conversione infidelium quam ego ipse vidi legi lib. 1. adv haeres cap. 4. And therefore 't is a most intolerable folly to pretend that the Pope cannot erre in his Chaire though he may erre in his Closet and may maintaine a false opinion even to his death For besides that it is sottish to think that either he would not have the world of his own opinion as all men naturally would or that if he were set in his Chaire he would determine contrary to himselfe in his study and therefore to represent it as possible they are faine to flie to a Miracle for which they have no colour neither instructions nor insinuation nor warrant nor promise besides that it were impious and unreasonable to depose him for heresy who may so easily even by setting himselfe in his Chaire and reviewing his Theorems be cured it is also against a very great experience For besides the former Allegations it is most notorious that Pope Alexander III in a Councell at Rome of 300 Archbishops and Bishops A. D. 1179. condemn'd Peter Lombard of heresy in a matter of great concernment no lesse then something about the incarnation from which sentence he was after 36 years abiding it absolv'd by Pope Innocent III without repentance or dereliction of the opinion Now if this sentence was not a Cathedrall Dictate as solemn and great as could be expected or as is said to be necessary to oblige all Christendome let the great Hyperaspists of the Roman Church be Judges who tell us that a particular Councell with the Popes confirmation is made Oecumenicall by adoption and is infallible and obliges all Christendome so Bellarmine And therefore he sayes that it is temerarium erroneum proximum haeresi to L. 2. de Concil cap. 5. deny it but whether it be or not it is all one as to my purpose For it is certain that in a particular Councell confirm'd by the Pope if ever then and there the Pope sate himselfe in his Chaire and it is as certain that he sate besides the cushion and determined ridiculously and falsly in this case But this is a device De Pontif. Rom. c. 14. § respondeo In 3. sent d. 24. q. in conl 6. dub 6. in fine for which there is no Scripture no Tradition no one dogmaticall resolute saying of any Father Greek or Latine for above 1000 years after Christ And themselves when they list can acknowledge as much And therefore Bellarmine's saying I perceive is believ'd by them to be true That there are many things in the * Proverbialitèr olim dictuÌ„ erat de Decretalibus Malè cum rebus humanis actum esse ex quo decretis alae accesserunt scil cum Decretales post decretum Gratiani sub nomine Gregorii noni edebantur Decretall Epistles which make not Articles to be de fide And therefore Non est necessariò credendum determinatis per summum Pontificâ—m sayes Almain And this serves their turns in every thing they doe not like and therefore I am resolved it shall serve my turn also for some thing and that is that the matter of the Pope's infallibility is so ridiculous and improbable that they doe not believe it themselves Some of them clearly practised the contrary and although Pope Leo X hath determined the Pope to be above a Councell yet the Sorbon to this day scorn it at the very heart And I might urge upon them that scorn that Almain truly enough by way of Argument alledges It is a wonder that they who affirm the Pope cannot De Authorit Eccles. cap 10. in fine erre in judgement doe not also affirm that he cannot sinne they are like enough to say so sayes he if the vitious lives of the Popes did not make a daily confutation of such flattery Now for my own particular I am as confident and think it as certain that Popes are actually deceived in matters of Christian Doctrine as that they doe prevaricate the lawes of Christian piety And therefore †L. 1. ca. 4. advers haeres edit Paris 1534. In seqq non expurgantur ista verba at idem sensus maner Alphonsus à Castro calls them impudentes Papae assentatores that ascribe to him infallibility in judgement or interpretation of Scripture But if themselves did believe it heartily what excuse is there Numb 11. in the world for the strange uncharitablenesse or supine negligence of the Popes that they doe not set themselves in their Chaire and write infallible Commentaries and determine all Controversies without errour and blast all heresies with the word of their mouth declare what is and what is not de fide that his Disciples and Confidents may agree upon it reconcile the Franciscans and Dominicans and expound all Mysteries for it cannot be imagined but he that was endued with so supreme power in order to so great ends was also fitted with proportionable that is extraordinary personall abilities succeeding and deriv'd upon the persons of all the Popes And then the Doctors of his Church need not trouble themselves with study nor writing explications of Scripture but might wholly attend to practicall devotion and leave all their Scholasticall wranglings the distinguishing opinions of their Orders and they might have a fine Church something like Fairy land or Lucians Kingdome in the Moone But if they say they
cannot doe this when they list but when they are mov'd to it by the Spirit then we are never the nearer for so may the Bishop of Angolesme write infallible Commentaries when the holy Ghost moves him to it for I suppose his motions are not ineffectuall but hee will sufficiently assist us in performing of what he actually moves us to But among so many hundred Decrees which the Popes of Rome have made or confirmed and attested which is all one I would faine know in how many of them did the holy Ghost assist them If they know it let them declare it that it may be certain which of their Decretals are de fide for as yet none of his own Church knowes If they doe not know then neither can we know it from them and then we are as uncertaine as ever and besides the holy Ghost may possibly move him and he by his ignorance of it may neglect so profitable a motion and then his promise of infallible assistance will be to very little purpose because it is with very much fallibility applicable to practise And therefore it is absolutely uselesse to any man or any Church because suppose it settled in Thesi that the Pope is infallible yet whether he will doe his duty and perform those conditions of being assisted which are required of him or whether he be a secret Simoniack for if he be he is ipso facto no Pope or whether he be a Bishop or Priest or a Christian being all uncertain every one of these depending upon the intention and power of the Baptizer or Ordainer which also are fallible because they depend upon the honesty and power of other men we cannot be infallibly certain of any Pope that he is infallible and therefore when our Questions are dermin'd we are never the nearer but may hugge our selves in an imaginary truth the certainty of finding truth out depending upon so many fallible and contingent circumstances And therefore the thing if it were true being so to no purpose it is to be presum'd that God never gave a power so impertinently and from whence no benefit can accrue to the Christian Church for whose use and benefit if at all it must needs have been appointed But I am too long in this impertinency If I were bound Numb 18. to call any man Master upon earth and to believe him upon his own affirmative and authority I would of all men least follow him that pretends he is infallible and cannot prove it For that he cannot prove it makes me as uncertaine as ever and that he pretends to infallibility makes him carelesse of using such meanes which will morally secure those wise persons who knowing their own aptnesse to be deceiv'd use what endeavours they can to secure themselves from errour and so become the better and more probable guides Well! Thus farre we are come Although we are secured in fundamentall points from involuntary errour by the plaine Numb 19. expresse and dogmaticall places of Scripture yet in other things we are not but may be invincibly mistaken because of the obscurity and difficulty in the controverted parts of Scripture by reason of the incertainty of the meanes of its Interpretation since Tradition is of an uncertain reputation and sometimes evidently false Councels are contradictory to each other and therefore certainly are equally deceiv'd many of them and therefore all may and then the Popes of Rome are very likely to mislead us but cannot ascertain us of truth in matter of Question and in this world we believe in part and prophecy in part and this imperfection shall never be done away till we be translated to a more glorious state either we must throw our chances and get truth by accident or predestination or else we must lie safe in a mutuall toleration and private liberty of perswasion unlesse some other Anchor can bee thought upon where wee may fasten our floating Vessels and ride safely SECT VIII Of the disability of Fathers or Writers Ecclesiasticall to determine our Questions with certainty and Truth THere are some that think they can determine all Questions Numb 1. in the world by two or three sayings of the Fathers or by the consent of so many as they will please to call a concurrent Testimony But this consideration will soon be at an end for if the Fathers when they are witnesses of Tradition doe not alwayes speak truth as it hapned in the case of Papias and his numerous Followers for almost three Ages together then is their Testimony more improbable when they dispute or write Commentaries 2. The Fathers of the first Ages spake unitedly concerning Numb 2. divers Questions of secret Theology and yet were afterwards contradicted by one personage of great repution whose credit had so much influence upon the world as to make the contrary opinion become popular why then may not we have the same liberty when so plain an uncertainty is in their perswasions and so great contrariety in their Doctrines But this is evident in the case of absolute predestination which till S. Austine's time no man preached but all taught the contrary and yet the reputation of this one excellent man altered the scene But if he might dissent from so Generall a Doctrine why may not we doe so too it being pretended that he is so excellent a precedent to be followed if we have the same reason he had no more Authority nor dispensation to dissent then any Bishop hath now And therefore S. Austin hath dealt ingeniously and as he took this liberty to himself so he denies it not to others but indeed forces them to preserve their own liberty And Sess. ult therefore when S. Hierom had a great mind to follow the Fathers in a point that he fancyed and the best security he had was Patiaris me cum talibus errare S. Austin would not endure it but answered his reason and neglected the Authority And therefore it had been most unreasonable that we should doe that now though in his behalfe which he towards greater personages for so they were then at that time judg'd to be unreasonable It is a plaine recession from Antiquity which was determin'd by the Councell of Florence piorum animas purgatas c. mox in Caelum recipi intueri clarè ipsum Deum trinum unum sicuti est As who please to try may see it dogmatically resolved to the contrary by a Q. 60. ad Christian. Justin Martyr b Lib. 5. Irenaeus by c Hom. 7. in Levit. Origen d Hom. 39 in 1 Cor. S. Chrysostome e In c. 11. ad Heb. Theodoret f In c. 6. ad Apoc. Arethas Caesariensis g In 16. c. Luc. Euthymius who may answer for the Greek Church and it is plaine that it was the opinion of the Greek Church by that great difficulty the Romans had of bringing the Greeks to subscribe to the Florentine Councell where the
Latines acted their master-piece of wit and stratagem the greatest that hath been till the famous and superpolitick design of Trent And for the Latine Church h Lib. 4. adv Mar. Tertullian i L. 2. de Cain c. 2. S. Ambrose k Ep. 111. ad Fortunatianum S. Austin l In Psal. 138. S. Hilary m De exeq desunctor Prudentius n L. 7. c. 21. Lactantius o In c. 6. Apoc. Victorinus Martyr and p Serm. 3. de om sanctis Vid. enim S. Aug. in Enchir. c. 108. l. 12. de civit Dei c. 9. in Ps. 36. in l. 1. retract c. 14. Vid. insuper testimonia quae collegit Spala l. 5. c. 8. n. 98. de repub Eccl. Sixt. Senens l. 6. annot 345. S. Bernard are known to be of opinion that the soules of the Saints are in abditis receptaculis exterioribus atriis where they expect the resurrection of their bodies and the glorification of their soules and though they all believe them to be happy yet they enjoy not the beatifick Vision before the resurrection Now there being so full a consent of Fathers for many more may be added and the Decree of Pope John XXII besides who was so confident for his Decree that he commanded the University of Paris to swear that they would preach it and no other and that none should be promoted to degrees in Theology that did not swear the like as q In oper 90. dierum Occham r Serm. de Paschal Gerson s In 4. sent q. 13. a. 3. Marsilius and t In 4. de Sacram. confirmat Adrianus report Since it is esteemed lawfull to dissent from all these I hope no man will be so unjust to presse other men to consent to an Authority which he himselfe judges to be incompetent These two great instances are enough but if more were necessary I could instance in the opinion of the Chiliasts maintained by the second and third Centuries and disavowed ever since in the Doctrine of communicating Infants taught and practised as necessary by the fourth and fifth Centuries detested by the Latine Church in all the following Ages in the variety of opinions concerning the very form of baptism some keeping close to the institution and the words of its first sanction others affirming it to be sufficient if it be administred in nomine De consecrat dist 4. c. à quodum Iudaeo Christi particularly S. Ambrose Pope Nicholas the First * In c. 10. Act. V. Bede and †Ep. 340. S. Bernard besides some Writers of after Ages as Hugo de S. Victore and the Doctors generally his contemporaries And it would not be inconsiderable to observe that if any Synod Generall Nationall or Provinciall be receded from by the Church of the later Age as there have been very many then so many Fathers as were then assembled and united in opinion are esteemed no Authority to determine our perswasions Now suppose 200 Fathers assembled in such a Councell if all they had writ Books and Authorities 200 Authorities had beene alleadged in confirmation of an opinion it would have made a mighty noise and loaded any man with an insupportable prejudice that should dissent And yet every opinion maintained against the Authority of any one Councell though but Provinciall is in its proportion such a violent recession and neglect of the Authority and doctrine of so many Fathers as were then assembled who did as much declare their opinion in those Assemblies by their Suffrages as if they had writ it in so many books and their opinion is more considerable in the Assembly then in their writings because it was more deliberate assisted united and more dogmaticall In pursuance of this observation it is to be noted by way of instance that S. Austin and two hundred and seventeene Bishops and all their Successors * Vid. Epist. Bonifacii 11. apud Nicolinum Tom. 2. Concil pag. 544. exemplar precum Eulalii apud eundem ibid. p. 525. Qui anathematizat omnes decisores suos qui in in ea◠causa Romae se opponendo rectae fidei regulam praevaricati sunt inter quos tomen fuit Augustinus quem pro maledicto Caelestinus tacite agnoscit admittendo sc. exemplar precum Vid. Doctor Marta de jurisdict part 4. p. 273. Erasm annot in Hieron praefatin Daniel for a whole Age together did consent in denying appeals to Rome and yet the Authority of so many Fathers all true Catholicks is of no force now at Rome in this Question but if it be in a matter they like one of these Fathers alone is sufficient The Doctrine of S. Austin alone brought in the festivall and veneration of the assumption of the blessed Virgin and the hard sentence passed at Rome upon unbaptized Infants and the Dominican opinion concerning predetermination derived from him alone as from their Originall so that if a Father speaks for them it is wonderfull to see what Tragedies are stirred up against them that dissent as is to be seen in that excellent nothing of Campian's ten reasons But if the Fathers be against them then Patres in quibusdam non leviter lapsi sunt sayes Berllarmine and constat quosdam ex praecipuis it is certain the chiefest of them have fouly erred Nay Posa Salmeron De verb. Dei l. 3. c. 10. §. dices and Wadding in the Question of the immaculate conception make no scruple to dissent from Antiquity to preferre new Doctors before the Old and to justifie themselves bring instances in which the Church of Rome had determin'd against the Fathers And it is not excuse enough to say that singly the Fathers may erre but if they concurre they are certain Testimony For there is no question this day disputed by persons that are willing to be tryed by the Fathers so generally attested on either side as some points are which both sides dislike severally or conjunctly And therefore t is not honest for either side to presse the Authority of the Fathers as a concluding Argument in matter of dispute unlesse themselves will bee content to submit in all things to the Testimony of an equall number of them which I am certain neither side will doe 3. If I should reckon all the particular reasons against the certainty of this topick it would be more then needs as to this Numb 3. Question and therefore I will abstaine from all disparagement of those worthy Personages who were excellent lights to their severall Dioceses and Cures And therefore I will not instance that Clemens Alexandrinus taught that Christ felt no hunger or thirst but eat only to make demonstration of the verity of his Strom. l. 3. 6. humane nature Nor that S. Hilary taught that Christ in his sufferings had no sorrow nor that Origen taught the paines of Hell not to have an eternall duration Nor that S. Cyprian taught rebaptization nor that Athenagoras
digressions against the custome of that excellent man by some passages contradictory to others of S. Basil by citing Meletius as dead before him who yet lived three * Vid. Baron in Annal. years after him and by the very frame and manner of the discourse and yet it was so handsomly carried and so well serv'd the purposes of men that it was quoted under the title of S. Basil by many but without naming the number of chapters and by S. John Damascen in these words Basilius in opere triginta capitum de Spiritu S. ad Amphilochium and to the same purpose and in the number Lâ— de imagin orat 1. of 27 29. chapters he is is cited by * Nomocan tit 1. cap. 3. Photius by Euthymius by Burchard by Zonaras Balsamon and Nicephorus but for this see more in Erasmu's his Preface upon this book of S. Basil. There is an Epistle goes still under the name of S. Hierom ad Demetriadem viâ—ginem and is of great use in the Question of Predestination with its appendices and yet a very †V. Beda de gratiâ Christi adv Iulianum learned man 800 yeares agone did believe it to be written by a Pelagian and undertakes to confute divers parts of it as being high and confident Pelagianisme and written by Julianus Episc. Eclanensis but Gregorius Ariminensis from S. Austin affirmes it to have been written by Pelagius himselfe I might instance in too many Greg. Arim. in 2. sent dist 26. q. 1. a. 3. There is not any one of the Fathers who is esteemed Author of any considerable number of books that hath escaped untouched But the abuse in this kinde hath been so evident that now if any interessed person of any side be pressed with an Authority very pregnant against him he thinks to escape by accusing the Edition or the Author or the hands it passed through or at last he therefore suspects it because it makes against him both sides being resolv'd that they are in the right the Authorities that they admit they will believe not to be against them and they which are too plainly against them shall be no Authorities And indeed the whole world hath been so much abused that every man thinks he hath reason to suspect whatsoever is against him that is what he please which prooceeding only produces this truth that there neither is nor can be any certainty nor very much probability in such Allegations But there is a worse mischiefe then this besides those very many which are not yet discovered which like the pestilence Numb 6. destroyes in the dark and growes into inconvenience more insensibly and more irremediably and that is corruption of particular places by inserting words and altering them to contrary senses A thing which the Fathers of the sixth Generall Synod complain'd of concerning the constitutions of S. Clement quibus jam olim ab iis qui à sidè aliena sent iunt adulterina quaedam etiam pietate aliena introducta sunt quae divinorum nobis Decretorum Can. 2. elegantem venustam speciem obscurarunt And so also have his Recognitions so have his Epistles been used if at least they were his at all particularly the fifth Decretall Epistle that goes under the name of S. Clement in which community of Wives is taught upon the Authority of S. Luke saying the first Christians had all things common if all things then Wives also sayes the Epistle a forgery like to have been done by some Nicolaitan or other impure person There is an Epistle of Cyrill extant to Successus Bishop of Diocaesarea in which he relates that hee was ask'd by Budus Bishop of Emessa whether he did approve of the Epistle of Athanasius to Epictetus Bishop of Corinth and that his answer was Si haec apud vos scripta non sint adultera Nam plura ex his ab hostibus Ecclesiae Euseb. l. 4. c. 23. deprehenduntur esse depravata And this was done even while the Authors themselves were alive for so Dionysius of Corinth complan'd that his writings were corrupted by Hereticks and Pope Leo that his Epistle to Flavianus was perverted by the Greeks And in the Synod of Constantinople before quoted the Act. 8. vid. etiam Synod 7. act 4. sixth Synod Macarius and his Disciples were convicted quod Sanctorum testimonia aut truncârint aut depravârint Thus the third Chapter of S. Cyprians book de unitate Ecclesiae in the Edition of Pamelius suffered great alteration These words Primatus Petro datur wholly inserted and these super Cathedram Petri fundata est Ecclesia and whereas it was before super unum aedificat Ecclesiam Christus that not being enough they have made it super illum unum Now these Additions are against the faith of all old Copies before Minutius and Pamelius and against Gratian even after himselfe had been chastiz'd by the Roman Correctors the Commissaries of Gregory XIII as is to be seen where these words are alledged Decret c. 24. Q. 1. can loquitur Dominus ad Petrum So that we may say of Cyprians works as Pamelius himself said concerning his writings and the writings of other of the Fathers unde colligimus saith he Cypriani scripta ut aliorum Veterum à librariis variè fuisse Annot. Cyprian super Concil Carthage n. 1. interpolata But Gratian himselfe could doe as fine a feat when he listed or else some body did it for him and it was in this very Question their beloved Article of the Popes Supremacy for de paenit dist 1. c. potest fieri he quotes these words out of S. Ambrose Non habent Petri haereditatem qui non habent Petri sedem sidem not sedem it is in S. Ambrose but this errour was made authentick by being inserted into the Code of the Law of the Catholick Church and considering how little notice the Clergy had of Antiquity but what was transmitted to them by Gratian it will be no great wonder that all this part of the world swallowed such a bole and the opinion that was wrapped in it But I need not instance in Gratian any further but referre any one that desires to be satisfied concerning this Collection of his to Augustinus Archbishop of Tarracon in emendatione Gratiani where he shall find fopperies and corruptions good store noted by that learned man But that the Indices Expurgatorii Vid. Ind. Expurg Belg. in Bertram Flandr Hispan Portugal Neopolitan Romanum lunium in praefat ad Ind. Expurg Belg. Hasen muslerum pag. 275. Withrington Apolog. num 449. commanded by Authority and practised with publike license professe to alter and correct the sayings of the Fathers and to reconcile them to the Catholike sense by putting in and leaving out is so great an Imposture so unchristian a proceeding that it hath made the faith of all books and all Authors justly to be suspected For considering their infinite diligence and great opportunity as
having had most of the Copies in their own hands together with an unsatisfiable desire of prevailing in their right or in their wrong they have made an absolute destruction of this Topick and when the Fathers speak * Videat Lector Andream Cristovium in Bello Iesuitico Ioh. Reinolds in hbr. de idol Rom. Latine or breathe in a Roman Diocese although the providence of God does infinitely over-rule them and that it is next to a miracle that in the Monuments of Antiquity there is no more found that can pretend for their advantage then there is which indeed is infinitely inconsiderable Yet our Questions and uncertainties are infinitely multiplȳed in stead of a probable and reasonable determination For since the Latines alwayes complain'd of the Greeks for privately corrupting the Ancient Records both of Councels and †Vid. Ep. Nicolai ad Michael Imperat. Fathers and now the Latines make open profession not of corrupting but of correcting their writings that 's the word and at the most it was but a humane authority and that of persons not alwayes learned and very often deceiv'd the whole matter is so unreasonable that it is not worth a further disquisition But if any one desires to enquire further he may be satisfied in Erasmus in Henry and Robert Stephens in their Prefaces before the Editions of Fathers and their Observations upon them in Bellarmine de script Eccles. in Dr. Reynolds de libris Apocryphis in Scaliger and Robert Coke of Leedes in Yorkeshire in his Book De censura Patrum SECT IX Of the incompetency of the Church in its diffusive capacity to be judge of Controversies and the impertinency of that pretence of the Spirit ANd now after all these considerations of the severall Topicks Numb 1. Tradition Councels Popes and ancient Doctors of the Church I suppose it will not be necessary to consider the authority of the Church apart For the Church either speaks by Tradition or by a representative body in a Councel by Popes or by the Fathers for the Church is not a Chimaera not a shadow but a company of men beleeving in Jesus Christ which men either speak by themselves immediately or by their Rulers or by their proxies and representatives now I have considered it in all senses but in its diffusive capacity in which capacity she cannot be supposed to be a Judge of Controversies both because in that capacity she cannot teach us as also because if by a Judge we mean all the Church diffused in all its parts and members so there can be no controversie for if all men be of that opinion then there is no question contested if they be not all of a mind how can the whole diffusive Catholike Church be pretended in defiance of any one article where the diffusive Church being divided part goes this way and part another But if it be said the greatest part must carry it Besides that it is impossible for us to know which way the greatest part goes in many questions it is not alwaies true that the greater part is the best sometimes the contrary is most certain and it is often very probable but it is alwayes possible And when paucity of followers was objected to Liberius he gave this in answer There was a time when but three Children of the Captivity Theod. l. 2. c. 16. hist. resisted the Kings Decree And Athanasius wrote on purpose against those that did judge of truth by multitudes and indeed Tom. 2. it concerned him so to doe when he alone stood in the gap against the numerous armies of the Arrians But if there could in this case be any distinct consideration of Numb 2. the Church yet to know which is the true Church is so hard to be found out that the greatest questions of Christendome are judged before you can get to your Judge and then there is no need of him For those questions which are concerning the Judge of questions must be determined before you can submit to his judgement and if you can your selves determine those great questions which consist much in universalities then also you may determine the particulars as being of less difficulty And he that considers how many notes there are given to know the true Church no less then 15. by Bellarmine and concerning every one of them almost whether it be a certaine note or no there are very many questions and uncertainties and when it is resolved which are the notes there is more dispute about the application of these notes then of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will quickly be satisfied that he had better sit still then to goe round about a difficult and troublesome passage and at last get no further but returne to the place from whence he first set out And there is one note amongst the rest Holiness of Doctrine that is so as to have nothing false either in Doctrina fidei or morum for so Bellarmine explicates it which supposes all your Controversies judged before they can be tryed by the authority of the Church and when we have found out all true Doctrine for that is necessary to judge of the Church by that as Saint Austin's councell is Ecclesiam in verbis Christi investigemus then we are bound to follow because we judge it true not because the Church hath said it and this is to judge of the Church by her Doctrine not of the Doctrine by the Church And indeed it is the best and only way But then how to judge of that Doctrine will be afterwards inquired into In the meane time the Church that is the Governours of the Churches are to judge for themselves for all those who cannot judge for themselves For others they must know that their Governours judge for them too so as to keepe them in peace and obedience though not for the determination of their private perswasions For the Oeconomy of the Church requires that her authority be received by all her children Now this authority is divine in its originall for it derives immediately from Christ but it is humane in its ministration We are to be lead like men not like beasts A rule is prescribed for the guides themselves to follow as we are to follow the guides and although in matters indeterminable or ambiguous the presumption lyes on behalfe of the Governours for we do nothing for authority if we suffer it not to weigh that part down of an indifferency and a question which she chooses yet if there be error manifestus as it often happens or if the Church-Governours themselves be rent into innumerable sects as it is this day in Christendome then we are to be as wise as we can in choosing our guides and then to follow so long as that reason remains for which we first chose them And even in that Government which was an immediate sanction of God I mean the Ecclesiasticall government of the Synagogue where God had consign'd the High-Priests authority
had so expounded it he therefore chose a new one This was malice But when a prejudice works tacitely undiscernably and irresistablâ— of the person so wrought upon the man is to be pityed not condemned though possibly his opinion deserves it highly And therefore it hath been usuall to discredit doctrines by the personall defaillances of them that preach them or with the disreputation of that sect that maintains them in conjunction with other perverse doctrines Faustus the Manichee in S. Austin glories much that in their Religion God was worshipped purely and without Images L. 20. c. 3. cont Faustum Man L. 1. c. ult de Imagin S. Austin liked it well for so it was in his too but from hence Sanders concludes that to pull down Images in Churches was the heresie of the Manichees The Jews endure no Images therefore Bellarmine makes it to be a piece of Judaisme to oppose them He might as well have concluded against saying our prayers and Church musick that it is Judaicall because the Jews used it And De reliq SS l. 2. c. 6. Sect. Nicolaus he would be loth to be served so himself for he that had a mind to use such arguments might with much better probability conclude against their Sacrament of extreme unction because when the miraculous healing was ceased then they were not Catholiques but Heretiques that did transferre it to the use of dying persons sayes Irenaeus for so did the Valentinians And indeed L. 1. c. 8. adv haer this argument is something better then I thought for at first because it was in Irenaeus time reckoned among the heresies But there are a sort of men that are even with them and hate some good things which the Church of Rome teaches because she who teaches so many errors hath been the publisher and is the practicer of those things I confess the thing is alwayes unreasonable but sometimes it is invincible and innocent and then may serve to abate the fury of all such decretory sentences as condemne all the world but their own Disciples 3. There are some opinions that have gone hand in hand with Numb 3. a blessing and a prosperous profession and the good success of their defenders hath amused many good people because they thought they heard Gods voice where they saw Gods hand and therefore have rushed upon such opinions with great piety and as great mistaking For where they once had entertain'd a feare of God and apprehension of his so sensible declaration such a feare produces scruple and a scrupulous conscience is alwayes to be pityed because though it is seldome wise it is alwayes pious And this very thing hath prevail'd so farre upon the understandings even of wise men that Bellarmine makes it a note of the true Church Which opinion when it prevailes is a ready way to make that instead of Martyrs all men should prove hereticks or apostates in persecution for since men in misery are very suspicious out of strong desires to finde out the cause that by removing it they may be relieved they apprehend that to be it that is first presented to their fears and then if ever truth be afflicted she shall also be destroyed I will say nothing in defiance of this fancy although all the experience in the world sayes it is false and that of all men Christians should least believe it to be true to whom a perpetuall crosse is their certain expectation and the argument is like the Moone for which no garment can be fit it alters according to the success of humane affairs and in one age will serve a Papist and in another a Protestant yet when such an opinion does prevaile upon timerous persons the malignity of their error if any be consequent to this fancie and taken up upon the reputation of a prosperous heresie is not to be considered simply and nakedly but abatement is to be made in a just proportion to that feare and to that apprehension 4. Education is so great and so invincible a prejudice that he Numb 4. who masters the inconvenience of it is more to be commended than he can justly be blam'd that complyes with it For men doe not alwayes call them principles which are the prime fountaines of reason from whence such consequents naturally flow as are to guide the actions and discourses of men but they are principles which they are first taught which they suckt in next to their milke and by a proportion to those first principles they usually take their estimate of propositions For whatsoever is taught to them at first they believe infinitely for they know nothing to the contrary they have had no other masters whose theoremes might abate the strength of their first perswasions and it is a great advantage in those cases to get possession and before their first principles can be dislodg'd they are made habituall and complexionall it is in their nature then to believe them and this is helped forward very much by the advantage of love and veneration which we have to the first parents of our perswasions And we see it in the orders of Regulars in the Church of Rome That opinion which was the opinion of their Patron or Founder or of some eminent Personage of the Institute is enough to engage all the Order to be of that opinion and it is strange that all the Dominicans should be of one opinion in the matter of Predetermination and immaculate conception and all the Franciscans of the quite contrary as if their understandings were form'd in a different mold and furnished with various principles by their very rule Now this prejudice works by many principles but how strongly they doe possess the understanding is visible in that great instance of the affection and perfect perswasion the weaker sort of people have to that which they call the Religion of their Forefathers You may as well charm a feaver asleep with the noise of Optima vati ea quae magno ossensu recepta sunt quorumque exempla multa sant nec ad rationem sed ad similitudinem vivimus Sen. Vid. Minut. Fel. octav bells as make any pretence of reason against that Religion which old men have intayl'd upon their heirs male so many generations till they can prescribe And the Apostles found this to be most true in the extremest difficulty they met with to contest against the rites of Moses and the long superstition of the Gentiles which they therefore thought fit to be retain'd because they had done so formerly Pergentes non quo eundum est sed quo itur and all the blessings of this life which God gave them they had in conjunction with their Religion and therefore they beleeved it was for their Religion and this perswasion was bound fast in them with ribs of iron the Apostles were forc'd to unloose the whole conjuncture of parts principles in their understandings before they could make them malleable and receptive of any impresses
admire what they understood not their learning then was in some skill in the Master of the Sentences in Aquinas or Scotus whom they admir'd next to the most intelligent order of Angels hence came opinions that made Sects division of names Thomists Scotists Albertists Nominalls Realls and I know not what monsters of names and whole families of the same opinion the whole institute of an Order being ingag'd to believe according to the opinion of some leading man of the same Order as if such an opinion were imposed upon them in vitute sanctae obedientiae But this inconvenience is greater when the principle of the mistake runs higher when the opinion is deriv'd from a Primitive man and a Saint for then it often happens that what at first was but a plain innocent seduction comes to be made sacred by the veneration which is consequent to the person for having lived long agone and then because the person is also since canoniz'd the error is almost made eternall and the cure desperate These and the like prejudices which are as various as the miseries of humanity or the variety of humane understandings are not absolute excuses unlesse to some persons but truly if they be to any they are exemptions to all from being pressed with too peremptory a sentence against them especially if we consider what leave is given to all men by the church of Rome to follow any one probable Doctor in an opinion which is contested against by many more And as for the Doctors of the other side they being destitute of any pretences to an infallible medium to determine questions must of necessity allow the same liberty to the people to be as prudent as they can in the choice of a fallible guide and when they have chosen if they doe follow him into error the matter is not so inexpiable for being deceiv'd in using the best guides we had which guides because themselves were abused did also against their wills deceive me So that this prejudice may the easier abuse us because it is almost like a duty to follow the dictates of a probable Doctor or if it be over-acted or accidentally passe into an inconvenience it is therefore to be excused because the principle was not ill unlesse we judge by our event not by the antecedent probability Of such men as these it was said by Saint Austin Caeteram turbam non intelligendi vivacitas sed Contr. Fund c. 4. credendi simplicitas tutissimam facit And Gregory Nazianzen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The common sort of people are Orat. 21. safe in their not inquiring by their owne industry and in the simplicity of their understanding relying upon the best guides they can get But this is of such a nature in which as we may inculpably be deceived so we may turne it into a vice or a designe and then Numb 6. the consequent errors will alter the property and become heresies There are some men that have mens persons in admiration because of advantage and some that have itching eares and heap up teachers to themselves In these and the like cases the authority of a person and the prejudices of a great reputation is not the excuse but the fault And a sinne is so farre from excusing an Errour that Errour becomes a sinne by reason of it's relation to that sinne as to it's parent and principle SECT XII Of the innocency of Errour in opinion in a pious person ANd therefore as there are so many innocent causes of Error as there are weaknesses within and harmlesse and unavoydable Numb 1. prejudices from without so if ever errour be procured by a vice it hath no excuse but becomes such a crime of so much malignity as to have influence upon the effect and consequent and by communication makes it become criminall The Apostles noted two such causes Covetousness Ambition the former in them of the Circumcision and the latter in Diotrephes and Simon Magus and there were some that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Tim. 3. they were of the long robe too but they were the she-Disciples upon whose Consciences some false Apostles had influence by advantage of their wantonness and thus the three principles of all sinne become also the principles of heresie the lust of the flesh the lust of the eye and the pride of life And in pursuance of these arts the Devill hath not wanted fuell to set aworke incendiaries in all ages of the church The Bishops were alwayes honourable and most commonly had great revenues and a Bishoprick would satisfie the two designs of Covetousnesse and Ambition and this hath been the golden apple very often contended for and very often the cause of great fires in the Church Thebulis quia rejectus ab Episcopatu Hierosolymitano turbare coepit Ecclesiam said Egesippus in Eusebius Tertullian turn'd Montanist in discontent for missing the Bishoprick of Carthage after Agrippinus and so did Montanus himselfe for the same discontent saith Nicephorus Novatus would have been Bishop of Rome Donatus of Carthage Arrius of Alexandria Aerius of Sebastia but they all missed and therefore all of them vexed Christendome And this was so common a thing that oftentimes the threatning the Church with a schisme or a heresie was a design to get a Bishoprick And Socrates reports of Asterius that he did frequent the Conventicles of the Arrians Nam Episcopatum aliquem ambiebat And setting aside the infirmities of men and their innocent prejudices Epiphanius makes pride to be the onely cause of heresies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pride and Prejudice cause them all the one criminally the other innocently And indeed S. Paul does almost make pride the onely cause of heresies his words cannot be expounded unlesse it be at least the principall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and consents not to sound words and the doctrine that is according to godlinesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The summe is this If ever an opinion be begun with pride or manag'd with impiety or ends in a crime the man turns Heretique Numb 2. but let the error be never so great so it be not against an Article of Creed if it be simple and hath no confederation with the personall iniquity of the man the opinion is as innocent as the person though perhaps as false as he is ignorant and therefore shall burne though he himselfe escape But in these cases and many more for the causes of deception increase by all accidents and weaknesses and illusions no man can give certaine judgement upon the persons of men in particular unlesse the matter of fact and crime be accident and notorious The man cannot by humane judgement be concluded a heretique unlesse his opinion be an open recession from plaine demonstrative divine authority which must needs be notorious voluntary vincible and criminal or that there be a palpable serving of an end accidentall and extrinsecall to the opinion But this latter is very hard
the precept gather not the tares by themselves but let them both grow together till the harvest that is till the day of Judgement This Parable hath been tortur'd infinitely to make it confesse its meaning but we shall soone dispatch it All the difficulty and variety of exposition is reducible to these two questions What is meant by Gather not and what by Tares That is what kind of sword is forbidden and what kind of persons are to be tolerated The former is cleare for the spirituall sword is not forbidden to be used to any sort of criminals for that would destroy the power of excommunication The prohibition therefore lyes against the use of the temporall sword in cutting off some persons Who they are is the next difficulty But by tares or the children of the wicked one are meant either persons of ill lives wicked persons onely in re practicâ or else another kind of evill persons men criminall or faulty in re intellectuali One or other of these two must be meant a third I know not But the former cannot be meant because it would destroy all bodies politique which cannot consist without lawes nor lawes without a compulsory and a power of the sword therefore if criminalls were to be let alone till the day of Judgement bodies politique must stand or fall ad arbitrium impiorum and nothing good could be protected not Innocence it selfe nothing could be secure but violence and tyrannie It followes then that since a kind of persons which are indeed faulty are to be tolerated it must be meant of persons faulty in another kind in which the Gospell had not in other places cleerely established a power externally compulsory and therefore since in all actions practically criminall a power of the sword is permitted here where it is denyed must meane a crime of another kind and by consequence errors intellectuall commonly call'd heresie Numb 7. And after all this the reason there given confirmes this * Vide S. Chrysost homil 47. in Cap. 13. Matth. et S. August interpretation for therefore it is forbidden to cut off these tares lest we also pull up the wheat with them which is the summe of these two last arguments For because Heresie is of so nice consideration and difficult sentence in thinking to root up heresies Quest. in cap. 13 Mat. S. Cyprian Ep. lib. 3 Ep. 1. we may by our * S. Hieron in cap 13. Matth. ait per hanc parabolam significari ne in rebus aubâ—is praecepâ— fiat judicium mistakes destroy true doctrine which although it be possible to be done in all cases of practicall question by mistake yet because externall actions are more discernable then inward speculations and opinions innocent persons are not so Theophyl in 13. Matth. easily mistaken for the guilty in actions criminall as in matters of inward perswasion And upon that very reason Saint Martin was zealous to have procured a revocation of a Commission granted to certaine Tribunes to make enquiry in Spaine for sects and opinions for under colour of rooting out the Priscilianists there was much mischiefe done and more likely to happen to the Orthodox For it happened then as oftentimes since Pallore potius veste quam fide haeretieus dijudicari solebat aliquando per Tribunos Maximi They were no good inquisitors of hereticall pravity so Sulpitius witnesses But secondly the reason sayes that therefore these persons are so to be permitted as not to be persecuted lest when a revolution of humane affaires sets contrary opinions in the throne or chaire they who were persecuted before should now themselves become persecutors of others and so at one time or other before or after the wheat be rooted up and the truth be persecuted But as these reasons confirme the Law and this sense of it so abstracting from the Law it is of it selfe concluding by an argument ab incommodo and that founded upon the Numb 8. principles of justice and right reason as I formerly alledged 4. We are not onely uncertaine of finding out truths in matters disputable but we are certaine that the best and ablest * Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt cum quo labore verum inveniatur quam difficilè caveantur errores Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt quam rarum et arduum sit carnalia phantasmatae piae mentis serenitaete supevare Illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt quibus suspiriis gemitibus fiat ut exquantulaÌ„cunque parte possit intelligi Deus Postremo illi in vos saeviant qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt quali vos deceptos vident Doctors of Christendome have been actually deceived in matters of great concernment which thing is evident in all those instances of persons from whose doctrines all sorts of Christians respectively take liberty to dissent The errors of Papias Irenaeus Lactantius Iustin Martyr in the Millenary opinion of Saint Cyprian Firmilian the Asian and African Fathers in the question of Re-baptization Saint Austin in his decretory and uncharitable sentence against the unbaptized children of Christian parents the Roman or the Greek Doctors in the question of the procession of the holy Ghost and in the matter of images are examples beyond exception 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now if these great personages had been persecuted or destroyed for their opinions who should have answered the invaluable losse the Church of God should have sustained in missing so excellent so exemplary and so great lights But then if these persons erred and by consequence might have been destroyed what should have become of others whose understanding was lower and their security lesse their errors more and their danger greater At this rate all men should have passed through the fire for who can escape when Saint Cyprian and Saint Austin cannot Now to say these persons were not to be persecuted because although they had errors yet none condemned by the Church at that time or before is to say nothing to the purpose nor nothing that is true Not true because Saint Cyprians S. August Contr. Ep. Fund error was condemned by Pope Stephen which in the present sense of the prevailing party in the Church of Rome is to be condemned by the Church Not to the purpose because it is nothing else but to say that the Church did tolerate their errors For since those opinions were open and manifest to the world that the Church did not condemne them it was either because those opinions were by the Church not thought to be errors or if they were yet she thought fit to tolerate the error and the erring person And if she would doe so still it would in most cases be better then now it is And yet if the Church had condemned them it had not altered the case as to this question for either the persons upon the condemnation of their error should have been persecuted or not If not why shall they
impregnable or that he receives a benefit when he is plundered disgraced imprisoned condemned and afflicted neither his sleeps need to be disturbed nor his quietnesse discomposed But if a man cannot change his opinion when helists nor ever does heartily or resolutely but when he cannot do otherwise then to use force may make him an hypocrite but never to be a right beleever and so instead of erecting a trophee to God and true Religion we build a Monument for the Devill Infinite examples are recorded in Church story to this very purpose But Socrates instances in one for all for when Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum was threatned by the Emperour Ualens with banishment and confiscation if he did not subscribe to the decree of Ariminum at last he yeilded to the Arrian opinion and presently fell into great torment of Conscience openly at Cyzicum recanted the errour asked God and the Church forgivenesse and complain'd of the Emperours injustice and that was all the good the Arrian party got by offering violence to his Conscience And so many families in Spain which are as they call them new Christians and of a suspected faith into which they were forc'd by the tyrannie of the Inquisition and yet are secret Moores is evidence enough of the * Ejusmodi fuit Hipponensium conversio cujus quidem species decepit August ita ut opinaretur haereticos licet non morte trucidandos vi tamen coercendos Experientiaenim demonstravit eos tam facile ad Arianismum transiisse atque ad Cathelicismum cum Arriani Principes rerum in ed civitate petirentur inconvenience of preaching a doctrine in ore gladii cruentandi For it either punishes a man for keeping a good conscience or forces him into a bad it either punishes sincerity or perswades hypocrisie it persecutes a truth or drives into error and it teaches a man to dissemble and to be safe but never to be honest 8. It is one of the glories of Christian Religion that it was so pious excellent miraculous and petswasive that it came in upon its owne piety and wisdome with no other force but a torrent Numb 12. of arguments and demonstration of the Spirit a mighty rushing wind to beat downe all strong holds and every high thought and imagination but towards the persons of men it was alwayes full of meeknesse and charity complyance and toleration condescension and bearing with one another restoring persons overtaken with an error in the spirit of meeknesse considering lest we also be tempted The consideration is as prudent and the proposition as just as the precept is charitable and the precedent was pious and holy Now things are best conserved with that which gives it the first being and which is agreeable to its temper and constitution That precept which it chiefly preaches in order to all the blessednesse in the world that is of meekness mercy and charity should also preserve it selfe and promote its owne interest For indeed nothing will doe it so well nothing doth so excellently insinuate it selfe into the understandings and affections of men as when the actions and perswasions of a sect and every part and principle and promotion are univocall And it would be a mighty disparagement to so glorious an institution that in its principle it should be mercifull and humane and in the promotion and propagation of it so inhumane And it would be improbable and unreasonable that the sword should be used in the perswasion of one proposition and yet in the perswasion of the whole Religion nothing like it To doe so may serve the end of a temporall Prince but never promote the honour of Christs Kingdome it may secure a designe of Spaine but will very much disserve Christendome to offer to support it by that which good men believe to be a distinctive cognisance of the Mahumetan Religion from the excellencie and piety of Christianity whose sense and spirit is described in those excellent words of S. Paul 2 Tim. 2. 24. The servant of the Lord must not strive but be gentle unto all men in meeknesse instructing those that oppose themselves if God peradventure will give them repentance to the acknowledging the truth They that oppose themselves must not be strucken by any of Gods servants and if yet any man will smite these who are his opposites in opinion he will get nothing by that he must quit the title of being a servant of God for his paines And I think a distinction of persons Secular and Ecclesiasticall will doe no advantage for an escape because even the Secular power if it be Christian and a servant of God must not be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I meane in those cases where meeknesse of instruction is the remedy or if the case be irremediable abscission by Censures is the penalty 9. And if yet in the nature of the thing it were neither unjust Numb 13. nor unreasonable yet there is nothing under God Almighty that hath power over the soule of man so as to command a perswasion or to judge a disagreeing Humane positive Lawes direct all externall acts in order to severall ends and the Judges take cognisance accordingly but no man can command the will or punish him that obeys the Law against his will for because its end is served in externall obedience it neither looks after more neither can it be served by more nor take notice of any more And yet possibly the understanding is lesse subject to humane power then the will for that humane power hath a command over externall acts which naturally and regularly flow from the will ut plurimùm suppose a direct act of will but alwayes either a direct or indirect volition primary or accidentall but the understanding is a naturall faculty subject to no command but where the command is it selfe a reason fit to satisfie and perswade it And therefore God commanding us to beleeve such revelations perswades and satisfies the understanding by his commanding and revealing for there is no greater probation in the world that a proposition is true then because God hath commanded us to believe it But because no mans command is a satisfaction to the understanding or a verification of the proposition therefore the understanding is not subject to humane authority They may perswade but not enjoyne where God hath not and where God hath if it appeares so to him he is an Infidell if he does not beleeve it And if all men have no other efficacie or authority on the understanding but by perswasion proposall and intreaty then a man is bound to assent but according to the operation of the argument and the energie of perswasion neither indeed can he though he would never so faine and he that out of feare and too much complyance and desire to be safe shall desire to bring his understanding with some luxation to the beliefe of humane dictates and authorities may as often misse of the truth as hit it but is sure alwaies to
life for in matters speculative as all determinations are fallible so scarce any of them are to purpose nor ever able to make compensation of either side either for the publike fraction or the particular injustice if it should so happen in the censure But then as the Church may proceed thus far yet no Christian man or Community of men may proceed farther For if they Numb 2. be deceived in their judgement and censure and yet have passed onely spirituall censures they are totally ineffectuall and come to nothing there is no effect remaining upon the soule and such censures are not to meddle with the body so much as indirectly But if any other judgement passe upon persons erring such judgements whose effects remaine if the person be unjustly censured nothing will answer and make compensation for such injuries If a person be excommunicate unjustly it will doe him no hurt but if he be killed or dismembred unjustly that censure and infliction is not made ineffectuall by his innocence he is certainly kill'd and dismembred So that as the Churches authority in such cases so restrained and made prudent cautelous and orderly is just and competent so the proceeding is reasonable it is provident for the publike and the inconveniences that may fall upon particulars so little as that the publique benefit makes ample compensation so long as the proceeding is but spirituall This discourse is in the case of such opinions which by the former rules are formall heresies and upon practicall inconveniences Numb 3. But for matters of question which have not in them an enmity to the publique tranquillity as the Republique hath nothing to doe upon the ground of all the former discourses so if the Church meddles with them where they doe not derive into ill life either in the person or in the consequent or else are destructions of the foundation of Religion which is all one for that those fundamentall articles are of greatest necessity in order to a vertuous and godly life which is wholly built upon them and therefore are principally necessary If she meddles further otherwise then by preaching and conferring and exhortation she becomes tyrannicall in her government makes her selfe an immediate judge of consciences and perswasions lords it over their faith destroyes unity and charity and as if he that dogmatizes the opinion becomes criminall if he troubles the Church with an immodest peevish and pertinacious proposall of his article not simply necessary so the Church does not doe her duty if she so condemnes it pro tribunali as to enjoyne him and all her subjects to beleeve the contrary And as there may be pertinacy in doctrine so there may be pertinacy in judging and both are faults The peace of the Church and the unity of her doctrine is best conserved when it is judged by the proportion it hath to that rule of unity which the Apostles gave that is the Creed for Articles of meer beliefe and the precepts of Jesus Christ and the practicall rules of piety which are most plaine and easie and without controversie set downe in the Gospels and Writings of the Apostles But to multiply articles and adopt them into the family of the faith and to require assent to such articles which as S. Pauls phrase is are of doubtfull disputation equall to that assent wee give to matters of faith is to build a Tower upon the top of a Bulrush and the further the effect of such proceedings does extend the worse they are the very making such a Law is unreasonable the inflicting spirituall censures upon them that cannot doe so much violence to their understanding as to obey it is unjust and ineffectuall but to punish the person with death or with corporall infliction indeed it is effectuall but it is therefore tyrannicall We have seen what the Church may doe towards restraining false or differing opinions next I shall consider by way of Corollarie what the Prince may doe as for his interest and onely in securing his people and serving the ends of true Religion SECT XVI Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions FOr upon these very grounds we may easily give account of Numb 1. that great question Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions For first it is a great fault that men will call the severall sects of Christians by the names of severall Religions The Religion of JESUS CHRIST is the forme of sound doctrine and wholsome words which is set downe in Scripture indefinitely actually conveyed to us by plaine places and separated as for the question of necessary or not necessary by the Symbol of the Apostles Those impertinencies which the wantonness and vanity of men hath commenced which their interests have promoted which serve not truth so much as their own ends are farre from being distinct Religions for matters of opinion are no parts of the worship of God nor in order to it but as they promote obedience to his Commandments and when they contribute towards it are in that proportion as they contribute parts and actions and minute particulars of that Religion to whose end they doe or pretend to serve And such are all the sects and all the pretences of Christians but pieces and minutes of Christianity if they doe serve the great end as every man for his owne sect and interest beleeves for his share it does 2. Tolleration hath a double sense or purpose for sometimes by it men understand a publick licence and exercise of a sect Sometimes it is onely an indemnity of the persons privately to convene and to opine as they see cause and as they meane to answer to God Both these are very much to the same purpose unlesse some persons whom we are bound to satisfie be scandaliz'd and then the Prince is bound to doe as he is bound to satisfie To God it is all one For abstracting from the offence of persons which is to be considered just as our obligation is to content the persons it is all one whether we indulge to them to meet publikely or privately to do actions of Religion concerning which we are not perswaded that they are truely holy To God it is just one to be in the dark and in the light the thing is the same onely the Circumstance of publick and private is different which cannot be concerned in any thing nor can it concerne any thing but the matter of Scandall and relation to the minds and fantasies of certaine persons 3. So that to tolerate is not to persecute And the question Numb 3. whether the Prince may tollerate divers perswasions is no more then whether he may lawfully persecute any man for not being of his opinion Now in this case he is just so to tollerate diversity of perswasions as he is to tolerate publike actions for no opinion is judicable nor no person punishable but for a sin and if his opinion by reason
Numb 1. to practicall Conclusions and consider among the differing sects and opinions which trouble these parts of Christendome and come into our concernment which sects of Christians are to be tolerated and how farre and which are to be restrained and punished in their severall proportions The first consideration is that since diversity of opinions does Numb 2. more concerne publike peace then religion what is to be done to persons who disobey a publike sanction upon a true allegation that they cannot believe it to be lawfull to obey such constitutions although they dis-believe them upon insufficient grounds that is whether in constituta lege disagreeing persons or weake consciences are to be complyed withall and their disobeying and disagreeing tolerated 1. In this question there is no distinction can be made between Numb 3. persons truely weake and but pretending so For all that pretend to it are to be allowed the same liberty whatsoever it be for no mans spirit is knowne to any but to God and himselfe and therefore pretences and realityes in this case are both alike in order to the publike toleration And this very thing is one argument to perswade a Negative For the chiefe thing in this case is the concernment of publique government which is then most of all violated when what may prudently be permitted to some purposes may be demanded to many more and the piety of the Lawes abused to the impiety of other mens ends And if laws be made so malleable as to comply with weak consciences he that hath a mind to disobey is made impregnable against the coercitive power of the Law by this pretence For a weak conscience signifyes nothing in this case but a dislike of the Law upon a contrary perswasion For if some weak consciences doe obey the law and others doe not it is not their weaknesse indefinitely that is the cause of it but a definite and particular perswasion to the contrary So that if such a pretence be excuse sufficient from obeying then the law is a sanction obliging every one to obey that hath a mind to it and he that hath not may choose that is it is no Law at all for he that hath a mind to it may doe it if there be no Law and he that hath no mind to it need not for all the Law And therefore the wit of man cannot prudently frame a law Numb 4. of that temper and expedient but either he must lose the formality of a law and neither have power coercitive nor obligatory but ad arbitrium inferiorum or else it cannot antecedently to the particular case give leave to any sort of men to disagree or disobey 2. Suppose that a Law be made with great reason so as to satisfie divers persons pious prudent that it complyes with the necessity Numb 5. of government and promotes the interest of Gods service and publike order it may easily be imagined that these persons which are obedient sons of the Church may be as zealous for the publike order and discipline of the Church as others for their opinion against it and may be as much scandalized if disobedience be tolerated as others are if the Law be exacted and what shall be done in this case Both sorts of men cannot be complyed withall because as these pretend to be offended at the Law and by consequence if they understand the consequents of their owne opinion at them that obey the Law so the others are justly offended at them that unjustly disobey it If therefore there be any on the right side as confident and zealous as they who are on the wrong side then the disagreeing persons are not to be complyed with to avoid giving offence for if they be offence is given to better persons and so the mischiefe which such complying seeks to prevent is made greater and more unjust obedience is discouraged and disobedience is legally canonized for the result of a holy and a tender conscience 3. Such complying with the disagreeings of a sort of men is Numb 6. the totall overthrow of all Discipline and it is better to make no Lawes of publique worship then to rescind them in the very constitution and there can be no end in making the sanction but to make the Law ridiculous and the authority contemptible For to say that complying with weake consciences in the very framing of a Law of Discipline is the way to preserve unity were all one as to say To take away all Lawes is the best way to prevent disobedience In such matters of indifferencie the best way of cementing the fraction is to unite the parts in the authority for then the question is but one viz. Whether the authority must be obeyed or not But if a permission be given of disputing the particulars the questions become next to infinite A Mirrour when it is broken represents the object multiplyed and divided but if it be entire and through one centre transmits the species to the eye the Vision is one and naturall Lawes are the Mirrour in which men are to dresse and compose their actions and therefore must not be broken with such clauses of exception which may without remedy be abused to the prejudice of authority and peace and all humane sanctions And I have knowne in some Churches that this pretence hath been nothing but a designe to discredit the Law to dismantle the authority that made it to raise their owne credit and a trophey of their zeale to make it a characteristick note of a sect and the cognisance of holy persons and yet the men that claim'd exemption from the Lawes upon pretence of having weake consciences if in hearty expression you had told them so to their heads they would have spit in your face and were so farre from confessing themselves weake that they thought themselves able to give Lawes to Christendome to instruct the greatest Clerks and to Catechize the Church her selfe And which is the worst of all they who were perpetually clamorous that the severity of the Lawes should slacken as to their particular and in matter adiaphorous in which if the Church hath any authority she hath power to make Lawes to indulge a leave to them to doe as they list yet were the most imperious amongst men most decretory in their sentences and most impatient of any disagreeing from them though in the least minute and particular whereas by all the justice of the world they who perswade such a complyance in matters of fact and of so little question should not deny to tolerate persons that differ in questions of great difficulty and contestation 4. But yet since all things almost in the world have beene Numb 7. made matters of dispute and the will of some men and the malice of others and the infinite industry and pertinacie of contesting and resolution to conquer hath abused some persons innocently into a perswasion that even the Lawes themselves though never so
contend he hath not the Argument is invalid And as we are sure that God hath not commanded Infants to be baptized so we are sure God will doe them no injustice nor damn them for what they cannot help And therefore let them be pressed with all the inconveniences that are consequent to Originall sinne yet either it will not be Numb 16. laid to the charge of Infants so as to be sufficient to condemn them or if it could yet the mercy and absolute goodnesse of God will secure them if he takes them away before they can glorifie him with a free obedience Quid ergo festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum was the Question of Tertullian lib. de bapt he knew no such danger from their Originall guilt as to drive them to a laver of which in that Age of innocence they had no need as he conceived And therefore there is no necessity of flying to the help of others for tongue and heart and faith and predispositions to baptism for what need all this stirre as Infants without their own consent without any act of their own and without any exteriour solennity contracted the guilt of Adams sinne and so are lyable to all the punishment which can with justice descend upon his posterity who are personally innocent so Infants shall be restored without any solennity or act of their own or of any other men for them by the second Adam by the redemption of Jesus Christ by his righteousnesse and mercies applyed either immediatly or how or when he shall be pleased to appoint And so Austin's Argument will come to nothing without any need of Godfathers or the faith of any body else And it is too narrow a conception of God Almighty because he hath tyed us to the observation of the Ceremonies of his own institution that therefore he hath tyed himselfe to it Many thousand wayes there are by which God can bring any reasonable soule to himselfe But nothing is more unreasonable then because he hath tyed all men of years and discretion to this way therefore we of our own heads shall carry Infants to him that way without his direction The conceit is poore and low and the action consequent to it is too bold and ventrous mysterium meum mihi filiis domus meae Let him doe what he please to Infants wee must not Only this is certain that God hath as great care of Infants as of others and because they have no capacity of doing such acts Numb 17. as may be in order to acquiring salvation God will by his own immediate mercy bring them thither where he hath intended them but to say that therefore he will doe it by an externall act and ministery and that confin'd to a particular viz. This Rite and no other is no good Argument unlesse God could not doe it without such meanes or that he had said he would not And why cannot God as well doe his mercies to Infants now immediately as he did before the institution either of Circumcision or Baptism However there is no danger that Infants should perish for want of this externall Ministery much lesse for prevaricating Numb 18. Christs precept of Nisiquis renatus fuerit c. For first the Water and the Spirit in this place signifie the same thing and by Water is meant the effect of the Spirit cleansing and purifying the Soule as appears in its parallel place of Christ baptizing with the Spirit and with Fire For although this was literally fulfilled in Pentecost yet morally there is more in it for it is the sign of the effect of the holy Ghost and his productions upon the soule and it was an excellency of our blessed Saviour's office that he baptizes all that come to him with the holy Ghost and with fire for so S. John preferring Christs mission and office before his own tells the Jewes not Christ's Disciples that Christ shall baptize them with Fire and the holy Spirit that is all that come to him as John the Baptist did with water for so lies the Antithesis And you may as well conclude that Infants must also passe through the fire as through the water And that we may not think this a trick to elude the pressure of this place Peter sayes the same thing for when he had said that Baptism saves us he addes by way of explication not the washing of the flesh but the confidence of a good Conscience towards God plainly saying that it is not water or the purifying of the body but the cleansing of the Spirit that does that which is supposed to be the effect of Baptism and if our Saviour's exclusive negative be expounded by analogy to this of Peter as certainly the other parallel instance must and this may then it will be so farre from proving the necessity of Infants Baptism that it can conclude for no man that he is oblig'd to the Rite and the doctrine of the Baptism is only to derive from the very words of Institution and not be forced from words which were spoken before it was Ordain'd But to let passe this advantage and to suppose it meant of externall Baptism yet this no more inferres a necessity of Infant 's Baptism then the other words of Christ inferre a necessity to give them the holy Communion Nisi comederitis carnem filii hominis biberitis sangninem non introibitis in regnum coelonum and yet we doe not think these words sufficient Argument to communicate them if men therefore will doe us Justice either let them give both Sacraments to Infants as some Ages of the Church did or neither For the wit of man is not able to shew a disparity in the Sanction or in the Energie of its expression And therefore they were honest that understood the obligation to be parallel and performed it accordingly and yet because we say they were deceived in one instance and yet the obligation all the world cannot reasonably say but is the same they are as honest and as reasonable that doe neither And since the Ancient Church did with an equall opinion of necessity give them the Communion and yet men nowadayes do not why shall men be more burthened with a prejudice and a name of obloquy for not giving the Infants one Sacrament more then they are disliked for not affording them the other If Anabaptist shall be a name of digrace why shall not some other name be invented for them that deny to communicate Infants which shall be equally disgracefull or else both the opinions signified by such names be accounted no disparagement but receive their estimate according to their truth Of which truth since we are now taking account from pretences Numb 19. of Scripture it is considerable that the discourse of S. Peter which is pretended for the intitling Infants to the Promise of the holy Ghost and by consequence to Baptism which is supposed to be its instrument and conveyance is wholly a
the greatest vanity in the world For when God hath made a Promise pertaining also to our Children for so our Adversaries contend and we also acknowledge in its true sense shall not this Promise this word of God be of sufficient truth certainty and efficacy to cause comfort unlesse we tempt God and require a sign of him May not Christ say to these men as sometime to the Jewes a wicked and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign but no sign shall be given unto it But the truth on 't is this Argument is nothing but a direct quarrelling with God Almighty Now since there is no strength in the Doctrinall part the Numb 23. practise and precedents Apostolicall and Ecclesiasticall will be of lesse concernment if they were true as is pretended because actions Apostolicall are not alwayes Rules for ever it might be fit for them to doe it pro loco tempore as divers others of their Institutions but yet no engagement past thence upon following Ages for it might be convenient at that time in the new spring of Christianity and till they had engag'd a considerable party by that meanes to make them parties against the Gentiles Superstition and by way of pre-occupation to ascertain them to their own sect when they came to be men or for some other reason not trasmitted to us because the Question of fact it selfe is not sufficiently determin'd For the insinuation of that precept of baptizing all Nations of which Children certainly are a part does as little advantage as any of the rest because other parallel expressions of Scripture doe determine and expound themselves to a sence that includes not all persons absolutely but of a capable condition as adorate eum omnes gentes psallite Deo omnes nationes terrae and divers more As for the conjecture concerning the Family of Stephanus Numb 24. at the best it is but a conjecture and besides that it is not prov'd that there were Children in the Family yet if that were granted it followes not that they were baptized because by whole Families in Scripture is meant all persons of reason and age within the Family for it is said of the Ruler at Capernaum Ioh. 4. that he believed and all his house Now you may also suppose that in his house were little Babes that is likely enough and you may suppose that they did believe too before they could understand but that 's not so likely and then the Argument from baptizing of Stephen's houshold may bee allowed just as probable But this is unman-like to build upon such slight aery conjectures But Tradition by all meanes must supply the place of Scripture Numb 25. and there is pretended a Tradition Apostolicall that Infants were baptized But at this we are not much moved For we who rely upon the written Word of God as sufficient to establish all true Religion doe not value the Allegation of Tradions And however the world goes none of the Reformed Churches can pretend this Argument against this opinion because they who reject Tradition when t is against them must not pretend it at all for them But if wee should allow the Topick to be good yet how will it be verified for so farre as it can yet appeare it relies wholly upon the Testimony of Origen for from him Austin had it Now a Tradition Apostolicall if it be not consign'd with a fuller Testimony then of one person whom all after-Ages have condemn'd of many errors will obtain so little reputation amongst those who know that things have upon greater Authority pretended to derive from the Apostles and yet falsly that it will be a great Argument that he is credulons and weak that shall be determin'd by so weak probation in matters of so great concernment And the truth of the businesse is as there was no command of Scripture to oblige Children to the susception of it so the necessity of Paedobaptism was not determin'd in the Church till in the eighth Age after Christ but in the yeare 418 in the Milevitan Councell a Provinciall of Africa there was a Canon made for Paedo-baptism never till then I grant it was practiz'd in Africa before that time and they or some of them thought well of it and though that be no Argument for us to think so yet none of them did ever before pretend it to be necessary none to have been a precept of the Gospel S. Austin was the first that ever preach'd it to be absolutely necessary and it was in his heat and anger against Pelagius who had warm'd and chafed him so in that Question that it made him innovate in other doctrines possibly of more concernment then this And that although this was practised anciently in Africa yet that it was without an opinion of necessity and not often there nor at all in other places we have the Testimony of a learned Paedo-baptist Ludovicus Vives who in his Annotations upon S. Austin De Civit. Dei l. 1. c. 27. affirms Neminem nisi adultum antiquitùs solere baptizari But besides that the Tradition cannot be proved to be Apostolicall we have very good evidence from Antiquity that it Numb 26. was the opinion of the Primitive Church that Infants ought not to be baptiz'd and this is clear in the sixth Canon of the Councell of Neocaesarea The words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The sence is this A woman with child may be baptized when she please For her Baptism concernes not the child The reason of the connexion of the parts of that Canon is in the following words because every one in that Confession is to give a demonstration of his own choyce and election Meaning plainly that if the Baptism of the Mother did also passe upon the child it were not fit for a pregnant woman to receive Baptism because in that Sacrament there being a Confession of Faith which Confession supposes understanding and free choyce it is not reasonable the child should be consign'd with such a mystery since it cannot doe any act of choyce or understanding The Canon speaks reason and it intimates a practise which was absolutely universall in the Church of interrogating the Catechumens concerning the Articles of Creed Which is one Argument that either they did not admit Infants to Baptism or that they did prevaricate egregiously in asking Questions of them who themselves knew were not capable of giving answer And to supply their incapacity by the Answer of a Godfather Numb 27. Quid ni necesse est sie legit Franc. Iunius in notis ad Tertul. sponsores eti am periculo ingeri qui ipsi per mortalitatem destituere promissiones suas possint proventu malae indolis falli Tertul lib. de baptis cap. 18. is but the same unreasonablenesse acted with a worse circumstance And there is no sensible account can be given of it for that which some imperfectly murmure concerning stipulations civill perform'd by Tutors in
doe make it it is to no purpose This would bee considered And in Conclusion Our way is the the surer way for not to baptize Children till they can give an account of their Faith is Numb 32. the most proportionable to an act of reason and humanity and it can have no danger in it For to say that Infants may be damn'd for want of Baptism a thing which is not in their power to acquire they being persons not yet capable of a Law is to affirm that of God which we dare not say of any wise and good man Certainly it is much derogatory to Gods Justice and a plaine defiance to the infinite reputation of his goodnesse And therefore who ever will pertinaciously persist in this opinion Numb 33. of the Paedo-baptists and practise it accordingly they pollute the blood of the everlasting Testament they dishonour and make a pageantry of the Sacrament they ineffectually represent a sepulture into the death of Christ and please themselves in a sign without effect making Baptism like the fig-tree in the Gospel full of leaves but no fruit And they invocate the holy Ghost in vaine doing as if one should call upon him to illuminate a stone or a tree Thus farre the Anabaptists may argue and men have Disputed Numb 34. against them with so much weaknesse and confidence that they have been encouraged in their errour * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Nazianzen observes of the case of the Church in his time more by the accidentall advantages we have given them by our weak arguings then by any truth of their cause or excellency of their wit But the use I make of it as to our present Question is this That since there is no direct impiety in the opinion nor any that is apparently consequent to it and they with so much probability doe or may pretend to true perswasion they are with all meanes Christian faire and humane to be redargued or instructed but if they cannot be perswaded they must be left to God who knowes every degree of every mans understanding all his weaknesses and strengths what impresse each Argument makes upon his Spirit and how unresistible every reason is and he alone judges his innocency and sincerity and for the Question I think there is so much to be pretended against that which I believe to be the truth that there is much more truth then evidence on our side and therefore we may be confident as for our own particulars but not too forward peremptorily to prescribe to others much lesse damne or to kill or to persecute them that only in this particular disagree SECT XIX That there may be no Toleration of Doctrines inconsistent with piety or the pulique good BUt then for their other capitall Opinion with all its branches Numb 1. that it is not lawfull for Princes to put Malefactors to death nor to take up desensive Armes nor to minister an Oath nor to contend in judgement it is not to be disputed with such liberty as the former For although it bee part of that Doctrine which Clemens Alexandrinus sayes was delivered per secretam traditionem Apostolorum Non licere Christianis contendere L. 7. Stromat in Iudicio nec corà m gentibus nec corà m sanctis perfectum non debere Iurare and the other part seemes to be warranted by the eleventh Canon of the Nicene Councell which enjoynes penance to them that take Armes after their conversion to Christianity yet either these Authorities are to be slighted or be made receptive of any interpretation rather then the Common-wealth be disarmed of its necessary supports and all Lawes made ineffectuall and impertinent For the interest of the republique and the well being of bodies politick is not to depend upon the nicety of our imaginations or the fancies of any peevish or mistaken Priests and there is no reason a Prince should ask John-a-Brunck whether his understanding will give him leave to raign and be a King Nay suppose there were divers places of Scripture which did seemingly restraine the Politicall use of the Sword yet since the avoyding a personall inconvenience hath by all men been accounted sufficient reason to expound Scripture to any sense rather then the literall which inferres an unreasonable inconvenience and therefore the pulling out an eye and the cutting off a hand is expounded by mortifying a vice and killing a criminall habit much rather must the Allegations against the power of the Sword endure any sence rather then it should be thought that Christianity should destroy that which is the only instrument of Justice the restraint of vice and support of bodies politick It is certain that Christ and his Apostles and Christian Religion did comply with the most absolute Government and the most imperiall that was then in the world and it could not have been at all indured in the world if it had not for indeed the world it selfe could not last in regular and orderly communities of men but be a perpetuall confusion if Princes and the Supreme Power in Bodies Politick were not armed with a coercive power to punish Malefactors The publike necessity and universall experience of all the world convinces those men of being most unreasonable that make such pretences which destroy all Lawes and all Communities and the bands of civill Societies and leave it arbitrary to every vaine or vitious person whether men shall be safe or Lawes be established or a Murderer hang'd or Princes Rule So that in this case men are not so much to Dispute with particular Arguments as to consider the Interest and concernment of Kingdomes and Publick Societies For the Religion of Jesus Christ is the best establisher of the felicity of private persons and of publick Communities it is a Religion that is prudent and innocent humane and reasonable and brought infinite advantages to mankind but no inconvenience nothing that is unnaturall or unsociable or unjust And if it be certain that this world cannot be governed without Lawes and Lawes without a compulsory signifie nothing then it is certain that it is no good Religion that teaches Doctrine whose consequents will destroy all Government and therefore it is as much to be rooted out as any thing that is the greatest pest and nuisance to the publick interest And that we may guesse at the purposes of the men and the inconvenience of such Doctrine these men that did first intend by their Doctrine to disarme all Princes and bodies Politick did themselves take up armes to establish their wild and impious fancie and indeed that Prince or Common-wealth that should be perswaded by them would be exposed to all the insolencies of forraingners and all mutinies of the teachers themselves and the Governours of the people could not doe that duty they owe to their people of protecting them from the rapine and malice which will be in the world as long as the world is And therefore here they are to be
restrained from preaching such Doctrine if they mean to preserve their Government and the necessity of the thing will justifie the lawfulnesse of the thing If they think it to themselves that cannot be helped so long it is innocent as much as concernes the Publick but if they preach it they may be accounted Authors of all the consequent inconveniences and punisht accordingly No Doctrine that destroyes Government is to be endured For although those Doctrines are not alwayes good that serve the private ends of Princes or the secret designes of State which by reason of some accidents or imperfections of men may be promoted by that which is false and pretending yet no Doctrine can be good that does not comply with the formality of Government it selfe and the well being of bodies Politick Augur cum esset Cato dicere ausus est optimis auspiciis ea geri Cicero de senectute quae pro Reipub. salute gererentur quae contra Rempub. fierent contra auspicia fieri Religion is to meliorate the condition of a people not to doe it disadvantange and therefore those Doctrines that inconvenience the Publick are no parts of good Religion ut Respub salva fit is a necessary consideration in the permission of Prophecyings for according to the true solid and prudent ends of the Republick so is the Doctrine to be permitted or restrained and the men that preach it according as they are good Subjects and right Common-wealths men For Religion is a thing superinduced to temporall Government and the Church is an addition of a capacity to a Common-wealth and therefore is in no sense to disserve the necessity and just interests of that to which it is super-added for its advantage and conservation And thus by a proportion to the Rules of these instances all Numb 2. their other Doctrines are to have their judgement as concerning Toleration or restraint for all are either speculative or practicall they are consistent with the Publick ends or inconsistent they teach impiety or they are innocent and they are to be permitted or rejected accordingly For in the Question of Toleration the foundation of Faith good life and Government is to be secured in all others cases the former considerations are effectuall SECT XX. How farre the Religion of the Church of Rome is Tolerable But now concerning the Religion of the Church of Rome which was the other instance I promised to consider we Numb 1. will proceed another way and not consider the truth or falsity of the Doctrines for that is not the best way to determine this Question concerning permitting their Religion or Assemblies because that a thing is not true is not Argument sufficient to conclude that he that believes it true is not to bee endured but we are to consider what inducements there are that possesse the understanding of those men whether they be reasonable and innocent sufficient to abuse or perswade wise and good men or whether the Doctrines be commenc'd upon designe and manag'd with impiety and then have effects not to be endured And here first I consider that those Doctrines that have Numb 2. had long continuance and possession in the Church cannot easily be supposed in the present Professors to be a design since they have received it from so many Ages and it is not likely that all Ages should have the same purposes or that the same Doctrine should serve the severall ends of divers Ages But however long prescription is a prejudice oftentimes so insupportable that it cannot with many Arguments be retrench'd as relying upon these grounds that truth is more ancient then falshood that God would not for so many Ages forsake his Church and leave her in an errour that whatsoever is new is not only suspicious but false which are suppositions pious and plausible enough And if the Church of Rome had communicated Infants so long as she hath prayed to Saints or baptized Infants the communicationg would have been believed with as much confidence as the other Articles are and the dissentients with as much impatience rejected But this consideration is to be enlarg'd upon all those particulars which as they are apt to abuse the persons of the men and amuse their understandings so they are instruments of their excuse and by making their errours to be invincible and their opinions though false yet not criminall make it also to be an effect of reason and charity to permit the men a liberty of their Conscience and let them answer to God for themselves and their own opinions Such as are the beauty and splendor of their Church their pompous Service the statelinesse and solennity of the Hierarchy their name of Catholick which they suppose their own due and to concern no other Sect of Christians the Antiquity of many of their Doctrines the continuall Succession of their Bishops their immediate derivation from the Apostles their Title to succeed S. Peter the supposall and pretence of his personall Prerogatives the advantages which the conjunction of the Imperiall Seat with their Episcopall hath brought to that Sea the flattering expressions of minor Bishops which by being old Records have obtain'd credibility the multitude and variety of people which are of their perswasion apparent consent with Antiquity in many Ceremonialls which other Churches have rejected and a pretended and sometimes an apparent consent with some elder Ages in many matters doctrinall the advantage which is derived to them by entertaining some personall opinions of the Fathers which they with infinite clamours see to bee cryed up to be a Doctrine of the Church of that time The great consent of one part with another in that which most of them affim to be de fide the great differences which are commenc'd amongst their Adversaries abusing the Liberty of Prophecying unto a very great licentiousnesse their happinesse of being instruments in converting divers Nations the advantages of Monarchicall Government the benefit of which as well as the inconveniences which though they feele they consider not they daily doe enjoy the piety and the austerity of their Religious Orders of men and women the single life of their Priests and Bishops the riches of their Church the severity of their Fasts and their exteriour observances the great reputation of their first Bishops for Faith and sanctity the known holinesse of some of those persons whose Institutes the Religious Persons pretend to imitate their Miracles false or true substantiall or imaginary the casualties and accidents that have hapned to their Adversaries which being chances of humanity are attributed to severall causes according as the fancies of men and their Interests are pleased or satisfied the temporall selicity of their Professors the oblique arts indirect proceedings of some of those who departed from them and amongst many other things the names of Heretick and Schismatick which they with infinite pretinacy fasten upon all that disagree from them These things and divers others may very easily perswade
persons of much reason and more piety to retain that which they know to have been the Religion of their fore-Fathers which had actuall possession and seizure of mens understandings before the opposite professions had a name And so much the rather because Religion hath more advantages upon the fancy and affections then it hath upon Philosophy and severe discourses and therefore is the more easily perswaded upon such grounds as these which are more apt to amuse then to satisfie the understanding Secondly If we consider the Doctrines themselves we shall Numb 3. finde them to be superstructures ill built and worse manag'd but yet they keep the foundation they build upon God in Jesus Christ they professe the Apostles Creed they retain Faith and Repentance as the supporters of all our hopes of Heaven and believe many more truths then can be proved to be of simple and originall necessity to salvation And therefore all the wisest Personages of the adverse party allowed to them possibility of salvation whilst their errours are not faults of their will but weaknesses and deceptions of the understanding So that there is nothing in the foundation of Faith that can reasonably hinder them to be permitted The foundation of Faith stands secure enough for all their vaine and unhandsome superstructures But then on the other side if we take account of their Doctrines as they relate to good life or are consistent or inconsistent with civill Government we shall have other considerations Thirdly For I consider that many of their Doctrines doe Numb 4. accidentally teach or lead to ill life and it will appeare to any man that considers the result of these propositions Attrition which is a low and imperfect degree of sorrow for sin or as others say a sorrow for sinne commenc'd upon any reason of temporall hope or feare or desire or any thing else is a sufficient disposition for a man in the Sacrament of penance to receive absolution and be justified before God by taking away the guilt of all his sinnes and the obligation to eternall paines So that already the feare of Hell is quite removed upon conditions so easie that many men take more paines to get a groat then by this Doctrine we are oblig'd to for the curing and acquitting all the greatest sinnes of a whole life of the most vitious person in the world And but that they affright their people with a feare of Purgatory or with the severity of Penances in case they will not venter for Purgatory for by their Doctrine they may chuse or refuse either there would be nothing in their Doctrine or Discipline to impede and slacken their proclivity to sinne but then they have as easy a cure for that too with a little more charge sometimes but most commonly with lesse trouble For there are so many confraternities so many priviledged Churches Altars Monasteries Coemeteries Offices Festivals and so free a concession of Indulgences appendant to all these and a thousand fine devices to take away the feare of Purgatory to commute or expiate Penances that in no sect of men doe they with more ease and cheapnesse reconcile a wicked life with the hopes of heaven then in the Roman Communion And indeed if men would consider things upon their true Numb 5. grounds the Church of Rome should be more reproved upon Doctrines that inferre ill life then upon such as are contrariant to Faith For false superstructures doe not alwayes destroy Faith but many of the Doctrines they teach if they were prosecuted to the utmost issue would destroy good life And therefore my quarrell with the Church of Rome is greater and stronger upon such points which are not usually considerd then it is upon the ordinary disputes which have to no very great purpose so much disturb'd Christendome And I am more scandaliz'd at her for teaching the sufficiency of Attrition in the Sacrament for indulging Penances so frequently for remitting all Discipline for making so great a part of Religon to consist in externalls and Ceremonialls for putting more force and Energy and exacting with more severity the commandments of men then the precepts of Justice and internall Religion Lastly besides many other things for promising heaven to persons after a wicked life upon their impertinent cryes and Ceremon all 's transacted by the Priest and the dying Person I confesse I wish the zeale of Christendome were a little more active against these and the like Doctrines and that men would write and live more earnestly against them then as yet they have done But then what influence this just zeale is to have upon the Numb 6. persons of the Professors is another consideration For as the Pharisees did preach well and lived ill and therefore were to be heard not imitated So if these men live well though they teach ill they are to be imitated not heard their Doctrines by all meanes Christian and humane are to be discountenanc'd but their persons tolerated eatenùs their Profession and Decrees to be rejected and condemn'd but the persons to be permitted because by their good lives they confute their Doctrines that is they give evidence that they think no evill to be consequent to such opinions and if they did that they live good lives is argument sufficient that they would themselves cast the first stone against their own opinions if they thought them guilty of such misdemeanours Fourthly But if we consider their Doctrines in relation to Numb 7. Government and Publick societies of men then if they prove faulty they are so much the more intolerable by how much the consequents are of greater danger and malice Such Doctrines as these The Pope may dispence with all oathes taken to God or man He may absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their naturall Prince Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks Hereticall Princes may be slaine by their Subjects These Propositions are so deprest and doe so immediately communicate with matter and the interests of men that they are of the same consideration with matters of fact and are to be handled accordingly To other Doctrines ill life may be consequent but the connexion of the antecedent and the consequent is not peradventure perceiv'd or acknowledged by him that believes the opinion with no greater confidence then he disavowes the effect and issue of it But in these the ill effect is the direct profession and purpose of the opinion and therefore the man and the mans opinion is to be dealt withall just as the matter of fact is to be judg'd for it is an immediate a perceiv'd a direct event and the very purpose of the opinion Now these opinions are a direct overthrow to all humane society and mutuall commerce a destruction of Government and of the lawes and duty and subordination which we owe to Princes and therefore those men of the Church of Rome that doe hold them and preach them cannot pretend to the excuses of innocent opinions and
us then the Mosaicall precepts of putting Adulterers to death and trying the accused persons by the waters of jealousie And thus in these two Instances I have given account what Numb 20. is to be done in Toleration of diversity of opinions The result of which is principally this Let the Prince and the Secular Power have a care the Common-wealth be safe For whether such or such a Sect of Christians be to be permitted is a question rather Politicall then Religious for as for the concernments of Religion these instances have furnished us with sufficient to determine us in our duties as to that particular and by one of these all particulars may be judged And now it were a strange inhumanity to permit Jewes in Numb 21. a Common-wealth whose interest is served by their inhabitation and yet upon equall grounds of State and Policy not to permit differing Sects of Christians For although possibly there is more danger mens perswasions should be altered in a commixture of divers Sects of Christians yet there is not so much danger when they are changed from Christian to Christian as if they be turn'd from Christian to Iew as many are daily in Spaine and Portugall And this is not to be excused by saying the Church hath no Numb 22. power over them qui foris sunt as Iewes are For it is true the Church in the capacity of Spirituall regiments hath nothing to doe with them because they are not her Diocesse Yet the Prince hath to doe with them when they are subjects of his regiment They may not be Excommunicate any more then a stone may be kild because they are not of the Christian Communion but they are living persons parts of the Common-Wealth infinitely deceived in their Religion and very dangerous if they offer to perswade men to their opinions and are the greatest enemies of Christ whose honour and the interest of whose Service a Christian Prince is bound with all his power to maintaine And when the Question is of punishing disagreeing persons with death the Church hath equally nothing to doe with them both for she hath nothing to doe with the temporall sword but the Prince whose Subjects equally Christians and Iewes are hath equall power over their persons for a Christian is no more a subject then a Iew is The Prince hath upon them both the same power of life and death so that the Iew by being no Christian is not foris or any more an exempt person for his body or his life then the Christian is And yet in all Churches where the secular power hath temporall reason to tolerate the Iewes they are tolerated without any scruple in Religion which thing is of more consideration because the Iewes are direct Blasphemers of the Sonne of God and Blasphemy by their own Law the Law of Moses is made capitall And might with greater reason be inflicted upon them who acknowledge its obligation then urg'd upon Christians as an Authority enabling Princes to put them to death who are accused of accidentall and consequutive Blasphemy and Idolatry respectively which yet they hate and disavow with much zeale and heartinesse of perswasion And I cannot yet learn a reason why we shall not be more complying with them who are of the houshold of Faith for at least they are children though they be but rebellious children and if they were not what hath the Mother to doe with them any more then with the Iewes they are in some relation or habitude of the Family for they are consigned with the same Baptism professe the same Faith delivered by the Apostles are erected in the same hope and look for the same glory to be reaveled to them at the comming of their Common Lord and Saviour to whose Service according to their understanding they have vowed themselves And if the disagreeing persons be to be esteemed as Heathens and Publicans yet not worse Have no company with them that 's the worst that is to be done to such a man in S. Pauls judgement Yet count him not as an enemy but admonish him as a brother SECT XXI Of the duty of particular Churches in allowing Communion FRom these premises we are easily instructed concerning the lawfulnesse or duty respectively of Christian Communion Numb 1. which is differently to bee considered in respect of particular Churches to each other and of particular men to particular Churches For as for particular Churches they are bound to allow Communion to all those that professe the same Faith upon which the Apostles did give Communion For whatsoever preserves us as Members of the Church gives us title to the Communion of Saints and whatsoever Faith or beliefe that is to which God hath promised Heaven that Faith makes us Members of the Catholick Church Since therefore the Iudiciall Acts of the Church are then most prudent and religious when they nearest imitate the example and piety of God To make the way to Heaven straighter then God made it or to deny to communicate with those whom God will vouchsase to be united and to refuse our charity to those who have the same Faith because they have not all our opinions and believe not every thing necessary which we over-value is impious and Schismaticall it inferres Tyranny on one part and perswades and tempts to uncharitablenesse and animosities on both It dissolves Societies and is an enemy to peace it busies men in impertinent wranglings and by names of men and titles of factions it consignes the interessed parties to act their differences to the height and makes them neglect those advantages which piety and a goodlife bring to the reputation of Christian Religion and Societies And therefore Vincentius Lirinensis and indeed the whole Numb 2. Church accounted the Donatists Hereticks upon this very ground Cap. 11. Vid. Pacian Epist. ad Sempron 2. because they did imperiously deny their Communion to all that were not of their perswasion whereas the Authors of that opinion for which they first did separate and make a Sect because they did not break the Churches peace nor magisterially prescib d to others were in that disagrecing and errour accounted Catholicks Divisio enim disunio facit vos haereticos pax unit as L. 2. c. 95. contra liter Petilian faciunt Catholicos said S. Austin and to this sense is that of S. Paul If I had all faith and had not charity I am nothing He who upon confidence of his true beliefe denies a charitable Communion to his brother loses the reward of both And if Pope Victor had been as charitable to the Asiaticks as Pope Anicetus and S. Polycarp were to each other in the same disagreeing concerning Easter Victor had not been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so bitterly reprov'd and condemn'd as he was for the uncharitable managing of his disagreeing by Polycrates and Euseb. l. 5. c. 25 26. Irenaeus Concordia enim quae est charitat is effectus est unio
Consistories of Zurick and Basil are wholly consistent of Lay-men and Ministers are joyned as assistants only and Counsellors but at Schaffhausen the Ministers are not admitted to so much but in the Huguenot Churches of France the Ministers doe all 3. In such cases where there is no power of the sword for a compulsory and confessedly of all sides there can be none in causes Courts Ecclesiasticall if there be no opinion of Religion no derivation from a divine authority there will be sure to be no obedience and indeed nothing but a certain publick calamitous irregularity For why should they obay Not for Conscience for there is no derivation from divine authority Not for feare for they have not the power of the sword 4. If there be such a thing as the power of the keyes by Christ concredited to his Church for the binding and loosing delinquents and penitents respectively on earth then there is clearely a Court erected by Christ in his Church for here is the delegation of Iudges Tu Petrus vos Apostoli whatsoever ye shall bind Here is a compulsory ligaveritis Here are the causes of which they take cognisance Quodcunque viz. in materiâ scandali For so it is limited Matth. 18. but it is indefinite Matth. 16. and Vniversall Iohn 20. which yet is to be understood secundùm materiam subjectam in causes which are emergent from Christianity ut sic that secular jurisdictions may not be intrenched upon But of this hereafter That Christ did in this place erect a Iurisdiction and establish a government besides the evidence of fact is generally asserted by primitive exposition of the Fathers affirming that to S. Peter the Keyes were given that to the Church of all ages a power of binding and loosing might be communicated Has igitur claves dedit Ecclesiae ut quae solveret interrâ soluta essent in coelo scil ut quisquis in Ecclesiâ ejus dimitti sibi peccata crederet seque ab iis correctus averteret in ejusdem Ecclesiae gremio constitutus eâdem fide atque correctione sanaretur So * De doctr Christ. lib. 1. 6. 18. tract 118. in Iohan. vide etiam tract 124. tract 50. in Ioh. de Agon Christ. cap. 30 de bapt contr Donatist lib. 3. c. 17. S. Austin And againe Omnibus igitur sanctis ad Christi corpus inseparabilitèr pertinentibus propter hujus vitae procellosissima gubernaculum ad liganda solvenda peccata claves regni coelorum primus Apostolorum Petrus accepit Quoniam nec ille solus sed universa Ecclesia ligat solvitque peccata S. Peter first received the government in the power of binding and loosing But not he alone but all the Church to wit all succession and ages of the Church Vniversa Ecclesia viz. in Pastoribus solis as * De Sacerd. lib. 3. S. Chrysostom In Episcopis Presbyteris as †In 16. Matt. S. Ierome The whole Church as it is represented in the Bishops and Presbyters The same is affirmed by a Lib. de pudicit Tertullian b Epist. 27. S. Cyprian c Lib. qd Christus est Deus S. Chrysostome d Lib. 6. de Trinit S. Hilary e Lib. 3. in Apocal. Luke 12. 42. Primasius and generally by the Fathers of the elder and Divines of the middle ages 5. When our blessed Saviour had spoken a parable of the sudden coming of the sonne of Man commanded them therefore with diligence to stand upon their watch the Disciples asked him speakest thou this parable to us or even to all And the Lord said who then is that faithfull and wise steward whom his Lord shall make ruler over his houshold to give them their portion of meat in due season As if he had said I speak to You for to whom else should I speak and give caution for the looking to the house in the Masters absence You are by office and designation my stewards to feed my servants to governe my house 6. In Scripture and other writers to Feed and to Governe is all one when the office is either Politicall or Oeconomicall or Ecclesiasticall So he Psal 78. FED them with a faithfull and true heart and RULED them prudently with all his power And S. Peter joynes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together 1. Pet. 5. 2. Acts. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So does S. Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rulers or overseers in a flock Pastors It is ordinary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euripides calls the Governors and guides of Chariots 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And our blessed Saviour himselfe is called the Great sheapheard of our soules and that we may know the intentum of that compellation it is in conjunction also with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He is therefore our sheapheard for he is our Bishop our Ruler and Overseer Since then Christ hath left Pastors or Feeders in his Church it is also as certain he hath left Rulers they being both one in name in person in office But this is of a known truth to all that understand either lawes or languages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith * in lib de eo quod deterior potiori insidiatur Philo they that feed have the power of Princes and rulers the thing is an undoubted truth to most men but because all are not of a mind something was necessary for confirmation of it THis government was by immediate substitution § 2. This government was first committed to the Apostles by Christ delegated to the Apostles by Christ himselfe in traditione clavium in spiratione Spiritûs in missione in Pentecoste When Christ promised them the Keyes he promised them power to bind and loose when he breathed on them the holy Ghost he gave them that actually to which by the former promise they were intitled and in the octaves of the Passion he gave them the same authority which he had received from his Father and they were the faithfull and wise stewards whom the Lord made RULERS over his Houshold * vide Hilarium in hunc locum pp. communitèr But I shall not labour much upon this Their founding all the Churches from East to West and so by being Fathers derived their authority from the nature of the thing their appointing rulers in every Church their Synodall decrees de Suffocato Sanguine and letters missive to the Churches of Syria and Cilicia their excommunications of Hymeneus Alexander and the incestuous Corinthian their commanding and requiring obedience of their people in all things as S. Paul did of his subjects of Corinth and the Hebrews by precept Apostolicall their threatning the Pastorall rod their calling Synods and publick assemblies their ordering rites and ceremonies composing a Symbole as the tessera of Christianity their publick reprehension of delinquents and indeed the whole execution of their Apostolate is one continued argument of their
Gratian so S. Thomas but it is needlesse to be troubled with that for Innocentius in the decretall now quoted useth the word Baptizatos and yet clearly distinguishes this power from the giving the Chrisme in Confirmation I know no other objection and these wee see hinder not but that having such evidence of fact in Scripture of confirmations done only by Apostles and this evidence urged by the Fathers for the practice of the Church and the power of cofirmation by many Councells and Fathers appropriated to Bishops and denyed to Presbyters and in this they are not only Doctors teaching their owne opinion but witnesses of a Catholike practise and doe actually attest it as done by a Catholike consent and no one example in all antiquity ever produc'd of any Priest that did no law that a Priest might impose hands for confirmation wee may conclude it to be a power Apostolicall in the Originall Episcopall in the Succession and that in this power the order of a Bishop is higher then that of a Presbyter and so declar'd by this instance of Catholike Practise THus farre I hope we are right But I call to § 34. And jurisdiction mind that in the Nosotrophium of the old Philosopher that undertook to cure all Calentures by Bathing his Patients in water some were up to the Chin some to the Middle some to the Knees So it is amongst the enemies of the Sacred Order of Episcopacy some endure not the Name and they indeed deserve to be over head and eares some will have them all one in office with Presbyters as at first they were in Name and they had need bath up to the Chinne but some stand shallower and grant a little distinction a precedency perhaps for order sake but no preheminence in reiglement no superiority of Iurisdiction Others by all meanes would be thought to be quite thorough in behalfe of Bishops order and power such as it is but call for a reduction to the primitive state and would have all Bishops like the Primitive but because by this meanes they thinke to impaire their power they may well endure to be up to the ankles their error indeed is lesse and their pretence fairer but the use they make of it of very ill consequence But curing the mistake will quickly cure this distemper That then shall be the present issue that in the Primitive Church Bishops had more power and greater exercise of absolute jurisdiction then now Men will endure to be granted or then themselves are very forward to challenge 1. Then The Primitive Church expressing Which they expressed in attributes of authority and great power the calling and offices of a Bishop did it in termes of presidency and authority Episcopus typum Dei Patris omnium gerit saith S. Ignatius The Bishop carryes the representment of God the Father that is in power and authority to be sure for how else so as to be the supreme in suo ordine in offices Ecclesiasticall And againe Quid enim aliud est Episcopus quà m is quiomni Prineipatu potestate superior Epist. ad Trallian est Here his superiority and advantage is expressed to be in his power A Bishop is greater and higher then all other power viz in materiâ or gradu religionis And in his Epistle to the Magnesians Hortor ut hoc sit omnibus studium in Dei concordiâ omnia agere EPISCOPO PRESIDENTE LOCO DEI. Doe all things in Vnity the Bishop being PRESIDENT IN THE PLACE OF GOD. President in all things And with a fuller tide yet in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna Honora Episcopum ut PRINCIPEM SACERDOTUM imaginem Dei referentem Dei quidem propter Principatum Christi verò propter Sacerdotium It is full of fine expression both for Eminency of order and Iurisdiction The Bishop is the PRINCE OF THE PRIESTS bearring the image of God for his Principality that 's his jurisdiction and power but of Christ himselfe for his Priesthood that 's his Order S. Ignatius hath spoken fairely and if we consider that he was so primitive a man that himselfe saw Christ in the flesh and liv'd a man of exemplary sanctity and dyed a Martyr and hath been honoured as holy Catholike by all posterity certainly these testimonyes must needs be of Great pressure being Sententiae repetiti dogmatis not casually slipt from him and by incogitancy but resolutely and frequently But this is attested by the generall expressions of after ages Fungaris circa eum POTESTATE HONORIS tui saith S. Cyprian to Bishop Rogatianus Execute lib. 3. epist. 9. the POWER OF THY DIGNITY upon the refractary Deacon And VIGOR EPISCOPALIS and AUTHORITAS CATHEDRae are the the words expressive of that power whatsoever it be which S. Cyprian calls upon him to assert in the same Epistle This is high enough So is that which he presently subjoynes calling the Bishops power Ecclesiae gubernandae sublimem ac divinam potestatem a high and a divine power and authority in regiment of the Church * Locus Magisterij traditus ab Apostolis So S. Irenaeus calls Episcopacy A place of Mastership lib. 4. cap. 63. or authority deliver'd by the Apostles to the Bishops their successors * Eusebius speaking of Dionysius who succeeded Heraclas he received saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Bishoprick of the PRECEDENCY over the Churches of Alexandria * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Can. 10. Councell of Sardis to the TOP or HEIGHT of Episcopacy APICES PRINCIPES OMNIUM so Optatus calls Bishops the CHEIFE aud HEAD of all and S. Denys of Alexandria Scribit ad Fabianum lib. 2. adv Parmen Vrbis Romae Episcopum ad alios quamplurimos ECCLESIARUM PRINCIPES de fide Catholicâ suâ saith Eusebius And Origen calls the Bishop eum qui lib. 6. hist. cap. 26. Homil. 7. in Ierem. TOTIUS ECCLESIae ARCEM obtinet He that hath obtayn'd the TOWER ORHEIGHT of the Church The Fathers of the Councell of Constantinople in Trullo ordayn'd that the Bishops dispossessed of their Churches by incroachments of Barbarous people upon the Church's pale so as the Bishop had in effect no Diocesse yet they should enjoy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the authority of their PRESIDENCY according to their proper state their appropriate presidency And the same Councell calls the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the PRELATE or PREFECT of the Church I know not how to expound it better But it is something more full in the Greeks Councell of Carthage Commanding that the convert Can. 69. Donatists should be received according to the will and pleasure of the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that GOVERNES the Church in that place * And in the Councell of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. 25. The Bishop hath POWER OVER the affayrs of the Church * Hoc quidem tempore Romanae Ecclesiae Sylvester retinacula gubernabat S. Sylvester the
digna sepulchri yet is nothing if compared with Mariana For 1. he affirms the same Doctrine in substance 2. Then he descends to the very manner of it ordering how De Rege R. instituit lib. 1. c. 6. it may be done with the best convenience He thinks poyson to be the best way but yet that for the more secrecy it be cast upon the chayres saddles and garments of his Prince It was the old laudable custome of the Moores of Spaine 3. Hee addes examples of Qui est l' artifice dont ie trouue que le Roys Mores ont souuent usè Cap. 7. the businesse telling us that this was the device to wit by poyson'd boots that old Henry of Castile was cur'd of his sicknesse 4. Lastly this may be done not only if the Pope judge the King a Tyrant which was the utmost Emanuel Sà affitm'd but it is sufficient proofe of his being a Tyrant if learned men though but few and those seditious too doe but murmure it or beginne to call him so I Postquam ae paucis seditiosis sed doctis caeperit Tyrannus appellari hope this Doctrine was long since disclaim'd by the whole Society and condemned ad umbras Acherunticas Perhaps so but yet these men who use to object to us an infinity of divisions among our selves who boast so much of their owne Vnion and consonancy in judgment with whom nothing is more ordinary then to maintaine some opinions quite throughout their Order as if they were informed by some common Intellectus agens should not be divided in a matter of so great moment so much concerning the Monarchy of the See Apostolike to which they are vowed leigemen But I have greater reason to believe them Vnited in this Doctrine then is the greatnesse of this probability For 1. There was an Apology printed in Italy permissu superiorum in the yeare 1610. that sayes They were all enemies of that holy Name of Iesus that condemned Mariana for any such Doctrine I understand not why but sure I am that the Iesuits doe or did thinke his Doctrine innocent for in their Apology put forth in the name of the whole Society against the accusations of Anticoton they deny that the Assasine of Henry 4. I meane Ravaillac was mov'd to kill the King by reading of Mariana and are not ashamed to wish that he had read him Perhaps they meane it might have Quodamodo optandum esse ut ille Alastor Marianam legisset wrought the same effect upon him which the sight of a drunkard did upon the youth of Lacedaemon else I am sure it is not very likely he should have beene disswaded from his purpose by reading in Mariana that it was lawfull to doe what he intended 3. I adde they not only thought it innocent and without positive Cap. 6. Cum cognito à Theologis quos erat sciscitatus Tyrannum jure interimi posse hurt but good and commendable so that it is apparent that it was not the opinion of Mariana alone but that the Moores of Spaine had more disciples then Mariana 1. Hee sayes it himselfe for commending the young Monke that killed Henry 3. he sayes he did it having beene informed by severall Divines that a Tyrant might lawfully be killed 2. The thing it selfe speaks it for his book was highly commended by a Chauuesauris polit Gretser b Amphith honoris lib. 1. cap. 12. Bonarscius both for stile matter higher yet by Petrus de Onna provinciall of Toledo who was so highly pleased with it hee was sorry hee wanted c Iterum tertio facturus siper otium tempus licuisset leisure to read it the second and third time over and with this censure prefixed was liceus'd to the Presse Further yet for Steven Hoyedae Visitor of the Iesuits for the same Province approved it not only from his own judgment but as being Vt approbatos priùs a viris Doctis gravihus ex eodem nostro Ordine before approved by grave and learned men of the Iesuits Order and so with a speciall commission from Claudius Aquaviva their generall with these approbations and other solemne Priviledges it was Printed at a By Petras Rhodriques 1599. Toledo and b By Balth. Lippius 1605 Mentz and lastly inserted into the Catalogues of the Books of their Order by Petrus Ribadineira What negligence is sufficient that such a Doctrine as this should passe so great supravisors if in their hearts they disavow it The children of this world are not such fooles in their generations The Fathers of the Society cannot but know how apt these things of themselves are to publike mischiefe how invidious to the Christian world how scandalous to their Order and yet they rather excuse then condemne Mariana speaking of him at the hardest but very gently as if his only fault had beene his speaking a truth in tempore non opportuno something out of season or as if they were forc'd to yeelde to the current of the times and durst not professe openly of what in their hearts they were perswaded I speak of some of them for others you see are of the same opinion But I would faine learne why they are so sedulous and carefull to procure the decrees of the Rector Deputies of Paris Rescripts of the Bishop Revocation of Arrest of the Parliament which had been against them and all to acquit the Fathers of the Society from these scandalous opinions as if these laborious devices could make what they have said and done to be unspoken and undone or could change their opinions from what indeed they are whereas they never went ex animo to refute these Theorems never spake against them in the reall and serious dialect of an adversary never condemned them as hereticall but what they have done they have been sham'd to or forc'd upon as Pere Coton by the King of France and Servin to a confutation of Mariana from which he desir'd to be excused and after the Kings death writ his declaratory letter to no purpose the Apologists of Paris by the outcryes of Christendome against them and when it is done done so coldly in their reprehensions with a greater readinesse to excuse all then condemne any I say these things to a considering man doe increase the suspicion if at least that may be called suspicion for which we have had so plain testimonies of their own I adde this more to put the businesse past all question that when some things of this nature were objected to them by Arnald the French Kings Advocate they were so farre from denying them or excusing them that they maintained them in spite of opposition putting forth a Book intitled Veritas defensa contra actionem Antonii Arnaldi What the things were for which they stood up patrons heare themselves speaking Tum enim id non solum potest Pag. 7. 1. edit Papa sed etiam debet se ostendere
to move them to so damned a conspiracy or indeed to any just complaint Secondly if these were not the causes as they would faine abuse the world into a perswasion that they were what was I shall tell you if you will give me leave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to derive it from its very head and then I will leave it to you to judge whether or no my Augury failes me First I guesse that the Traitors were encouraged and primarily mov'd to this Treason from the preuailing opinion which is most generally receiv'd on that side of the lawfulnesse of deposing Princes that are Hereticall I say generally receiv'd and I shall make my words good or else the blame shall lay on themselves for deceiving me when they declare their own mindes I instance first in the Fathers of the Society a Nec ulla eis injuria fier si deponantur Lib. 5 de Rom. Pontif. cap. 7. Ex ipsa vi juris ante omnem sententiam supreâ—i Pastor is ac Iudicis contra ipsum prolatam Lugduni impres 1593. p. 106. n 157. Amphith honor p. 117. Sed heus Arnalde à cuius institutione hau sisti nullaÌ„ posse intercidere causam quae regem cogat abire regno Non religionis Bellarmine teacheth that Kings have no wrong done them if they be deprived of their Kingdomes when they prove Heretiques Creswell in his Philopater goes farther saying that if his Heresy be manifest he is deposed without any explicite judiciall sentence of the Pope the Law it selfe hath passed the sentence of deposition And therefore Bonarscius is very angry at Arnald the French Kings Advocate for affirming that Religion could be no just cause to depose a lawfull Prince If hee had beene brought up in their Schooles hee might have learnt another lesson papa Potest mutare regna uni auferre atque alteri conferre tanquam summus Bellar. de Pont. R. â— â— lib 5. Princeps spiritualis si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem saith Bellarmine Hee gives his reason too quia alioqui possent mali Principes impunè sovere Haereticos which is a thing not to be suffered by his Holinesse Cap. â— This Doctrine is not the private opinion of these Doctors but est certa definita atque indubitata virorum clarissimorum sententia saith F. Creswell I suppose Vbi saprà p. 107. hee meanes in his owne Order and yet I must take heed what I say for Eudaemon Iohannes is very angry with S r Edward Cooke for saying it is the Doctrine of the Iesuits Doe they then deny it No surely but Non est Iesuitarum propria it is not theirs alone Apol. pro Garnet â— â— sed ut Garnett us respondit totius Ecclesiae quidem ab antiquissimis temporibus consensione recepta Doctrina nostra est and there hee reckons up seven and twenty famous Authors of the same opinion Creswell in his Philopater sayes as much if not more Hinc etiam infert Vniversa Theologorum Iuris consultorum Ecclesiasticorum Schola est certum Num. 157. de fide quemcunque Principem Christianum si à religione Catholicà manifestè deflexerit alios avocare voluerit excidere statim omni potestate ac dignitate ex ipsâ vi juris tum Humani tum Divini You see how easily they swallow this great camell Adde to this that Bellarmine himselfe prooves that the Popes temporall power or of disposing of Princes Kingdomes is a Catholique Doctrine for hee reckons Contra Barclaium in prin cip ferè up of this opinion one and twenty Italians fourteene French nine Germans seven English and Scotch nineteen Spaniards these not è faece plebis but è primoribus all very famous and very leading Authors You see it is good Divinity amongst them and I have made it good that it is a generall opinion received by all their Side if you will believe themselves and now let us see if it will passe for good Law as well as good Divinity It is not for nothing that the Church of France protests against some of their received Canons if they did not I know not what would become of their Princes Their Lillies may be to day and to morrow be cast into the oven if the Pope either call their Prince Huguenot as he did Henry the fourth or Tyrant as Henry the third or unprofitable for the Church or Kingdome as he did King Childeric whom Pope Zechary de facto did depose for the same cause and inserted his act into the body of the Law as a precedent for the future quod etiam ex authoritate Can. Alius caus 15. q. 6. frequenti agit sancta Ecclesia it is impaled in a parenthesis in the body of the Canon least deposition of Princes should be taken for newes The law is cleere for matter of fact the lawfulnesse followes Haereticis licitum est auferri quae habent and this not only from a private man but even from Princes Cl. 1. in Summa 23. q. 7. nam qui in majore dignitate est plus punitur or take it if you please in more proper termes Dominus Gl. cap. ExcoÌ„municaâ—â—â— tit de 〈◊〉 l. 5. Papa Principem saecularem deponere potest propter haeresim so another may be chosen like the Palatines and Castellans in Poland just as if the King were dead Nam per haeresim plusquam civilitèr mortuus censetur saith Simancha and that by vertue of a constitution of Gregory the ninth by which every Cap. 45. de paenit man is freed from all duty homage allegeance or subordination whatsoever due to a Heretick whether due by a naturall civill or politicall right aliquo pacto aut quâcunque firmitate vallatum Et sic nota saith the glosse quod Papa potest absolvere Laâ—cum de iur amento fidelitatis I end those things with the attestation of Bellarmine Contra Barclaiumc ap 3. Est res certa explorata a posse Pontificem maximum iust is de causis temporalibus iudicare atque ipsos Temporales Principes aliquando deponere And again that we may be sure to know of what nature this doctrine is he repeats it Sic igitur de potestate in Temporalibus quod ea sit in Papa non Opinio sed Certitudo apud Catholicos est And now let any man say if this be not a Catholike Doctrine and a likely antecedent to have Treason to be its consequent But I fixe not here onely this it is plain that this proposition is no friend to Loyalty but that which followes is absolutely inconsistent with it in case our Prince be of a different perswasion in matters of Religion For 2 It is not only lawfull to depose Princes that are hereticall but it is necessary and the Catholiks are bound to doe it sub mortali I know not whether it be so generally I am sure it is as confidently taught as the
former and by as great Doctors Ecclesia nimis graviter erraret si admitteret allquem Lib. 5. de Rom. Pout c. 7. Regem qui vellet impunè fovere quamlibet Sectam defendere haereticos So Bellarmine And again Non licet Christianis tolerare Regem haereticum si conetur pertrahere subditos ad suam haeresim But F. Creswell puts the businesse home to purpose Certè Ibid. non tantum licet sed summâ etiam iuris Divini necessitate ac praecepto imò conscientiae vinculo arctissimo Philopat p. 110 n. 162. extremo animarum suarum periculo ac discrimine Christianis omnibus hoc ipsum incumbit si praestare rem possint Vnder perill of their soules they must not suffer an hereticall Prince to reigne over them Possunt debent eum arcere ex hominum Christianorum Pag. 106. n. 157. dominatu ne alios inficiat c. 3 He that saith Subjects may and are bound to depose their Princes and to drive them from all rule over Christians if they be able meanes something more For what if the Prince resist still he is bound to depose him if he be able How if the Prince make a warre The Catholike subject must doe his duty neverthelesse and warre too if he be able He that saies he may wage a warre with his Prince I doubt not but thinks he may kill him and if the fortune of the warre lights so upon him the subject cannot be blamed for doing of his duty It is plain that killing a Prince is a certain consequent of deposing him unlesse the Prince be bound in conscience to think himselfe a Heretick when the Pope declares him so and be likewise bound not to resist and besides all this will performe these his obligations and as certainly think himselfe hereticall and as really give over his Kingdome quietly as he is bound For in case any of these should faile there can be but very slender assurance of his life I would be loth to obtrude upon men the odious consequences of their opinions or to make any thing worse which is capable of a fairer construction but I crave pard on in this particular the life of Princes is sacred and is not to be violated so much as in thought or by the most remote consequence of a publike doctrine But here indeed it is so immediate and naturall a consequent of the former that it must not be dissembled But what shall we think if even this blasphemy be taught in terminis See this too In the yeare 1407. when the Duke of Orleans had been slaine by Iohn of Burgundy and the fact notorious beyond a possibility of concealement he thought it his best way to imploy his Chaplaine to justify the act pretending that Orleans was a Tyrant This stood him in small stead for by the procurement of Gerson it was decreed in the Councell of Constance that Tyranny was no sufficient cause for a man to kill a Prince But yet I finde that even this decree will not stand Princes in much stead First because the decree runnes ut nemo privatâ Authoritate c. but if the Pope commands it then it is Iudicium publicum and so they are never the more secure for all this Secondly because Marianae tels us that this Decree is nothing Namque id decretum Concilij Constantiensis Romano Pontifici Martino quinto probatum non invenio non Eugenio aut De Reg R. instit lib. 1. c. 6 Successoribus quorum consensu Conciliorum Ecclesiasticorum sanctitas stat Thirdly because though the Councell had forbidden killing of Tyrannical Princes even by publique authority though this Decree had beene confirmed by the Pope which yet it was not yet Princes are never the more secure if they be convict of Heresy and therefore let them but adde Heresy to their Tyranny and this Councell Non obstante they may be killed by any man for so it is determin'd in an Apology made for Chastel Licitum esse privatis singulis Reges Principes Haereseos Franc. Verum Const. p. 2. c. 2. Tyrannidis condemnatos occidere non obstante Decreto Concilij Constantiensis And the Author of the Book de iustâ abdicatione Henrici 3. affirmes it not only lawfull but meritorious How much lesse then this is that of Bellarmine De Pont. R. lib. 5. c 6. Si Temporalia obsint fini Spirituali Spiritualis potestas potest debet coercere Temporalem omni ratione ac viâ If omni ratione then this of killing him in case of necessity or greater convenience must not be excluded But to confesse the businesse openly and freely It is knowne that either the Consent of the people or the Sentence of the Pope or Consent of learned men is with them held to be a publicum Iudicium and sufficient to sentence a Prince and convict him of Heresy or Tyranny That opinion which makes the people Iudge is very rare amongst them but almost generally exploded that opinion which Vide 〈◊〉 Image of both Churches makes the learned to be their Iudge is I thinke proper to Mariana or to a few more with him but that the sentence of the Pope is a sufficient conviction of him and a compleate Iudiciall act is the most Catholique opinion on that Side as I shall shew anon Now whether the Pope or learned men or the people be to passe this sentence upon the Prince it is plaine that it is an Vniversall Doctrine amongst them that after this sentence whosesoever it be it is then without Question lawfull to kill him and the most that ever they say is that it is indeed not lawfull to kill a King not lawfull for a private man of his owne head without the publike sentence of his Iudge but when this Iudge whom they affirme to be the Pope hath passed his sentence then they doubt not of its being lawfull That I say true I appeale to a Tom. 3. disp 5. q. 8. punct 3. Gregory de Valentia b In sum l. ◠c. 6. Apolog. ad Tolet c R. Angl. c. 13 Bellarmine d Defens fidei lib. 6 c. 4. Suarez e in 13 cap. ad Rom. disp 5. Salmeron f Quaest. p. in c. 3. Iud. Serarius g De iust iure to m. 4. tr 3. d. 6. Molina h Aphoris verb. Tyrannus 1. Instit Moral 2. p. lib. 11. c. 5. q 10. Emanuel Sà i Azorius k In Hercul Furent Martinus Delrius l de Iustit jure c 9. dub 4 Lessius m Chauuesauris polit Gretser n in resp ad Aphoris Calvinistarū Becanus o Contr. Calvinist Aphorism c. 3. ad Aphor. 1. Sebastan Heissius p In expostul ad Henrici Reg. pro Societate Richeome q in Apolog. pro Henrico Garnetto Eudaemon Iohannes r Ad annum 0undi 2669. n. 7. Salianus s Tract 29. p.
not be otherwise In instance first in the Church of France For this See Bodinus who reports of a Norman Gentleman whom his Confessor discovered for having confessed De republ lib. 2. cap. 5. a Treasonable purpose he sometimes had of killing Francis the first of which hee was penitent did his penance craved absolutiō obtain'd it but yet was sentenc'd to the axe by expresse commission from the Histoire de lapaiz King to the Parliament of Paris The like confession was made by the Lord of Haulteville when he was in danger of death which when he had escaped he incurred it with the disadvantage of publike infamy upon the Scaffold I instance not in the case of Barriere it is every where knowne as it is reported partly by Thuanus but more fully by the Authour of Histoire de la paix Nor yet is France singular in the practise of publication of confessed Treason For at Rome there have been examples of the like I meane of those who confessed their purpose of killing the Dominic à Soto memb 3. q 4. concl 2 derat regendi secret Pope who were revealed by their Confessors and accordingly punish'd Thus then the first pretence proves a nullity either our Laws are just in commanding publication of confession in case of Treasō or themselves very culpable in teaching practising it in the same in cases of lesse moment The 2 d is like the first for it is extremly vain to pretend that the seale of confession is founded upon Catholike traditiō Iudg by the sequel The first word I heare of concealing confessions Lib 7. hist. c. 16. is in Sozomen relating how the Greeke Church about the time of Decius the Emperor set over the penitēts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a publike penitentiary Priest who was bound to be Vir bonae conversationis servansque secretum a good man and a keeper of secrets for indeed he was bound to conceale some crimes in particular those which an Adulteresse had confessed I meane concerning her Adultery as appeares in the Canons of S. Basil. But yet this Priest who was so tyed to a religious secrecy did publish many of them in the Congregation Epist. ad Amphil. before the people that they might reprove the delinquent and discountenance the sinne The same story is reported by Cassiodore and Nicephorus from the same Authour The lawfulnesse and practise of publication in some cases is as cleere in Origen If saith he the Physician Homil. 2. in 37. Psal. of thy soule perceives thy sinnes to be such as to need so harsh a remedy as to have them published before the assemblies of the people that others may be admonished thou the better cured he need be very deliberate and skilfull in the application of it Hitherto no such thing as an Vniversall tradition for the pretended inviolable sacramentall seale for Origen plainly and by them confessedly speakes of such sins as first were privately confessed to the Priest how else should hee deliberate of their publication but yet he did so and for all the seale of confession sometimes opened many of them to no fewer witnesses then a whole assembly Thus it was in the Greeke Church both Law and Custome But now if we look into the Latine Church wee shall find that it was taken up from example of the Greeks and some while practis'd that some particular sinnes should be published in the Church before the Congregation as it is confessed in the Councell of Mentz and Cap. 10. 21. l. 19. c. 37. inserted by Burchard into his Decree But when the Lay piety began to coole and the zeale of some Clergy men waxe too hot they would needs heighten this custome of publication of some sinnes to a Law of the publishing of all sinnes This being judg'd to be inconvenient expressed the first decree for the seale of confession in the Latin Church Now see how it is utter'd and it wil sufficiently informe us both of the practise and the opinion which Antiquitie had of the obligation to the seale Illam contra Apostolicam regulam praesumptionem c. that is it was against the Apostolicall ordinance that a Law should enjoyn that the Priest should reveale Decret S. Leonis P. M. Epist 80. ad episc Campan all those sinnes which had beene told him in confession It might be done so it were not requir'd and exacted and yet might be so requir'd so it were not a publication of all Non enim omnium hujusmodi sunt peceata saith S. Leo some sinnes are inconvenient to be published it is not fit the world should know all therefore some they might or else hee had said nothing The reason which he gives makes the businesse somewhat clearer for hee derives it not from any simple necessity of the thing or a Divine Right but least men out of inordinate love to themselves should rather refuse to be wash't then buy their purity with so much shame The whole Epistle hath many things in it excellently to the same purpose I say no more the Doctrine and practise of antiquity is sufficiently evident and that there is nothing lesse then an Vniversall tradition for the seale of confession to be observed in all cases even of sins of the highest malignity Thus these Fathers Confessors are made totally inexcusable by concealing a Treason which was not revealed to them in a formall confession and had been likewise culpable though it had there being as I have showne no such sacrednesse of the Seale as to be inviolable in all cases whatsoever I have now done with the severall considerations of the persons to whom the Question was propounded they were the Fathers Confessors in the day but it was Christ the Lord in my text The Question it selfe followes Shall we command fire to come from heaven and consume them The Question was concerning the fate of a whole Towne of Samaria in our case it was more of the Fate of a whole Kingdome It had been well if such a Question had been silenc'd by a direct negative or as the Iudges of the Areopage used to doe put off ad diem longissimum that they might have expected the answer three ages after De morte hominis nulla est cunctatio longa No demurre had been too long in a case of so much and so royall blood the blood of a King of a Kings Children of a Kings Kingdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King and Kingdome should have been made a solemne sacrifice to appease theirsolemndeliberate malice I said deliberate for they were loth to be malicious without good advice and therefore they askt their question worthy of an Oracle even no lesse then Delphick where an evill spirit was the Numen and a Witch the Prophet For the Question was such of which a Christian could not doubt though he had been fearefully scrupulous in his resolutions For whoever question'd the unlawfulnesse of murder of murdering