haue done whom I haue driuen out of those regions which I haue now geuen vnto you for for bicause those nations haue ben polluted with so grieuous wicked actes I haue therfore so destroied them will do that like vnto you except ye shal diligently auoid those thinges which I cōmaund you as touching these euils I thinke no man wil doubt but that the Chananites whych receaued not the law by Moyses neither wer Citizens of the publike wealth of the Israelites could not by that law be condemned bicause they obeyed not the lawes of the Hebrues They wer subiect only to the law which is called morall Wherfore seing God for that cause reproueth them bicause they wer defiled with such fylthy lustes incestes affirmeth that for the same cause he depriued them both of their lande and lyfe it is manifest that these lawes must bee ioyned not to ciuil preceptes but to morall which al men are bound to obserue Neuertheles this semeth at the first sight to be against this sentence Abrahā Amram seeme to haue maryed prohibited wyues bicause Abraham a man otherwise most holy is thought to haue maried his Brothers daughter namely Sara Amram also had Iochabed his aunt to wife of whom he begat Moyses Aaron Mary And it semeth that so godly holy mē would not haue done this if the moral law as we haue saide had bene against it The law of nature was darkned by synne To thys we answer first that the law of nature was much blotted by corruption wickednes which ouerwhelmed al mankind sone after synne for the cause they whych contracted such matrimonies thought peraduenture that the same wer lawful and therfore although they cannot altogether bee excused by that ignoraunce yet it is to be thought that they committed lesse synne than those which durst do such thinges after the lawe was geuen I adde moreouer that amonge the fathers certaine thinges are now and then spoken of It is not certaine whether Abrahā Amram maried prohibited wyues which other men must not take example of whē as they are somtimes to be interpreted as prerogatiues or certain priueleges geuen to thē But how soeuer it be we may not as I think much labour to excuse the fathers in althings Although I know there be which do say that Sara was not the daughter of Abrahams brother but som other way of and therfore she might be called his sister after the auncient maner of speaking as though she were of some kinred vnto him but yet not so nere kyn but that they might mary together And in like maner they say of the kinred of Amram and Iochabed But I wyl omit these thinges seing that the whole matter may be made playne by these two kinde of answers before alledged It might also be demaunded if the preceptes of Matrimonye be morall and pertaine to the lawe of Nature why God woulde also constitute them in hys lawes The ten cōmaūdementes were blotted in the hartes of men before the law Bycause the lyght of nature was come to that poynt that it was not sufficient the brightnesse of it was daylye more and more blotted in the hartes of men which thing doth manyfestlye appeare not onelye in these but also in the tenne commaundementes where it is commaunded that men should abstayne from theft and murther and yet we reade in hystories that robbyng on the sea and also on the lande got suche dominion Plato that they were counted ful of honour and dignity Plato in hys fyft booke of lawes thought that concerning procreation of children we should abstayne from Mothers Graundmothers and the degrees aboue them Again from Daughters Niepces degrees beneath them But as for other persons he made free Ierome Hierome testifieth in his seconde booke against Iouiniane that the Scottes in his tyme had no certaine mariages but they accompanied with their women as they lusted them selues euen suche as came first to hande He sayth moreouer that the Medes Indians Ethiopes and Persians confusedly contracted Matrimonies with their mothers sisters daughters and Niepces which semeth neuerthelesse to disagree with that which Heroditus writeth of the Persians For Cambyses as he testifieth desired to marye hys sister for the which thing he asked counsel of his Lawyers and wyse men and demaunded of them whether that matrimony wer lawful or no. To whom they answered that they in dede had no law by the which it myght be lawfull for the Brother to mary the Sister but yet they had an other law among them whereby it was lawful for the king of the Persians to do what so euer him selfe lusted Surely they answered wel in their first part of their answer but in the latter part they most filthily flattered the tyranne Howbeit the thyngs whych are written by this Historiographer although sometymes he wryte fables and those thinges which Ierome writeth vary not Bycause the vulgare people being now corrupted with fylthy and wycked custome contracted suche matrimonies the wyser sorte neuerthelesse in whom the lawe of nature dyd shyne vnderstoode that the same were not lawful althoughe beyng blynded wyth couetousnes they abstained not from them Whom Paule to the Romaines hath greuously reprehended saying which men though they knowe the righheousnes of God Incestuous persons haue afterward abhorred those whō they haue poluted not onely doo suche thinges but also haue pleasure in them that do them And these matrimonies by their own nature are so well knowen to be vnlawfull that they dryue an exceading great horrour into them whych do heare that such thinges haue bene done yea and they them selues which haue commytted the same when their lust asswaged semed to abhorre those whom they haue polluted Cynara Myrrha The Poetes make mencion of Cynara and Myrrha hys daughter how after the father vnderstoode that he had accompanied wyth hys daughter yea euen vnwares so hated her that he persecuted her al that euer he might Ammō beganne so to hate hys syster Thamra whom he had defyled Incest almost haue euer had horrible endes Ptholomey that he commaunded her to bee violentlye thrust out of hys syght Thou shalt also neuer almoste fynde if thou looke in histories that incestuous mariages or carnal copulations came to good ende Ptholomey kyng of Egipt tooke to wyfe by fraude and guile hys syster Euridices Anthonius Carocalla Nero. which the Historiographers and especially Iustine haue manifestly set foorth to haue had yl successe Anthonius Caracalla who maryed hys stepmother and Nero whych committed fylthye fornication with hys mother came not onelye to a most vnhappye ende but according to their desertes they were wonderfully hated of the people and were openly called Monsters of humane nature Wherefore we graunt both that these commaundementes which do prohibite those sinnes pertayne to the law of nature and were for iust cause renued by God in his morall lawes It may also be manifestly ynough declared by an other reason Romaine lawes forbad the mariage of the brothers daughter the incestuous mariages were forbidden by the light of nature seing
that they were earnestly forbidden by the Romane lawes which were counted among the excellentest honestest lawes these by name wherby any man should marrye his niepce by the brother Although Claudius Caesar whē he would marry his brothers daughter Agrippina caused the fyrst law to be abrogated and to be decreed that euery man might haue his brothers daughter to wife But there was neuer a one at Rome except it were one or two which would follow his example And the Romaines obserued the first law which was most honest The Romaine lawes in prohibiting mariages had certaine lawes not mentioned by God Neuerthelesse we muste vnderstand the diuerse persons were prohibited by the lawes of the Romanes of whom the law of god hath made no mention and yet their prohibition was not without a reason Wherfore the Citizens of Rome were bound to obserue thē although by the light of nature they could see no cause why they should so doe which lawes were wont to be called a peculiar kinde of lawes bicause it semeth to be priuate for certain places I will make the thing more plaine by examples The tutor might not marry his pupill The Romaines would not as it is written in Codice that matrimonies shoulde be contracted betwene the tutor and pupill committed to his charge Bycause they saw that this would easely come therby that that tutor which had consumed his pupils goodes least he should be compelled after his tutorship to render accompt of those goods might sollicite the mayden to mariage which being obtained he should be free from geuing accompt of her goods This surely was a good law but yet it was not perfectly obserued Cicero otherwise a graue man Cicero was euill spoken of for the same cause for being farre in other mens debt when he had forsakē his wife Terence he maried his pupill of whose goods affayres he had charge ouer as a tutor The Romanes deceeed also A prisident myght not marry a wife of hys prouince that no president of any prouince should take to wife eyther to himselfe or to any of hys any out of the same prouince wherein he gouerned For they knew right wel that it might so happen that the Pretor Proconsul or President in a prouince cleauing to his families and kynsfolke cōming to him by his wife might make new tumultes and at length be alienated from the publique wealth They saw also a great daunger to hang theron least he should not be iuste and seuere in geuing iudgement bycause he woulde gratifie his kinsfolke more than others Lastly mariages shoulde not haue remayned at libertie in prouinces bicause Magistrates might in a manner compel thē of the prouince to contracte matrimonies either with thēselues Felix had a Iew to hys wife or with their frendes We see also this most honest law violated For Faelix which gouerned Iewrye vnder Nero as it is writtē in the xxiiii chap. of the actes of the Apostles had Drusilla a Iewe to wife But what nede I rehearse that these lawes of a small weyght were not obserued whē as that people had shaken of euen those lawes which we called morall and are knowen by the law of nature Cicero The monstrug lust of Sassia Cicero declareth in his oratiō for Cluentius the one Sassia a most wicked womā was so prouoked with filthy lust that she instigated her sonne in law Aurius Melinus to whō she had before maried her daughter to repudiate his wife wherby he shuld marry her self in stead of her daughter which thīg at the lēgth she got him to do And whē the dede was coūted ful of dishonesty yet was it not punished by the lawes neither do we rede that the matrimonye whiche Cicero cōtendeth to be cōtracted by no good grounds by no authors altogether vnluckely was dissolued by the power cōmaūdemēt of the magistrates Wherfore hereof cōmeth a good reasō also why god would againe inculcate by a law those things whiche by the light of nature were iudged honest For the bonds barres windowes of nature were brokē by the impotent lust of mē therfore it was necessary they should be boūd with an other bond For the Israelites were no more shamefast in keping of natural honestye than were the Romaines Neither is this to be left out the god had certaine proper things in his law whiche may be called peculiar thinges for all men were not bound vnto thē by the lawe of nature but the Hebrues onely For he woulde not haue them to contracte matrimony with the Chananites Hamorrites Iebusites c. And other people seme not to haue bene bounde to the law neither should we at this day if there were such nations still Matrimonyes ought not to be contracted in cōtrary religiō Augustine be letted but that we might ioyne our selues in matrimony with them Although the cause of the law ought at this day to be holden which cause is the matrimonies shoulde not be contracted with them which be of a contrary religion For it is not conuenient that the Godlye should be ioyned with the vngodly I know that Augustine writeth concerning vnlawfull mariages to Pollentius in the second booke and of the Sermon of the Lord vpon the Mountaine that there is not a place in the new Testament wherin by expresse words matrimonies with infidels are prohibited But of this matter I will not write much at this present seing that I haue largely entreated of it in the Epistle to the Corinthians This will I saye more ouer that a good man ought in contracting of matrimonyes to follow chiefly that which is honest and not lightly to depart frō cōmendable orders vsuall customes which are not agaynst the word of god And if there happen peraduenture any doubt let him not thinke it much to aske coūcell of his magistrate otherwise he shal rashly put both himselfe his wife and his children to daunger For if he be maryed in any of the degrees prohibited by the peculiar law he shal not then be counted a husband but a whoremonger and his wife a harlot their childrē bastardes Howbeit the magistrate although concerning matrimonie he maye forbid certaine other contractes besides those which God hath forbidden yet can he not neither ought he to remit any of those which God hath commaunded whiche he hath prohibited by his law yea he must most diligently see that he burthē not the people to much The pope hath grieuously sinned concerning these lawes or without an earnest cause as we see the Pope hath done who hath two wayes sinned in this thing fyrst in that he durst vsurpe the office of making of lawes in a common wealth which vndoubtedly pertaineth not vnto him Secondly bicause in his lawes he followed not the word of god but with out
foure parts Of the diuision of the holy Scriptures and ascribe some bokes as wel of the old testament as of the new to lawes some to histories some to prophecies and other some agayne to wisdome But it is not meete so to deuyde the bookes of the holye scripture one from an other bicause that in the bokes of Exodus Leuiticus Numeri and Dâ—uteromie in which they appoint lawes to be conteined are founde almoste as many histories as lawes Besides that in the bokes which they assigne to prophetes lawes of liuing vprightlye are oftentimes written and clearely expounded Neither can we properly separate the bokes of Salomon other of the kynd which they wil haue proper to wisdome from lawes and prophecies For there are in them sentences here and there written which seruing for the instruction of life haue also wtout controuersy the nature of lawes Furthermore for the that in theÌ„ are very many secretes opened vnto the church by the inspiration of the spirite of god they poure vndoubtedly into the attentife hearers oracles of thinges to come It may easily he graunted that all these things which they make mentioÌ„ of are founde in the holy bookes I meane the precepts of liuing notable hystories prophecies of thinges to come and also moste wise sentences and sayinges but in such sort that in maner in euery booke they are set forth vnto vs dispersedly neither yet would I that these holy bookes should be deuided one from an other by these endes and limittes I would rather thinke as the learned sorte doe also iudge that whatsoeuer thinges are conteyned in the holy Scriptures should be referred vnto two principall heades the lawe I meane and the gospell There be two principal pointes whereunto al the whole scriptures are referred For euery where are declared vnto vs either the precepts of god of vpright liuing or wheÌ„ we are reproued to haue strayed froÌ„ theÌ„ by reasoÌ„ of weakenes or els of malice the gospel is layd forth before vs wherin by Christ that thing wherein we haue offended is pardoned and the strength and power of the holy ghost promised vs to reforme vs againe to the image of god whiche we had loste These two thinges maye we beholde in all the bookes of Moyses in the histories Prophetes and bookes appointed to wisdome and that not onely in the olde Testamente but also in the newe and they are not separated one from an other by bookes and leaues but by that maner which is now declared What thinges are entreated of in thys boke of Iudges And this is sufficient as touching the generall matter of the holy scriptures But nowe we must peculiarly speake of this booke that we may vnderstand what things they be which are entreated of in the same And to the ende we may the more plainly vnderstande this it is nedefull to call to memory those thinges which were spoken of in the former bookes In Genesis is set forth the creation of the worlde then howe of Abraham Isaac Iacob and his twelue childreÌ„ was engendred the people of god and how they wer brought into Egipt to driue away their famine Exodus teacheth the greate encrease and incredible multiplication of the Israelites the maner also and forme wherby they were of god by Moyses deliuered from bondage and set at liberty and how they wer excelleÌ„tly adorned with lawes iudgementes and ceremonies whiche thinges are also comprehended in the bookes of Leuiticus What is coÌ„tayned in the bookes which go before the iudges The booke of Numbers conteineth very many passages of the Hebrewes and diuerse placings and orderings of their tents in the desert places also certain vsages of those rules which were prescribed before of god in the lawes And lastly of al in Deuteronomy When Moyses should depart out of this life he like a most faithfull minister of god moste learned preacher repeteth vnto the people almost the whole lawe After whose death Iosua captain of the Hebrewes led the people beyond Iordane and possessed some parte of the promised land of Chanaan and deuided it as god had commauÌ„ded to his whole natioÌ„ by tribes WheÌ„ he was dead god gouerned the Hebrewes by certain excellent meÌ„ which were called Iudges of which Iudges this booke which we haue taken in hand to enterpreate hath his name and title Why thys is called the booke of the iudges But for the better vnderstanding of the title therof we muste know that this word Shaphat in the Iewes tongue signifieth somtime to execute the law and to iudge the causes betwene theÌ„ which are at controuersie which office yet is not proper to those Iudges of whiche we nowe entreate For there were Leuites appointed which sate and gaue iudgement at the gates of euery citye and aboue all iudgementes sate Senadrim which were an assembly of 70. elders Senadrim Furthermore the word signifieth to reuenge to set at libertie which these excellent meÌ„ performed whose noble acts ar declared in this volume They by their authoritie through their might and counsell deliuered the Israelites when they were oppressed of straungers and kept them in the obseruing of the law true worshipping of God And that their office may the better be perceiued we wyll briefly expound the face and estate of that publike weale God himselfe was the true and proper king of that nation Of the common wealth estate of the Iewes for he onely had the principal power there but not as he had ouer other nations but so that he by his becke oracle and certain commaundement gouerned the estate of the Israelites which he promised to do in the .18 chap. of Exodus Wheras he said that that people should be hys chiefe kingdome But bycause he would also vse the ministery of men he prouyded al thyngs necessary for the Hebrewes fyrst by Moyses and then by Iosua as long as they liued They exercised the office of princes or captaines which men being dead god would haue the best and most excellent men to haue the rule ouer theÌ„ for such men were picked out to be of the senate whose excellent conditions are set forth as well in Exodus as in Deuteronomy for the lawes of God would not suffer euery one to be called to that office That is wheÌ„ the best men are gouernours ouer the coÌ„moÌ„ weale If thou shalt therfore consider these men then shalt thou see the forme of that gouernment which is called Aristocratia But bicause that it was not lawfull to attempt great matters without the peoples consent we may therfore iustly thinke that it was also a common wealth which endured to the tyme of Saule and Dauid the first kings That estate therfore in respect of god was a kingdome but in respect of the Senate those chiefe men it was Aristocratia Bicause in electing of theÌ„ they had no regard to their riches but to their vertue and godlines for that the weightiest
this his true sayeng than the godly feling of the minde We gather hereby that the lawe of rendring like for like semeth euen to the wicked by the light of nature iust right which at the length wil they or nill they are compelled to acknowledge the iudgemēts of God For they haue certein principles of that which is right and honest written in their hartes although they expresse not the same in dedes But euen as Paul hath written to the Romaines they holde the truth of God after a certeine sorte captiue in vnrighteousnesse when they knew the righteousnesse of God neither was it hidden from them that they whiche do such thinges are worthy of death yet for all that they not onely do them but also they consent to them whiche do them As I haue done so God hath done to me agayne Bycause he spake of gods iudgementes therfore in naming of god he vsed not this worde Iehouah but Elohim The name Iehouah and the name Elohim By whiche worde the scripture vseth rather to set forth the myght and iustice of god than his mercy This most cruell tyranne confesseth that he had most cruelly cut of the feete of 70. kinges and brought them to that poynte the they were faine to gather their meate vnder his table It is not to be laughed or hissed at as a lye bycause in that prouince beyng not very large were 70. kinges Euery citie in the olde tyme had their king For it may be that at that tyme that custome was in vse that euery citie had his king Neither ought the gouernment of a king to be separated from other formes of gouernmentes by largenesse or bredth of borders but in what societie or multitude of men soeuer it be Definition of a kyng Iustine where as any one mā is lawfully made gouernour so that he depend not of any other superiour power the same man may by good right be called king yea and as Iustinus writeth euery king before Ninus tyme was content with the boundes and limites of his owne citie And such a custome if I should speake the trouth I can not but greatly commende It is not profitable to haue large kyngdomes For what shall it profit kinges most amplye to dilate the territory of their empyre when as afterward they are ouerwhelmed with ouer much weight therof neither are they able to gouerne it by reason and counsell But what should man do The Monarches in these dayes are so set on fire with such great ambition that they haue not a respect how many they are able to gouerne but onely haue a regarde to this how many they may reigne ouer Neither doth this disease whiche is the more to be lamented raigne onely in worldly princes The Bishops seke to haue large diocesses but it is also most filthyly spred abroade in the Churche where Byshoppes couet by all meanes to haue most large diocesses of whiche although they neuer looke to them they may receaue most plentifull fruites But nowe I returne to the matter and aske the cause why the Israelites did cut of the thombes of the handes and feete of Adonibezek Wherfore Adonibezeb was so maymed of the Hebrues R. Leui aunswereth to this interrogation and sayth that it was therfore done that the cruell Tirant might be made altogether vnapt to do any thing and especially to make warre For they whiche are so inaymed are neither able to drawe sworde neither to take or ouercome any man in battaille Moreouer by this so sharpe punishment other princes whiche were yet remayning might easely be made affeard to lifte any weapon agaynst the Israelites These thinges are somewhat lykely but the wordes of the same tyranne teache vs that we must consider some deeper cause namely that it was so done by the prouidēce of god that cruell and bloudy princes should not at the length escape the iudgemēt of God yea rather they should haue experience on them selues of that whiche they had committed agaynst others And in that thing bycause it is good sometymes to be taught by the example of wicked men God would now also admonishe vs by this Adonibezek He teacheth vs that we should not muche staye in inferiour causes whiche are nexte vnto vs We must not staye in the inferior causes but rather cōsider the highest causes but rather by these examples strayght wayes to lift vp the eyes of the mynde to consider the wonderful and most highe iustice of the decrees of God The selfe same most cruel tyranne doth not ascribe vnto the Israelites that they had feabled hym by cutting of his handes and feete but by and by sayeth As I haue done to other so God hath done to me agayne Which same thing also Christ hath taught vs for this also was his sentēce With what measure ye meate with the same shall other meate vnto you Of this lawe of rendring like for like let the cruel tyrannes of our tyme be affeard whiche neuer make an end of killing tearing and burning of holy and innocent mē as thoughe wisedome neuer admonished them By what soeuer a man sinneth by the same also is he punished Neither haue they at any tyme heard Habakuc the holy prophet cryeng thus Why tyrannes do so cruelly rage Bycause thou hast spoyled many nations others also shall spoyle thee Those be bloudy tyrannes when they do so extremely rage being altogether vnmindful of humane chaunces neuer thincking how the same thinges may happen vnto them selues wherwith they do so cruelly afflicte others For if they would remember this they would vse them selues more mekely not only toward innocent men but also euē to them which are giltie iustly condemned by them Let vs learne in all thinges whiche shal happen what soeuer they be to consider as well the iudgementes of god as also his goodnesse and therby we shall get good matter either of repentaunce or els of thankes geuing But there is a doubt why the Israelites killed not this king by and by Why Adonibezek was not by and by slayne of the Iewes and why they brought him to Ierusalem there to die miserably I aunswere to testifie vnto all men that he being woūded was not gloriously killed in the battaille for his horrible tyrāny deserued not so famous an end of this life Neither is it to be meruealed that when he came to Ierusalē he was not holpen by the diligence and remedies of Phisitians for the Iewes did it not of cruelty but bicause they were affeard to violate the commaundement of god who commaunded that all their enemies the Chananites should be slayne euery one amongest whom this Adonibezek deserued not one death but a thousand besides that it was done that his most shameful end might be an exāple to al mē He worthily therfore being maimed and despised departed this life in a most famous citie But it semeth to be demaunded for what cause when he had so vilye maymed
spared Benadad king of Siria Of whom he said if he be on lyue he is my brother They condemne Saul also by the voyce of Samuel the prophet bicause he saued Agag kyng of Amaleck oâ— lyue And euen as it was said vnto an other by the messenger of God Whether syns are to be pardoned Seneca Thy soule shal be for his soule so Saul being a litle before placed by God in the kyngdome was depriued therof What shal we do then Shall we not forgeue synnes Seneca in his second booke of clemency and .6 chap. writeth Pardon sayth he is a remission of punishment due by which he is forgeuen which ought to haue bene punished Wherfore he thincketh it is not a wyse mans part to geue pardon bicause a wyse man wyl neuer commit any thyng whych ought not to be done or leaue any thyng vndone which ought to be done This reason of his seemeth to be very good and effectuall enough But least we should be deceiued therby we must here set a profitable distinction of persons that is of God of princes God maye forgeue synnes and of priuate men No man ought to doubt but that god may forgeue whom he wyl wheÌ„ as he is not bound to any other mans lawes Wherfore in forgeuyng he is not sayd to remit that which he ought to haue punished Besydes this he hath not so forgeuen men their faultes A Magistrate ought not to suffer faultes vnpunished but that he hath punished them in hys onely begotteÌ„ sonne Christ But we must otherwise thinke of the Magistrate to whoÌ„ it is not lawful to forgeue the punishmentes of synnes bicause he is commaunded to geue iudgement by the lawes To whom neuerthelesse it is graunted eyther to release or to aggrauate the punishmentes according to the wayght and quantity of the crimes Wherfore when he that is guilty is not wythout hope of ameÌ„dement neither hath geuously offeÌ„ded the magistrate is contented with an easier punishmeÌ„t somtimes he addeth som reprofe or som sharper admonitiâ— Wherfore let him neuer leaue synnes vnpunished the same maÌ„ in punishing is not cruel yea he rather correcteth ameÌ„deth healeth Which worke is both iust and also most milde so far is it that it should be ascribed to fiercenes or cruelty Seneca Many executions ar a dishonour to the magistrate Howe priuate men should forgeue iniuries I wyl also adde this by the way which is written of the same Seneca that to haue many executions is no lesse dishonor to the Magistrates than many corpes are to the Phisitions But now coÌ„cerning priuate men me thinketh it must be answered thus It is their duty to forgeue iniuries don to them selues neyther can Seneca his saying take place in them namely that a wise man wil leaue nothing vndone that ought to be done bycause reuengement is forbidden them by the law of almighty God And they are commaunded after a sorte to punish such as sinne against them in admonishing I meane and reprouing them And they are wylled to be content with that punishment when those which haue offended them are amended and made whole But coÌ„trarily if they perceiue that they be stubborne they by the coÌ„maundement of God ought to complain to the church by whom at the last they are excluded vnlesse they wil be obedient to it And when they are excluded out of the church they maye also be accused to the Magistrate In which thing yet is nothing coÌ„mitted against clemency bycause this is the mynde and purpose of them which accuse namely vtterlye to take away euyl according to Gods commaundement by al meanes possible And these thinges are now sufficient concerning cruelty and also clemency They whych worke of fayth obtain the promises Bycause Iudah and Simeon obtayned the victory according to the promyses of the oracle it shal be our part diligently to consider and marke that they which worke with faith by the woord of God do without doubt obtaine his promises For God hath not left those destitute of his ayde which haue endeuoured them selues to go forward faithfully in their vocation The promises of God surelye are constant and although heauen earth should at any time vary or be chaunged yet shal they alwaies be firme And therefore when as man is pronounced to be a lyer God contrary wise must bee confessed and celebrated as moste true Neither is there any thing found so hard or difficult but that by faith it maye be performed Wherfore it is very well written in the .xi. chap. to the Hebrewes that the saintes by faith haue ouercome kingdomes and obteyned the victorye That sentence certainly hath a principal respect vnto these histories of the Iudges This ought to be so manifest and playne vnto vs that for the obtaynyng of the promises of God We attayn not to the promises of God by merites we ought to attribute nothing to our own workes and merites Yea let vs rather bee assured that what so euer happeneth vnto vs that the same commeth onely of the goodnes of God which promised the same Our endeuour also and labour are required therunto by the scriptures as we see here also to be done where the victory is geuen to Iudah and Simeon when they fought and not when they ceased Not bycause God could not haue geuen them the victory ouer their enemyes although they had done nothing as sometimes he dyd but he hath decreed to bring vs by the crosse and labours after hys accustomed maner to the rewardes which he freely promised Neither yet for al that that our studies and labours are required as causes to obtayne the promyses when as God doth geue vnto vs frely and of his own mere liberality those thinges which he hath promised vs. This is principallye true in those promises which do wholy passe mans capacity as are eternal life and regeneration For they beyng the chiefe and last endes of our vocations doo farre and muche passe the dignitye and pryce of our woorkes Promises of the Gospel and of the law though they bee most perfect And there is a certayne profitable and necessary distinction whych is not to be forgotten namelye that some promyses are of the lawe and other some of the Gospell And this is the nature of promises of the Gospel to be offred vtterly frely to men But to promises of the law some worke is euer anexed And the is required to be most perfect absolute in all pointes Which bicause we can not performe 〈◊〉 altogether fal down vnder our burthen neyther can we attaine to these proâ—â—ses of the lawe in respecte they are of the law Promises of the law are not vayne Thou wilt say theÌ„ that this kinâ— of promises of the law is vaine Not so how is it the they be not geuen in vaâ— if none can attaine vnto theÌ„ They are to this end set forth the meÌ„ vtterly leauâ— the confidence of workes should hope to obtaine theÌ„ by
is the head of the woman as Paule hath said in the first to the Corinth In mariages the fyrst order of kinred maye not be peruerted Wherfore ther must alwaies bee a regarde had that in mariage the order of kinred bee kept least the order which was before should be peruerted For it is meete that mariages should obserue and not violate honesty of order among men Which honesty should he violated if euery man might take to wife hys Aunt his vncles wife or mothers sister For bicause that women ioyned vnto vs by this degree of kynred are to be reuerenced as mothers But if they be made wyues then by the law of matrimony they are made subiectes and ar bound to honour to obey and reuerence their husbands whom otherwise they ought to haue had in place of childrē Which semeth nothing els than to commit thinges repugnaunt to nature But if it be contraryly done then is there no peruerting of order incurred For hee which is an vncle either by fathers syde or mothers syde shoulde be honoured and reuerenced lyke a father when he taketh to wyfe his niepce the husband is made her head and shal be honoured and obeyed of her no lesse than if he wer her vncle eyther by the fathers syde or mothers syde neither commeth there any perturbation of order by coniunction of matrimony These thinges Burgensis alledgeth Wherfore this place doth not onely admonish but in a maner also cōpel vs somwhat to entreate of degrees prohibited in contracts of matrimony Yet wil I leaue at liberty whether Chaleb Othoniel wer brethren or whether they were ioyned with any other affinity together This is most certain if Othoniel wer the sonne of Chaleb his brother the mariage then was very lawfull But the state of the question is whether it wer lawfull for Othoniel by the common lawe to marye hys brothers daughter In the law are not rehersed all the degrees in which maryages ar prohibited This seemeth first to bee agreed vpon that in the .18 .20 chap of Leuit. are not rehearsed al persons or degrees in which mariages are prohibited for there is no mencion made of Graundmother when as neuertheles al men wyll confesse it to be most filthy if anye man shoulde take to wife his Graundmother which is farre aboue him in his yeares The wife also of the Graundfather is not mēcioned of though the wife of the vncle by the fathers side be spoken of yet is there nothing spoken of the wife of the vncle by the mothers syde Yea that we more maruayle at there is no prohibition for the father to marye hys daughter when as al men confesse that these mariages are most incest Wherfore it is to be thought that in that place are set forth by the holy ghost certayne degrees prohibited those not many but yet such that by them as by certain exquisite and manifest rules we may iudge of the like Wherfore we must thinke that those thinges which are spoken of the mother are also commaunded of the Graundfather or Graundmother or wife of the Grandfather seing that al these are to bee reckoned for Parentes Those thinges also whych are spoken of the wife of the vncle by the fathers syde do manyfestly declare what is to be done with the wife of the vncle by the mothers side For as much as these aliaunces or degrees are of one space or distaunce one from an other Wherefore I am of this opinion that I thinke the prohibitions mencioned in the law are therefore set forth that by them we might euidently vnderstand what is meete to doo in the lyke degrees I graunt neuerthelesse concerning Paulus Burgensis reason that they doo muche more violate the law which do concract matrimonies with persons forbiddē Who syn more greuouslye against the degrees prohibited It is vncertain whether the Iewes doo abyde in the right obseruyng of their lawe and therwithal peruerting also the order of kinreds For it semeth to me that he doth farre more vilye which marrieth his Graundmother than he which marryeth his niexce by the brother although I thinke that bothe these matrimonies are not lawful What the Hebrewes do in our time I passe not much to know yea I much doubt of that which Paulus Burgensis taketh vnto him as a thing sure manyfest namely that the Iewes are at this day most diligent in obseruing of theyr outward lawes For me thinketh that I should doo well in not geuing to them more dignity or religion than to Christians Wherfore as it is manifest inough that we haue for mens traditions very much straied from the right obseruation of the comaundementes of God and also from the right knowledge of the scriptures so is it also lykely that the same hath happened vnto the Iewes especially in this our age Wherfore I am not iniurious against them whē as I wyl not geue more to them than to our selues The Iewes haue added mani other degres to the degrees expressed of god Neuertheles I wil not omit that the Rabines haue added to their prohibited degrees in the law many more as wel in ascending as descending which I see the most learned man Paulus Fagius hath declared in his annotacions vpon Leuit. nether can I be perswaded that they wer added by them for any other cause but onely bicause they thought that those degrees wer comprehended in the degrees expressed by God What we must haue a respecte vnto in iudging of degres Wherefore to geue iudgement of any lawful mariages that shal not be sufficient in my iudgemēt if the degree wherin they are contracted shal not be prohibited by manifest proper wordes in the law neither the order of kinred peruerted for it maye be that the like degree of the same distaunce be forbidden by authority of the law The scripture declareth not by manyfest wordes the peruertyng of order which is to be taken heede of in mariages Nether doth the scripture as far as I can see alledge in any place the reason concerning peruerting of order although as I haue before said I doo not vtterly abiect that reason Some man peraduenture wil saye what matter is it for vs of this age either to know or els to obserue those preceptes which ar contained in the .18 .20 chap. of Leuit. seing that we after the cōming of Christ are no more bounde to the ciuill lawes of the Iewes I confesse that the Christians are not bound to the ciuil preceptes of the law but yet I ascribe those preceptes whych are there geuē for mariages not to ciuil lawes but rather to moral And I think that I maye bring a reason out of the same place to confirme my sentence For God when he gaue those lawes added these wordes therunto The Chananites ar reproued bicause thei had defiled thē selues with incest Take hede therfore that ye defile not your selues with whordomes such incestes as the Gentiles
and shew vnto them what hath happened vnto the. c. ¶ Of Prodition or treason THis place admonisheth vs somewhat to intreate of Prodition or treason and it is demaunded whether it be at any tyme lawfull or whether it be alwayes forbidden Ierome Ierome de optimo genere interpretādi to Pammachius sayth that princes in dede do admitte treason but they condēne the traytours Antigonus wherunto agreeth the sayeng of Antigonus the kyng whiche is I loue traytors so lōg as they are in betrayeng but whē they haue betrayed I hate thē Plutarch rehearseth the same of Rhimotalcus kyng of the Thracians Plutarche who fell frō Anthony to Augustus and after his victorye boasted of the same among his cuppes Augustus and that so insolently and aboue measure that Augustus turnyng hym to his frend said this sentence of him I allowe the treason but I prayse not the traytor Which sentence thoughe it semeth allowable and iust at the first sight yet ought it not to be counted either true or wise For if wise men will allowe and prayse any action they must also prayse and allowe the author therof Neither doth any man that lawfully vnto others whiche he would not suffer hymselfe And there is no man whiche would be content to be betrayed hymselfe or any of his Lasthenes Furthermore one Lasthenes when he had betrayed his countrey Olinthus to the Macedonians thought that for the same he should haue ben highly honored of them it happened farre otherwise vnto him For he was called of the souldiers a traytor euery where through out the campe Wherfore he grieuously complayned of the same matter to Phillip the king who made him aunswere Philip of Macedonia That his Macedonians were very rude rusticall people which knew not how to cal things by any other name than by their owne propre name They call sayth he a bote a bote This was as if he shuld haue answered Seing thou art such a one thou oughtest not to be called by any other name Asconius Paedianus Asconius Paedianus in secundam verrinam sayth that to betray is worse then to besiege For the enemyes sayth he besiege it ought not to be coūted a vyce in them But they betray whiche would seme friendes and ought to be such in dede towardes vs. And therfore when they departe from their office of friendship Ierome Theodosius the Emperour they synne farre more grieuously than do the other Ierome also in the place before alledged De optimo genere interpretandi ad Pammachiū sheweth how Theodosius the Emperor put to death Hesychius the consull bicause he opened the letters of the patriarche Gamaliel neither was that any meruayle bycause with the Romanes it was death to open the secretes of any man as it is writtē in the digestes De re militari in the law Omne in the third law in the Codice de cōmerciis mercaturis And in the digestes Ad legē Iuliani maiestatis in the law 1. 2. 3. he the geueth ouer munitions committed to his charge falleth into the daunger of treason The example also of Camillus is worthy to be noted Camillus who commaūded the scholemaister of the childrē of the Phaliscians to be with stripes brought home of his disciples into his countrey bicause he would haue betrayed them The Phisition of Pirrhus The Phisitiō likewise of Pirrhus which promised vnto the Romanes that for their sakes he would kill his kyng was by them detected vnto the king that he might the diligētlier beware of him Wherby peace followed betwene Pirrhus and the Romanes Esay in the xvi chap doth therfore vehemently rebuke the Moabites bycause they had so cruelly intreated the Israelites when they were oppressed of their enemyes and admonisheth them not to betray the Iewes flyeng vnto thē in their tyme for succor And Paul writeth in the latter Epistle to Tymothe that in the latter tymes there should be men corrupted with most grieuous and mischieuous dedes among whiche he reckeneth traytors also Bisides this the citizens are sworne vnto the Magistrates to defend the citie or publicque wealth whē nede shall require And thoughe they were not sworne The mēbers of al liuing thīgs do endāger thē selues for the nobler partes yet the natural and common lawe requireth the same of them whiche thing the members of all lyuing thinges do testifie whiche do willingly and most readily endanger them selues for the bodye and for the nobler partes therof I meane the hed or harte Whiche selfe thing the citizens are by the lawes of nature bound to do for their countrey if it be in dāger Wherfore if they should betray it they can not be excused but that they sinne most grieuously But it were good before we go any farther to define what proditiō is What is to betraye To betray semeth in Latine as much as nedeth to this presēt purpose to signifie thre things namely to bewraye to deceaue deliuer vp Prodition therfore is an actiō wherby by guile bewrayeng or deliuering vp our neighbours or their goods are hurt and that especially of those which ought rather to defend the same But there be many kindes of prodition For they do betraye Many kyndes of prodition Augustine which do by subtile guile detecte the faultes of their brethren Augustine confirmeth this kynde of proditiō in his 2. questiō first chap. Si peccauerit where he sayth reprehend thy brother secretly of whose sinne thou hast priuate knowledge for if thou shalt do it before al men thou shalt not then be a corrector of sinne but a betrayer Also he which circumuēteth an other bringeth him into dāger he betrayeth hym Wherfore Ierome as it is written 24. question the 3. chap. Transferunt Ierome sayth that the same belongeth principally vnto false Prophetes euil Pastors which by their euill doctrine and examples destroye the shepe of Christ committed to their charge whome they ought to defend They are numbred amongest them which deliuer castels and munitiōs vnto their enemies Wherof it is written at large 22. question the .5 chap. De forma They are also counted betrayers which do detecte open secretes cōmitted vnto thē especially such as are of great waight bring in danger the life estimation or goods of their brethren And this kind is noted in the title Chrisostome De paenitentia distinct 6. chap. Sacerdotes Finally Chrisostome vpon Matthew the .25 homely as is alledged in the decrees 11. question the third and chap. Nolite timere Not onely they are sayde to betraye the truth whiche in the place of it speake a lye but they also which do not frely professe the same Wherfore there are reckoned many wayes or kyndes of prodition But we will not speake of them all nowe presently but onely will touche those kyndes whiche make for our purpose One man some tymes is both a betrayer and a spye
Howbeit I thincke it good this to be added that some iudge that prodition espiall do not much differ one from another and that it maye sometimes come to passe that one man may be both a betrayer a spye For if any Citizen be corrupted with money by the enemyes the same is both a betrayer of his countrey is also in the meane tyme a domesticall spye But this semeth not to be wisely spoken bycause the nature of these things as it appeareth by their definitions doth very much differ although sometimes they cleaue both in one mā so that the same man may be both a betrayer a spye Euen as musike Grammer differ much one frō an other yet it oftētimes happeneth the one mā is both a Grāmarian a Musitian Neuerthelesse the differēce which I haue before mencioned is for the most part obserued although not alwayes namely that espial cōmeth of enemies and prodition of them which be amongest vs whom we trust as friendes Whether prodition be at any tyme lawful Augustine But to the end we may the playnlyer know concerning prodition whether it be at any tyme lawful I thincke it best to cal to memory those wordes which Augustine writeth against the letters of Petilianus the second booke and 10. chap We may not sayth he heare the complaynts of such as suffre but seke out the mynde of them whiche are the doers This the man of God wrote agaynst the Donatistes whiche accused our men as betrayers persecutors And to them he answereth the Paul also deliuered vp some to Sathā whose saluatiō neuerthelesse semed to be committed to his charge but for all that bycause he did it of a good mynde namely to teache them not to blaspheme and that their spirit might be saued in the daye of the Lorde he could not be accused either of treason or els of deliueryng vp bycause as it is before sayd The complaintes of them whiche suffre are not to be heard What proditiō is good but we must seke out the mind of the doers Wherfore when warre or controuersy shall happen betwene any of which the one part is knowen to haue a iust good cause if the other part which defendeth the worser cause therfore doth vniustly wil by no meanes be brought to any good reasonable conditions surely good men whiche peraduenture are founde on the same syde ought in such sort to helpe to defend the other part as they may aduaunce iustice And if it be nede they ought to fall from the vniust to iust men Neither can their prodition be condēned iustly as ill although before they were neuer so much friendes very nighe vnto those which worke vniustly What cause the Israelites had against the Chananites Epiphanius Now must we speake somewhat of the Israelites cause agaynst the Chananites whiche may be considered of vs two manner of wayes namely either by common lawe and ordinary lawe of nature or elles by fayth and by the worde of GOD. Concerning the naturall or common lawe Epiphanius writeth that the lande of Palestine pertayned in very dede to the children of Sem by occasion whereof Melchisedek reygned there whiche was either Sem hym selfe or elles one of hys children But the Chananites whiche came of Cham passyng ouer the boundes of Egypte and Africa whiche were appoynted vnto them dyd caste out of Palestine the sonnes of Sem. And therefore the Hebrues whiche were the posteritie of Sem when they required to be restored to their Fathers landes semed to do it iustly and rightfully Wherefore as he sayeth GOD did both restore vnto the Israelites the countreys whiche belonged vnto their auncestors and also punished the Chananites for their wickednesse and this he did all with one and the selfe same worke Howbeit I can not easely agree to Epiphanius opinion for there was past prescription of very long time for at the least there were fyue hundreth yeares Wherefore it could not be sayde that the Chananites possessed that lande vniustly If we should go by this reason now in our tyme then should there be none in a manner counted a lawfull prince and iuste possessor when as their auncestor came to the possession of those prouinces and kingdomes by violence driuyng out botht the kings and the inhabitors that were in them before Wherfore the Israelites semed not to haue any iust causes by mans lawe by whiche they might make clayme vnto the land of Palestine as to their owne neither alledged they at any tyme any such reason And yet for al that they had good ryght therunto for as much as god testified as wel by words as by wonderfull workes that it was his wil that the Hebrues should haue the possession of those regions to whom as Dauid hath wel said both the earth and the fulnesse thereof belongeth Neither could the Chananites murmure agaynst the iudgement of God for as much as they were iustly cut of from their ryght for their sundry and manifold wicked Actes Wherfore none could in this cause iustly defend the Chananites if they wil cleaue to the true God and beleue his wordes Wherby it followeth that this Luzite which betrayed hys citizens dyd it either of faith as did Rahab in Iericho or els by some humane bargayne For the kepers or spyes sayd vnto him VVe will shewe thee mercy If he were stricken with feare howe could that as they say happen vnto a constant man for he was after a sorte a prisoner and was fallen into the handes of hys enemyes then was he brought to it by humane conuention and then did he fowly for it is not lawfull for any man to make any fylthy couenauntes agaynst hys countrey Neyther can he be excused bycause of feare It is not lawfull for any mā to make any fylthy couenātes against hys countrey for nothyng is to be done agaynste iustice and conscience althoughe what feare so euer he should be stryken with but if he were stirred vp vnto it by fayth and for that he sawe hys citezens obstinately to resiste the worde of God and his workes then he did well neither can hys treason be either disallowed or elles condemned For no lawes no vowes no couenaūtes or bondes thoughe they be neuer so strayte Feare must not cause vs to do any thyng against iustice can bynd any man to fight agaynst or to resiste the worde of God whiche worde all men must earnestly labour to haue done and fulfilled For this sentence abydeth and shall perpetually abyde That we must obey God more than men Neither can any man as Christe sayeth serue two maisters specially if they commaunde contrary thinges It is lawfull for the magistrate priuely to send inquisitors Moreouer the Magistrate is to be ayded in rooting out of vice and naughtynesse and to hym without doubte is lawfull priuely to send men to make enquiry and to deiecte wicked Actes that the offendors may be punished
euery where detest lyes And we are coÌ„mauÌ„ded as Peter saith to speake as it wer the wordes of god And these wordes are pure neither must we grauÌ„t that there is any lye fouÌ„d in theÌ„ as Augustine hath very wel writteÌ„ vnto Ierome What is to be aunswered coÌ„cernyng the lyes of the sainctes And thoughe we read that the sainctes did somtimes lye yet we must either not excuse theÌ„ seing they were meÌ„ or els we must thinke that it was done by the wil of god For then the actioÌ„ which of his own nature appeareth to be vicious ceasseth 〈◊〉 to be sinne when it is manifest that god hath coÌ„mauÌ„ded the same And after this sorte AbrahaÌ„ is excused in that he would haue killed his sonne The Israelites also are defended whiche when they departed tooke away with them those things which they had borowed of the EgyptiaÌ„s These cautioÌ„s at this preseÌ„t offer theÌ„ selues vnto me He answereth to the reasons put in the be-beginning wherby may be adorned this kind of proditioÌ„ which may be allowed or defended whiche otherwise is a thing to be cursed detested as it is manifest that the prodition of Iudah was Neither caÌ„ the reasons which I haue alledged in the begynning any thing hinder but that some prodition may be approued We declared first by the authoritie of Ierome To the first Antigonus augustus Philip of Macedonia the traitors haue ben accustomed to be euil spokeÌ„ of I answere that therfore that happened bicause proditioÌ„s for the most part lacke these cautioÌ„s before declared For they which are traytors haue not for the most part a respect to that whiche is iust honest neither are they sure of the will of god neither haue they any sure proofe that the cause is right which they follow but are only brought to betray for hatred for their own coÌ„modity for feare wicked affectes And they might also ofteÌ„times haue defeÌ„ded iustice by other wayes meanes Besides this they are not afeard therin to make lyes to coÌ„mit manifest sinnes Furthermore I repete that agayn which I sayd before that it was euill said of theÌ„ in pronouÌ„cing that they loued that treasoÌ„ hated the traitors seing either semeth either equally to be allowed or els equally to be coÌ„deÌ„ned And to be brief the testimonies which wer brought caÌ„ only take place in naughty daÌ„nable treasoÌ„s And to such as coÌ„sider of theÌ„ selues that they would not theÌ„ selues nor theirs to be betrayed therfore wil not that any kind of prodition should be couÌ„ted good we must answere as S. Augustine sayth That the complayntes of such as suffer are not to be heard but we must seke out the mynd of the doers Secondly we declared by the oppinion of Appianus To the second that prodition was farre worser than besiegyng bycause thys namely besiegyng is done by ennemyes but the other by friendes We wyll easely graunte to that for if a naughtye and vniuste prodition be conferred also with an vniuste besiegyng As some besieging is iust so also is some prodition good than shall prodition be iudged farre worser for as muche as it commeth from friendes of whom we looke neither to be hurt nor yet to receaue any damage But euen as some besiegyng is found iust what inconuenience shall it be then or not agreeyng with the truth if some prodition also be found iust The coÌ„parison therfore of Appianus is so to be vnderstaÌ„d that either of the things compared together be euill For as the GraÌ„marians say the comparatiue degree alwayes râ—quireth the positiue degree wherin the comparison is made And in that Theodosius the Emperor as Ierome testifieth did put to death a betrayer it is no meruayle when as the Romane lawes so ordayned in the digestes in the Codice as it is before shewed they determine so of the prodition wherby places of muÌ„nitioÌ„ are deliuered vp to the enemies Euill proditioÌ„ is to be couÌ„ted amonge moste grieuous crimes likewise for treason And assuredly that prodition which is euill ought to be couÌ„ted for a most grieuous crime For if therby come any losse of name or fame then is it against the coÌ„mauÌ„dement of god which coÌ„maundeth Thou shalt not beare false witnesse But if it bring losse of good and possessions then is the coÌ„maundement broken which is ordained against theft Finally if it be the cause of losse of body life it violateth the precept wherin god hath coÌ„maunded Thou shalt not kill And there is no doubt but that of proditions such murthers oftentimes happen for the inhabiters of cities which are betrayed are wont to be slayne of their enemies Naughty proditions are iustly punyshed with death Wherfore when that warre is vniust the wicked betrayer is guilty of the murther whiche therof followeth And therfore if lawes or princes haue ordayned death for this wicked crime I thincke it is not vniustly done but the letteth not but that there may be good proditions founde Who doubteth but that thieues should be hanged when as neuerthelesse it â—s lawfull in iuste warre to take spoyles from the enemies To the thirde The Romanes as it was afterward declared toke veÌ„geauÌ„ce of the scholemaster of the children of the PhalisciaÌ„s they detected vnto Pirrhus his phisitioÌ„ which would haue betrayed him These things are true in dede but I may easly aunswere that the Romanes had here a regard to two things First that these namely the scholemaster the PhisitiaÌ„ had not in that which they did a regarde to iustice but were only stirred vp therunto by couetousnesse or hatred Wherfore they semed to haue deserued not a reward but a punishmeÌ„t Furthermore that Romanes had a woÌ„derful great desire of glory which they called valiaÌ„tnesse of mind And being stirred vp with that they thought that victory in a maner vnworthy whiche they got not by force but after this sort which semed to be very cowardly And it is possible that they thought to wynne those agaynst whom they warred and rather by benefites or at the lest way no lesse by benefites than by force To the fourth The Edomites â—nd Moabites did vniustly betraye the Iewes Isai as it was sayd admonished the Moabites in the name of God that they should not betray them whiche did flye vnto them bycause they semed to do that of enuie and malice and not that they were desirous to set forward the will of God For God had not commauÌ„ded the Moabites to afflicte the Israelites Wherfore when the Hebrues were betrayed of the Moabites or of the Edomites that could not be done but of crueltie for as much as the lawes of neighbourhed kynred were violated And that Paul spake vnto Timothe of a wicked prodition it is more manifest than I shall nede now to declare To the fyft Lastly were obiected othes lawes of nature wherw t citizens are bound to defend their countrey Of which
heare it they take it for a most certaine signe of falling awaye from Antichrist Wherfore we may commonly cal Masse a publike profession of Popery Wyth what colour therefore or with what countenaunce can they extenuate so great a crime They ar grieuous euils say they which hang ouer vs and we put our selues in most great daungers vnlesse we communicate with the Papists in hearing of Masses I confesse that but let them remember that God also foresaw al these thinges and declared that they should come to passe who for al that wyll not suffer that his lawes shoulde bee chaunged Wherefore as touching these chaunces let vs cast our care vpon hym which hath cōmaunded these thinges is not ignoraunt that these euils are ioyned with the obseruing of his cōmaundementes Persecutions abrogate not the lawes of God We maye not part our selues betwene God the deuil The nature therfore and strength of troubles and daungers is not such to be able to abrogate the lawes of God They abide yea and for euer shal abide and therefore let vs not desire to haue them broken by our daungers or miseries And men are healthfully and rightlye counselled not to part them selues betwene God and the deuil to deliuer vnto God their affection or hart and graunt vnto the deuil their body and outward partes For so much as by the partes of the distinction before put Of princes and maiestrats how they oughte to behaue them selues wyth infydels A distinctiō of powers we haue sufficientlye spoken of priuate men as touching their dwelling together with Infidels now resteth to declare of Princes or Magistrates And they are either principal as they which depende of no other neither haue anye power aboue them or els they are inferiour powers which lawfully as of right are subiect vnto Superiours either bicause they are their Deputies or Ministers that is Officiales or Vicars as they are commonly called Let vs fyrst therfore speake of suche as be absolute and mere higher powers asking whether they in their dominiōs may suffer the faithful to be conuersant with Infidels I thinke it be lawful It is lawfull for princes to suffer the couersation of the faythfull with the vnfaythfull with certayne cautions so that ther be certain conditions or cautions put For when the Romane Empire receiued the Christian religion euery one which wer vnder that Empire beleued not by and by in Christ who wer for al that suffred both to lyue and also peaceably to dwel there Yea in the tyme of Ambrosius Symmachus who was wythout Christ was not ashamed to require of the Emperours that the rites of the Ethnikes might be restored which he obtained not And nowe when as kyngdomes and dominions haue admitted the preaching of the Gospell ther are many stil suffered which are wonderfully affected towarde the Pope and his wyckednes Which cannot without great perturbation of things be seperated from them which are of the Gospel Wherfore Princes are compelled to suffer suche conuersations neither is that to be ascribed a fault in them The first caution so that they departe not from these iust cautions The first of those cautions is that they constrayne the faithful to no vngodly woorshippinges for then should they not execute the offices of the Ministers of God but rather of the deuil and of Antichrist by good woorkes they shoulde not be a terrour vnto the wicked neither shoulde they aduaunce Caution 2 the woord of God but the tyranny of Sathan Secondlye let them beware that they permit not vnto the Infidels wicked rites and vngodly ceremonies in their dominions Of this crime was Solomon guilty not that he compelled the Iewes to worship Idoles but for bicause to his wyues and Concubines which wer straungers he permitted temples in Iewry wherin they might worship Astartes and Chamos and other straunge Gods Salomon was for his sinne punished by the law of the lyke called Lex talionis But that God was grieuously angry with him the holy historye declareth He was iustlye punished by the law of the like That as he had deuided the holy worshipping in graunting part of it to God and part vnto Idoles so was his kingdome deuided and part of it was graunted to his sonne and part was geuen vnto Ieroboam the Sonne of Nebath But his fault spred abroad into his posterity For Achas Manasses and many other vngodly kinges had wicked and detestable woorshippinges at Ierusalem Wherfore they were by the Prophetes grieuouslye and sharpelye reproued The magistrat ought to reuenge idolatrye And vndoubtedly a Magistrate cannot but be blamed when he nourisheth idolatry when as he beareth the sword to reuenge wicked actes Wherefore he must either thinke that idolatry is no wicked acte or that it is by the Magistrate and other to be aduenged Augustine Augustine often times excellentlye well entreateth of this place of Dauid Be wise now therfore O ye Kinges be learned ye that are Iudges of the earth serue the Lorde in feare c. He sayth also it is mete that kinges serue the Lorde Neither entreated Dauid of them in that respect that they are men for so are they wyth other bounde to obserue common lawes Howe and in what sort Kinges ought to serue God Wherfore for so much as they are kinges they are admonished namely to vse the power and sword geuen them by God to defend the verity of the tru faith and to put downe the vngodly that the catholike truth and churche of the sonne of God as far as their dominions extend be not assaulted Wherefore it is not lawful for Princes to graunt vnto the vngodly vnpure worshippinges yea it is their part chiefely to vrge sound doctrine ceremonies and rites which agree with the woord of God We maye not vrge to keepe the externall rites alyke euery where And yet for al that to speake a woord or two of that by the waye I doo not thinke that we should to much contend that rites and ceremonies may be al alike and obserued euery where after one maner But this is to be prouided for that they be not against the word of God yea rather let them drawe vnto it as much as may be and as farre as they are able let them set forth edification and a decent order For otherwise it skilleth not whether we receauethe sacrament of the Lordes Supper standing or sitting or kneeling so that the institution of the Lorde be kept and occasion of superstition be cut of Neither is it any matter when the brethren communicate Diuersity of ceremonies is profitable whither some one place of the holye scriptures be red or Psalmes and thankesgeuings be song of the people Yea I think that this variety in rites much profiteth to bring in a true opiniō of ceremonies namely that al men may vnderstande that those ceremonies which are not set forth in the holy scriptures Augustine are not necessary vnto saluation
but may be chaunged for edification sake as time shall serue And Augustine to Ianuarius and to Cassulanus was also of this opinion Caution 3 The thirde condition or caution that is to be added is that Princes take heede that those infidels whom they suffer in their dominions be continuallye with diligence instructed And not as the maner commonlye is neglect them in those thinges which pertaine vnto godlines otherwise the glory of God cannot be looked for by their suffering if without teaching they may be suffered continually Caution 4 to abide in their vngodly opinion For in processe of time they becom nothing the better but farre worse then they were before Moreouer they must beware that by that mutual conuersation they infect not the people committed to Caution 5 their charge with the scab of infidelity and errours They must be cōpelled at the last to the soūde and pure outward worshippinges of God And finallye when they are wel instructed and taught they must compel them to sound and pure woorshyppings which are prescribed by the holy scriptures For the Magistrate maye not suffer his Citizens to liue without exercises of godlines For the ende of ciuyll rule is that the Citizens should lyue both vertuously happely And who seeth not but that godlines the worshipping of God is the chiefe of all vertues Whether a prince ought at the length to compell his subiectes to the right vse of the sacramentes But peraduenture some wyll say If a Prince shoulde compell those vnto the right vse of the sacramentes which are not yet persuaded of the truth he should driue them hedlong into synne so farre is it of from setting forwarde their saluation For there they should do against their conscience and what so euer they so do euen as the Apostle witnesseth is synne Wherefore I thyncke it good to make a distinction betwene that whiche is of or by it selfe and that which is at aduenture and by hap or as they are wont to speake in Schooles that whiche commeth per accidens that is by chaunce The Magistrate in this thing which we haue now in hande setteth foorth to his subiectes that thing which is of it selfe right good and iust but in that synne therby commeth that happeneth nothing at al by his default but rather by those mens incredulitye or misbeliefe whereof he is not to be accused when as he hath diligentlye laboured to haue his Citizens wel instructed Neither the Papistes which at this daye are suffered of Christian Magistrates are ignoraunt that wee oughte to haue in vse the Sacramentes instituted by the Lord. Wherfore they cannot iustlye complaine of their Magistrates if they wil haue them vprightlye and in due order ministred vnto them Moreouer they which obiect these thinges vnto vs must diligently marke this that by the same waye wee maye cauill againste God For hee hath sette foorth vnto menne his lawe whiche is most perfecte to bee kept of them Shall we say vnto him we are weake and of a corrupt and vitious nature neither can we perfourme thy commaundementes as thou commaundest wherefore whether we do against that which thou hast commaunded or whether we endeuour our selues to perfourme that which thou hast bydden wee shall euer synne bycause we shall fainte neither can we obey as we should doo Wherefore what soeuer we do we shall not auoide synne If anye manne brawlinglye shoulde speake these thinges againste God myghte not hee by good ryghte aunswere They bee iust and ryght which I haue sette foorth vnto you to bee obserued But in that ye are feable and weake it oughte not to bee counted a fault in mee For I haue excellentlye holpen your weakenes whyche for your sakes haue geuen my Sonne vnto the death If ye shall beleue onelye in hym what so euer ye shall not accomplish in perfourming my preceptes it shal not be imputed to you to euerlasting death So also may a good Prince aunswer I require of you those thinges whych are written in the woord of God and which are decent and do edefye Wherefore if your opinion or conscience bee againste it that is not to bee ascribed vnto me which haue diligently laboured that ye might not be ignorant of the truth and miserably perish For I haue diligently sene vnto that ye should be taught and instructed in the truth so wyll I styl go forward in exhorting admonishing and commaunding you but reade ye the holy Scriptures heare your Teachers and pray vnto God to open the eyes of your mynde These thinges if the Prince shall say vnto those men which doo so cauil against him I do not see by what right or by what meanes he can be reprehended And I thynke thys is not to be omitted that Augustine sayde Augustine chāged his sētence for compellinge of heretikes that hee was once of that opinion that nothing should be done by violence against heretiks but onely they should be instructed by admonitions and doctrine But hee confesseth that hee was admonished by certayne Byshoppes of more experience whych shewed hym of certayne Cities whyche before were in a manner vtterlye destroyed by the errour of the Donatistes and were by violence and lawes of the Emperours compelled to come vnto the Catholyque Churche whyche Cities beyng thus at the length syncerely couerted vnto the truthe rendered thankes vnto GOD neyther woulde they if by anye meanes they mought haue retourned agayne to so pernicious opinions Wherefore a godly Prince shall nothyng hurt suche men yea he shall proffyt them muche if after he haue instructed them he compell them to receaue the Sacramentes duelye as they be delyuered by the woorde of God But this is to bee vnderstande as touching his owne Citizens hys natiue countrey men and Denizens whiche enioye the ryght of the Citye or prouince Otherwyse I do not thinke that he ought to vse any violence towarde straungers that passe to and fro and whiche doo occupye the trade of Marchaundize either inwarde or outwarde Althoughe also as touching those men I thynke that he must diligently beware that they infect not the people with wycked doctrine An example of the Israelites which is to be obserued Wherefore I suppose that the steppes of the Israelites are to be followed who made none a Iewe or a Proselite neyther endewed any with the right of their people except first he circumcised hymselfe receaued the lawe of Moyses and communicated with their sacrifices And seing that that was so diligently obserued of them there is no cause why our Princes ought not to doo the lyke namely to suffer none to be of their City or as one of them or a straūger to be made free but first they shoulde constrayne hym to seruices and ceremonies agreing with the woord of God What is to be sayd of magistrates which are subiect to a superior power A distinction But now let vs go on and speake of those Magistrates or Lordts whyche are subiect to
plaine this question at the length is called againe to the will For who soeuer can let and prohibite any thing that is euil and doth it not it is manyfest that after a sort he is willing therunto Besides that he permitteth it not against his wyll God doth not idlelye beholde those thinges whych are done o◠men but worketh together with them Esay 5. but willinglye Wherefore a wyll without doubt is contayned in that permission But now must we shew that God when sinnes are committed doth not ydely looke on yea he woorketh somwhat there For Esay in the .v. chap. saythe that God would geue a token and with his hissing cal a nation from the vtmost partes of the earth which should ouerthrow the kingdome of the Hebrues as their synnes had deserued By which it manifestly appeareth that God stirreth vp Tyrannes and outward nations to these vniust warres Esay 10. Also in the .x. chap. the same Prophet pronounceth that king to be wicked which in that expedition was in the hand of God as a saw a staffe and an axe There is no man ignoraunt but that al these thinges do so woorke and moue that they be first moued Yea and that proud king is therfore reprehended bicause he so exalted himselfe as though he wer God who had by him brought such and so great thinges to passe Gen 45. Ioseph also in the booke of Genesis said vnto his brethren which had by a wicked cōspiracy sold him It was not you but god that sent me into Egipt In the first booke of the kinges also 1. kinges 22. and the .xxii. chap Sathan who was readye to deceaue Achab was commaunded by God to do it to preuaile Which words declare that God himselfe commaundeth and also stirreth vp to deceaue Further it is written in the Prouerbes the .xxi. chap. Prouerbes 21. The hart of the king is in the hand of God he shal incline it whether soeuer he wyl The scripture saith also of Pharao Exodus 9.10.11 Rom. 9. kinges seme free from humayne lawes but God boweth them whether he wyll which place Paul alledgeth that his hart was hardened by God Neither maketh this anye thing against it Pharao was hardened both of god of hym self if thou shalt say that it is written in the .viii. chap. of Exodus that Pharao hardened himselfe for as muche as bothe sayinges are true For God doth no violence to the wyll of man seing that nothing is more contrarye vnto it than to make it to doo any thing vnwillingly or by compulsion Howbeit it is chaunged and bowed of God so softly and pleasantly that it willinglye without violence inclineth to whatsoeuer pleaseth God Augustine And it often times happeneth as Augustine in diuers places hath taught that God punisheth former sinnes by latter synnes And the holye scriptures before Augustines time testified the same especiallye Paule in his Epistle to the Roma the first chap. Wherfore God hath in his hand the affections of our hart which he loseth or restraineth as shal seeme good to his most wise prouidence turneth them whithersoeuer it shal please him And so great is his power God worketh more as touching sinnes than is expressed by the worde permission 2. Thess 2. that we must beleue that he worketh much more than may be expressed by the woord of permission For Paul feared not thus to write vnto the Thessalonians bycause they haue not receaued the loue of the truth therfore shal God send on them an error so that they shal beleue lyes al they shal be iudged which haue not beleued the truth but allowed vnrighteousnes These wordes manifestly testifye that God did cast error vpon them to punish their former sinne namelye vpon those which despised the truth offered them Dauid also semeth to tend to this when in the .2 booke of Samuel the .16 chap. he said of Simeck Suffer him 2. Sam 16. for God hath cōmaunded him to curse me Also in the same booke the .12 chap. God by Nathan the Prophet saith of Dauid which had grieuously fallen 2. Sam 12. behold I wyll stirre vp euil against thee wil take thy wiues geue them vnto thy neighbour who shal sleepe with them this diddest thou secretly but I wil do this thing openly in the eyes of the Sunne and of all Israel If the matter be so thou wilt say they which sinne shall easily be excused The sinnes of men are not excused by the working of god for they may sone say that they wer by God moued stirred vp to sin Not so For mē ar not so deliuered by God vnto sins as though they wer them selues pure innocent For they which ar so stirred vp to naughtines haue worthily deserued the same And the same men are not driuen against their wil but they wonderfully delite themselues in those transgressions and sinnes Wherefore their excuse is foolishe or rather none But this semeth to be agaynst the things before said Whither God do together both hate wil sinnes bicause in the Psalmes it is wrytten that God is such a one as willeth no iniquity and hateth synnes And vndoubtedly he is so in dede For vnles he hated sinnes why should he punish them for thinges that are allowed are not wont to be punished Farther he hath most seuerely prohibited them by his lawes But as touching this A distinction of the wyll of God thus must we decree of the wil of god that it is in nature and very dede one whych yet may be deuided for diuers and sundry respectes For as it is set foorth in the scriptures the law he condemneth sinnes he prohibiteth them and threatneth most grieuous punishments vnto them Howbeit bicause he directeth the same sinnes whithersoeuer he wil vseth them to his counsels and decrees neyther when he may letteth them it is therfore sayd that after a sort he wylleth them Neither is it meete to deny that such sundry respectes are in the wyl of god For god would before al beginninges haue his sonne sacrificed vnto him for a most swete sacrifice who yet himself said in the law Thou shalt not kil thou shalt not shed innocent bloud God also forbad that any shoulde be deceaued who for all that would haue Achab to be deceaued of Sathan Christ was killed by the will of God as we haue a lyttle before mencioned And least any man should doubt that Christ was put to death by the wyl of God we may se in the actes of the Apostles that it is most manifestly said that the Iewes did those things which God by his counsel had before ordained What then Shal we say that god is the cause of synne Not so God if we speake properli is not the cause of sinne for if we wil speake properly and that it may the more manifestly appeare we must marke that one selfe acte as it is deriued from
manner he were assured either to liue in perpetual seruitude or els to be put to a most cruel death I aunswere that in my iudgemēt he ought to returne vnto them for as much as in this case there is no daunger but as touching goods of this world of money I say liberty life of the body whiche are not so muche to be estemed that for their sakes an othe or the name of GOD should be violated And the verse of Dauid before brought serueth aptly for this purpose And this sentence is so firme true that euen an Ethnike Attilius Regulus Marcus Attilius Regulus I say knew it For he returned to Carthago where he knew certaynly that either he should be in perpetual seruitude or els lose his life and that most cruelly Neither canst thou aunswere me that he did foolishly therin bycause the Romayne lawes as we haue before said de captiuis postliminio reuersis in lege postliminiū Paragrapho Captiuus do ordeyne and holyly decree that he should not be counted to enioy the benefite of the law postliminius which had promised to returne agayn Farther the nature of man persuadeth the selfe same thing for it is ciuile delighteth in society Wherefore next to God and godlines towarde him there is nothing whiche ought more to esteme then fayth whiche wonderfully helpeth humane fellowship For without it it is not possible for men to liue together Farther who will not say that the money liberty and life of one man is rather to be lost then the money libertyes and liues of innumerable men For if couenantes and promyses be not kept with those thieues henceforth they will geue credet to no man that they shall take they would sende home none to their owne house to fetche their raunsome but as many as they take either they will kill them or els kepe them with them in miserable and perpetuall bondage Lastly this I thinke good to admonishe you of that in othes let signes of vniuersality trouble no man As if a man promise and swere vnto hys frende that he wil be an helper vnto him in all thinges or if a man promise and sweare vnto a Scoole or vnto the Churche that he will do and obserue all thynges whiche it shall decree How it is lawfull to sweare certain thyngs vniuersally For all suche kynde of speaches as it appeareth by that whiche we haue sayde are to be vnderstande so that the obedience of the worde of God be kepte And vndoutedly althoughe that clause be by the nature of another vnderstād alwayes to be added yet for al that it is the duty of godly mē to expresse it when they are receaued into any vniuersity College office corporatiō or felowship according to the custome are cōpelled to sweare for to obserue statutes lawes decrees It is the sure way I say by expresse wordes to testifie that they wil obserue all those things vnles they shal finde that any of the same ar against the word of god And as touching this matter I think I haue spokē sufficiēt now Our Ehud vsed euill guile I graunt but yet agaynst hys enemy Neither doth the scripture make mencion of any othe that was made betwene him Eglon the kyng And though there had ben an othe yet he had ben quitte of it for as much as the stirring vp of god wherby god opened vnto him his will had abrogated it ¶ Of Truth and of a Lye NOw resteth to intreate of the second question namely Of Truth Whether it be lawfull for a good godly mā to lye But first before I entreat of a lye I thinke it good somwhat to speake of truth whiche vndoubtedly is an excellent vertue Truth as saith Tullius de Inuentione is wherby things which are Tullius whiche haue ben which shal be are spoken vnaltered Wherin we first note that it cōsisteth in wordes for saith he they are spokē not that I am ignoraūt that both dumbe men also other mē speake somtime by signes Augustine but bycause as saith Augustine in his first boke de doctrina Christiana wordes among other signes are the principall most playne Farther we are hereby taught that truth is not only to be considered as touching one difference of time but as concerning thre differēces for he saith both those thinges which are and whiche haue ben which shal be These things vndoubtedly are then spoken truly when they are set forth vnaltered that is euen as they are by speaking made neither more ample nor lesse than they are Augustine This selfe same thing almost hath Augustine sayd in his booke de vera Religione chap 36. where he writeth that the truth is whereby the whiche is is signified Truth is a vertue And it is a vertue bycause by it men are made prone redy to speake that which is true The generall worde of it is equalitie The generall of vertue is equalitie wherunto is ioyned in steade of difference this voyce namely of wordes to the thinges which are signified And as it is well knowen of all men all vertues leuel vnto the middest flye frō extremities Two faultes in speaches Wherfore in kinde of speches thou shalt find two faultes namely if thou shalt speake more than the thing is or els lesse than the thing is Neyther is vertue content with the middest only for we must adde also circumstances which vse continually to followe it Wherfore the truth is not alway to be spokē to euery man neither at all times nor yet of euery thing yet we must not lye but it is wisedome sometimes to kepe close those thinges which we wil not for iust occasiō haue knowen He which should vaunt abrode euery where vnto all mē the gifts of God geuen him he should be counted foolish vnwise as cōtrary he which should boast of a crime What truth requireth wherinto by humane weaknesse he hath fallen should rightly and worthely be reproued Truth therfore requireth this that those things which we haue within vs as touching our sense or wil be signified of vs as it is prudētly rarely Farther the vertue wherof we speake hath chiefly simplicitie ioyned vnto it it is very much contrary vnto doublenesse Besides this it is a part of iustice For it rēdreth vnto things their wordes and to a neighbour the truth which of duty longeth vnto him without whiche truth humane fellowship can not consiste For if a mā should cōtinually suspect him selfe to be deceaued by any man he would neuer beleue him in any thyng Aristotle Whē an Irony is lawfull Wherby amongest men al trades and societies perishe Aristotle in his Ethikes affirmeth that truth declineth sometimes to defection especially when any man speaketh of himselfe For the wisedome requireth that a mā boast not of himselfe Wherfore Paul in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the 12 chap. writeth
to plucke him awaye from the rest of the Iewes whereby he might haue the fewer enemies not be compelled to fight with so many enemies at one tyme. Or els to get of him a great tribute or some other commoditye which he looked for Farthermore in this his vnluckye chaunce he calleth vpon no God he imploreth not the prayers of others but onely seketh hiding places wher he might hide himselfe tyl such time as the rage and brute of the Conquerers were somewhat staked and onely trusted in humane aydes and leagues By these thinges it easilye followeth that both Iahel dyd her dutye and that Sisera deserued so to be kylled But as touching the lawes of hospitality Lawes of hospitality ought ordinarilye to bee kepte vnuiolated we also do iudge that they by them selues and of their own nature ought to be kept sacred and vnuiolated Thys vnderstoode Loth when he would haue abandoned his daughters to the fylthy lustes of the wanton Sodomites to the end they should doo no iniury vnto them which had turned in vnto him Neither departed that olde man from his example which receaued the Leuite with his wife as straungers as it shal be more at large declared in this historye of the Iudges Whose counsell in betraying hys daughters although I allow not yet I do very much commend the defending of the straungers Yea and the Gentiles worshipped Iupiter hospitalis knowing by the light of nature that God had a singular care ouer straungers and gestes Pythagoras Pythagoras also discommendeth the Swallowes namelye for this bicause they dayly lodge vnder the couering of mens houses and yet will neuer be made familiar or tame vnto their hostes Mischieuous houses There were also somtime certain mischeuous houses in which no man might anye more inhabite as probable authors haue written and that bicause in them the lawes of hospitalitye had bene violated And contrarywise wher hospitality hath bene wel and faithfully kept not onely Angels but God himselfe also somtimes hath bene an acceptable gest Christ also at the end of the world wil say I was a straunger and ye lodged me commending his in the sight of the whole world for the vertue of hospitalitye And it is manifest that men in the old time decreed that betwene the gest the host ther should be great frendship Lastly God in the law commaūded that the Hebrues should not despise the Egiptians or vtterly expel them from them that namely for this bicause at the beginning they shewed hospitality vnto their elders Wherfore we must affirme that by the vniuersal and ordinary lawe When God cōmaundeth all lawes of friendshyp are to bee broken the lawes of hospitality ought to be kept inuiolated And this ought also to he firm that in lawes no friendships are so honest and so iust but they are to be broken if God commaund otherwise For al these thinges ought so long to be of force as the wil of God shal allow them Wherfore forasmuch as God had nowe reiected Sisera and the Chananites and would haue them destroyed no couenants could iustlye be kept with them For we must rather obey God than mans reasons And of this wil of God Deborah was both a prophecier and an interpreter She had declared that Sisera was now reiected of God and had openly foretold that he should be sold into the hand of a woman After this maner the Leuites when they had slaine their friendes kinsfolkes followed Moyses to whom Moyses in the name of God said ye haue consecrated your handes so farre was it of that they were reproued for violating the bondes of kinred Ieremy also when by the commaundement of God hee had pronounced that the Moabites shoulde be kylled he cursed those which had withdrawen themselues from that murther He is cursed said he which doth the woorke of the Lord deceatefully In the lawe also it is commaunded that none shoulde be spared which entised any to idolatry no not the Father nor the Mother no nor he or she which sleepeth in thy bosome Who seeth not here that most strayghte bondes of kinred are to be contemned if the wil and woord of God be against it◠Abraham was commaunded to kyl his sonne and that his onely sonne as touching whom he had receaued a most large promise The promise of God and fatherly kindnes seemed to be against his precept and yet against these thynges the woord of God vrging him he ought to haue kylled his sonne So must we think that al men although they be night of kyn vnto vs ar sacrifices vnto god as many as he commaundeth to be slayne Wherefore in Esay the .xxxiiii. chap. it is written What happeneth vnto them that be preposterously gentle The Lord hath a sacrifice in Bozra But they which wyth a preposterous clemency wyl against the woord of God be merciful let them remember what happened vnto the king of Samaria He when he had spared Benadab the king of Siria contrary to the commaundement of god he was in this maner reprehended in the name of god by the Prophet Thy soule shal be for his soule Wherfore Iahel in this place is not to be blamed forasmuch as she obeyed the counsel of god and was excellently commended in the song of Deborah as wee shal straightway see And vndoubtedly this her worke came of a great fayth and singular obedience I know that some thinke that the act of Iahel is to be commended in that she killed Sisera and had so ready a mynde to set at libertye the Israelites but yet they condemne the lye which she made and the promise wher in she promised that she would hide and defend him For she said turn in to me turne in to me I pray thee my Lord be not afeard By which kinde of spech she seemed to promise him not to betray him to his enemies I also woulde affirme the same but that I see that god was the gouernour of this whole enterprise I haue before taught that it is lawful to vse guile and that euil guile against our enemies and that certaine proditions are iust But I added that there shoulde be mingled no promises nor lyes nor othes with them But al these thinges are to be vnderstand by the common law But if god shal styrre vs vp to doo otherwise there shal be no blame layde in vs if we obey him so that we be very assured that god will haue it so to be done And this is not to be left out that some thinke that Iahel at the beginning when she called Sisera vnto her thought of no guile or fraude towardes him but that she was minded to keepe hym safe as she had promised but afterward she chaūged her purpose bicause god had shewed her that she should otherwyse woorke ¶ The .v. Chapter 1. THen sang Deborah and Barak the sonne of Abimam the same day saying 2 Prayse ye the Lorde for the auenging of Israel and for the
in the myndes of the vnderstanders than if they had ben perceaued by the outward senses Wherfore in expounding the Prophetes it is true that very oftentymes we stād in great doubt whether the thing were so done outwardly or rather so appeared to the Prophet to be done in mind And in certain of thē by reason of the circūstances of the matter we are compelled to graunt that it was onely a vision as Ierome testifieth of the breeches or hosen of Ieremy Ierome whiche at the commaundement of the Lord he put in a rocke by the riuer Euphrates and he suffred them to remayne there so long till they were rotten and then he was commaunded to take them and to put them on agayne And this vision happened whilest the city of Ierusalem was grieuously besieged by the Chaldeyans whē the Prophet could not go and come to the riuer Euphrates For at the same tyme when he would once haue gone to Anathoth where he was borne he was taken euē as he was going out of the gates and accused of treason In like manner the same Ierome affirmeth that that was onely done by a vision whiche is written in Ezechiell of the bread baked in the doung of an oxe and how it lay many dayes vpon one and the selfe same side To these may be added the eatyng of the booke and such like whiche either humane nature or circumstances of the matters and tymes suffred not so to be done as it is writtē And as touching the preaching expressing vnto the people that things which the Prophetes had in their myndes a thing sene by phantasy or imagination was all one and had as much efficacy as if it had outwardly bene sene But yet they fled not vnto the visions of the mynde when the thing it selfe might outwardly be done For seyng God can vse both wayes he hath sometymes taken this way and other sometymes that way as it hath pleased him and as he hath iudged mete and profitable for vs. But in all these things me thinketh the sentence of Ambrose is to be holden Ambrose The visions of Prophets wer not naturall which intreating of these images sayeth That they were such as will did chose and not such as nature hath formed whiche vndoubtedly maketh agaynst those whiche will haue prophesieng to be naturall as though by the power of the heauens or some certain instinct of nature or temperature of humors such images sights offred themselues to be sene of the outward senses of the Prophetes or to be knowen inwardly by imagination phantasy The will sayth Ambrose namely of god or of an aungell would those thinges and aboue other thinges chose them and not the power of nature formed them But there is an other doubt which in dede is not to be left vnspoken of Whether God at any tyme shewed himself or whether they were alwayes angels that appeared namely whether god himselfe at any tyme shewed himselfe vnder these images or formes Or whether onely aungels alwayes appeared which wrought spake with the Prophets sometimes in theyr own name other sometyme in the name of god Ther haue ben some which said the god himself neuer appeared but by angels in the name of god all those things were accōplished which are written to be either spoken or done in those visions And they contend that they haue certayne testimonies in the Scriptures which make with thē among which one is found in the Actes of the Apostles where Stephen expressedly calleth him an aungell whiche called to Moses out of the bushe when as for all that he is in Exodus named God Farther Paul to the Galathians testifieth that the lawe was geuen in the hande of a Mediator be the disposition of Aungels And no man doubteth but that in Exodus it is written that the law was geuen by god Wherfore they conclude that we must vnderstand that God appeared not by himselfe but by Aungels Howbeit forasmuch as the essence or diuine nature can not be taken away either from the holy ghost The holy ghost shewed himself in a Doue or from the sonne for either of them by nature is God how will they defend their opinion when as it is expressedly written in the gospell that the holy ghost descended vpon Christ in the forme of a Doue If they say that an aungell came and not the holy ghost they accuse the Scripture as a lyer but if they cōfesse that together with that Doue the holy ghost appeared what shall let but that god himselfe also appeared vnto the fathers vnder other figures and images They cā from this by no meanes escape except which I thinke they wil not do otherwise they should bring in a manifest heresy they will deny the holy ghost to be God And that which I haue aunswered of the holy ghost we may obiect the like of the sonne out of the wordes of Paul to Timothe the 3. The sonne of God appeared in humane flesh chap where he writeth Without controuersy it is a great mistery god is made manifest in the flesh iustified in the spirite c. For the whole Churche and right faith confesseth that the word was the true god whiche appeared vnder the fleshe of man Whiche if he did as vndoubtedly without conterfayting he did why may he not be said to haue done the same in the old Testament vnder sōdry formes and manifolde figures Without doubt that was much greater whiche he gaue vnto vs in the latter tyme. But he whiche hath geuen the greater thing we doubt not but that he also can geue that whiche is lesse Peraduenture they will say that that whiche was geuen in the latter tyme the holy Scriptures do set forth to the end we should beleue it but that whiche ye require to haue ben done in the old time is no where read It is the word or sonne of god by whom God spake vnto the fathers Prophetes Yea but if we diligently marke the Scriptures teach that also For the sonne of god is named by the Euangelist the worde or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche we must beleue was not by him done rashly but bycause it might be vnderstand that by him god spake when the scriptures testifie that he spake Wherfore as often as we read that the word of the Lord came vnto this mā or to that man I iudge that the same is so often to be attributed vnto the sonne of god Christ our Lord namely that god by him spake vnto the fathers and Prophetes Which least I should seme to speake in vayne I wil for this sentence bring forth two testimonies Iohn 1. The first is read in the first chap of Iohn No man hath sene god at any tyme straight way by the figure Occupatio is added The sonne which is in the bosome of the father he hath reueled hym For a man might aske If no man haue sene god at any tyme who appeared then
the word of god thaÌ„ ciuile peace Euery godly man so roweth when tranquility of the publike wealth cannot be coupled with the obedience of the word of God Wherfore for asmuch as the one or the other is to be chosen the whole and vncorrupted worshipping of God ought rather to be wished for thaÌ„ the commodity of outward peace For the end of cities and publike wealthes is to obey God and rightly to worshiâ—pe god that is by his word and prescribed rule For to haue a city or publike wealth quiet and peaceable is not by it self necessary but to obey God to beleue his word and to worshippe him as he hath prescribed is the summe and end of all humayne things and therefore it is to be preferred aboue all good thinges Neither is it anye newe or vnaccustomed thing that by true piety sedicions are stirred vp Christ of that thing hath admonished vs I came not sayth he to send peace on the earth but a sworde I came to kindle fire what will I but that it should burne The time shall come sayth he that for the Gospels sake the father from the childe the children from the parentes brethern from brethren shall not onely be alienated but which is more cruell The godly are not guilty of the troubles whych happen for religions sake they shall deliuer one an other to the death And yet these sedicions troubles are not to be ascribed vnto the godly forasmuch as they wheÌ„they obey god do not depart from their office they do that which they should do the fault consisteth in the vngodly and idolatrers they are to be accused and coÌ„dempned as guilty of those euils because they can not abide the truth neyther will they obey the word of god Wherfore prechers of the gospel ar to be absolued of this crime for sedicioÌ„s spring not throgh theyr default which obey god but through the peruersnes of the world which streyght rageth agaynst the word of god Ioas like a wise and stoute Magistrate at the beginning asswageth the people being in an vprore shewing them how vnworthy a thinge they doo when they beyng priuate men dare auenge the cause of Baal VVill ye pleade his cause As though he should haue sayd It is not your office it pertayneth to me and the other magistrates And then he maketh a proclamation agaynst the sedicious persons He that will so stand in Baals cause shal dye and that this daye or the morninge He shal not liue till morning for he shal be executed out of hand If Baal be god let him plead his own cause agaynst him which hath cast down hys altar and hath cut down hâ—s groue If the matter be to be discussed without iudgemente and ordinary action Baal hath no neede of thys your helpe for seing he is god he can right wel reuenge himself The last part of this sentence is somewhat dark He that wil plead Lo for him or against him let him dy this day before morning Some expounde this woorde Lo to signify for him namely for Baal as though the â—retor had put forth his decree after this maner Whosoeuer goeth aboute to moue sedition as though he would pleade for Baal him will I strayghtewaye punish as a troublesome citezen which dareth to take vpon him more then hys state may suffer The other sense is to expound this woorde Lo against him as though he should haue sayde do not rage in this sorte bycause he shall vtterlye dye and that this day before morning which agaynst Baal hath pleaded and contended By the power of this god he shall not so escape And this sentence seemeth to be confirmed by the words which follow If he be god let him pleade his owne cause agaynst him which hath done him iniurye But I rather allowe the fyrst sentence because the holy scripture rather vseth this word Lo in that sense Gideon by his fathers aunswer was named Ierubbaal He shal plead saith Ioas or let Baal plead against him These ar words ether of them that praieth which would so speake in earnest or faynedly or els of one that affirmeth as though he should affirm that it should vtterly so come to passe The men which herd these wordâ—s either because they meruayled that the father wished these things vnto his sonne or els bycause they beleued that the earth would strayghtway swalow him vp or the lightning would destroy him or that god would by some exquisit punishment punish him they waited I say to see what would happen And therfore they called him Ierubbaal And his surname was then of farre more estimation when they saw that he escaped safe and sound and contrarye to the hope of all men deliuered the Israelites from the power of theyr enemies By this example Magistrates may know what they should doo The office of a stout Magistrate agaynste tumultes bycause of religioÌ„ when Papistes stirre vp sedition or tumult in their dominion bicause Masses are abrogated Idolatry taken away and the Pope throwen downe They must valiantly stande by it and must declare that this charge pertaineth not vnto these by violeÌ„ce to defend rites and supersticions forasmuch as they haue not the sword theyr care should be this to see that godlynes be rightlye and orderlye appointed If so bee that they desire any thing against lawes or right and thinke that they haue the better cause let them from God waite for the successe He is of himselfe by nature both mighty and wife and therefore if he allowe the Masse the Pope and superstitions hee wyll then take those thinges in hande himselfe In the meane time they ought to compel their subiectes to obey iust and healthful decrees By these thinges it appeareth as I suppose that Ioas was not a Baalite from the hart for he could not haue said If hâ—â—e God let him pleade his own cause Vnles thou will faine that he said in time to come Baal shal pleade his owne cause but what he before iudged of Baal now he declareth when he seeth the daunger of death that his sonne is in for his sake 33 Then al the Madianites and the Amalekites and the children of Kedem were gathered together and pitched their tentes in the valley of Iszreel 34 And the spirite of the Lorde did put on Gideon and he blew a trumpet and Abiezer was gathered together after hym 35 And he sent messengers through out al Manasseh and he also was ioyned wyth hym And he sent messengers vnto Aser and Zebulon and to Nephthali and they came vp to meete hym When the vprore seditions wer pacified which were stirred vp for a thing godlily done of Gideon God prouided that occasion shoulde be geuen whereby he might by Gideon geue vnto the Israelites the victory against their enemyes That thereby at the last they might vnderstand with howe muche godlines and profit the worshipping of Baal was taken away In the coÌ„ming of the enemyes the spirit of the Lord did put
and shall Iudas syt vpon the twelue seates and iudge the twelue Tribes of Israel Dyd Christ chaunge hys sentence No sayth he but Iudas was chaunged Whiche selfe same thing wee must iudge of the Citye of Niniue and of king Ezechias whom god pronounced should dye For neither Niniue at that tyme perished nor Ezechias dyed bicause they were chaunged God sayde at the beginning that the feare of men shoulde be vpon beastes But it happeneth contrarily for men are nowe afrayde of Lyons Beares and Tigers bycause they are of them oftentymes torne But that commeth hereof bicause of the condicion of men is chaunged and not the counsell of God Wherfore those promises of god are to be vnderstande accordyng to the present state of thinges Therefore when we heare the promises of God How we must take the promises of God wee must thus thinke Either they haue some condicion adioyned or they are absolutelye put Farther either they are of force for this time onely or hereafter they shal be fulfylled And as touching the condicions of promises and threatnings we must diligently marke that some promises are of the lawe and some of the gospell what they differ one from an other I haue before aboundantlye entreated Promises of the law haue a condition annexed And this wil I now briefly say that promises of the law are those which haue a condicion annexed so that the promise is not due vnlesse the law be most perfectlye fulfylled and so those condicions may be called causes of rewardes if we coulde fulfyl them which thing seing by reason and this corruption and vice of nature we are not able to performe god is not bounde to render the rewarde Wherefore seing we cannot fulfyl the lawe as we ought to doo all cause of meryte is vtterlye taken awaye and yet are not those promyses geuen in vayne For although by reason of infirmity we cannot performe the condition yet yf we flee vnto Christ and being regenerate do begin a better lyfe the promyses which were promises of the law Promises of the Gospel are made promises of the Gospel not bycause we liuing vnder grace do fulfil those conditions but bicause by Christ they are made absolute and perfect whose righteousnes is imputed vnto vs. In this maner must we thinke of the promises of God How we must vnderstand the threatnings of God In like manner is it of threateninges bicause often tymes muste bee added this condicion Except ye repent I sayde often tymes bicause vniuersallye it is not true as it appeareth in Dauid who repented and yet suffered those thinges which Nathan threatened Moses also repented and yet came hee not into the promised land And as touching the condicion of repentaunce we must not ouer passe this that it is not perfect in vs otherwise the forgeuenes of syns should be due vnto vs as a rewarde wherefore wee must holde this for certaine that the condicion of repentaunce is Euangelicall and when there is repentaunce founde in vs it is a fruite of fayth and not a merite Of this thing ryght well wryteth Chrisostome in hys .v. Homelye to the people of Antioche Chrisostome where hee comforteth the people bicause of the threatninges of Theodosius He bringeth a place out of Ieremy the .xviii. chapter A difference betwene Princes of the worlde God and addeth that the sentence of God is farre otherwise then the sentence of Princes of this worlde For the sentence of a Prince is straightwaye as soone as it is once spoken performed and can scarcely be chaunged but the sentence of God if it haue threatened any thyng is not headlong vnto destruction nor vntreatable yea rather it maye seeme a degree and a certaine beginning vnto saluation For by this meanes God oftentimes reuoketh synners vnto the right waye and saueth them And thus much as concerning condicions But as touching time we must not alwaies looke that God should straightway performe his promises If he deferre it wee ought thus to comfort our selues he hath not yet accomplished but he will doo it in due tyme. He will in the meane time after this maner exercise our faith God seemeth many times to do nothing lesse then that which he hath promised and threatned He promised vnto Dauid a kingdome but by what tribulations did he exercise him before that he accomplished his promises For first he was poore and a Shepehearde afterward being taken into the court he began to be hated of Saul and so endaungered that there wanted very litle but that he was almost fallen into his power When our Lord and sauiour Iesus Christ should be borne of Mary the Angell promised that he should haue the throne of Dauid his father and yet till he was thirty yeares of age he lyued in a maner vnknowen And then was he odious vnto the high Priestes Phariseis and Scribes and was in that sort long tyme yll handled and at the length by them crucified Wherfore Esay very wel admonisheth that he which beleueth shoulde not make haste For God will in due time performe those thinges which hee hath promised but it is our part in the meane time not to prescribe any thing vnto him Paul in the .x. to the Hebrues writeth ye haue neede of pacience that doing the wyll of God ye maye obtaine the promise For yet a litle while and he that shall come wyll come and wyll not tarye and the iust liueth by faith But if any withdrawe himselfe my soule shal haue no pleasure in him The same thing also must we determine of threatenynges God sayde he woulde ouerthrowe the Babilonians but they floorished and triumphed yea and they led awaye the people of God captiue Wherefore God would not then accomplish his threateninges which yet afterward when he saw his time he performed Let vs apply these thinges vnto our place What sayde God I wil not helpe you that is at thys present but afterwarde when I see oportunitye I wil helpe you Yea and God oftentimes answereth vnto vs also inwardly in our hart I wil not helpe you for ye are laden with sinnes What shal we then doo shall we cease of from prayers Not so Let vs rather imitate the Hebrues they the more sharpely God answered them the more they increased their repentaunce Iohn saith If our hart accuse vs God is greater then our hart What we must aunswer to the accusation of our hart Our hart doth then accuse vs when we say vnto our selues God wil not heare bicause of our synnes God doth the more accuse vs bicause he seeth more in vs then wee our selues can see Wherefore Dauid said Clense me Lord from my secrete synnes What remedy is there then For who is he whom his hart accuseth not Let vs turne our selues vnto Christ and if that our hart shall say he will not helpe let vs say vnto it This I may wel beleue if I should looke vpon my selfe onely but I looke vpon
may be absolued and so one is punished for an other mans faulte The maner of punishing the tenth souldier But GOD as it is sayde doth no manne iniurye for he whiche dyeth was subiecte vnto death and GOD directeth hys death to a good ende namely to helpe other that is that by thys meanes eyther the parentes or the prynces maye bee reuoked vnto repentaunce or to establyshe discipline But those thynges whiche we haue sayde can by no meanes bee vnderstande of spirituall and eternall paynes For as touching them euery man shall suffer for hys owne faulte Nowe lette vs expounde the woordes of the lawe I sayeth he am a Ielous God visityng the iniquity of the Fathers vpon the chyldren vnto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me Ierome Augustine These last woords Ierome vppon Ezechiel the .18 chapter diligently noteth And Augustine vpon Iosua in the question before alledged Of those sayeth GOD which hate me as though he should haue sayd I wyll not touch the innocents but will take vengeaunce of their iniquity which imitate euill Fathers and hath me After the same manner he promiseth to doo good vnto children and chyldrens chyldren euen vnto a thousande generations But to what chyldren Euen to those sayeth he that loue me Wherefore thoughe the Father bee vngodly and the sonne good the iniquitye of the father shall nothyng hurte hym But if the father bee good and the sonne wicked the godlynes of the father shall nothyng profyte hym And therefore Ierome sayeth He auengeth the iniquitye of the Fathers vpon the children not bycause they had euyll parentes but bycause they imitate theyr parentes The woordes themselues doo sufficiently declare that the lawe is not to bee vnderstande of Originall synne but of that synne whiche they call actuall For then shall the sonne beare the iniquitye of the Father when he lykewyse synneth as dyd the Father Also the wordes of Ezechiel can not bee vnderstande of Originall synne as that whiche followeth easely declareth Although thys sentence that the soule whiche sinneth it shal dye maye bee vnderstande of Originall synne Euery manne hath in himself his proper originall sinne For euery manne hath in hymselfe a corrupte nature and a prones vnto euill Wherefore euery manne beareth hys owne synne For althoughe that vice were by originall drawen of the parentes yet nowe is it made ours But thou wilte saye seyng in the lawe it is sayde Of them whiche hate me and infantes for as much as they hate not God therefore it can not pertayne vnto them I aunswer That in act in dede they hate not God but by corruption of nature and prones vnto euill So a woolfe that is at full age deuoureth a sheepe A younge woolfe whiche is but a whelpe doth it not not bycause it hath not the nature of the father but bycause it is not able And thus muche as touching the wordes of the lawe But why it is sayde vnto the thirde and fourth generation and not vnto the fyft and sixt we haue hearde what Augustine hath aunswered But in my iudgement we maye saye muche more commodiously that the parentes may lyue vnto the thirde and fourth generation GOD woulde therefore so punyshe the Fathers in the thirde and fourth generation that by that punyshement of theyr posterity some feelyng myght come vnto them they beyng yet on lyue that they myght see the miseryes of theyr neuewes childrens chyldren For thys cause the holy Scripture extendeth those generations no farther When the posteritye are euill and are punished of GOD there is no doubte but that the parentes are punyshed also in them Chrisostome vpon Genesis the. 29. Homely when he interpreteth these woordes Cursed be Chanaan c. But he synned not sayeth he but hys father Cham. That is true in deede he aunswereth but Cham was a greate deale more sharpely touched with that curse then if it had bene pronounced agaynste hymselfe Thys is the powre and fatherly affection to bee more vexed with the afflictions of theyr chyldren then with theyr owne Wherefore Cham dyd not onely see that hys sonne should be euill and subiecte vnto the curse but also he sawe that he hymselfe shoulde bee punished in hym This nowe resteth to bee declared why amonge the Proprietyes of the mercye of GOD this also was recited before Moses Visityng the iniquitye of the Fathers vpon the children when as this seemeth rather to pertayne vnto seuerity But it is not so yea rather if we looke more narrowly vpon the place we shall vnderstande that it is a pointe of mercy For where the sinne was firste committed he myght strayghtwaye if he woulde iustly bee reuenged But he is so good that he wyll defer the vengeaunce vnto the thirde and fourth generation and in the meane tyme calleth backe the father to repentaunce by admonitions of the Prophetes by sermons and benefites and many other wayes At the laste when the thirde and fourth generation is come and he made neuer a whitte the better he goeth to stripes and yet he doth not then vse affliction as the laste punishement but rather as a medecine Who seeth not that all this is a woorke of greate mercye Wherefore iustly and woorthily are these wordes numbred amonge the proprietyes of mercye And it can not bee denyed but that the Prophetes were oftentymes afflicted together with the people For Ezechiel and Daniel were led awaye into captiuity and Ieremy was caste into prison and wonderfully vexed in the tyme of the siege and afterwarde goyng with the Hebrues into Egypte he was slayne For God will haue the thyng in thys manner ordered that good men may not onely ryghtly gouerne their own lyfe but also in suffryng thynges greuous they may admonishe and bryng to amendement the euill For they are conuersant together with them in the same publique wealth and Churche and are after a sorte members of one body It profiteth the iust that they are wrapped in the same punishmentes with the wicked Wherfore the good ought thus to thinke with thēselues If God afflicte the euill we also shal be vexed together with them we shall all be wrapped with the selfe same punishement Therefore we must see that we labour for them in reprouyng and prayng for them for theyr saluation beyng neglected shall bryng euilles also vnto vs. After thys sorte we muste vnderstande Augustine when he sayeth that GOD by thys meanes establysheth discipline amonge men Bycause if the people bee afflicted for their kynges and the sonne for the father then must they labour and trauayle one for an other Neither yet do good men so lyue without sinne that God can finde nothyng in them to punishe Althoughe the afflictions whiche happen vnto the godly The afflictiōs of the godly ar not properly punishmentes can not as it is sayde be properly called afflictions but rather excercises of fayth For so God trieth theyr fayth and whatsoeuer he doth in them he turneth it
vs iniury in requiring it now of vs at the last ¶ Of Prescription Why the lawe of prescription was brought in HEreby we gather that the right of prescription is no newe thing but a thing grafted of God hymselfe in the hartes of men But why it was founde out I wyll in fewe woordes declare It may be that a man may possesse an other mans thing vnwittinglye As for example There is an heyre whiche succeedeth him that is deade and among hys goodes he findeth somethinges that were vsurped by the former while he lyued or receaued for a pledge which he being ignoraunt of possesseth all those things with a good mynde And so being ignoraunt and vnwitting possesseth an other mans thing as his owne What then shal the heyre neuer seeke for the iust possession thereof If the true owner doo neuer require his thing ought the ignoraunt to defraude the heyre for euer that he shoulde neuer possesse againe that thing as hys owne For if the owner neuer demaunde hys owne thing againe that is to be ascribed vnto his owne slothe and slouggishe negligence Wherefore in detestacion of suche slouggishnes and in commendacion of an vprighte fayth and lastly for publike peace sake the lawe of prescription was found out Iiphtah nowe vseth thys lawe agaynst the Ammonites We saith he haue possessed thys land this three hundred yeares Why then doest thou make this garboyle and tumult agaynst vs Except some certayne time were appointed within the space whereof and not beyonde thinges myght be demaunded agayne the possession of all thinges should be vncertaine but from that humane thinges doth wonderfullye abhorre Wherefore this euyll is remedyed by the right of prescription The difinition of prescription And it is defined in the Digestes de vsucapionibus law .iii. that it is an addiction or claime of dominion by continuacion of possession by the time appointed by the lawe The difinition is plaine and manifest But in these daies they make a difference betwene prescription and vsucapione when yet in the Digestes and among the olde Lawyers they wer not seperated In the tyme of Antonius Pius as I remember these beganne fyrst to bee seperated so that vsucapio taketh place in thinges moueable What differēce is betwene prescription and vsucapio and prescription in thinges vnmoueable But thus much by the way But in our historye this is to be marked that Iiphtah doth wisely deuide his argumentes for he doth not first place the lawe of prescription but before all thinges hee obiecteth the right of warre afterward the gift of the true God and his cause beyng so confirmed at the last he vseth the lawe of prescription And that hee doth therefore bicause a possession continued doth not by it selfe and alone prescribe What thynges are required to the right of prescription but it hath neede of a good title and an vpright faith A good title is that the thing bee gotten by right order and lawfull manner For he that hath gotten anye thing by theft or rapine although he haue long possessed it yet it prescribeth not But if both the title be good and his faith vpright and continuance of tyme bee added the prescription is firme and good If we haue gotten any thing eyther by bying or by gift or by inheritaunce or suche lyke wayes the tytle is good but farther wee haue neede of an vpright fayth whereby we are assured in our selues that no mans right is iniured and that we know that there is nothing which maye by iust meanes let vs. Wherefore Iiphtah hath a good tytle the ryght of warre and the gyft of God He possesseth also with an vpryght fayth bycause hee meaneth neyther fraude nor rapine Wherefore he very well vseth the lawe of prescription But the tyme of prescription in thinges moueable Of the tyme of prescription is as touching our ciuill lawes three yeares but in thinges vnmoueable tenne or twentye yeares if ignoraunce happen not For if the owner knowe that it is his owne thyng which is possessed of an other and he hold his peace so long hee cannot afterwarde demaunde it againe And the lawe seemeth iustlye to punishe suche negligence But if the owner be ignoraunt the tyme is farther proroged namely to thirtye or fortye yeares And this is done when ignoraunce happeneth and that he possesseth it for himselfe and not for an other otherwyse it is no prescription Howbeit thys we must knowe by the waye that the Ecclesiasticall Canons as touching prescription doo differ from the ciuill lawes For they as we haue sayde doo appoynt thirtye yeares though the possessor be of an euyll fayth For they determine that euyll faythe cannot let prescription But as it is had in the .vi. De regulis iuris chapter Possessor A possessor of an euil faith prescribeth by longnes of tyme. For we should haue a respect vnto the woorde of God and wyth what conscience a man may possesse any thing These thinges haue I alledged that we might vnderstand how Iiphtah vseth the law of prescription ¶ Of Custome NOw bicause althinges are certaine and manifest I might returne vnto the history But yet I thinke it good somwhat to speake although briefelye of Custome bicause it hath great affinitye with prescription and bicause our aduersaries doo styrre vp great tumultes bicause of it and woulde vtterlye oppresse vs with Customes What custome is firme Custome as it is had Extra de Consuet chapter the last ought to be agreable vnto reason and lawfully prescribed The ciuil lawes assigne vnto custome ten or twenty yeares the Canons thirty or forty yeares But most firme is that custome Custome against the word of God is of no force the memorye of whose beginning is not extant amonge men And this ought to be firme that those thinges which are against the woord of God do by no meanes prescribe Wherfore that which the Papistes affirme namelye that the Communion hath bene geuen but vnder one kinde thys foure hundreth or fyue hundreth yeares bicause it is manifestlye against the woorde of God they cannot proue that it is prescribed by custome For suche a thyng is not as you would say prescriptable By whiche selfe same meanes they can not bring the custome of the sole lyfe of Ministers as prescript for it was at the begynning extort by violence Hostiensis and it is against the woorde of God althoughe Hostiensis saith that the power of Custome is so great that it compelleth Priestes to sole lyfe What custome is vicious in the distinction .xxiii. chapter Placuit But as the ciuill lawes determine that Custome is vicious which eyther is against nature or els agaynst the common lawe But that which I haue affirmed hath hys foundacion in the holye Scriptures For when Christ sayd vnto the Phariseis Hipocrites why violate ye the commaundement of God bicause of your own tradicion For God saith Honour thy father and thy mother But you say whosoeuer sayth
to father or mother The gyft c. they might haue prescribed vnto hym custome but it was not lawful bicause it was manifestly against the woord of God In the country of Taurus there was a custome to kyll straungers and gests The Persians had a custome neuer to deliberate of waighty matters but in feastes and when they were dronke Among the Sauromates there was a custome that when they were drinking they solde their daughters These prescribe not when as they are manifestly vicious and euyll But that custome prescribeth which is neither against the woord of God nor the law of nature nor the common law For the right of custome commeth of the approbation and secrete assent of the people Otherwise why are we bound vnto lawes but bicause they were made What differēce is betwene a lawe and a custome Aristotle the people consenting and agreing vnto them For this is the difference betwene a custome and a lawe bicause in the one is a secrete assent but in the other an open assent Wherfore such customes cannot be reuoked wythout daunger Aristotle in Politicis admonisheth that men which haue learned to doo sinister thinges ought not to be compelled to do thinges dextere Wherefore in thinges indifferent and of no great value custome is to be retayned It is an old Prouerbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Law and Country For euery region hath certaine customes of their owne which cannot easelye be chaunged But as it is sayde when they are againste the woorde of God or againste nature or the common lawe they do not prescribe For then are they not customes but beastly cruelties It is very wel read in the Digestes De legibus Senatusconsultis in the law de quibus Augustine Custome without reason hath no force And in the decrees distinction the .viii. chapter Veritate Augustine sayth The truth being founde out let custome geue place let no mā presume to preferre custome before truth and reason And in the next Canon Christ sayd I am the way the truth and the life he said not Ciprian Aquarii were they whiche in the Eucharist vsed water in steede of wyne I am the custome Ciprian against the * Aquarii Let al custome thoughe it be neuer so auncient geue place vnto the truth otherwise Peter when he was reprehended of Paul to the Galathians myght haue claymed custome but he assēted rather that custome should geue place vnto the truth Ciprian in the same Epistle agaynst the Aquarii Custome sayth he without truth is the auncientnes of error and the more it obteyneth the more grieuous it is Let the Papistes therfore cease to bragge of their customes which are altogether ful both of error and also of vngodlines Moreouer to establish a custome it is not sufficient that some men do a thyng or that a thing be often done vnles it be so done that it be receaued into a vse What establysheth custome an institucion to be obserued For many thinges are done either rashely or of necessity which yet we wil not haue drawen into a custome In the digestes de Itinere actu priuato in the law .1 and last Graunt that I go thorough the fielde once and agayne and the thyrd tyme bycause peraduenture the hyghe way is so foule that a man can not passe thoroughe it Whither bycause I sometymes go and returne thorough thy field do I therefore get vnto my selfe in it the right of dominion seruitude No for I entended not with that mynde to go thoroughe thy field but bycause I was of necessity compelled thereunto In the decrees distinction the .1 chap. Consuetudo Custome is said to be a certain right instituted by manners whiche is taken for a law when a lawe fayleth What custome is When in the first tymes of the Churche when tyrannes persecuted Christian religion godly men thorough feare were cōpelled to assemble together in houses and caues by night and in the darke thys assembly was by a certaine right maner then instituted counted lawful But if we would now that the Church is constituted worshyp God after the same maner we should both be derided laughed at also it wer not to bee suffred For they vsed not that manner to the end they would haue it drawen into a custome or that it should be an institutiō which other men should followe Ambrose beyng Catechumenus that is newly conuerted to the Christian faith and not baptised was chosen Bishop of Millan and Nectarius of Constantinople and peraduenture other Yet is it not lawfull for vs now to followe the same custome and to elect a Bishop which neither hath seene sacred seruices nor hath ben washed with the water of Baptisme But they did so They dyd so in deede but compelled by necessity bycause they had no other which were both learned endewed with authority whō they might oppose against the Arriās So is that easely confuted An answere to an example of Eusebius whiche they are wont to bryng out of the Hystory of Eusebius for the communicatyng vnder one kinde that Serapion sent a child and commaunded the bread to be dipped in the wyne I could in deede expounde that place otherwise but at this tyme it shal be sufficiēt to say that that was not therfore so done then thereby to bring in a custome which should be imitated of others Wherfore custome is not made by examples but by the assent approbation and institution of the people Otherwise ther are in many places dronkēnes and night robbynges But these things bicause they are not allowed of the people as institutions to be obserued haue not the power of a custome And that the thing may the better be vnderstand An other definitiō of custome Hostiensis I wil bring a definition of custome which I foūd in Hostiensis in the title de Consuetudine It is an vse saith he agreing with reason allowed by the cōmon institution of them that vse it whose begynnyng is tyme out of mynde or whiche is by a iust tyme prescribed and confirmed so that it is by no contrary acte interrupted but allowed with contradictory iudgement This is as he thinketh a full definition But in that he saith That that vse ought to be agreeing with reason it is not sufficient but first it is to be sayd that it ought to agree with the worde of God for that is to be counted for the chiefest reason Afterward it must be allowed by the institution of the people for as much as it is not sufficient that it be done ether rashly or of necessity or for some other cause but it ought also to be allowed by the assent and institution of the people and of whose beginnyng there is no mention or that it is prescribed by a iust tyme and appoynted by the lawes neither is interrupted by any contrary action For if the iudge or prince shal geue iudgement agaynst it the custome is broken as it
written in Plutarche went to Delphos there to dedicate his heare vnto Apollo Plutarche And children at Rome when they were paste childehode offred theyr heare and beardes to some God Sophocles writeth that Oreftes put his heare in the tombe of his father Sophocles There may also be an other cause rendred and that not vayne For the Nazarites ought alwayes to be pure and although they were not of the tribe of Leui yet they so behaued themselues all that time as if they had beene priestes of the tribe of Leui. And the Leuites and priestes were prohibited in the .21 chapt of Leuiticus from polinge theyr head Which thinge maye also be perceaued by the .6 chapter of Baruch Ye shall see sayth he priestes in Babilon with theyr heades shauen The priests of the Hebrewes shaued not theyr heades and theyr garmentes cutte And they were priestes of idoles Wherfore we see that by the commaundent of God the priestes of the hebrewes had not theyr heades shauen In the booke of Numbers the 6. chapter god calleth the heares of the heade a crowne or as other translate it a seperatiion But contrarilye the Papistes call theyr shauing of the head a crowne so do they peruerte all thinges as they liste themselues But what shoulde a man speake of them They care not what they doo They will haue lights and censing in the temples If thou aske them why Because say they God vsed them in the olde testamente But in the olde lawe priests had wyues these wil haue none They suffred the heares of their head or beard to grow but these men shaue both theyr head and beard Although at this day there is a great contention among thē about a long beard bicause the counsell of Carthage in the .44 Concilium Carthaginense chap. is sondry waies alledged For in exāplers it is writen Comam non nutriant nec barbā that is They shal not suffer theyr heare to growe nor theire beard but in others it is red Nec barbam tondeant that is They shall not clip theyr beardes whether of these two sentences will these men follow For they wil not suffer to haue a long beard least any part as they say of the sacrifice should stick in it O holy mē they fel that theyr sacrifice for thre halfe pens Why the sacrificing Papists will haue no beardes then least it should stick in the beard they diligently prouide Is not this to streyne at a gnat to swalow down a Camel Howbeit some of them leaste they should seme to do not very wisely nor with any reason The cutting of say they of the heares signifieth that a priest muste cutte of all superfluous thinges This is the religion of these men to haue the signes when as they haue not the thinges signified But I rather referre that shauinge of our papistes to softnes or wantonnes Suetonius For Suetonius in the life of Otho sayth that he was wont oftentimes to shaue his beard and to behold his face in a glasse whither it were trim inough I wil not speake of other which did not shaue the heares but plucke thē out to haue the softer skinne The next thing was that the Nazarites should abstayne from wyne and not from wine onely but also from vineger from grapes and from strong drinke called Sicera What Sicera is Ierome This Sicera as Ierome writeth to Nepotianus was a kind of drink much like vnto wyne which was made eyther of wheat or of apples or of dates or els of other fruites Farther they were prohibited to eat the huskes of grapes or kernels which are taken out of the wine presses They wer also commaunded not to drinke Mishereth which was nothing els then the washing of the grapes For the wine being pressed out there was water powred vpon the grapes that were pressed which when it was purified retained som sauor of the wine That we call the second wine But the Chaldey interpretation caleth Sicera old wine And it is manifest inough why the Nazarites wer forbidden to drinke both wine and strong drinke for these thinges trouble the heade and stirre men vp to lust as Salomon in his 20. chapter of Prouerbs admonisheth wine maketh a mocker and strong drinke a troublesome fellow and whosoeuer is deceaued therby shal neuer be wise Paule saythe also to the Ephesians the 5. chapter Be not dronke with wine wherin is excesse but be filled with the sprite Farther the priestes in the old law were prohibited to drinke wine before they came to holy seruices Wherefore the Nazarites forasmuch as they were like priestes ought also to abstayne from wyne The third thing was that they shoulde not defile themselues with any mourninge for the deade For as we are with ioy to muche lifted vp so sometimes are we greuously troubled with heauines and mourninge But God woulde haue his ministers to be voyde of affections especiallye of the vehementer affections when as by them men are more greuously moued then is mete Neyther yet wer these obseruations merites wherin they constituted righteousnes but they were rites onely and excercises whereby they should after a sorte be kepte in doinge theyr deuty For the vow of a Nazarite was a certayne seperacion from other mē But what they did in the meane time it is not prescribed howbeit many thinke that they were commaunded to endeuour themselues to the contemplacion and knoweledge of the lawe and to worshyppe and call vpon God purelye and sincerely We se that god by this kind of vowe would instruct the people with singuler wisedome The Philosophers write that a manne muste contende to be able to beholde highe thinges and wyth his knowledge to embrace whole nature And that they saye canne neuer be done vnles the affections in vs be tempered otherwise we are verye often caried awaye by anger and luste Wherefore God would haue his to be voyd of these affections namely of mourninge pleasure to much care and vexation about the decking of the bodye For these do not a little hinder the tranquility of the mind and spirituall cogitations therof Wherfore in the olde lawe he instituted in a manner to prepare his that they shoulde not come vnapte and vnmete to higher thinges Vndoubtedly they which are indewed with the knowledge of God oughte to frame and prepare themselues before that they come to heare the woorde of God or to receaue the Sacramentes Ieremy in his 4. Chapter hath very wel admonished vs Breake vp your fallow ground and sow not among the thornes And they vowed this kind of vowe as we haue sayd for a certayne time either for a yeare or for a moneth or as euery man thought it most profitable for himselfe for the natures of menne are oftentimes chaunged and the studies of piety do waxe feable Therfore they oughte by some meanes to be restored Hereof sprange the departures of the Elders into solitary places for a time So they
.30 chapter if a mayden vowe a vowe and the father heare it and letteth it not the vowe shal be firme but if he gainsay it it shal be in vain But what is a vow A promes made vnto god But matrimony is a promise which is made vnto mā If god permit a vow made vnto him to the iudgement of the father much more wil he permit matrimony vnto hym when as it is a promise made betwene men In the seconde booke of Samuel Thamar aunswereth vnto Ammon her brother If thou desire me of my father he will not deny me vnto thee The custom was then that the doughters were desired of the parentes Here I dispute not whither it was lawfull for Dauid to geue to Ammon his sister to wife This shal be entreated of in his conuenient place Farther Paule sayth to the Ephesians Children obey your Parentes in all thinges He excepteth nothynge when he wryteth so but he sayth in all thynges namelye whyche they commaunde not against the woorde of God And in his first Epistle to the Corrint the 7. chapter is most manifestly declared that it longeth to the Parentes to place theyr daughters to husbands And that was known not onely by the law of God but also by the light of nature which thinge also the Comedies of Terence and Plautus manifestly declare Euripides And in Euripides a mayden aunswered Of our mariages my father shall haue charge for that iudgement pertayneth not vnto vs. Ambrose Whiche verse vndoubtedlye so pleased Ambrose that he rehearsed it in hys booke of the patriarches Farther it serueth very much for domesticall peace for the daughter in law ought to be to the father in law in stede of a doughter Contrarily of rash mariages rise great discords at home And forasmuch as the father ought to helpe the sonne with his goods it is right that the son agayne in contractinge matrimonye obey the father In other ciuill contractes the sonne can doo nothynge wythout the consente of the Father as appeareth in the Digestes De mutuo ad senatus consultum Macedoniarum Wherefore in a thynge farre greater it is meete that the iudgemente of the Father be had What the ciuil lawes iudge in mariage of children The ciuill lawes haue decreed this selfe same thinge Iustinian in his institutions in the title de Nuptiis wil not that mariages should be firme without the consent of the Parentes And in the Digestes De statu hominum in the Lawe Paulus If a sonne mary a wife against the will of his parentes the childe which shal be borne of those mariages shall not be legitimate c. And in the Code De Nuptiis in the law Si proponis the case is diligentlye to be marked The daughter marieth by the consent of her father shee afterward complayneth of her husband and departeth from him Afterward he cōmeth into fauor agayne and shee marieth him againe against her fathers will It is aunswered that that matrimony is not lawfull Hereby appeareth how much the lawes estemed the power of the father Afterward in the law Si furiosi Children if peraduenture their parentes bee mad or bestraught of theyr wittes bycause they cannot vse their consent in contracting of matrimony shall vse the consent of theyr tutors What the cannons iudged Wherfore it semeth meruelous how Christians at this day determine that mariages are lawefull without the consente of the parentes and for that thinge they lay for an excuse the Cannons of which I thinke it good brieflye to declare some And firste I will make mencion of the better Cannons whiche were more aunciente For the later they were decreed the more corrupte they were In the decrees .30 quest 5. chap. aliter Matrimonies are then lawfull when the maydens are desired of their parents and deliuered openly Otherwise they are not matrymonies but whooredomes vnhonest companieng aduouteries and fornications Euaristus Nicolaus Thus decreed Euaristus Nicolaus also at the consultacion of of the Bulgares in the .30 quest 5. chap. nostrates Those matrimonies are firme which are ioyned with the consente of those that contracte them and of those in whose power they are Leo also the fyrst in the .30 quest 5. chap qualis Then it is to be counted matrimony when the mayden is by her parentes deliuered vnto her husbande Leo And in the 31. q. 2. chapt non omnis A woman whyche marieth by the consente of her father is without blame if anye man afterwarde shall fynde faulte withall Gratianus And thus Gratianus concludeth that place that he sayth in contractynge of matrimonye the consente of the Parentes is alwayes required Ambrose Farther Ambrose entreating of a place of Genesis wher it is writen that the seruaunte of Abraham came into Mesopotamia and founde a wyfe for hys masters sonne the parentes of the mayden when they labored to retayne hym longer he would not abyde they called the mayden asked her whether she would go with him After this maner he sayth as also it is declared in the 23. q. 2. chap. honorandum They asked not her saith he touching the weddyng but onely whether she would go with him For it pertaineth not sayth he to maidenly shamefastnes to chuse vnto her selfe a husband And the same thing affirmed he of wydowes which are yonge Althoughe to speake the truth I can not in this thing graunt vnto Ambrose that the mayden was not demaunded the question whether she would mary hym neither do I doubt but that she was asked the question of either cause For in the .30 q. 2. chap. vbi non est it is had The consent of childrē is required in spousages That there can be no matrimony where is not the consent of those that contract yea in mariages of children which are but .7 yeares of age bycause at that age they are thought to vnderstand somewhat of matrimony the consent of those that contract is necessary And bycause there is mention made of spousages this semeth good to be noted by the way the children so contracting ought to be seuen yeares of age otherwise the parents can promise nothing for thē The same children if afterward being of more yeres they shal contract an other matrimony the same is of force and not the spousages whiche yet is to be vnderstand if the parentes consent to the second matrimony Moreouer in the .31 quest 2. chap. tua Hormisdas answereth that children when they contract after this maner ought to stand to the will of their parentes And Extra de sponsatione impuberum chap. tua it is ordayned that children when they come to ripe age ought to obey their parentes for as much as also they gaue their faith and consented I thought it good also to bring somewhat of the counsels Counsels Concilium Toletanum the fourth .32 q. 2. chap. hoc sanctum decreeth If widowes wil not professe chastity let thē mary to whō they will and the same
without the good will of the parentes are whoredomes fornications and aduoutries the master of the sentences aunswereth that that is true not bycause such mariages are in very deede such but bycause they assemblyng together secretly among thēselues priuely without the parents knowledge are wont to be counted as whoremongers and adulterers but yet the matrimony abideth ratified and is firme bicause of the wordes of the present tense which wer therin vsed Also Thomas Aquinas in the same place Thomas Aquina◠is of the same iudgement and vnto that whiche is brought out of Paul vnto the Ephesians where he sayth children obey your parentes in al things He answereth that that is to be vnderstand of those things wherin the children haue not any liberty namely as touching familiar and domesticall things And this reason he addeth bycause matrimony is a certayne kynde of seruitude which the childe is not compelled to take vpon him agaynst his will And in that it is written of Abraham that he sought his sonne a wife out of hys kinred he aunswered that that happened bycause he knewe that that lande was promised vnto hys posterity and that God had decreed to take it awaye from the Chananites Wherfore he would not haue hys sonne contract matrimony with them These fellowes in deede speake many things but they bryng not so much as one word out of the holy scriptures they stil contend that children ought to haue most ful liberty left them as touchyng mariages But that is a mere inuention of theirs whiche by no meanes hath his foundation vpon the worde of God The old fathers were of our opinion but of them it happened as of the Canōs What the olde fathers iudges Tertullian for the more auncient they were the more sincere they were and the more new the more corrupte Tertulliane in his .2 booke to his wife as touchyng the mariages of Christians with Ethnikes writeth very wel neither alloweth he mariages betwene persons of a contrary religion God sayth he deliuereth thee to a spouse And he addeth No not in earth cā daughters right and iustly mary with out the consent of the parentes How therfore wilt thou mary without the consent of thy heauenly father Chrisostome vpon Genesis and vpon Mathew Chrisostome when he entreateth of mariages remitteth the matter vnto the exāples of the fathers in the olde Testamēt neither is it of great necessity to rehearse his wordes whē as the same father vpon the first Epistle to Timo. in his .9 Homely entreateth very manifesty of that matter there he exhorteth parents bicause of the slippery age of their childrē to ioyne them in matrimony but he exhorteth not the children that they should chuse vnto thēselues husbandes or wyues but by Apostrophes he conuerteth his oration vnto the parentes that they should prouide for them as touchyng matrimony he addeth a very notable sentence If saith he they begin to playe the whoremongers before they be maryed they wil neuer be faithfull in matrimony I wil note also by the waye what he writeth in the place of weddyng crownes or garlandes For euen at that tyme they vsed crownes or garlandes in weddinges What saith he signifieth the crown or garland Forsoth that the husband and the wife should declare that euē to that tyme they had ben vanquishers of lustes if thou hast ben an adulterer or whoremonger howe wearest thou a crown or garlād Augustine in his .133 Epistle Augustine beyng desired to make the mariage betwene a manchilde a womāchild I would do it sayth he but the mother of the child is not present and thou knowest that to contract the mariage her good will is necessary In this place Augustine writeth more seuerely then the ciuill lawes For they will not haue the childe to be in the power of his mother Of Ambrose I will speake nothing nowe I haue sufficiently spoken of hym before Wherfore seyng the lawe of God and the law of nature the ciuill lawe and eoconomical lawe the fathers and sincere Canons do affirme that the consent of the parentes is necessary and the examples of the faintes declare the same what should let but that we should be of the same mind Neither ought this to seeme griuous vnto children for it was for theyr commodity so appointed by God and by lawes For young persons in such thinges and specially wemē prouide very yll oftentymes for themselues It is mete the children should require the consent of their parentes Wherefore it is written in the Code de sponsalibus in the law si pater When a father hath betrouthed his daughter if he afterward dye the gouerner or tutor cānot vndoo the couenant of the father and a reason is added bycause tutors sometymes are wonne with money and women thorough weakenes fall to their owne discommodity The example also of Christ ought to moue vs whiche was geuen of his father a husbande vnto the Churche and he alwaye sayd that he did not his own will but the will of his father of whō he was sent Farther how great a discorder ariseth in the publique wealth of this deprauation and abuse how great a window is opened vnto fylthy lustes He that can first haue carnall fellowship with the mayden in some places hopeth to obteyne her to wife yea euen against her parentes good wil. To the reasōs of the aduersaryes But now must we answere the reasons whiche the contrary party alledge for themselues First as we before sayd they cry that in contractyng of matrimony there ought to be full liberty But I pray you what liberty Of the fleshe or of the spirit Vndoubtedly that liberty of the spirite is the greatest when we obey the cōmaundemētes of god The chiefest liberty is to obey the commaundements of god who if he would haue vs obedient vnto our parētes in other thinges why not also in contractyng of matrimony Wherefore they breake the lawe of God which obey not the parents also in this thing Farther if they will haue the liberty of contracting of matrimony to be so great why doo they themselues prohibite so many degrees of mariages whiche God neuer prohibited Once the Popes would not suffer matrimony to be cōtracted euē vnto the seuenth degree but now they contayne within the fourth moreouer why do they forbid mariages vnto the ministers of the Churche Farther why did God himself forbid matrimonies betwene persons of contrary religion if in mariage there ought to be so great a liberty as they fayne to be But they adde Children for feare of their parentes will saye that that matrimony pleaseth them whiche pleaseth them not But the sonne is not compelled so to say nothyng letteth but that he may answere that that wife pleaseth him not and that such a matrimony he can not abyde And in deede without his consent matrimony can be by no meanes contracted In the digestes de ritu nuptiarū in the lawe non cogitur we
whome he dwelled they were counted legitimate For they had not the worde of God wherein it is commaunded that that should not be doone and they had wonderfully corrupted the lawe of nature Other crye What shall we thinke of our elders what also of many whiche lyue nowe and haue contracted matrimonyes without the consent of their parentes Shall we call them mariages or adulteryes And shall we counte theyr children for legitimate or for bastardes I aunswere when such mariages were had in those darkenes before the new light of the Gospell those men were not in dede excused from synne for it was not lawfull for them to be ignoraunt of the law of God but yet bycause they were done publikely the Magistrate permitting them I am persuaded that such contractes are firme and ratified If they obiect that in such mariages the consent of the parentes wanted I aunswere that it was there not there For the Magistrates had made their ciuill lawes subiect vnto the Canons whiche vndoubtedly they ought not to haue done And in this thing all mē agree And for as much as the Magistrate hath authority ouer the people if he consent to any thing there after a sorte is the publique cōsent of the people As at this day in assemblyes when they assēble that some summe of money should be payd although some priuate mā of the people do take it in euill part yet bycause it is agreed vpō by the Magistrate he ought to seme to haue cōsented So the father would not that the matrimony of his sonne should be firme without his cōsent yet bycause he hath made his owne wil subiect vnto the iudgement of the Magistrate he ought to seme after a sorte to haue consented But now the truth of the thyng beyng knowen the Magistrates ought to reuoke the errour Wherfore the matrimonyes whiche haue bene hitherto that is in darknes contracted agaynst the will of the parentes ought to bee firme and the children borne of them ought to be counted legitimate But if the lawe should afterwarde bee reuoked then should they not be matrimonyes but onely be presumption but in very deede fornications whoredomes and aduoutryes as Euaristus ryghtly iudgeth But whylest the lawes whiche are nowe of force are not abrogated I doo not dissolue the matrimonyes whiche are so contracted neyther doo I saye that the children borne of those mariages are bastardes but I declare what seemeth more agreable vnto the woord of GOD and vnto honesty But Euaristus myght iustly write so bycause in hys tyme the Romane lawes were of force whiche counted not suche coniunctions for matrimonyes Farther I adde that fathers are not to bee obeyed when they let the mariages of their children onely for religion sake bycause in that case God is to be obeyed aboue all thynges who is the chief father of all men 7 He went downe I say and talked with the woman which pleased the eyes of Samson 8 And within a fewe dayes when he returned to receaue her he went aside to see the carkase of the Lyon And beholde there was a swarme of bees and hony in the body of the Lyon 9 And he toke therof in his handes and went eatyng and came to his father to his mother and gaue vnto thē they did eate but he told not them that he had taken the hony out of the body of the Liō 10 So his father went downe vnto the woman Samson made there a feast For so vsed the yonge men to do 11 And when they sawe hym they tooke 30. companions and they were with him In this place the Lion is not called Cepher as he was before but Ariah bycause that difference whiche I haue before shewed is not alwayes obserued The matrimony of Samson is celebrated wherein the prouidence of God prepareth occasion whereby he should doo some violence vnto the Philistines And that occasion was bycause as he returned he remembred the Lyon whiche he had slayne He went a litle aside to looke vpon the carkase of the Lyon And he founde therein a swarme of bees and a combe of hony And this is such a straunge thyng as hath not bene heard of for it is in no other place that I wot of eyther shewed or red that bees haue made hony in the carkase of a Lion Pliny Virgil. Plutarche Pliny and Virgil in his .4 booke of Georgiques teache that of dead bullockes or oxen doo come bees as of a horse Waspes and of an asse Hornets Plutarche in the lyfe of Cleomenes saith euē as of a horse do engēder Waspes of an asse Hornets of an oxe bees so also of the carkase of a man and especially of the marow humor which falleth vpon the earth are brought foorth serpentes For that cause the elders wer wont to consecrate serpentes vnto noble men But we neuer rede any such thing of a Lion wherfore this ought we to iudge that this was done by the singular prouidence of God Ambrose Ambrose thinketh that the place where Samson had cast the Lion was a pleasaunt and fertile place and the bees flyed thether for flowers and made hoony in the carkase of the Lion But I as I saue sayd doo attribute all this vnto the prouidence of God Pliny in his .7 booke sayth Pliny that bees vse not to make hony excepte it be in the hyue or in a tree or in caues vnder the earth he affirmeth the aboue al things they flye frō euill sauors Farther he saith the hornets and waspes doo eate dead carkases but bees touche thē not Ambrose sayth that Samson turned aside to the Lion to take his skinne that beyng clothed with it he might come vnto the feast as a great valiant man as afterward did Hercules But bycause he sawe that that apparell was not very handsome for wedding apparell he tooke rather thereout the hoony combes of the which he myght geue part vnto his parentes and parte vnto his wyfe They tooke thirty companions Some thinke that these thirty companions were ioyned vnto Samson for to doo hym honour But some of the Hebrewe interpreters suspecte that the Philistines when they perceaued that he was a strong and valiant man brought these men to be kepers for hym least thorough the shewe of mariage he should make some commotion 12 Then Samson sayd vnto them I wil now put forth a ridle vnto you and if ye can declare it me within seuen dayes of the feast I will geue you 30. sheetes and 30. chaunge of garmentes 13 But if ye can not declare it me then shal ye geue me .30 sheetes and .30 change of garmentes And they aunswered hym put foorth thy ridle that we may heare it 14 And he sayde vnto them Out of the eater came meate and out of the stronge came sweetenes and they coulde not in three dayes expounde the rydle The elegācy of the riddell consisteth in contraryes for he which eateth he the geueth meate What
render right althoughe they be vnworthy And afterward if a mā compell an other to playe let hym be punished so that he be cast either into the quarreys to digge stones or els into the cōmon prisons By these things it appeareth that by the ciuill lawe to playe at dyse was a thyng very odious Cicero in .2 Phillip agaynst Anthonius His house sayth he is full of dyseplayers and dronkardes Farther the lawes adde if dyseplayers lay any wagers among thēselues they are not firme Howbeit it is permitted vnto them of the household to play among themselues for that whiche may afterward be eaten in a feast But in the Code de religiosis sumptibus funerū it is more seuerely ordeyned of play dyse dyseplayers In the old time souldiers were permitted to play at dise after their busines done But the Emperor complaineth that at that tyme al men played in trying of chaūces wasted all their patrimony lastly added blasphemy agaynst God Wherefore he decreed that it should not be lawfull for any man to play nor to loke vpon hym that playeth he admonisheth the Bishops diligently to loke that these things be obserued The same Iustinian the Emperor in his Authētiques in the title de sacrosanctis Episcopis in the paragraphe Interdicimus doth prohibite by name that no Bishoppe Priest or Deacon should either playe themselues or looke vpon them that playe But if they shall doo otherwyse hee geueth commaundement to thrust then into Monasteryes for three yeares Nowe let the Popes go and saye it is not lawfull for Emperours to ordayne of Ecclesiasticall matters De excessu praelatorum in the chapter Inter dilectos bycause a certayne Chanon was found to be a dise player had in play geuen hys money to vsury to receaue for .x. peeces of money .xii. he was deposed Also de vita honestate clericorum chap. Clerici Let them not play at dise nor tables neither let them be present at such playes The same thing is had in the distinctiōs .35 chap. 1. Either let them cease to play or els let them be condemned Agaynste those whiche defend diseplay But they whiche defend this kinde of playe are wont to say What if we will so bestow our money Are we not Lordes of our own things We do no wrong to our neyghbour we take not away other mens goodes These thinges haue they continually in theyr mouth But they ought to vnderstande that it is the dewty of the Magistrate to see that euery man vse hys owne thinges well Farther we must cōsider more deepely that God gaue vnto these money wherewith they might haue to noorishe their family and to helpe the poore and not to caste them to chaūce and put them to the slippernes of Fortune Farther it behoueth and especially Christians to represent the image of God who gouerneth and ruleth all thynges with reason But so to consume money is not to be a Lord ouer his own things but a tyranne This also mayst thou adde hereunto if any thing be gotten by this meanes the same both is and also is called filthy gayne Whether thinges lost by dyseplaye may be recouered But for as muche as it is counted filthy gayne it may iustly be demaunded whether those thynges whiche be lost by dyseplaye may iustly be demaunded agayne I aunswere that if he whiche loseth be not in his owne power but vnder an other man as are the children of the householde and seruauntes the lawes do geue recouery and that euen to .50 yeares But if they be their owne men recocouery is not graunted the cause is assigned bycause filthines is on either party In whiche case the cause of the possessor is the better In the digestes In the title de condictione ob turpem causam in the lawe vbi autem when filthynes is in either party there is no iudgement geuen What then shal be done with the money They say it must be bestowed vpon the poore so that he which hath lost may haue hurte and he which hath gayned shall not haue the fruition of thyngs euill gotten This is to be done when the possession is transferred Of the same mynde was Augustine in his Epistle .54 Augustine to Macedonius Where the possession sayeth he is transferred let the money bee geuen vnto the poore But where it is not transferred as if a man take awaye any thyng by thefte and lose it at dise let it be restored Wherfore we must decree that such playes ought not to be suffred whiche are gouerned by chaunce and rashenes so that in them goods and money are endaungered bycause it longeth to the publique wealth to see that thynges be ryghtly gouerned and God geueth goodes to be spent to good vses And bycause by it spryng oftentymes horrible blasphemies and robbyng of our friendes and couetous desire of other mens goodes is stirred vp besides the greate losse of tyme. These thynges both the ciuill lawes and also the Ecclesiasticall do see but at thys day they are not regarded For the Canonicall lawes are contemned of the Clergy and the ciuill lawes are despised of the Princes For there is no where eyther more often or more filthily playe vsed then among princes and Ecclesiastical men whiche in deede were of good iudgement when they wrote those lawes but they haue lyued and also do lyue most filthily What playes are permitted But the other kynde of playe whiche pertayneth to the excersyng of the powers either of the mind or of the body is not vtterly forbidden Iustinianus in the lawe before alledged when he had taken awaye playes whiche depended of chaunce substituted this other kynd of playes as throwing a roūd balle into the ayre Aristotle handling of the speare running such like Yea Aristotle in his Rhethoriques commēdeth these exercises of the body And vndoubtedly for as much as a man hath nede of some refreshyng and pleasure to recreate him selfe wtal those thinges that are honest are mete to be graunted vnto him So at this day publique wealthes do sometymes set forth rewardes vnto such as cā best throw weapons that they may haue their Citizens the better exercised Howbeit it must be takē hede of the the kindes of playes be not hurtful or pernicious so that it be daungerous least in that playe they which exercise thē selues or which assemble to behold be killed or miserably torne or lamed And without doubt this kind of plaies is prohibited ad legem Aquiliam in the law Nam ludus and in the decretals de torneamentis Those thinges which of their own nature are not euil but are euil bycause of those thinges which often tymes follow ought to be prohibited In the old time rewardes were set foorth vnto Syngers Orators Poetes Readers which are not vniuersally to be dissalowed if they be done iustly or moderatly Afterward were added stage plaies wherof I wil not speake in this place Daūses also were added of which we
this is a weake reason for these thinges are not reckoned of the Apostles that in them shoulde be like reason of fault but bicause that all those thinges if they shoulde haue bene vsed would at the tyme haue disturbed the Churche The Iewes by the custome of their law abstained from blood and that whyche was strangled and the Ethnikes made nothing of whooredome Wherefore that peace should be had among them all they decreed that they al shoulde abstayne from these thinges wherby it followeth not that al these thinges are like sins but rather this we may inferre that all these thinges were an occasion of disturbing the Churche To the second Farther they obiected that God commaundeth not sinnes but he commaunded Hosea the Prophet to haue fellowship with an harlot I aunswer Euerye synne What is the proper nature of synne is in that respect synne bicause it is against the word of God But if God commaund any thing to be done priuately which otherwise disagreeth with the woord written the same vndoubtedly is not sinne bicause vniuersally it repugneth not with the woord of God for although it disagreeth with the word written yet it disagreeth not with the woord priuately reuealed It is synne to take away an other mans good But God when the Hebrues shoulde depart oute of Egipt commaunded that they should borowe stuffe and syluer vessels of the Egiptians and take them away with them which thing they did with out sinne No man doubteth also but that murther is synne and yet Abraham if hee had sacrificed his sonne at the commaundement of God which he was ready to doo had not synned So may we say of Hoseas the prophet If he committed whooredome at the commaundement of God his whooredome was no synne I knowe there are some which thinke that Hoseas was not cōmaunded to cōmit whoredome but to take a harlot to his wife but that agreeth not for it followeth and thou shalt beget of her children of fornication Children gotten after that maner namely of a lawful wife should not haue bene children of fornication Ierome doth better interprete these thinges Hiperbollically Ierome and saith that by this image was expressed the wickednes of the Iewes which had forsaken god their common husband and had committed fornication with the Idoles of the Gentiles and had begotten vnlawfull and bastard children as touching the woorshipping and religion of God To the thyrde Farthermore that is false which they alledge namely that whooredome is neither against religion nor charitye For we haue before declared that it is otherwise neither is it needeful here to repeate that which we haue sayd To the fourth They bryng Augustine also whiche sayth what meate is vnto the body that is accompanieng together for procreation but to eate or drinke a litle more thē needeth is not a grieuous synne therefore neither is fornication also A similitude is not takē to agree in euery part but serueth onely for that part for which it is taken And vndoubtedly he which eateth or drinketh more then he ought doth not straightway loose the health of his body but he which strayeth in carnal fellowship and committeth whoredome may easelye straightwaye beget a childe vnto whom he doth iniury bicause throughe his fault he is borne a Bastard Farther there succeedeth euyl education and so charity is hurt I myghte say also euen as euyl and hurtful meate destroyeth the bodye yea Adam by eating of the prohibited aple corrupted his posteritye so whooredome killeth the soule Lastly that which they alledged To the fyfte namely that fornication is therefore no sinne bicause it cānot be so iudged by the light of nature that I say is nothing For the preceptes of God are knowen to bee iust of nature but yet of a nature vncorrupt and perfect when as a corrupt nature doth often times allow sinnes for vertues For with the Lacedemonians theft was praised Thucydides and as Thucydides writeth among the auncient Grecians piracy was counted a vertue Farthermore it followeth that the preceptes of god may by nature be knowen to be iust and honest but yet of a nature instructed and formed by the woord of god otherwise as Paul testifieth The carnal man knoweth not the thinges whiche are of god But now let vs returne to the history 21 Therefore the Philistines tooke him and put out his eyes and brought him downe to Azzah and bound hym wyth fetters and he did grinde in the pryson house 22 And the heare of his head beganne to growe agayne after that it was shauen 23 Then the Princes of the Philistines gathered them together to offer a great sacrifice vnto Dagon their God and to reioyce For they sayd Our God hath deliuered Samson our enemye into oure handes 24 Also when the people saw him they praised their God for they sayd our God hath deliuered into our handes our enemye and destroyer of our countrey whych hath slayne many of vs. 25 And when their hartes were mery they said cal Samson that he maye make vs pastime So they called Samson out of hys pryson house and he was a laughing stocke vnto them and they sette hym betwene the pyllers 26 Then Samson sayde vnto the seruaunt that ledde hym by the hande leade me that I may touche the pyllers that the house standeth vpon and that I may leane to them 27 Now the house was full of men and women and there were al the Princes of the Philistines also vpō the roofe wer about three thousand men and women that beheld whyle Samson played 28 Then Samson called vnto the Lord and sayde O God I beseche thee strengthen me at this tyme onely that I may be at once auenged of the Philistines for my two eyes 29 And Samson layde holde on the twoo myddle pyllers wherevpon the house stoode and on whiche it was borne vppe on the one wyth hys ryght hand and on the other with hys leaft 30 Then sayd Samson Let me lose my lyfe with the Philistines and he bowed hym wyth al hys myght and the house fell vpon the Princes and vpon all the people that were therein So the deade which he slewe at hys death were mo then they whyche hee hadde slayne in hys lyfe 31 Then hys brethren and all the house of hys father came downe and tooke hym and brought hym vp and buryed hym betwene Zorah and Esthaol in the Sepulchre of Manoah hys father nowe he had iudged Israel twenty yeares When Samson was kept in prison hys heare in the meane time grew to the same length that it was before it was shauen by the harlot God at the lengthe tooke vengeaunce of the Philistines when yet he had first begone at hys owne house For Samson for his synne came into the power of hys enemyes and hys eyes being put out he was compelled to grinde in prison and was vtterly made a mocking stocke Howbeit the wicked Philistines in the meane tyme escaped not vnpunished
the law For by it the tenthes were geuē vnto the Leuites to lyue by But as the tymes were then they were not geuen vnto thē partly bycause the Philistines oppressed the Iewes in polling thē of their riches partly bycause there was no Magistrate to loke that the people shuld pay their tenthes And mē are of themselues willingly in a manner so couetous that vnles they be cōpelled they will not pay thē Lastly bycause the Israelites were at the tyme very prone vnto idolatry neither did they much regarde the worshipping or Ministers of the true God therfore they suffred the Leuites to starue Wherfore it is no meruaile if this young mā were compelled to wander abrode to begge his lyuing Nehemias in his .3 chap. sayth that when Leuites had not so much geuen them as was sufficient for their liuing they fled away neither would they minister in the tēple The Leuite came and turned into Micha not minding to tary there but to go on in his iorney but Micha when he vnderstood that he was a Leuite hired him to be his Priest The name of the Leuite is not in this place spoken of howbeit by the latter end of the .18 chap. of this booke we learne that he was called Ionathan the sonne of Gerson the sonne of Menasse How much the stipende of the Leuite was He promised him ten silueringes a yeare which sūme is as they say in a maner as much as fiue crownes of Kyne an ordre or sute of apparel that is garmentes for winter garments for summer Hereby we gather that althoughe Micha wer an idolatrer The law of nature iudgeth that the holy ministery is to be had in honour yet had he the ministery in estimation For he noorisheth his Priest he geueth him apparel wages and other thinges necessary So did also the Gentiles which knew not god It semeth to be the law of nature that they which labor in the holy seruices should haue both liuing honour He doth not in deede geue him any great stipend but yet so much as was sufficiēt Paul sayd Hauing meate and drinke clothing The Synode of Antioche with these things let vs be content Also in the Sinode of Antioche as it is had in the .12 questiō the .3 chap. Episcopus the stipend for a minister is appoynted to be so much as is sufficient for the necessity of lyfe And afterward in the .20 The seuenth Synode question the .1 chap. Clericus and it is the seuenth Sinode is decreed the same thyng where the glose demaundeth What Church is to be counted riche and what Church poore and it answereth What Church is riche that that Church is sufficiently riche whiche can noorishe his ministers with their famely so that they may be able also to keepe hospitality But in our time nothing is sufficiēt They heape benefice vpon benefice neither make they any end of sekyng for riches What then at the length shal be sufficient The glose aunswereth that the can not be prescribed for we must haue a respect vnto the place person tyme sundry and diuers thinges agree to sundry persons tymes and regions The Synode of Chalcedonia The Synode of Chalcedonia decreed that one man should not haue a title in sundry Churches But they haue now long since abolished these thyngs And that the lawe of nature as I sayd willeth that Ministers should be noorished appeareth also by that whiche Paul writeth to the Conrinth in his .1 Epistle when he teacheth that same he bringeth argumentes euen from nature No man sayth he goeth on warfare at his owne charges Thou shalt not mosel the mouth of the oxe whiche treadeth out the corne Who fedeth a flocke and eateth not of the milke Wherfore the yong man sinneth not in that he taketh a stipend For that was lawfull both by Gods law and by the lawe of nature Wherein this Leuite sinned But in that he letteth his ministery to hyre vnto an Idole hee very haynously sinned For nowe he worshipped not God but his belly Suche also were they whiche Paul sayeth serued not the Lorde Iesus but their belly This man nothing cared in what Religion he ministred so that he myght get a liuyng For this thing do very many euen now a dayes labour for yea all the Massemongers for the most part who nothyng regard howe vngodly it is to say Masses Herein is all theyr care to keepe still their reueneues and benefices This Leuite sayeth not God is not so to be worshipped Such a cup such a couer An euill Micha hath gotten an euill Leuite In his thyng also the Leuite sinned bycause he was nothyng made afeard by the example of Core who when he would haue vsurped the office of a Priest was swallowed downe quicke into the earth This younge man was not of the famely of Aaron he was onely a Leuite of the famely of Gerson as some say Neither doth Micha enquire of hym from whēce he was or of what famely or howe well he was instructed in the lawe of GOD but he straightwaye consecrateth hym a Priest But he ought fyrste diligently to haue examined hym for GOD would not haue vncleane Sacrifices offred hym and shall we thinke that he abhorred not from corrupte Priestes This younge Leuite thought it a goodly thyng to be exalted to the ministery of a Priest Thou shalt bee to me a Father and a Priest Ministers of God are to be◠counted for fathers He seemeth vndoubtedly with great reuerence to honour the Minister And in deede the Ministers of GOD are to be counted for fathers For the holy Ghost vseth their ministery for the regeneration of other So Paul sayde he had agayne begotten the Galathians when as he had before begotten them vnto God The same Paul writeth vnto the Corinthians Althoughe ye haue many schoolemasters yet haue ye not many fathers Nowe the Lorde will doo good vnto me Nowe GOD sayeth he wyll increase my thynges for there were many whiche would come vnto those holy serseruices and he should be partaker of all the oblations and Sacrifices and so the miserable man thinketh that gayne is godlynes And in deede Paul sayeth to Timothe that piety is a great gayne with sufficiency but he addeth That they whiche will be riche doo fall into temptacions and snares of the deuill and many whiche desire to be riche haue fallen into shipwracke from the fayth and haue wrapped themselues into great sorowes All these thinges happened vnto Micha for he both strayed from the fayth and was most greuously afflicted with vnlooked for calamityes For the Danites as we shall heare inuaded hys house and ouerthrewe it with all his felicity They led awaye the Leuite with the idole And yet he in the meane tyme flattereth hymselfe and sayth The Lord will blesse me ¶ The .xviii. Chapter 1 IN those dayes there was no kyng in Israell And at the same tyme the tribe
neuer heard of the like boldnes filthy lust as was this of the Gabaonites therfore they are called the children of Belial that is without an yoke bycause they had shaken of good manners the lawe of God and of nature neither would they abyde to beare any yoke Hereby also appeareth theyr exceding cruelty for they did not onely despise a straunger but also would reprochefully haue doone him great iniury But the good old man the host of the Leuite had not onely receaued him into hys house but also afterward defended him with the daunger iniury of his house He goeth forth vnto thē exhorteth thē not to cōmit any such thing First bicause the thing was filthy horrible farther bicause the mā had entred into his house he coūted it his part by right of hospitality to defēd him frō al iniury Lastli whē he perceaued that their lust was importunate vnbrideled he offred vnto thē his own daughter the wife of the Leuite rather thē they should do him so great a reproche Howbeit they as contēners both of god mē nothing care for these things Of the fayth of Hospitality The right of hospitality was of no force with thē which the old mā obiected vnto thē Vndoubtedly faith is to be kept with an enemy and much more with a guest or strāger Wherfore in the digestes de nautis cauponis in the law .1 there is a double actiō allowed against the host if any thing be takē away out of the lodging frō the guest how much more if there be violence done against his body Among the elders the religiō of straūgers was great bycause it semed a thing acceptable vnto god to defēd saue harmeles the straūger Iupiter Hospitalis Wherfore Iupiter as he was called Stator Pheretrius so also was he named Hospitalis as it were a keper and defēder of straungers Busyris a cruell host But Busiris like a cruell bloudy Tyrant slewe his guestes But his cruelty escaped not vnpunished for Hercules slew him with his club Euery manne ought to bee sale in his own house The Gabaonites wtout al yoke rāged abrode in the night tyme beset the house threaten to breake it opē to stay them that are in it when as otherwise euery mā ought to be safe in his owne house Which thing was also decreed afterward by the Romane lawes as it is had in the title de in ius vocando in the digestes in the lawe plerique No man ought to haue hys house inuaded For the priuate house of euery man seemeth to be a certayne holy sanctuary to his possessor But with the Gabaonites there was nothyng safe or holy so much had lacke of a gouernor brought to passe The vngodly are sometymes called brethrē The olde man when he dissuaded them from their wicked crime called them brethren to see if by pleasant and gentle speech he could haue asswaged thē For if he should haue dealt more sharpely he should more vehemently haue kyndled them And yet in callyng them brethren he lyed not for as they came of the tribe of Beniamin and he discended of Ephraim they were begotten all of one father namely of Iacob Lot also in the like cause called the Sodomites brethren It was vndoubtedly wysedome in moste daungerous corrections to vse moste gentle wordes Yea and Augustine when he wrote to the Madaurenses Augustine whiche otherwise were Idolatrers called them brethren Wherfore it is to be lamented and meruayled at that the Ministers of the Churches of the Lutherians doo so abhorre from our men that they will not in any case call them brethren as though they denyed the sonne of GOD and preached not his Gospell But our Churches nothing regarde their importunity but of Christian charity counte them for brethren whether they will or no and althoughe they differ from them in the matter of the Sacrament yet haue they not broken the bande of brotherly charity towardes them But whether of vs doo behaue our selues more sincerely and faythfully in the fielde of the Lord Christ in the last day also in tyme hereafter shall declare But here commeth a question whether this olde man did well in offryng his daughter and the wife of the Leuite vnto the Gabaonites to the ende they should not violate his guest To this all men aunswere not after one manner Some say that he considered the greatenes and horriblenes of the wicked crime and preferred the lesser euill before the greater and would not breake his fayth geuē vnto his guest And by these reasons they thinke to excuse hym And after the same manner they iudge of Lot Chrisostome And amonge other Chrisostome excedyngly prayseth Lot in that thyng Ambrose whiche selfe thyng doth Ambrose also in hys booke of Abraham the Patriarche bycause he lesse estemed the contumely of hys house then so great a wicked acte But Augustine in his questions vpon Genesis Augustine considereth these things both more diligently also more depely and denyeth that to recompēse one faulte by an other is not in any case to be suffred Compensation of sinnes is not to be admitted By his sentēce it was not lawfull for hym to permitte hys daughter to the lust of the Sodomites to the ende they should not sinne more grieuously Neither is it lawfull for vs to committe the lyghter crime to auoyde a more grieuous For the Apostle hath apertly taught That euyll thynges are not to be doone that good should ensue Wherfore when the matter commeth to sinne althoughe it seeme light yet we must vtterly abstayne from it And if it should seeme that some greuouser sinne would followe if we should refuse to sinne that care is to be committed vnto GOD but we vnder that pretence ought not to committe any sinne This was Augustines opinion whiche I excedingly well allowe And not to goo from our Hystory whiche we haue in hande althoughe this olde man ought fayth vnto hys guest yet ought he fayth and defence also vnto his daughter and vnto the wife of the Leuite Neither was it lawfull for him to performe more fayth vnto hys guest then the woorde of GOD would suffer Wherfore he could not iustly humble vnto them his daughter or the wife of his guest For the father hath not the daughter so in hys power that he maye put her foorth to other men to be abused Neither ought the daughter to obey in any thyng that is sinne thoughe the father wil and commaunde her But they say The lesser euill is to be preferred before the greater How the lesser euill is to bee preferred before the greater I knowe that men are wont so to say But it must ryghtly be vnderstand namely that it taketh place in outwarde afflictions and griefes of the body and of the lyfe Bycause in such discommodityes as often as we must take deliberation what we ought to preferre the lesser
hurt is to be preferred before the greater bycause it hath the nature and reason of goodnes But in sinne there is no consideration of goodnes And vndoubtedly what soeuer is synne the same muste strayghtwaye be reiected let followe what will But Augustine excuseth after a sorte Lot and thys olde manne bycause they fell with a heauy and troubled mynde It oftentymes happeneth vnto wyse men with a troubled mynde to doo those thynges whiche afterwarde when they come to themselues they allowe not But this excuse doth not vtterly absolue these menne from sinne althoughe it somewhat release them But if a manne will say Paul preferred the lesser sinne before the greater when he sayde he woulde be accursed of Christ for hys brethreÌ„ rather then they should persiste in that blyndnes and stubbernnes wherein they were holden He whiche obiecteth this vnto vs must knowe that he doth not rightly vnderstand that place of Paul For the Apostle desired to redeme the saluation of the Iewes with his daunger not vndoubtedly with sinne but with hys losse or hurte namely to be accursed of Christe not certaynely to be made an Apostata or to cease to beleue in Christ but onely not to haue the fruition of the eternall and blessed lyfe Augustine Augustine also hath many thynges agaynst thys compensation of sinnes And amonge other thinges What sayeth he if a man require either of a mayden fornication or of a maryed woman adultery and threateneth to kill hymselfe vnles he obteyne hys request ought the pure and chaste women to fulfill his desire No vndoubtedly Neither thoughe he afterwarde slay hymselfe shall the chast women be counted guilty of his death They ought in deede to be sory for hym to deplore his acte but not to thinke they haue done euill bycause they graunted hym not vnlawfull thynges The same Augustine vpon the .146 Augustine Psalme writeth If a man deny dewe beneuolence vnto his wife bycause he would lyue chastly and the wyfe in the meane tyme fall into adultery he sinneth neither can his entent be allowed For sinne is not to be admitted in the wyfe for the exercising of continency God sayeth he doth not recompense suche a hurte with suche a gayne Wherfore the sentence of Leo the first Leo in the dist .46 chapter Non suo is to be allowed wherein he sayth that it is vncomely that any should bestow theyr faultes vpon other mens commodities Augustine in hys booke De mendacio to Consentius sayeth For the health of our neyghbours Augustine we must doo whatsoeuer may be doone And if it come to that point that we can not helpe them without sinne there remayneth nothyng els for vs to doo And he addeth that no manne must be brought into heauen by a lye The same Augustine in an other place sayeth If poore menne see a cruell and bitter riche manne and woulde steale any thynge from hym eyther to helpe themselues or other poore menne they doo not diminishe sinne but encrease it Gregory And Gregory Byshoppe of Rome in hys Epistle to Siagrius To committe the lesse sinne to the end to auoyde the greater is to offer Sacrifices vnto GOD of a wicked acte To Chrisostome and Ambrose as it is written in the .21 of the Prouerbes But in that Chrisostome and Ambrose doo for thys cause prayse Lot they are thus to bee vnderstande namely that they allowed hys charity and fayth towardes straungers and had a respecte vnto the horriblenes of the sinne whiche the Citezins were ready to committe not that they allowed their abandonyng of theyr women And thus muche as touchyng thys matter How much the horrible synne of the Sodomites is to be detested Augustine But in that the olde manne calleth it a villany and a detestable thyng whiche they went about to committe he sayeth most truely For seede was geuen vnto manne for procreations sake But these pestiferous menne abuse the gifte geuen them of GOD they resiste hys law and agaynste nature chaunge menne in that after a sorte they turne the male into the female Augustine to Pollentius Adultery sayeth he is more grieuous then whooredome and incest more heynous then adultery but that whiche is done agaynste nature is of all most wicked and detestable And he addeth In thynges whiche GOD hath graunted it is more tollerable immoderatly to transgresse then lyghtly to sinne in those thynges whiche by no meanes are graunted And in hys .3 booke of Confessions he sayeth that the fellowship of humane kynde is violated with GOD bycause nature whiche we haue of GOD is polluted This was the crye of the Sodomites and the Gomorhites which ascended into heaueÌ„ and the grieuousnes of their wickednes is moste manifest by their distruction For they were distroyed with fire and brimestone from heauen punishementes vndoubtedly agreable vnto so greate a heynous crime by the fire was noted their burnyng filthy luste and by brymestone theyr stynkyng and vnpure wicked crime Chrisostome Chrisostome writeth Bycause they followed not fertility but barennes therfore God made that so ill baren and infertyle whiche before was most fertile But he demaundeth Why god doth in theâ—e daâ—es deferre the punishement of Sodomites Why are not they whiche are in the same faulte in these dayes punished also after the same manner He aunswereth whome that punishement moueth not for them abydeth the vnquencheable fyre And they are not so punished in this lyfe bycause suche menne for the moste parte are conuersaunt amonge good menne and GOD promised Abraham that he was ready to forgeue Sodome if there mought haue bene founde there but onely tenne good menne Wherefore for as muche as Cityes at this daye are not altogether so corrupte as Sodome was then therefore GOD dealeth more remissedly with them It also oftentymes happeneth that althoughe these men are moste wicked yet they had good predecessors And GOD as he hath testified tarieth and differreth the punishement vnto the thyrde and fourth generation Farther we muste marke that thys vice wheresoeuer it rangeth it is not alone With it are ioyned cruelty inhumanity pryde robbery and oppressing of the poore And when it shall come to this point that menne cruelly withdrawe their dewtyes from their neyghbours GOD doth then on the other side withdrawe hys helpe and grace Wherefore they beyng left vnto themselues that is vnto their owne corrupte and viciate strengthes doo degenerate into beastes The Sodomitical sinne is to bee punished with death The lawe of GOD in Exodus and Deuteronomy made thys sinne death And Paul to the Romanes sheweth that thys is the punishement of Idolatrers And in an other place he numbreth abusers of nature with them whom he excludeth from the kyngdome of GOD. Amonge the olde Grecians thys wicked crime was punished with death and that by the lawe of Laius Bessarion Tertulian whereof Bessarion maketh mention agaynste Trapezuntius Tertullian de Monogamia writeth that among the Romanes there was
lye styll aboundyng in wealth and riches Neyther is it to bee suffred that they shoulde lyue at ease and other in payne Yet the Pope in his Decretalles de Immunitate Ecclesiae in the chapter Non minus where the woordes of the Counsell holden at Lateranum are cited And in the chapter aduersus Consules will haue the Ecclesiasticall men vtterly exempted And Bonifacius the .8 in hys .6 de Immunitate Ecclesiarum in the chapter Clericis laicos permitteth them not to pay any thyng Yea and he excommucateth the prince which taketh tribute of a Minister of the Churche and also the Minister hymself which payeth it This law as to cruel Benedictus the .11 after a sort mitigateth in Extrauag de Immunitate Eccles in the chap. Quod olim yet he permitteth not the prince to do any thyng without askyng counsel of the Byshop of Rome For he in deede doth not excoÌ„municate those princes which do receaue tribute of Ecclesiasticall men but onely those that exacte it of them For he permitteth not that princes should exacte any thyng by their owne right whiche thing yet sometymes he permitteth namely in an extreme necessity as in daunger of religion and lyfe so that firste there be had the consent of the Byshop and clergy and afterwarde also the agreement of the Pope So longe therefore hath he decreed that they must tary So these men do exempt themselues froÌ„ the obedience and tributes of princes and kyngs which as I haue before sayd out of Vlpiane are the establishementes and sinewes of the publique wealth A sayinge of Diocletian When I thinke vpon these thinges I call to remembraunce a profitable saying of Diocletian of whoÌ„ when a Philosopher desired an immunite This request sayd he disagreeth with thy profession Thou professest sayd he that thou wilt ouercome thy affections but thou shewest that thou art ouercome of auarice So these men professe themselues to be spirituall But in a spirituall maÌ„ is nothing more required theÌ„ charity whiche counselleth vs not to lyue franchised and securely when other are oppressed with cares and burtheÌ„s Thomas Aquinas bringeth a place of Genesis to shewe that Priestes are exempted from tributes Thomas Aquinas not in deede by the law of GOD but by a lawe made by princes and yet neuertheles agreing with the law of nature For Pharao kyng of Egypt prouided that the Priests should not paye the fift parte of their fruites for tribute when as yet so muche was exacted of all the other Egyptians Wherfore he concludeth that Priestes are exempted This place is diligently to be considred First let vs note that the Priests of the Egyptians had theyr dayly lyuing out of the threasory of the kyng They had meate and drinke and money geuen them to lyue by Afterward it came to passe that when the hunger waxed great all the Egyptians solde their landes vnto the kyng therwith to buy corne to driue away the hunger But wheÌ„ that famine was past the kyng rendred the landes vnto the olde possessors but yet vpon this condition that euery yeare they should paye him the fift parte but of the landes of the Priestes there was no fift part payd And no meruayle bycause they sold not their landes vnto the king when they were kept of the common cost Yet it is to bee thought that they payd so muche tribute of their landes as they were wont to pay before the famine Neither vndoubtedly can any other thyng be gathered out of that place but that Priestes ought to be noorished of the common cost but in that they payed not the fift part that happened for an other cause as we haue nowe declared They bring forth also the .8 chapter of Esdras where Artaxerxes prouided that when he had layd a tribute vpon the Iewes there should be nothing leuied of the Leuites in the name of a tribute But this is not to be meruayled at seyng the Leuites had no landes to pay tribute of For vnto them pertayned onely oblations first fruites and tenthes For whiche cause they were released of tributes Also Iulius Cesar de bello Gallico sayth The Druites payd no tributes Plini that the Druites whiche were Priestes in Gallia payd no tributes But Plini in his .16 booke and .44 chapter writeth that the Druites had no landes And yet are not these thinges spoken to this end that I should thinke that it is not lawfull for the Magistrate to deale somewhat more gently with them and somewhat to beare with theÌ„ It is honest that the â—agistrate deale somwhat more gently with Ministers Bycause they must alwayes apply themselues to holy thinges and study for nothyng els Wherby it coÌ„meth to passe that they can not increase their substaunce yea rather very oftentymes they suffer great losse neither haue they their stipendes but duryng theyr lyfe This thyng onely I dissalowe that they clayme vnto theÌ„selues immunity both real and personall they vtterly refuse both ordinary and extraordinary charges and that by tyranny or against the worde of God and for that the Pope will not suffer princes to exacte tributes of Byshops and Ecclesiasticall men when they will themselues and bycause they will not geue them if they be required The word of God hath otherwise commaunded when it sayth let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher power And therfore sayeth he ye pay tributes None is excepted neither would Christ himselfe be exempted Chrisostome Chrisostome vpon that place of Paul It may sayth he seeme greuous vnto Christians for that they beyng the children of God and appoynted for the kyngdome of heauen are subiect vnto princes of this world But he aunswereth Whilest we are in this lyfe our dignity is hidden For it appeareth not what we shal be Wherfore whilest we lyue here let it not be grieuous vnto vs to rise vp to the Magistrate to geue them the way and to honour them These thynges are full of comelynes and are decently done of the saintes Nowe that we are regenerate by the worde and the spirite it might seeme that we neede no Magistrate Wherefore the Iewes bycause they were the people of God tooke it very grieuously that sometyme the Babilonians raigned ouer them sometymes the Persians sometymes the Grecians sometymes the Romanes Anabaptistes Libertines and other nations whiche knewe not God The Anabaptistes also and Libertines cry that it is a thyng vnworthy for a Christian to suffer a Magistrate ouer hym The Clergy of the Pope also haue shaked of this yoke from themselues But the Apostles which foresawe that this thing would come to passe did very often inculcate that the Ciuile power should be obeyed whiche precept is two wayes transgressed one way is when men say they will not obey the Magistrate Sinne committed two maner of wayes agaynst the Magistrate and sediciously make warre agaynst hym The other way is wheÌ„ they circumuent hym by subtility and guile that he can not execute
owne woorkes But to beleue to pray to acknowledge sinnes to bewaile them with an earnest repētāce are the woorkes of God and therfore are not forbidden on festiuall dayes but rather commaunded The Ethnikes acknowledged a Religious fast These thynges haue not onely the Hebrues learned out of the lawes of God but also the Ethnikes by the instincte of nature For when Ionas preached vnto the Niniuites that their City should within .40 dayes be ouerthrowen they dispayred not of the mercy of God but got themselues to repentaunce and euery one of them euen from the kyng vnto the lowest Citezin with their beastes also and cattell fasted And when they vehemētly and with a feruent zeale cried vnto the Lorde Augustine Porphyrius they were heard Augustine de ciuitate dei writeth that Porphyrius taught that abstinence from flesh and grosse meates doth purify the myndes of men wherby they are made the more prompt to thinges deuine and to familiarity with good spirites Plutarche Plutarche also in his litle booke de Iside Osiride sayth that the Priestes of Heliopolis vtterly absteyned from all meates whiche might noorishe and augment the wantones of the fleshe and that they neuer brought wyne into the temple of their God For they counted it a vilany to drinke wyne in the day tyme in the sight of their God other men sayd he vsed wyne but not much and they had many purifications without wyne The same Plutarche de cohibenda Iracundia sheweth Holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that among the Athenienses wer certayne holy sacrifices which were done onely with water without wyne And this is notable which is written in the same booke Empedocles Titus Liuius that Empedocles was wont to say that a mā ought most of all to fast from malice Titus Liuius maketh mention that when at Rome there happened many portentuous thyngs which seemed to foreshewe some great euill the decemuiri were sent to looke into the bookes of the Sibilles and that there was aunswere made that they should institute a publique fast in the honor of Ceres whiche fast should also be repeated agayne euery .5 yeare And that by that meanes the anger of the gods should be pacified Wherfore the Ethnikes beyng smiten with the feare of the euils whiche hoonge ouer their heades fled vnto the oracles fasted and prayed the gods to turne away their anger But Christians not onely seyng so many so great euils but also hearyng them told from all parts of the world yet turne they not vnto GOD by prayer neither are they any thyng moued in mynde But peraduenture some man will say that Fastes Fastes are commended in the new Testamēt bycause they are partly Iewishe and partly Ethnike seeme to be farre from our Religion But that it is not so may easely be proued by the new Testament In the Actes of the Apostles the .13 chap. the Church beyng admonished by an oracle that Paul and Barnabas should be chosen to visite the Cityes and Townes where the Gospell had ben preached first decreed a fast then they layd their handes vpon them And in the .14 chap. when they after they had accomplished their matters thorough Iconium Listria and Antioche returned home they instituted a fast and created ministers and Priestes in euery City Augustine in his Epistle to Cassulanus sayth Augustine When Peter should at Rome haue talke with Simon the sorcerer vpon the Son day the Churche of Rome vpon the Sabaoth day denounced a faste whiche custome was alwayes afterward retayned Ierome Ierome in his prologue vpon Mathew sayth that Iohn beyng desired of the Churches to write the Gospell agaynst Ebion and Cerinthus who denyed the deuine nature of Christ aunswered that he woulde so doo if the whole Churche woulde before indicte a publique faste Whiche thyng Eusebius also in his Ecclesiasticall Hystory testifieth Eusebius Paul also in the .1 to the Corinthians the .7 chapter admonisheth those that are ioyned together in matrimony not to separate themselues a sonder but for a tyme to geue themselues to fastyng and prayers In whiche place I thynke he vnderstādeth publique prayers and also a publique fast For fellowshyp with the wife nothyng letteth but that they may be vsed priuately but whether he vnderstood publique fastes or priuate it skilleth not much Farther Christ being asked of his Apostles why they could not heale the dōme and cast out the deuil He answered Bycause of your incredulity And he added This kynd of deuils is cast out onely by fasting and prayer That place is somewhat darke and therfore it shall not be vnprofitable briefly to expounde it Is it to be thought that by the merite of fastyng and prayers as they vse to speake deuils are cast out by vertue of the worke wrought Not so What thē signified the woordes of Christ First he said Bycause of your incredulity for if ye had fayth euen so muche as a grayne of mustard and should say vnto this mountayne Take vp thy self cast thy self into the sea it should obey you And together with a fayth is necessary a vehement and feruent prayer and also fastyng bycause a fixed and earnest prayer which draweth the mind not onely frō meate and drinke but also from all other humane cogitacions and pleasures Wherefore Christ by the effectes describeth the cause namely fayth by prayers and fasting and he speaketh of those deuils to whom god gaue more liberty as though he should haue sayd ye must not lyue easely or idely if ye will cast out this kynd of deuils Ye must haue a sure and strong fayth whiche thyng he expressed by the effectes by prayers I say and fastes By these reasons and testimonyes may fastes also be commended in the new Testament But in them are faultes to be taken heede of What vices in fasting ar to be taken heede of whiche very often are many and those greuous First bycause in the Papacy are obserued fastes vpon certayne appoynted dayes without consideration of persons or occasions Faste brought in without measure as an yearely ceremony whiche at this day is vtterly of no strength is as if it were Iewishe Moreouer euery man hath added heaped vp of his owne whatsoeuer pleased him and not that which calamity of tymes or feruent prayers required For one man brought in Septuagesima an other Sexagesima an other Quinquagesima another Quadragesima which is Lent an other Rogatiō dayes an other Imber dayes an other the euēs of the Apostles an other Friday an other Saterday an other brought in fastyng on the Wēsday But of so many fastes what vtility hath there at the length followed Many contentions and questions concernyng fastyngs A great many questions contentions For a man will scarse beleue howe many question 's the elders haue had concernyng fast Augustine ad Cassulanum writeth that therfore we must fast on the Wensday bycause Christ was sold that day and on
God punisheth moderatly God slew in Egipt Pharao also the firste begotten and many other yet destroyed he not the whole nation And when he destroyed Sodom he saued both Lot and also his famelye and deliuered from misery the citye Zoar whither Lot went And in the flood when he drowned the worlde with water yet he woulde saue on lyue Noah with his famely But it semeth that these men determined vtterly to destroy al the Beniamites whiche theyr counsel God allowed not who when the Iewes were afflicted of the Chaldeians and they raged more cruellye against them then was mete both threatned to punish them and also did indede punish them most grieuously The variety of mans nature Now the Israelits repent them of their cruelty but it is to late They should haue thought of this thing before But this is the nature of man these that florish they are angry with and enuy them when the same men are ouerthrown deiected Architas Tarentius Athenodorus they pity thē The sword is not rashly to be moued neither should punishmentes be executed with an angry mind Architas the Tarentine hath a very wise saying vnto his seruant If I were not angry I would punish thee Athenodorus a Philosopher very wel learned when he had gotten leaue of Augustus to depart home being desyred to leaue some notable precept with him aūswered very wisely Before thou geue place to anger execute auengment first say ouer with thy selfe in order all the letters of the Greke Alphabete namely that in that space and detracting of time the violence of the mind may asswage The othe of the Israelites being vniust did not bind them to obserue it It was not lawfull for daughters to marry without the consent of theyr parents Farther we must note that this othe of the Israelites of not geuinge wiues vnto the Beniamites was neyther godly nor lawefull Wherefore they were not bound to obserue it Howbeit we vnderstand by this history that this was of force among the people of god that the daughters should not mary without the consent of theyr parentes For if it had bene lawfull for thē to haue maried against theyr parentes will a man might haue saide Althoughe ye will not geue your daughters vnto them they of their owne accord may contract matrimony with them This thing is so agreable vnto nature that the Romaine lawes also forbid that matrimony should be firme except it be contracted by the consent of the parents as we haue before declared But that thing which neither God nor nature nor good lawes can suffer the same doth the Papisticall superstition easely admitte The Israelites come to Siloh for two causes partly to aske counsell of God concerning the Beniamites and partly to geue thanks vnto God for the victory Therfore they burne sacrifices and burnt offringes And they wept for the misery of the Beniamites euen vntil euen Wherfore it appeareth that they fasted the whole day otherwise they could not haue wept before the lord vntill euen Why the Israelites erected an altare Dauid Kimhi And they erected an alter But to what ende There was an altare there before Some aunswere that there was an altare there indeede but it was so old that it was halfe decayed and therfore it neded to be repayred But Kimhi saith that it was a custome that when all the people shoulde publikely aske counsell of God there should of new an altare be erected But this he affirmeth without the authority of the word of God I rather thinke when so great a multitude of people assembled together ther was so great a number of sacrifices that the old altare was not sufficient to do holy seruices vpon Wherfore that the seruice of of god should be with more expedition finished there was erected an other altar Which thinge also we rede Salomon did when he dedicated the temple whiche he had built When they had wept bicause of the othe wherby they had bound themselues not to mary theyr daughters vnto the Beniamites they thought vpon the other othe whereby they had vowed themselues to slay all those whiche woulde not put to their helpe to the common warre Neither is their any mencion made before of this latter othe For many thinges are ouerpassed in the historye which are afterwarde spoken of althoughe not in their place And whilest they are in hand with these thinges with one and the selfe same labour they both prepare wiues for the Beniamites and also saued their othe For they which wer absent from the warre were not bounde by the othe Wherfore they might mary their daughters vnto the Beniamites But as touching the first othe for not geuing wiues to the tribe of Beniamin it was not lawful Wherfore it might haue bene broken without any violating of religion for the cutting of of that tribe was against the word of god For his wil was that it should be preserued among the people of Israel For God by Iacob the Patriarche gaue manye and excellent blessynges vnto the Beniamites which blessinges also Moses in Deut. repeated But although such an othe was not ratefied yet the Israelites do wisely in that they labour both to prouide for the Beniamites and also not to be counted rashly to violate their othe An example of Iosuah So Iosua sware that he would saue the Gabaonites when as yet god had cōmaunded that al the Chananites should be slayn For he found a meanes that they should serue in the tabernacle and so by that meanes bee after a sorte punished wyth cyuill death Although he durst not do that but by the commaundement of god And he would that the people by his example should learn not easely to violate an oth For example sake euen vain othes ar not easely to be violated What men the Iabenites wer As touching the Iabanites in that they are called Galaadites it manifestly appeareth that they pertained vnto the tribe of Manasses and dwelled beyond Iordan They bicause they were not present at this warre are iudge of al the Israelites as enemies who being destroyed their maidens which remained on lyue were brought to Siloh into the land of Chanaan And it is rightly added in the lande of Chanaan bycause Iabes Gilead was not there but in halfe the Tribe of Manasses beyonde Iordane This warre against the Iabenites was iustly and worthely taken in hande The Iabenits are worthely inuaded bycause they obeyed not the publike cōmaundement The Israelites had bound them selues by an othe that whosoeuer withdrew himselfe from this war the same should be put to death Therfore they counted the Iabenites as enemyes least other men by their example should contemne publike decrees The Beniamites had committed a grieuous wicked crime but these men in that they refused the common warre and weakened the authority of the publike wealth seme also to fauor their crime The punishment of Metius Suffecius It is not the parte of good Citizens
after Sathan Yea these virgins of whom we nowe entreate when they wandred thorough the vyneyardes and gaue themselues idely vnto dauncinges were taken vp by the Beniamites Some man wil say that the brethren of Dina oppressed the Hemorhites by guile It is true in deede but when they were reproued of their Father they sayde Ought they to haue done Niblah that is a foolishe and wycked thing in Israel And that Dina was rapte not wyllingly but against her wyl hereby appeareth bycause it is written that Sichem after he had oppressed her spake vnto her hart which signifieth nothing els then that he woulde by flatterye haue comforted her The Beniamites did not properlye commyt rapte Vniuckiendes of raptes But it maye seeme marueilous that these Beniamites were not punished for their rapte but we must consider that they dyd not properlye commit rapte bycause they led away the maydens not onely by their owne counsell but also by the wyl of the Elders Otherwise true and proper rapte hath alwayes had an vnlucky ende Io Argus was led awaye of the Phenicians Europa of the men of Creta Medea of Iason Helena of Paris all whych raptes styrred vp discordes and warres and also the ouerthrowinges of publike wealthes and kingdomes Also the women of Saba being of curiositye desirous to bee present at open spectacles Titus Liuius Augustine were rapted by the Romanes Whereof followed suche warres that both nacions were almost destroyed as Titus Liuius and Augustine De ciuitate dei wryte Wherefore forasmuch as God wil not haue such wicked actes vnpunished it is meete that from hence foorth we auoyde suche matrimonies I am not of that sentence to deny that those matrimonies which hitherto haue ben contracted after that maner are matrimonies For it is not my mynde to bring in a confusion of thinges But these two things I affirme first that in contracting there is sinne especially if it be done against the wil of the Parentes Farther that those lawes wherby suche matrimonies are permitted are to be corrected that hereafter it be not lawful to doo the like For we see that the order whyche God hath set is peruerted when Parentes are neglected by whose counsels matrimonies should be contracted And by this meanes yong mē at encouraged to raptes whē as they hope that they may mary the wiues whō they shal rapte Farther that which I speake is agreable with the lawes of God with the law of nature with the ciuil lawes Wherfore let the Canonistes Schoolemen take hede how they iudge the contrary Now resteth somwhat to speake of daunces ¶ Of Daunses CHorea that is a daunse is formed as Plato sayth of this worde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche signifieth ioye bycause it is a certayn testification of ioy Seruius And Seruius when he interpreteth this verse of Vergil Omnis quam chorus socii comitantur ouantes that is whō all the daunse and fellowes followed with mirth saith that chorus is the singyng and daunsing of such as be of like age But whēce daūces had their beginning there at sōdry opiniōs Of the offryng of Daunses Some thinke that men when they beheld the sondry motiōs of the wādring and fixed starres sound out daunsing wherby the variety of motions might be represented Other thinke that daunses came rather of religion bycause among the old Ethnikes there were in a maner no holy seruices wherein was not leapyng or daunsing For they led their daunses from the leaft part of the alter to the right wherby to resemble the motion of the heauen from the East vnto the West afterward they returned frō the right to the leaft to expresse the course of the wādryng starres Whiche thyng peraduenture Vergil signified when he sayd Virgil. Instaurantque choros mixtique altarla circum that is and they beyng mixed together renewed theyr daunses compassing about the alters Yea the Priestes of Mars whiche were daunsers Salii the priestes of Mars were had in great honour among the Romanes And there are some also which referre the beginning of daūsing to Hiero a tyran of Sicilia For he they say to establish his tyranny forbad the people to speake one to an other The deuise of Hiero. Wherfore men in Sicilia began to expresse their meaninges and thoughtes by beckes and gestures of the body and the thing turned afterwarde into an vse and custome But whatsoeuer this thyng was daunsinges in the olde tyme were not agaynst Religion althoughe afterwarde they were applied to publique mirth There was also an other kind of daunsing wherby young mē wer exercised to warlike affaires For they wer cōmaunded to make gestures to leape hauyng vpon thē their armor the afterward they might be the more prompt to fight whē neede for the publique wealth should require Saltatio Pyrrhica This kind of daunsing was called saltacio Pyrrhica bycause it was exercised in armor it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of this daūsing is mētion in the ciuile lawes namely in the digestes de paenis in the law ad dānū And sometymes yong men whē they had offēded wer not straightway put to death but were condēned either to hunte vpon a stage or els to daunse in armor And they wer called Pirrhicarii Also there was an other kind of daūsing Wanton daunsyng which was instituted onely for pleasure wantōnes sake that was called of the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But of those daūses which by gestures of the body expressed the senses of the minde writeth Lucianus in hys booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lucianus Athenaeus so doth Atheneus In which kynd at the length it came to the point that when at Rome Demetrius Cynicus derided the daunse called Mimica saltacio callyng it a thyng vaine nothing worth a noble daūcer which thē was had in honor at Rome desired him that he would once onely beholde hym daunsing afterward to iudge speake his fansy whatsoeuer he would He came vnto the stage the daunser called saltator Mimicus begā by gestures to resēble the cōmon fable of Mars takē in adultery with Venus In which thing he so expressed the sunne whiche declared the fact Vulcanus knittyng his nets Venus ouercome with shame Mars humbly destring pardon A saying of Demetrius Cynicus that Demetrius being astonished cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is I heare O mā the things that thou doest I do not onely see thē for by these thy handes thou seemeth to me to speake About the same tyme by chaūce came to Rome the king of Pontus whē he had sene this daūser played his gestures on the stage being afterward biddē of Nero to aske what thīg he most desired to haue geuē him he desired to haue the Mimus Nero meruailed forasmuch as he mought haue asked other thinges of much greater price asked him the
troublesome dreames 137. b Bearing with others weaknes 52 Beda liued in a corrupt time 42. b Bearfoote is Elleborus 164. b Bees of bullockes dead 218 Begging disalowed 203 Behauor in prosperiti aduersiti 6 Benefits degres worthines 198 Benefits whether they be to be wtdraweÌ„ froÌ„ vnthaÌ„ful persons 198 Benefits of god ar of .2 sorts 198 b Beniamin had .x. families 269 Beniamites worthy to be condemned 271 Beniamites how many of theÌ„ wer slayne by the Israelites 273. b Berdes of Priestes 201. b Bernhards error of angels 209 Bethabara 141 Bethel is not alwayes a propper name of a place but wher the ark of the couenant remained 269. b Bethlehem .2 of that name 239. b Betraying handled 36 b Betraying defined 37 Betraying wurs theÌ„ besieging 37 Betraying lawful 37. b Betraying examples 38. b Betrothing in woordes of the future tence 284. b Bezek situate 11 Bibles preserued by the Iewes 57 b Bishop of Rome hath nothing common with Peter 149 Bishops of Rome refused kingdom in the church at the first 147 Bishops ambicious 12 Bishops coÌ„secrating of kings whether they be therein greater then kinges 261. b Blabbing a vice moste peculiare to women 221. b Blasphemies horrible 235 Bloudshedding iustly and rightly restrayneth not from the holy ministery 146. b Boasting what 87. b Boasting against God 132. b Body what it signifieth with Tertulian 209 Body spiritual how 211 Body and bloud of Christe howe it is eaten 212. b Bodies of men after the floud whether lesse then before 17 Body humaine cannot consist with out flesh and bones 118. Body remoueth vs not from the beholding of God 117. b Bodye is ioyned to the soule for a helpe and not punishment 208. b Body is anoyed with druÌ„keÌ„nes 163. b Bodely diseases les grieuous then the mindes 247. b Bona goods 139. b Bondage first of the Israelits 77 Bondage more grieuous then losse of goods 70 Bondage is agaynste the nature of man 80 Bondage is a ciuill death 36 Bond saruants may not flye from their masters 227. b Bonifacius the right 257. Booke de Patientia none of Augustines 158. b Booke de Dogmate ecclesiastico is none of saint Augustines 121 borders of the Hebrues couÌ„tri 267 Bramble a vile plant 160. b Breade remayning in the Eucharist 205 brethreÌ„ for al maner of kinsfolks 23 Brothers children ar not forbidden to mary by Gods lawe .19 but by the law of nature 21 Brothers wyfe onelye lawfull for the Iewes to mary 21. b Bribery of Abimilech 158 Burials of the Hebrues in their own possessions 66 Burnt offringes 271 Burthens personall 263. b C. CAesar touched 153. b Caiphas the hie priest was no prophet 137 Calcedonia Synode 147. b Calfes made by Aaron IeroboaÌ„ were made of a good intent 48. b Calues of the lyps 192 Canons of the apostles allow mariage of Ministers 94. b Canons latter corrupt 215 Canons authority aboue the Ciuill lawes 217. b Cantones vilages of Heluetia â—67 Captains ouer ten Centurions c why God appointed 115. b Captaynes to haue Ministers in their campes 96. b Captaine needefull in great daungers 176. b captiues returning or escaping 85 b Carthage inhabited wyth Sidonians 243. b Cardinals hoorehunters 232 Carefulnes contrary to securitye yet not alwaies to be praised 247 case new requireth a new help 88 b Cases of lying to auoyd dauÌ„ger 90 Castels whether it bee lawfull to fence 113 Castels municions cannot defend from the anger of God 112. b Cathecumeni 42 b Cato burthened with droÌ„kennes 163 Caues described 112. b Cause of synne is not to be layd vnto God 167 Cause iust vniust differ much 271 Causes first more to be considered then the second 71 Centurions c. why God appointed 115. b Ceremonies complayned on 190. b Ceremonies neede not be all a lyke euery where 54. b Ceremonies of the law howe long they might be vsed 52 Ceremonies of the law howe farre Paule condemned them 51. b Ceremonies are not good bycause they had a good begynning but bicause they be good of theyr nature 48 Ceremonies in the Masse what they signify is vnknowen 50 Chaire of Peter 149 Chaldry paraphrast with the Hebrues is of great authority 285. b Chalebs petigree 18. b Chaleb a faythful spy 18 Chanaan nation discussed 7 ChanaaÌ„ deuided by Iosua before it was possessed by the Israelits 7. b Chananites why God woulde not by and by destroy them 8 Chananites expelled by the Israelites went into Affricke 7 Charges extraordinary 263. b Chariotes for warre described 32. they can not resist God 32 b Charity is neglected when we depart from the true God 155. b Charity not broken in destroying of Cities 31 Chaunce is not with God 172 ChauÌ„ce is not wtout gods wil 165 b Chaunge is not in God 175 Chemos god of the Amonites 185 Cherem vowes 192 Ches play 220 Children many is an excellent gyft of God 200 Children fayre of foule Parentes how 4. b Childe of a day old is not pure 180 Children are more of the father theÌ„ of the mother 156. b Children deuided for legitimacion c. 177. b Childrens obedience to their Parentes 203. b Childrens duties to their parents al one with subiects to their Magistrates 265 Children whether they may marye wtout coÌ„sent of their parents 214 Children when they maye disobeye their parentes 253 ChildreÌ„ ar not punished for theyr fathers as touching eternal life 182 Choyce of meates is not to bee followed 278 Christ is man 211. b Christ is the vniuersal head 147. b Christ the head of the church 241 Christ dissembled 89. b Christ as wee reade oft wept but neuer laught 63 Christ how he resembled Melchisedech 261 Christe is the mediator in makyng leagues 73. b Christ refused a kingdoÌ„ offred 147 Christ is our peace 122. b Christes appearing to the olde Fathers how it may be proued 119 b Christ how he is taught bi the boke of Iudges 2. b Christ had a true body after hys resurrection 209 Christes bodye howe it entred the doores shut 211. b Christ appeared to Gedion 115 Christes body bloud ar not included in the simbols or signes 212 b Chronicles howe they differ from histories 3 Chrysippus foolish answer 147 Church is gouerned of God wyth a singuler care 203 Church had not two swords in the apostles time 260. b Churche howe it maye haue twoo swordes 259. b Churche geueth not authoritye to the scriptures but contrary 5 Church hath three offices touching the word of God 5 Churches consent if it be to be waited for in reformacion of religion 265 Church ought to entreat for the reconciliation of the repentant 250 Church that payeth tythes is greater then the minister 261. b CipriaÌ„ resisted the church of Rome 148 Circumstances make much in euery matter 101 City of Palmes what 27. b Cities whether it bee lawfull to fence 113 Cities of refuge beloÌ„ged to the Leuites 18 Citizen good who 150 Ciuil lawes are to bee corrected by the woord
but after a sort not perfectly 121. b Knowledge of God certain before thinges come to passe 71. b Knowers of god who 66. b L LAbour muste bee ioyned wyth fayth 13. b LacedemoniaÌ„s forbad peregrinations 30 Laughing neuer vsed of Christe 63 Lasthenes a traitor 37 Law and gospell is the sum of the scripture 1 Law of God is made for man not for god 129 Law of rendring lyke for lyke 11. b 107 Law and custome how they differ 189. b Law is a dum Maiestrate 255. b Law of Numa Pompilius 158 Lawes against the Cananites not to be vnderstanded without al mitigation 36. b Lawes of frendship or other are to be broken when God commaundeth 101 Lay power how it is iudged of the Ecclesiasticall 262 League defyned 73. b League with a people far distant is little profitable 244 League old had promise of more theÌ„ temporall things 74. b Lechem signifieth breade or meate vniuersally 205 Lechery and instrumentes singing and dauncing 287. b Lefthanded how it commeth 81. b Legate of the Romains guile 86 Lent fast 278. b Lentes inuention 279 Lentes institution why 202. b Leo for the Masse 42 Letter opening punished by death 37 Leuites portion 18 Leuites onely may make sacrifices 123. b Liberty chiefest â–ª is to obey the commaundements of God 216. b Liberty christian is against Lente 279 Libertines error 211 Libertines and papists like 264. b Lictores 146 Lyfe is not to be preferred before truth 90 Lye defined 87. b Lye in name and not in dede when men thinke that they speake is true 88. b Lying is not in vsing figuratiue speaches 111 Lie when euil and when wurst 64 Lye in religion most greuous 88 Lies of papistes in the masse 50 Lying whether angels vse in fayning them to be men 209 Lying for humility forbidden 87. b Lyeng by the spirit of man and by the motion of god 89. b Lying to preserue the lyfe of oure neighbours 90 Lies officious or honest of saints 39 Lying taught by papistes 257. b Liturgia 41. b Logicians rule of difference in fynall causes 5 b Losse of goodes and liberty is the doing of God 70. b Lots dronkennes 163 Lots the fittest way for the people to chuse officers by 268. b Lots are a way to aske counsell at God 7. b Lots to deuyde nations 18 8 Loue or hatred of god is not known by prosperity or aduersitis 227 Loue and hatred of enemies 31 Lutherians vngentle 253 M MAchabets Assamonets 259 Madianites described 112 Madianites destroied 140 Magike and artes forbidden 283 Magistrate defyned 255 Magistrates lacke breedeth inconuenience 238. b Magistrate ill is better then none 245 Magistrates by whom they are ordeined 256 Magistrates names titles 255. b Magistrates and princes may bee called heds of their people 148. b Magistrate is the father of the couÌ„trey 216 Magistrate is Gods vicar and minister 149. b Magistrate is the keper of the law of God 266 Magistrates authority ouer ministers 258. b Magistrate is much to be made of for he is the keper of the first table aswel as the latter 240. b Magistrates bounde to serue god 54. b Magistrate godlye profiteth much 66. b Magistrate may not forgeue syns 13 Magistrates duety 144. b Magistrates duety and commoditye 66 Magistrates duety to see men vse their owne things well 219. b Magistrates duety when papistes stirre sedition for superstition taking away 125 Magistrates duety concerning prohibiting matrimony 21. b Magistrate how he ought to take away vngodlines 123. b Magistrate how farre he is to bee obeyed 264. b Magistrate ought neither sediciously to be risen against nor circumuented by guile 264. b Magistrates office folishly refused 147 Magistrates admonished 104. b 122. b Magistrate ought not of all other to be dronke 164 Magistrates inferior how far they are bounde to obey the superiour 55. b Magistrates inferiours duty 265 Maisters vniust defeÌ„dyng of their seruaunts 271 Making whether it signifieth sacrificing 205. b Manasses had ii sonnes 108 Mans nature how froward 92. b MaÌ„s imbecillity is manifold 125. b Mans ende to set forth the glory of God 23. b Maried folkes who 94. b Mariage of ministers 93. b Mariage after orders 95 Mariage betwene brothers children was neuer forbiddeÌ„ by gods law 19 Marying the wyfe of brother dead onely lawfull to the Iewes 21. b Mariage against the will of pareÌ„ts 213. 214 Mariage of maid against the wil of her parentes 284 Mariages secret condemned 27 Mary compared with Sampsens mother 201 Marcionites error 210 Markes body stolen by the Venetians 246 Marcians heresy 58. b Martyrdomes are lyke sacrifices 194. b Masse of Mishah 41 Masse cannot be called the supper of the Lord. 49. b Masses partes 42. b Masse in none of the auncient wryters 41. b Masse a sacrifice why 205. b Masse agreeth nothing wyth the institution of Christ 49. b Masses superstitions 2â—6 Masse haunting the badge of Papistes 53. b Massemongers serue not God but their belly 240 Matrimony defined 153. b. 204 Matrimony lawfull of iii. kyndes 284. b Matrimony lawfull or otherwyse in degrees 19. b. 214 Matrimony of bretherne and Sisters children 22 Matrimony of vnlike religion forbidden 77 Matrimony ought not to be coÌ„tracted in contrary religion 21. b Matrimony with consent of the parâ—ntes 212. b. 214 Matrimonies vse whether it pollute Lent 279. b Matrimoniall precepts are morall 20 Matrimonies abuse 213. b Matrimony worthy to bee broken 56. b Meates diuersity to fast with 278 Melancholike persons oft see dreames 135. b Melchâ—sedek who he was 37. b Melchisedech more plainly signifieth Christ then Leui. 261 Members why the scriptures attributeth them to God 121 Men in the scriptures of ii sortes 89. b MeÌ„ ar now weaker then of old 96 Men godly doubt at the beginning 96. b Mercy defyned 13. 142 Mercy most acceptable afore God 64 Mercy preposterous 101. b Mercy folish 13 Mercy of God the properties therof 181. b Mercy of God far greater then the mercy of men 81 Mercy shewing signifieth 155. b Merites handled 272 Merite is not found in the Scriptures 172. b Merites haue no consideracion in obteining promises of God 13. b Merites condemned by the papists themselues 273 Meriting what it signifieth in the fathers 273 Merites answered 251. b Metaphors 153. b Metaphor of mouth of the sworde 14. b Meteus Suffecius 281 Metonymia 169. b Michas offence in religion 246. Midwyues of the Hebrewes 89 Mindes diseases more greuous theÌ„ the bodies 247. b Minde is hurt with dronkennes 164 Milke induceth slepe 100. b Millane ouerthrown 170 Minchah the papistes abuse 206 Ministers called fathers 240 Ministers were plenty in the primatiue curche 94. b Ministers and magistrates difference 255. b Minister is a certayn mouth of the churche 207 Ministery is to be had in honour by the law of nature 239. b Ministers in that they are men ar subiect to ciuil power also their lands riches possessions 258. b Ministers of the church are not exempted
such dishonor and thincking with thē selues by that meanes to stay the flight they thrust them selues into the thickest of their enemies setting before them the shewe of their vowe and religion So that by that meanes the harts of the soldiours in maner discouraged might be called agayne more fiersly to fight with their enemyes But we are taught by the holy Scriptures that when we either see or heare of any that are conquerours or els are slayne in battailes we must by and by ascribe vnto God al that whiche is or hath ben done who after the most accustomed phrase of the holy Scriptures is sayd to deliuer them whiche are ouercome into the handes of their enemies God without any iniury deliuereth some in to the hādes of their enemies The Chananites were defiled with moste detestable wicked dedes When it is sayd that any are deliuered of God into the handes of their enemyes we must thincke that that is done without any iniurye And as touchyng this place we know that those nations of the Chananites were full of most heynous wickednesse and for that cause god punished them most iustly Whiche cause is confirmed by that whiche we read in the booke of Genesis where God bringeth a reason why he held the posteritie of Abraham so lōg tyme in Egipt namely bycause the sinnes of the Chananites were not yet full God punisheth the vngodly with two kindes of punishmentes And this is not to be forgottē that God vseth according to his iustice to deliuer synners to be punished two manner of wayes or to two sortes of enemies For sometymes he doth this in geuing them ouer to be vexed with lustes and filthy affections as to certein furyes of hell Augustine God punisheth synnes with synnes And that is it which Augustine oftentimes sayth that sinnes are punished with sinnes So Pharao hys vnfaythfulnesse and cruelty was punished by hardning stubbornesse of harte And Idolaters as Paul teacheth to the Romaines were geuen ouer of god to their owne filthy lust so that they most vylie contamined thē selues with most horrible sinnes But bycause this kynde of punishement is not sene nor felte of mad men as it is mete god therfore deliuereth the vngodly into the handes of straunge enemies to be vexed and at the length vtterly to be destroyed And that this order was obserued with the Chananites the Scripture manifestly teacheth for they were not onely addicted to Idoles but as it is written in the xviii xx chap. of Leuit They miserably defiled them selues with incestes most filthy lustes They were first therfore deliuered of God into a reprobate sense and then were they deliuered to theyr enemies the Hebrues of whō they were spoyled both of their life and also of their most riche kingdome God deliuered them into their handes That is into their power This is not onely an Hebrew phrase but also a latine for we say This is my hande that is it lyeth in my power And they smote them in Bezek to the number of ten thousand men To smite is here to kill And seing that the hoste of the Chananites was great there were nowe slayne of it but onely ten thousand men we must thincke that the rest fled awaye in whiche flight as afterwarde shal be declared Adonibezek was taken But where as these two wordes Chananites and Pherezites are ioyned together in this place They are thus to be taken that if thou vnderstande the Chananites after the common signification wherin were cōprehended those 7. or 9. nations then this name Pherezites should be added bycause of interpretation that by it might be expounded that whiche before was not expressed in the word Chananites But if by this word Chananites we shall vnderstand any one especial or peculiar people of those nations then must we say that that host was gathered of both the peoples of the Chananites I say and the Pherezites 5 And they founde Adonibezek in Bezek they fought agaynste him and slewe the Chananites and Pherezites 6 And Adonibezek fled and they followed after him caught him and cut of the thombes of his handes and of his feete 7 And Adonibezek sayd 70 kynges hauing the thombes of theyr handes and feete cut of gathered their meat vnder my table As I haue done so God hath done to me agayne and they brought hym to Ierusalem and there he died c. After mencion made of the victorye it is here more expressed by partes for the place of the battaile is expressed namely Bezek Bezek but where this Bezek should lye it is not very certain For there was a certaine Bezek whiche was a city belonging to the tribe of Manasses whiche was situate 17. myle from Sichem as ye go to Bethsan Ierome And Ierome testifieth that in his tyme there were two Townes which were called by this name And it is not very likely that Iuda and Symeon would passe with their hoste to the tribe of Manasses whē their purpose was only to ridde the Chananites out of their owne lottes Vnlesse peraduenture that king whiche was called Adonibezek althoughe his kyngdome were in the tribe of Manasse claymed and vsurped by violent tyranny many places in the inheritaunce of Iudah and Simeon This kyng had prepared an hoste to go agaynst Iudah and Simeon and to let them from recouering of their own Which thing being knowen Iudah and Symeon made towarde him that he should not entre into their borders Wherfore it chaunced that they fought with him not farre frō his kingly citie Bezek or els it is to be thought that this Bezek was a certain citie either in the tribe of Iudah or els of Simeon wherof is no mencion made in any other place Malchisedech Adonisedech This kyng was called Adoni-bezek whiche is a compounde name wherin the leter Iod is placed betwene two wordes as Malchi-sedech Adoni-sedech euē as R. Selomo testifieth This king semeth to haue fled for that he sawe his hoste both slayne to the number of ten thousande men and to turne their backes and flye he would therfore saue him selfe by flight but he was brought backe agayn by the Israelites and suffred most grieuous punishement as he had iustely deserued Bohan Behonoth For they cut of the thombes both of his handes and of his feete This word Bohan signifieth in the Hebrew a thombe it is in the feminine gender wherfore it is said in the plurall nomber Behonoth Although R. Dauid Kimhi do interprete that worde into fyngers and the Chaldey paraphrast doth interprete it anckles And Adoni-bezek said 70 kings This tyranne acknowledgeth the iudgement of God but whether he spake this of true faith or pure repentaunce it can not be knowen by the wordes of our history But it is most lykely bycause he called not vpon God implored not his mercy neither shewed any tokens of true conuersion The law of rēdring lyke for lyke that rather anguish did extorte from him
wee haue before heard in the .viii. chap. But nowe are they more insolent for they would not be content with Iiphtahs defence These Ephramites also did the like when they instituted Ieroboam king against the house of Dauid They which ar infected with pride doo euermore endeuour themselues to be aboue other Cicero and to excel them in dignity and other commodities Cicero in his booke de Particionibus sayth that Pride followeth the loftynes of the minde in aduauncing of his own thinges They which are proude are swelled like bodies that are puffed vp which haue not sounde fleshe and sinoes but consist of a vaine swelling So the proude although they excell not others in vertue Pride noblenes of minde accompared together yet do they aduaunce them selues aboue them The true noblenes of the mynde consisteth herein that we should contemne thinges vile and be occupied about those thinges whych ar in deede great thinges But they that are proude haue not a noble minde but a vayne for they study not for true glory but for vaine glory wherefore they are iustly called vaynglorious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle And they which are infected with this disease of the mynde the same men are enuious as Aristotle teacheth in his .2 booke of Rethorikes and he declareth that both the ambicious persons and the vayne glorious are enuious Which thing Paul also to the Galathians confirmeth wher he saith be not ye made desirous of vayne glory prouoking and enuying one an other Of enuy doo straightway spring sedicions Wherfore by these two vices the Ephramites fel into sedicion VVere gathered together Not vndoubtedly by any order For no lawful Magistrate assembled them together but they were tumultuouslye styrred vp And they passed ouer Northwarde For they passed ouer Iordane to inuade the Galaadites ¶ Of Sedicion BVt that of hautines and pride doo arise sedicions the Apostle in the .2 Pride is ioined with sedicions to the Corrin the .xii. chap. very well declareth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where hee ioyneth hautynes with sedicions In what thng this vice chiefly consisteth appeareth by the Code de sediciosis in law .1 where it is thus had They are counted sedicious which doo gather the people without anye certayne commaundement and doo defende them against publike discipline Yea also many things hereunto belonging may be had out of the Digestes ad l. Iuliam de vi publica In summe thē chiefly is sedicion when by a tumult they which ar of one the selfe same company and body doo mete out of sundry partes to fight together This vice is in especial contrary to peace and ciuil concord For in sedicion there are manye partes of one people and the vnitye of Citizens is troubled and endaungered Wherin the vnity of citizens consisteth Augustine But that we may know in what thing the vnity of the people consisteth let vs geue eare vnto Augustine in his seconde booke De ciuitate dei who in hys xxi chapter bryngeth something out of the bookes of Cicero de Repub. that are woorthy to be knowen where Scipio thus speaketh Wyse men called not euery company a people What compani may be called a people but a company associated together by consent of the law and communion of vtility Wherefore there are twoo handes of the people one is that they agree in the same lawes of thynges diuine and humane the other is that they haue among themselues a communion of publike vtility Whosoeuer ryse vp agaynst these thynges maye iustlye be called sedicious Suche tumultes when they happen for doctrines of religion or Ecclesiasticall matters are woont to be called schismes And they are more grieuous offenders in thys wycked crime namely of sedicion which first haue sowed the matter the cause and seedes thereof althoughe the other also which are adherentes vnto the authours thereof are not vnguilty And although the people are twoo partes at the least which runne together in a sedicion with contrary mindes yet are not both parties guiltye of sedicion but onely that part is to be accused of so great a wicked crime whyche inuadeth the bondes of vnity that is common lawes and publike vtility But they which resist such troublesome men are not to be counted sedicious but good Citizens And hereby it is manyfest We are falsely accused of the Papistes as sedicious how falsely we are accused of the Papistes as sedicious when as in very deede we desyre to haue the lawes of Christian Religion which haue bene euen from the beginning receaued by the woorde of God to remayne safe and perpecte and we by all meanes procure to reedify the publike vtility of eternall saluation and of the woorshipping of God which are on euerysyde fallen in decay which two thinges vndoubtedly pertaine as it is sayd vnto good Citizens But they haue to their power ouerthrowne these good thinges and do continually hinder them Wherfore they are iustlye and woorthely both to be accused and also to be condemned of sedicion What are the punishmentes of sedicious persons But with what punishmentes this wicked crime is to be punished it is easely gathered both out of the lawes of God and the lawes of man God punished Dathan and Abiran with the opening of the earth vpon Core and his fellowes he sent fyre sometimes also he vsed the stinging of Serpentes and at length for this wicked crime aboue al other of the number of the Israelites which wer sixe hundred three score and sixe thousand when they came out of Egipt there diminished so many in the space of .40 yeares that twoo onely namely Iosua and Chaleb entred into the land of Chanaan Also by the iudgement of God Absolon came vnto an euyl ende and Syba the sonne of Bichry and Adonias which moued sedicion agaynst Dauid But the Romanes as farre as we can gather out of Liui and Plutarch dyd put to death the tenth man of sedicious Soldiours The Ciuill lawes as it is had in the Code in the title De Sedicionibus l. 1. punished thys wycked cryme with extreme punishment that is to saye with cutting of the head or if they had a respect vnto the dignity or condicion of the person they that were sedicious were somtymes hanged on a forke and somtimes throwne to wylde beasts or banished into an Ilande as it is written in the Digestes De paenis in the law Si quis aliquid The ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah Wherefore nowe that wee haue brieflye shewed the causes of thys troublesome commocion and haue defined the cryme of sedicion and declared the grieuousnesse thereof by the punishmentes nowe lette vs see howe ingrate the Ephramites were against Iiphtah Hee seing he had excellentlye well deserued of Israel they ought vndoubtedly by the lawe of iustice and honestye to haue gone and met him to haue soong songes of victory and with great honour and prayses haue exalted and commended him For as
much as iustice and honestye do require this that we should geue thankes vnto them which haue bestowed benefites vpon vs. Nature followeth this order that we shoulde conuert the effectes into their causes for as much as they haue their conseruacion and increase from thence from whence they spring This therefore was due vnto Iiphtah The degres of benefites for as muche as he shoulde haue had either the highest place or next vnto the highest among those that had well deserued of the publike wealth For first thou seest some whiche when they bestowe benefits haue onely a respect vnto them selues So doo shepeheards neateherds and swineheardes when they prouide pastour for their cattel which they haue charge ouer for there they hunt onely for their owne gayne and commoditye Otherwise they haue no loue to Oxen shepe and swine There be others which in doing good haue a regarde both vnto themselues and also vnto them whom they doo helpe For the poore doo serue ryche men and Princes partlye bycause they loue them and partly to get some commodity at their handes They are to be placed in the third degree which doo in suche sorte bestow a benefit vpon any man that they looke for no recompence of him It oftentimes happeneth that when we see one in misery we are touched with mercy and we helpe him which without doubt proceedeth of humanity For as much as we are men we thinke that nothing that is humane but it pertayneth vnto vs. They are counted in the last and chiefest place whiche benefite others euen with their owne griefe hart and losse After which maner Christ did towardes vs Iiphtah touched almost the chiefest degree of good beneuolence he redeemed mankinde with the losse of his owne lyfe Vnto whom Iiphtah after a sorte is lyke who brought the Israelites into liberty that to his great daunger which he declareth by this forme of speaking I haue put my lyfe in my handes that is I haue not refused to endaunger my lyfe Wherefore the Ephramites wer most ingrate towardes so great a benefite The firste place of ingrate men is The degre◠of ingrate men when they recompence not againe good thinges bestowed vpon them The seconde is when they praise not neyther allow those thinges wel of good men which are wel done vnto them The thyrde is of them which doo forget the benefites that they haue receaued The fourth and woorst of al is when for benefites iniury and hurtes ar rendred After this maner the Ephramites behaued them selues towardes Iiphtah who bicause hee had gotten the victory would haue burnt him and al his What other thyng is this then to contemne both the benefites bestowed and also the benefit geuen But these men are most of all vngrate forasmuch as in so doing neither ar men onely or other creatures despised but God himselfe is contemned For whatsoeuer benefites we receaue of men we haue them of God which vseth the labor of men to relieue the miserable and afflicted Wherfore they which are ingrate are voide of charity aswel towardes God as towardes men But thou wilt say when men that bestow benefites Whyther benefites are to bee withdrawē frō the vnthankful doo somtimes light vpon ingrate persons what ought they to doo Shal they straight way withdraw their benefites from them Vndoubtedlye they deserue this but we must not so doo straightway bicause men by reason nature is corrupt are slow neither are they without difficulty moued to doo their duty Therfore we must go forward in wel doing for he which is not moued to be thankefull with the first henefite shal peraduenture be styrred vp with the second third forth or fift But if he al together stycke in his ingratitude we may iustly withdraw from him our benefites not moued therunto by hatred or desyre of reuengement but that he may be corrected and that he doo not continually reproche the benefites which ar the giftes of God This thing doth God also who by Hoseas the Prophet sayth vnto the vnthankful Hebrues I wyl geue vnto you a heauen of brasse and an earth of yron I wil take awaye from you my wooll and my flaxe c. bicause ye haue made them Baals thinges Thou wilt aske perdauenture why did Christ commaund vs that we should be perfect like our heauenly father which maketh his sunne to aryse as well vpon the euil Twoo kyndes of benefites of God as vpon the good and as it is written in Luke 6. chap. He is good towardes the ingrate I answer That this sentence of the Lord is not against the definicion now declared For God hath two kindes of benefites There are certaine which are principal as the reuelacion of the Gospell fayth iustification lastly glorification or eternal lyfe These he geueth onely to his There are certaine other temporall and common giftes whiche yet are in especiall geuen for the electes sake but bicause without a miracle it is not possible that they shoulde come vnto the good vnles the euil be also made partakers of them therefore he geueth them as wel to the one as to the other How should a showre be prohibited that it shoulde not moysten the fieldes of the wicked God might doo it in deede but yet not without a miracle And for as muche as he wyll not alwayes woorke miracles he wil rather that the vngodlye also shoulde bee partakers of these benefites then that the good should be destitute of commodities necessary for the lyfe A similitude Kinges also doo not make euery Citizen a Ruler a President or other officer longing to a Magistrate but onely them that are iust wise which thing if they doo not they execute not their office But when they geue vnto their people lyberall giftes or a banquet or distribute corne bicause withoute great labour and griefe they cannot seperate the good Citizens from the euyll therfore they bestow such thinges which are of this kinde miredly vpon al men and chose rather to deserue wel of euyl citizens then to defraud the good of their liberality for whose sakes they are chiefly moued to be bountiful towardes the people How we shuld behaue our selues toward the ingrate Let vs also imitate this that when we bestow priuate thinges although we light vpon one that is ingrate let vs not straightway withdrawe from hym our humanity but let vs behaue our selues in such maner as we haue before declared that if he stubburnly proceede to be ingrate let vs at the length cease for his correction to bestow any benefite vpon him But such benefites as are common and publike let vs continually bestow them yea euen vpon the vngrate as we are of God commaunded and let vs rather chuse to haue our good thynges distributed to godly and holy men then to cease of from doing good that the euyll should not be made partakers of them But now let vs returne vnto Iiphtah whom the Ephramites offended most