continual being in arms surnam'd Iron-sides was so sensible of that he was forc'd to compound with an Enemy that afterwards took from him the whole by the same Power he compell'd him to let go the half however in two Descents after the English Line took place again in the Person of XVI date of accession 1042 EDWARD surnam'd the Confessor who proving regardless of Posterity tempted Providence to take no care of him whereby his Steward thought himself obliged amongst other things committed to his Charge to take that of the Crown which was the famous XVII date of accession 1065 HAROLD Son of Godwyn Earl of Kent who putting the undoubted Heir besides his Right taught the Norman how to disseize him who with his death put the period to the English Monarchy that reckoning from Engist by all Historians accompted the first King had lasted Six hundred and twenty years EGBERT date of accession 800 THIS was he that may be said to be the first of all the English whom Fortune declar'd to be her Heir having beaten up the Seven Crowns of his Predecessors into one Diadem to fit his Head To them she gave only Title to part but to him the Dominion of the whole Isle Nature agreeing to fit his Parts to the proportion of his Preferment For as he was young and hardy so he was temperate and discreet noble by Birth descended from Ingill Brother to Ine the Magnificent but nobler by his Bounty which had purchas'd him so universal an Affection that his Predecessor Bithrick suspecting the danger of his Vertues made them so far his Crimes as to give him a fair pretense to banish him by which means all his good Qualities came to be so refin'd breathing in a purer Air then that of his native Soil as leaves it yet in doubt Whether he were any whit less beholding to Providence then Nature his Afflictions contributing so much to his Experience his Experience to his Wisdom and his Wisdom to his Fame that they seem'd like so many steps fitly plac'd together by which he might ascend the Throne He serv'd the Emperour Charles the Great in that great Expedition of his into Italy which took up all the time of his banishment and there he so well govern'd himself that he return'd with a Testimonial of his fitness to govern others The Tyrant Bithrick who had expuls'd him finding when it was too late that by driving him further from his Country he had brought him nearer to the Affections of his Country-men especially those of the Vulgar sort who first pity then praise men in distress and not seldom by their Opinion make up the want in Merit and where there is no want add so great a Weight that 't is not in the power of Humane Policy to turn the Scale Yet he did not think fit to return till after Bithrick's death as judging it more danger then honor to serve one under whom 't was a Crime to be Victorious and Capital to be otherwise Besides he thought it greater to let Honour seek him then for him to seek it knowing that Necessity if not Choice would move his Country-men to call him home being begirt with potent Neighbours that wanted nothing but a Circulation of Intelligence to subvert them totally So much were they discouraged by their Fears from without and their Discontents within Neither miss'd he of the Invitation he look'd for being receiv'd with so universal Satisfaction that it appear'd he was their Lord before he became their Soveraign In this confidence he took up the Sword before the Scepter to the end his Title might be written in the blood of his Enemies the number whereof were more then those of his Subjects The first that wrestled with him were the sturdy Cornish who being laid on their backs by a trick they understood not The next that came on were the Welch their Allies who though they rather gave him Trouble then War yet he thought it worth the going in Person against them and pâ—rsu'd them so faâ— as made it appear it was more their dishonour then his that they were not totally subdued by him The next that fell under the power of his Arms was the haughty Northumber for both he and the disdainful Mercian dreading his growing Greatness burst with swelling This gave him leisure to look towards Kent the only considerable Foe left whose King flying into Essex like a spark of Fire into another mans House ruin'd that by the same way he had undone his own Kingdom That Prince taking a pattern of Cowardize from him to quit that as t'other had done his Kingdom so that Egbert whilst he pursued one conquer'd two of the Heptarchs This success inlarg'd his Dominions so wide that he began to bear himself up with an universal Obedience being no less Elevated with the prospect of his Power then Hercules after he had subdued the many headed Monster with the contemplation of his Fortune to manifest which he turn'd the Name of BRITAIN so venerable for its Age having been the only Appellation of this Isle for near 1800 years before into that of ENGLAND the Country from whence his Ancestors came A Vanity so displeasing to Providence that it set up the same Nemesis which had been so Instrumental to his Country-men in the destruction of the Britains to face about upon him and his Successors whose Necks it broke down the same Stairs by which they ascended setting up a People to be the dire Executioners of her Justice that were of their own Lineage spoke the same Language and had drove them our once before from those Possessions to which they had much better right then to any thing here This was the Dane which though they got not much in this Kings reign yet they so nipt the glory of his Conquest by beating down the Blossoms of his Reputation that he liv'd not to see the Fruit he expected being forc'd to divide before he had firmly united and cut his own Kingdom into two again Giving that of Kent to his younger Son Ethelbert not without a seeming Injury to his elder Son Ethelwolph that being the most fertile though the lesser this the most incumbred though the greater yet herein his Wisdom appears to have equall'd his Power in that he made both Kings but left but one Soveraign ETHELWOLPH date of accession 837 THIS St. Ethelwolph or as he is vulgarly call'd St. Adulph was at the time of his Fathers death a Deacon Hoveden says a Bishop and so much addicted to Devotion more then Action that he accepted the Government rather out of necessity then choice refusing to be crown'd as long as he could resist the importunity of his Friends or suffer the Insolence of his Enemies being at last made a King as it were in his own defence as well as the Kingdoms But no sooner had the loud Acclamations of his over joy'd People awaken'd his Lyon-like Dulness but rouzing up himself he confronted the Common Foe with
from a Scorbutical Distemper which therefore we may venture to English Scurvy-grass-Ale the most excellent and ancient Drink of this Isle But however our Antiquaries do differ about the name of the Isle they all agree in the descent of the first Inhabitants affirming them as most of the Inhabitants on this side the World to be the off-spring of (a) Josephus Zonares vocant Gallos Cimbros 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gomari Gomer whose truly unlucky name if so be Melancthon interpret it rightly carried in it the Fate of his Posterity ominously denoting the disadvantages under which Nature and Providence had placed them amongst whom none were yet greater sufferers then the poor Britains who in respect of their extream remoteness from all the rest of the World there being none beyond them Westward but those of Ireland which Ptolomy makes to be a part of them unless that Terra Incognita mention'd by St. Brandon where the Souls of the just Saints touch in their way to Purgatory known by the name of O Brazil beyond the Isles of Arran so often discovered and lost again could never meet with any opportunities of glory to give them the least repute amongst their Neighbours in the Continent nor indeed any invitements of Ambition to shew they understood any Particle of Honour In so much that when the Romans those great Monopolizers of Fame came first hither they not only despised them as rude Barbarians but after better acquaintance with them took so little notice of any thing they did or suffered as not to think it worth recording to Posterity whereby it so happens that we have not one brave Example to copy after but what is decypher'd in so small Characters that it is scarce legible at this day Witness those gallant Resistances of Arviragus and Galgacus the one General of the South t'other of the North of this Isle when they first Invaded it whose actions though they possibly transcended whatever passes for wonder in our dayes are so slightly and confusedly delivered by the most exact of their Writers that it hath been doubted by some whether there were ever any such Men at least that the one is mistaken for Prasugatus t'other for Marius Neither have we much better accompt of that Free-born Sylurian Caractacus who was not inferior to any of their great Captains saving in Fortune only of whom we hear nothing beyond the bravery of his captivity which they set forth with that varnish of Ostentation on part of the Victors as shews they design'd to record their own rather then his Glory None of them acknowledging any of the circumstances of Dishonour under which Caesar twice suffer'd once at Land when he was disarm'd by (b) Which the British Historians confidently affirm Nennius fighting hand to hand afterwards at Sea when he was routed by a private Captain Neither had we ever known it had it not suited with the design of one of their own * Lucan Poets to bring in Pompey upbraiding him with it in that well known Verse Territa quasitis ostendit Terga Britannis But that which discovers a more intense prejudice and scorn of the Britains was the calling their Innocence Ignorance judging their Courage to be no other then an effect of Despair deeming their temperance stupidity their hardiness of Body brutishness A silly sort of People saith Diodorus Siculus because not so skilfull in the Art of Luxury as they his Country-men Naked Barbarians saith Dion the more shame their armed Legions were so bafled by them (c) In conjurat Catilinari Genus huminum agriste sine legibus sine Imperio libe um atque solutum An obscure People not known to any of the Civil part of the World saith another yet we find mention made of their Fame in the Greek (d) By no meanes an Author then Polybius who restifies that they drove a great Trade with the Graecians Annals from the very beginning of the first Olympiad A. M. 3720. which was 200 years before Christ at what time they themselves were not known to the Greeks if we may credit (e) Contr. Appâ—â—n lib. 1. Josephus at least not so well known as that Thucidides Herodotus or any Historians of the first Class thought them worthy of any mention by them it is true Strabo takes some notice of them but he reckons them as we find St. (f) Epist Roman Paul did many years after amongst the Nations that were esteemed Barbarous Now whether we consider the Britains as deriving themselveâ— from Phoenitian Greek or Gallick Stock or whether we allow them the priviledge of the most ancient Nations in the World to deduce a fine-spun Series from the Gods and so leave them as Aborigines either way they have the consent of Antiquity to support the Reputation of their being not only not obscure but as noble a Race of People as any other Gentile Nation whatsoever perhaps more then the most if we examine the Testimony of their Laws Language or Lineage 't is pity I cannot say their Liberties untainted to this day Maugre the Tyranny of Time and Chance the Body of our (g) Coâ—â—'s Preface to his Thiâ—d Book of Reports Common Law being compos'd of such Elements as were taken first by Brute out of the ancient Greek and Trojan Laws as one of the most Sagest in that profound Science tells us whose testimony is confirm'd by the learned (h) Jan. Angl. lib. 1. pag 17. Mr. Selden in that place where he proves that London had its Municipal Laws as soon if not (i) Languet before Rome it self Now how excellent those Statutes must be that have stood the shock of so many Ages and yet continued useful I need not labour to prove but will content my self with the Authority of (k) Pag. 39. Lib. Leg. Aâ—gl He was Lord Chief Justice of England under H. 6. Sir John Fortescue proves the same by Reason Quod si non optimae extitissent aliqui Regum novissimorum Justitia ratione seu affectione concitati eas mutassent aut omnino delevissent Now as the wisdom of any People is to be measur'd by that of their Laws so is their Nobility to be judg'd by the measure of their Wisdom for however we seem to be partakers with the rest of the world in the common Fate of being a Conquer'd Nation there being no Country in the whole Universe that have not been subdued as well as we by others or by themselves (l) Seneca Epist Ita fato placuit nullius rei eodem semper statu stare fortunam Yet our Ancestors had this to say in their behalf which perhaps no other conquer'd Nation can say That as they disputed their Freedoms as long as ever any did having spent above a million of lives before the Romans could prevail to cohabit with them so after all they made so good Conditions for themselves as to keep their own Kings and their own Laws being not obliged
Majesty which might preserve the Reverence due to it and accordingly he not only purged and prepar'd the great Pagan Temples for the Service and Honour of Religion but erected many particular Seminaries quae Christianae pietatis extitere primordia saith Polidor endowing them at his own proper costs and charges amongst the rest I take that of Bangor to be as the first so perhaps the (q) Containing no less then 300 Monks greatest Monastery that ever was I say not in this Isle only but in any part of the World whose Foundation was layd so deep that none of the Emperors in the Century following who for the most part prov'd bloody Persecutors could undermine it The Religious continuing safe in the peaceful Exercise of their Devotions till the Entrance of those cursed Pagans the Saxons who sacrificed them all in one day But as he was the first Christian so he was unhappily the last King of this Class who dying without Heir or Successor left his Orphan Country not only dispairing of future Liberty but subjected to all the present miseries a dejected people could suffer under the Oppression of a greedy proud and cruel Nation who kept faith with them no longer then till they could find an Opportunity to do otherwise being not content to command their Purses without they dispos'd of their Persons also forcing them to serve in their ambitious Quarrels abroad and to follow the Fortune of their several Factions through all the disadvantages that attended the injustice of their Arms till wasted wearied to that degree as rendred them unable to defend themselves they were necessitated to implore aid from those who under colour of coming as Auxiliaries prov'd of all others the most fatal Enemies taking their Country from them and from their Country its name THE SECOND DYNASTY OF ROMANS OF ROMANS THE Romans as most other Nations were a People mixt Party per Pale half Latins and half Sabins and so equally Incorporated that the one gave name to the place they liv'd in t'other to the People they liv'd with Rome was the name of the City Quirites the appellation of the Citizens Some say the City was in the first place call'd (a) Aug. de Civit Dei Febris after the name of Febra the mother of Mars Others suppose the Antient name to be (b) Solinus Valentia but (c) Pier. Hieroglyph lib. 36. Pierrius affirms from the testimony of Gergithias that the primitive name was Cephalon a Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Caput a name saith he occasionally given to it out of respect to a mans head of incredible magnitude that was found at the digging up the foundation of the Capitol or rather Prophetically given as believing it would be the head City of the World There are who affirm it had (d) Erithraeus ind Virg. l. 11. three names the first Soveraign which was that of Romethe the Second Sacred which was (e) Plut. Vit. Romuli calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Floreâ— Anthusa as much as to say Flourishing the third was Secret as having never been publish'd by any man saith (f) Pliny lib. 3. Cap. 5. Pliny but once by Valerius Soranus who for his bold Impiety for so it was then Esteem'd was presently put to death the Romans superstitiously believing as all other Gentiles did at that time that the good fortune of their City was involv'd in the name the discovery whereof by the help of some Charms might be a means to Rob them of their Tutelar Gods and therefore to shew that this name was not so much as to be enquir'd after they made the Image of the Goddess Angerona the presentative of the Genius of their City with a (g) As Mussurius Sabinus Varro and others testifie Muffler on her mouth to shew that she might not speak Something of the same conceit was questionless the cause that Posterity is left at such a loss in seeking after the right name of this Isle of Ours which seems to be rather conceal'd by the Druides than unknown to them when Caesar could neither by flattery or force extort the truth from them Fabius Pictor tells us yet of another name that Rome had to wit Amarillis so call'd from Amaris a Trench to convey water for that after they had Sacrific'd to Vectumnius upon the overflow of the Argean Sea by Tyber the water return'd to his own Chanel and thence by Aquaducts was conveyed to the City Thus it remains uncertain what the Original not to say principal name of this great City was and more uncertain when it took that name Some fetch the Aera thereof Ab A. M. 2389. others looking back to the year 2336. But most of the Vulgar Chronologers go no further than the year 3211. Some will have it call'd Rome from Roma Daughter of Italus King of the Aborigines Others from Romanessa better known by the name of Saturn Some again impute the honour to Romanus Son of Ulisses and Circe and there are who contend for Romus the Son of Ematheon sent by Dyomede from Troy but the Vulgar Tradition favours Romulus which yet Plutarch that wrote his life acknowledges not making him their Patronimick who was by Birth a Bastard and no otherwise a King than by Treachery having laid the foundation of his greatness in the Blood of his Brother and slain his Uncle to make way for his Grand-father Thus these Romans that would be esteem'd the most glorious People in the World had this in Common with the most Barbarous and obscure Nations that they came from such Springs as running under ground were not discoverable in many Ages after their first Rice insomuch that they who would trace their Originals as far as they themselves could wish or their Poets Feign must stop at last at the Non ultra of the utmost bounds of Nature where the rest of the Universe stands equal with them in all points Now as Rome had its Sacred Name so had it also its Sacred Number compâ—ehended in that name which answering to the Influences of those Constellations with which the Genius of their Nation kept Intelligence actuated all their great designs and undertakings For as the Britains were principally if not wholly swaid by the Number Six as all Nations in the World by some one number or another so were they by that of Seven which being of all other most like the Geometrical Square may be said to be the most proper figure of Regulation Seven Letters in the (h) Anthusa Mystical or Sacred name of their City before mention'd as many in that of Romulus their supposed Founder who as Livy tells us alter'd his mind seven times touching the place where he would have it Founded and at last plac'd it upon seven Hills afterwards he divided his Principality into seven Tribes four Local and three National and when he came to distinguish betwixt the Nobility and the Populacy he differenc'd them by seven
tenth in descent from Whethelgeat the third Son of Woden was the last but by no means the least of the Heptarchs for he had seventeen intire Provinces which shews his head to be as active as his hands His Son II. date of accession 595 WIBBA thought he did enough in keeping what his Father got which he left well fortified to his Nephew III. date of accession 615 CEORL Son of Kinemund younger Brother to Cridda whose reign was neither long nor splendid perhaps overwhelm'd by the Glory of his Successor IV. date of accession 625 PENDA the Son of Wibba a minor when his Father dyed and so put beside the Crown but being King he over-aw'd all the rest that were Contemporaâ—y with him having slain six Kings of the East-Angâ—es and two of Northumberland But the last requited him blood for blood and took from him both Life and Kingdom which Oswy the Conquerour generously return'd to his eldest Son V. date of accession 655 PEADA who thereupon became his Son and his Subject and at once imbraced his Daughter and the Christistian Faith the last more fatal to him then the first his Life being thereupon taken away by her that first gave it to make way for his Pagan Brother VI. date of accession 658 WULPHERE who from his own Mother learnt to butcher his own Sons hearing that they were converted by St. Chad Bishop of Litchfield which yet could not prevent a Christian Successor for VII date of accession 675 ETHELRED came in after him his Son being under Age who as if he had had only intended to shew his Nephew what he would have him do devoted himself to a Religious Life to make way to VIII date of accession 700 KENRED who after eight years tryal being no better pleas'd with the sweet of Dominion surrender d to IX date of accession 709 CHELRED his Son who prov'd no less vigilant and valiant then his Grand father but being overmatch'd by the West-Saxon his Country lost a great part of the happiness and himself of the renown that justly might have been hoped from the continuance of his life whereby X. date of accession 716 ETHELBALD succeeded who was descended from a younger Brother of Penday against whom the villany of Whodert prevail'd more then the valour of his Enemies could being treacherously slain to make way for a stranger who yet was put beside the succession by XI date of accession 757 OFFA another Prince of the collateral Line descended from Koppa second son of Wibba who it seems was more indebted to Education then Nature and to Providence then to either for being born blind deaf and dumb he became miraculously restored to all his Senses and gave so great proofs of his Courage Prudence and Piety that his Reign is supposed to be the Meridian of the Mercian Kingdoms Glory for from his death it visibly fell under the Horizon XII date of accession 796 EGFRID his son succeeded who was the more famous in that he was made a King before he had a Kingdom but as Trees that blossom too soon never bear Fruit so his too early Honour was quickly blasted whereby XIII date of accession 796 KENULPH took place who was fifth in descent from Kenwalch younger Brother to Penda who seems to have been happier in himself then his Posterity for his Reign was not so long but XIV date of accession 820 KENELM his Sons was as short being murthred by his own Sister to make way for her Uncle XV. date of accession 820 CEOLULPH who was as barbarously dispatch'd by one XVI date of accession 822 BERNULPH an Usurper who prov'd a better King then he was a Man he contested hard with Egbert the West-Saxon and lost so much blood in the quarrel that his old Adversary the East-Angle perceiving how he was weakened set upon him and slew him XVII date of accession 826 LUDFCAN his successor attempting to revenge his death got his own whereupon XVIII date of accession 828 WITHLAF that came after him bought his security with a Tribute which his successor XIX date of accession 840 BERTULPH was content to continue but whiles he lookt foreright only an unexpected Enemy came upon him behind to wit the merciless Dane and over-run him but Ethelwulph the last Saxon recovering back the Kingdom gave it with his Daughter to one XX. date of accession 853 BURTHRED a Person worthy either who supported this tottering House ready to fall about his Ears till he was betray'd by his servant XXI CEOLWULPH whose treachery was rewarded by the Danes with the Title of King but King Edward the Eldest having slain him made it a Province of the English Monarchy THIS though it were one of the last was yet the very largest of all the Heptarchical Dominions and fitly setled to give Laws to all the rest as being in Umbilico Terrarum in the very Center or Navel of the Isle The wonder is how so great a Kingdom rose out of nothing with so little noyse the Founder leaving no more Constat of his Merit then of the method of his Ambition it being not yet known whether he attain'd that power that render'd him so great or receiv'd from Fortune the Greatness that render'd him so powerful Some ascribing it to his Wisdom others to his Courage but most to his Credit so that we may guess his Character to be not much unlike that which a foolish Athenian gave of God who being ask'd what he was answer'd He was neither Bowman nor Spearman Horsman nor Footman but one that knew well how to command all So 't is as probable this man was neither Souldier nor Scholar but as the Athenian said one that knew how to govern either otherwise he could not have dispos'd all things as he did so much to the advantage of his Successors that in fewer Months then others took up Years they spread their Wings over no less then six of the most goodly Provinces according to Ptolomey's accompt but by that of their own when they cantred the whole into Shires it was no less then seventeen which in Alfrids Tripartite Division made one third part of the whole Isle too great a Gripe to have been held long had not the Reign of his Successor who laid the Superstructure as wisely as he the Foundation fortunately confirm'd the Fabrick till it was setled and past shaking a happy beginning that made those that came after not only the Terrour of their Enemies but the Envy of their Neighbours whereof no less then Four assaulted his Grand-son at once and those not the meanest viz. the Northumber the East-Angle the West-Saxon and those of Kent keeping him at a Bay as a Lyon in a Toyl till Fate conspiring with his Forces drove some of them out of their Confidence others out of their Kingdoms and the rest out of the World Some compounding by a Tribute others by Homage the rest with loss of their Lives Prosperity prompting him to scorn all Conditions of Peace till he gave
that all Motions were actuated by his Command and Countenance who could not be idle at the Stem whilst his Subjects were so busie in the middle part of the Weather-beaten Vessel and perhaps 't was not without great Reason as things then stood that he reserv'd himself for Victories of a deeper Dye the Oppositions he had hitherto met with being like flying Clouds that rather portended a Storm then made one Nature and Providence conspiring to make him happy by a kind of unhappiness whilst by the shortness of his Reign not exceeding five years they took from him those greater Occasions of danger which carried with them so much Glory to his Successor ETHELRED date of accession 863 EThelberts Sun being set in a Cloud behold a more refulgent rising in his room the heat of whose Rayes kindled new Courage and Affection in each English Breast This was perhaps that only Prince that seem'd to have been as well fitted for the Times he liv'd in as the People he liv'd with at least he was the first that taught them the right use of Necessity which is a Vertue if well improv'd that like Powder imprison'd in the womb of a Rock which makes its way as soon as fired quickens its execution by resistance Harder it was for him to get up an Army together then being up to lay down his Arms this appears by those Nine set Battels he sought in One year with so various success that while the Enemy routed him he pursu'd them keeping his Circulation like a hunted Hare which follows the Dogs upon the same Trail that they pursue her The first Volley discharg'd upon him was by the two furious Danes Hungar and Hubba men of that Ambition that to be equall'd to him in Title as they were in Force they stiled themselves Kings as well as he and as Fortune was not wanting to them so neither were they to her attending her motions with such undaunted Resolution and improving her Favours with such incredible diligence that they neither stoop'd at petty Victories nor stopt at petty Repulses but pressing forward with obstinate boldness pierc'd through the Bowels of Mercia as far as Nottingham here King Ethelred fell upon them and forc'd them to Retreat but it was so slowly as if they had designedly gone back to seek a more convenient place to fight as afterwards they did getting this Reputation by not being beaten though they did not beat him that the Stake still remain'd undispos'd betwixt them The next year they came over Humber whose red Banks look'd as if they had been dy'd with the blood of those that weâ—e slain in opposing their Passage thence directing their Course towaâ—ds East-Anglia the Country that lay most convenient to receive their Recruits they there made a grand Holocaust to their Idol Gods delighted it seems with humane Sacrifices and amongst the rest of their abominable Offerings presented the Crowned Head of that holy Martyr St. Edmond then King of that Province whose fall so shook the whole Isle that it made every English heart tremble with fear or desire of Revenge Religion being now at stake as well as Liberty each side prepared for slaughter success swell'd the number of the Pagans as dispair increas'd that of the Christians both Armies oppressed as it were with their Multitudes divided into two Battalions but having so little room to fight in that they were forc'd to charge through each other the right Wings of both were routed those that pursu'd return'd and led by equal Courage and like Destiny began which hath rarely been seen another Battel upon the same day and that so much more dreadful then the former by how much it lasted till either side were so weakned or wearied that neither could fly away Here Ethelred perform'd Wonders worthy the admiration of a greater part of the World then he could ever hope to be Master of gaining indeed the Victory but at a price more valuable then any gain the loss of his own life however he departed into the other World with the same Majesty he rul'd in this being attended by no less then two Kings one on each side of him and at his feet lay dead nine Earls and two hundred Barons and round about them at further distance such a Mountain of common Carcasses as if design'd by Destiny for a Monument to which no other Kings could pretend but such as sell like him his Countries Sacrifice and his own ELFRID date of accession 873 NO sooner was Ethelred fall'n but Elfrid stept in to take up his Sword and Scepter as one alike entituled to his Trouble as his Glory who however he was the last in Succession was first in Ordination of all King Ethelwolphs Children being anointed King by Pope Leo before he had a Kingdom and which was more in the presence of his Father in the life time of two elder Brothers and in his own Minority A strange Riddle to Ambition which knows no greater punishment then to be so near a Crown in Title and so far distant in point of Right as he was But the same Providence that made him a King before he had a Kingdom resolv'd it seems after he had the Kingdom to make him no King again for he was no sooner in the Throne ere he was laid upon the Ground and forc'd after the fighting seven almost equal Battels to give up a part to secure the rest of his Dominions and at last to retire almost out of his Kingdom but wholly out of himself being reduc'd to such extremity that for self preservation he was necessitated to personate a common Minstrel and under that disguise was lost till he found tâ—e opportunity to recover that from Fame which Fortune had denied him by sending so many of his Enemies to tâ—e dead who believed him not alive that there were not enough left to defend that Sacred * Called the Reafan Banner in which they fondly supposed the Fate of their Nation to be wrapt up And now having all that became him as a Souldier after twenty seven years War in all which time he seem'd to fight rather for Life then Honour he resolved to lose no opportunity of performing such Noble acts of Peace as might draw his Subjects by his own example to the study of Arts as well as Arms In order whereunto he took the whole Frame of his Government asunder which he made up again like a Master-workman better then it was before thereby preventing all those Insolencies and Disorders which are the natural effects of turbulent Times the Commotions of War like those of the Sea which rouls and runs high a long time after the Storm is over being such as commonly end in Ryots and Rapine giving security to the whole by fixing every individual Person throughout his Kingdom within such known Limits of Shires Hundreds and Tythings is made them answerable to the Law in case of breach of Faith of Peace by mutual obligations each for other
up his Sacriledge but to make the punishment as notorious as his guilt compell'd him to depart the Realm This lost him the hearts of the Clergy and long it was not ere they found an artifice to bereave him so far of the affections of the Laity that they withdrew their Allegiance too upon the account of his Nonage being then but sixteen years old Neither took they from him his Crown onâ—y but what was more dear to him than his life his beautiful young Wife upon pretence of too near Consanguinity which Divorce cast him into a fit of despair and that into so high a Feaver as compleated the Separation by his death being dead they deny'd him Burial and to shew that something worse than the poison of Asps which works no longer than while it finds heat was under their Tongues they most uncharitably reported the same Evil Spirits whom they would have thought in possession of his Soul to have carried away his Body presuming that they might without any great difficulty gain Credit from after-ages having so easily abus'd the present but those that give us the most Impartial Account of his unhappiness back'd with circumstances that prove themselves delineate such an active generosity in his Nature as by the Advantage of his Youth might have been render'd very useful if it had met with a loyal Nobility or an untainted Clergy but the first being led like Sheep by the last they to shew posterity how all the weight of Government hung upon the Lines of their hate or love set up his Brother Edgar as very a Child as himself giving no other reason why they thought him fitter to Rule but that they judged him easier to be ruled EDGAR date of accession 959 THIS King growing up like a young tree planted under the shelter of the walls of the Sanctuary could not chuse but flourish and being happy who would not allow him to be wise valiant and just but these good qualities were not it seems without some mixture of those dregs in his Brothers Nature which were heightened as much by the Corruption of the Times as that of their youth either affording sufficient Temptation to men of so great Power with so little experience He began his Reign before his Brother ended his and shooting up so soon 't is no marvail his top wither'd before he was full grown That which gave him the great advantage of his Brother was that which casts a great disadvantage upon most other men in the like case the point of minority for coming to the Crown in so very tender years being as I take it scarce seven years old they that set him up Judg'd him uncapable of making those obstinate Disputes which Flatterers of all Friends the worst Enemies make Princes believe their Majesty will bear them out in So that they who would take Exceptions to his Government were first to Quarrel with the wisdom of St. Dunstan who ruling him as he would have him rule them stood a long time betwixt him and Envy making him by that distance appear in his Ascendent so much above any of his Predecessors that he was not unworthily reputed the most not to say the first absolute Monarch of the whole Isle for however Egbert was the first Monarch of all the Heptarchs as Elfrid the first absolute of all the Monarchs yet neither of these had any more than two parts of the whole whereas he enlarg'd his Dominions over all the (*) See his style in his Charter to the Abby of Malmesbury Circumjacent Territories and took in all those Petty Princes his Neighbours who yet call'd themselves Kings together with the King of Scotland himself to be his Vassals who submitted to him in so humble not to say servile a manner that Florentius and Hoveden record it as one of the highest remarks of Majesty that ever any King of England could glory in that passing over the River Dee Seven of them rowed his Barge that is to say the King of Scots the King of Cumberland the King of Northumberland the King of Man and the Isles and the three Kings of Wales Neither is it strange that he should be so much above any Kings that were before him since he took a different way from them all to enlarge his Empire for they only busy'd themselves to Fortifie so by Land as to keep themselves in an uncertain Condition of defence like men rowling a stone up a Hill that is ready to tumble down again upon their heads if they do not câ—ntinually support it with main strength whereas he made the Ocean as Nature first intended it the Bulwark of his Dominions and was indeed the very first that made it so by providing such a Fleet as met with danger before it could approach too near him whereby he had this double advantage not only to take off the Fears of his own People which had so long abus'd their Courage but added so much to the Terrour of his Neighbours that they submitted to him without being conquer'd and having never seen him paid him Tribute on condition they never might Fame as it were so out-sayling his Navy that they who before made it their business to invade his Territories counted it happiness enough now that he did not invade theirs Hence it was that there was not the least noise of War all his Time nor scarce a whisper of Rebellion Except some little Demurrers of discontent put in by the Welch Princes presuming upon their Poverty for that which is the weakness of other Princes was their only Ground of Confidence but that little Inflammation ceas'd by the letting out of a very little blood the Danes who were then esteem'd the only as the nearest Enemy lying still like Silk-worms in Winter without the least motion or appearance of Life in Fine the peace attended his Government was so universal that to signalize the Calm he added to the Arms of his Ancestors four Martlets Birds that much delight to be about Water and most if not wholly in clear and still Seasons for such indeed was his Raign as a Calm between Storms which had it been as long as 't was prosperous he had not only pass'd for the most August Prince of this Nation but this for the most Auspicate Kingdom perhaps on this side the World he as keeping the Keys and that as being the Storehouse to all other Nations But he being as I observ'd before like a Plant abounding with too much moisture shut up too soon and being made wanton with ease and plenty grew so over Prodigal of that vital heat which should have cherish'd Nature that it was not in the power of Art to preserve his Life beyond the thirty sixth year of his Age which was too short a space to close up the dissevered joints of so mixt a Kingdom whereof the Danes kept yet a fourth share much less to establish an universal Empire which being weakned by being so distended could no longer
regard they had to the living being more prevalent then that of the dead the Queen urged her Articles of Marriage by which it was covenanted that her Children should Inherit to which their Lordships had all subscrib'd which being acknowâ—edged by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the principal Verb in the Sentence his Authority led the sense of the whole Clergy and having as he was Legate the Scepter and Crown in his hand he laid them down on the Altar challenging the Usurper to take them up thence if he durst whereupon King Harold as quick of Apprehension as he was nimble of Foot allai'd this Thunder-clap with a shower of Go den Promises vowing to defend the Churches Rights with his Blood for which as he gave some Pledges in publick but many more as 't is thought in private so he carried the Cause with more Facility then Applause And now being fix'd I cannot say setled not without the suspiâ—ion of some foul play on Earl Goodwin's part whose unexpected Submâ—ssion sheâ—d that he had either quit his Wisdom or his Honesty he began he pleâ—sure of his Reign with that of Revenge and as he dreaded those Sons of the Queen she stood not for to wit those of the English Line Edward and Alfred more then him she did so he found out a Bait accorâ—inglâ— to draw the youngest of them who was the onâ—y man of Spiriâ— and oâ—rage within his reach by the temptation of a feigned Letter as from his Mother that invited him over into England to head an Army against the Usurper for so he was pleas'd to call himself when it serv'd his own turn assuring him there wanted neither hearts nor hands to serve him The Person who was to give him the first Reception after landing was the unsuspected Goodwin who pretending to conduct him privately to his Mother betray'd him into the Vulture's power who immediately put out his eyes manifesting to the World the necessity those have to be cruel that dare be unjust For as Ambition is that illustrious sin that claims Kinred with every great Vice so it hath this Prerogative above them all in respect of its noble Extract that the deeper 't is dyed the better colour it takes and of all Colours so none so natural to it as that Crymson Si jus violandum est regnandi causa violandum For he that cannot rule himself well may yet rule others better and make satisfaction for being an ill man by becoming a good King But this was not Harold's intention the Ills that he seard could not be secur'd but by those he did and therefore he provided for greater first banishing the innocent Queen after consiscating all her Estate to his own use and having little apprehensions of any danger from that dull Rival the elder Brother who seem'd to affect a Myter rather then a Crown he turn'd his thoughts toward his own Brother Knute resolving to reach h m by poyson under a gilded Pill which he believ'd he could not want hands to administer whilst the Furies were in Confederacy with him to secure the ill-got Greatness they had bestowed upon him Several persons were corrupted with golden promises of great Preferments in case they could effect the black deed but Providence being more kind to him then he to himself prevented his further guilt by putting an end to his loathed life which yet had concluded happily enough if either his infamy had ended with himself or himself had been at rest when he ended But being the Peoples terrour whiles he was alive the King his Adversary that succeeded him took that advantage to make him their scorn after he was dead raking up his Ashes out of the Dust where it was laid to expose it to another Element as restless as was himself whereby though in effect he did no more but rob the Worms to gratifie the Fishes yet the Common sort judging there was something more of Inhumanity in the manner then perhaps of Injustice in the matter of the Revenge it melted down their hate into a kind of pity and as their spight for the most part ends with their fears so forgetting their own they became so sensible of his wrong that from that time they withdrew their affections from that King and had doubtless expos'd him had he not prevented it by exposing himself to some danger as great as that he met with ENGLISH EDWARD the Confessor date of accession 1042 THE Danish Line being broken off before the ambitious Goodwin could fasten his Hook to it and all claim on that side made void by the immediate Revolt of Norwey and their dissentions at home he had only this advantage and it was a great one to make his own choice out of all the English that pretended to the right of Succession and to take whomsoever he thought would be the fittest mold for him to cast the Model of his own designed Greatness in The first in right to the Crown were Prince Edward and Edmond the Sons of Ironsides but the remoteness of their Persons being of greater consideration then the nearness of their Titles having ever since the death of their Father continued as Out-laws in Hungary to which Crown they were so nearly allyed that he was put beside all hope of tampering with them he prefer'd their Uncle Edward one of the younger Sons of Ethelred a Prince so soft and plyant that he seem'd to be fram'd by Nature for every Impression that was to be put upon him to him therefore he gave up the Crown and with it as a Bribe a Jewel perhaps of greater value if it had been rightly us'd or understood his vertuous Daughter Edith a Lady of so incomparable person and parts that he might be very well confident he had made all cock-sure as we vulgarly say knowing that whenever he came within the Circle of her Arms he must be so charm'd if he had any thing of man in him as never to be able to get loose again This assurance made our Politician very bold with his Son in Law that boldness quickly turn'd to Arrogance that Arrogance attracted great Envy and that Envy rais'd great Opposition Those of the Nobility that were men of Action became his Rivals in Glory performing as great things against the Scots as he and his Sons could do against the Welch whilst those that were men of Counsel made it their business to counter plot his Intreagues wherein they likewise prevail'd so far as to prefer Gemensis Bishop of London the very greatest Enemy he had to be Arch-bishop of Canterbury but he being a Norman which crossed a wise Ordinance made at the coming in of the King that no stranger should be admitted into any place of Profit or Trust Goodwin made it the Kingdoms grievance more then his own and rather then want an Occasion to puzzle the short sighted Multitude he took a very slight one from an accidental Fray at Canterbury between the Towns-men and some of the Followers of
much better success than he that the victorious Empress was forc'd to give place to the more victorious Queen and so hardly escaped that to save her life she was content to be reckon'd amongst the dead being carried off in a Coffin as if she had been kill'd and so forc'd to leave him a prisoner behind that was indeed the life of her Cause the Earl of Gloucester her Brother and her General whose liberty being set against that of the Kings both sides became even again in the list of their fatal Contention And now the Kings Party labours to recover what they had lost those of the Empress her Faction strove only to keep what they had gain'd till both having tired out and almost baffled the Courage of their partakers at home sought for recruits abroad Maud sends into Normandy the King into Flanders each side seems to fright from this time forward not so much for Victory as Revenge But whilst they fright the people with a noise of their great preparations the bubble of expectation swollen to its full height broak and the hopes of either side sunk so low by the death of Prince Eustace Son and Heir to the King and that of the Earl of Gloucester the only pillar which supported the Empress this the party by whom that the party for whom the War was first begun not to say miantain'd that they concluded a Peace for want of strength rather than of stomach all things ending as they began by determination of the free vote of the people who in an open Parliament at Winchester parted the Stakes as evenly as they could giving to King Stephen the Crown during life to Henry Son of Maud and as some think by him the reversion expectant after his death who if he were not his Natural was thereupon made his adopted Son and so ended the troubles of this King which seem to have been so agreeable to his nature that as soon as they ceased he ceased to live surviving the War no longer than just to take leave of his Friends being evicted by an Ejectione firmâ brought against him by Fate to let in the Son of his Enemy after he had held the possession notwitstanding the continual Interruption given him nineteen years with great prosperity though little or no peace witness those many works of Piety done by himsel or others in his time there being more Instances of that Nature during his short Raign than had been in many years before He was the first King of the Plantaginets and began his Raign as the Great Solomon who was near about his Age did his with the choice of wise Councellors to take off all objections against his youth with the expulsion of all Strangers to take off all objections against his being a forrainer with the resumption of all aliened Crown Lands to take of the fear as well as the necessity of Taxes which as it increas'd his reputation no less than his revenue so he pleas'd many with disgusting but a few After this he pluck'd down all those Castles which being erected by King Stephen's permission had proved the nurseries of the late rebellion and he did it with the less clamour in respect the people thought it contributed as much to their quiet as to his own Lastly by expelling those false Lords that contrary to their oath given to his Mother took part with the Usurper Stephen he at once satisfi'd his Revenge and confirm'd the opinion conceiv'd of his Justice and Piety Thus having got the start in point of honour as well as of Riches of all the neighbour Princes his Contemporaries one would have thought so prosperous a beginning must have concluded with as prosperous an ending but it sell out quite otherwise for to the rest of his Greatness was added that of having great troubles and troubles of that durance as ended not but with his life Nor could it well be otherwise for he was of a restless spirit seldome without an Army seldomer without an Enemy but never without an Occasion to provoke one for he was a great ingrosser of glory whereby being necessitated to set himself against every one every one set themselves against him and the confederations against him were so well timed that in one day they invaded him in England Normandy Acquitain and Britain but that which made his unhappiness seem singular was that the greatest part of his Enemies were those of his greatest Friends I mean not such as were of remoter relations as subjects servants confederates or allies c. but those of nearest propinquity his brother his wife his own children such as were flesh of his flesh and bone of his bone so that he could not possibly sight for himself without fighting against himself like those who to preserve life are constrain'd to dismember themselves wherein the malice of his Fate seem'd to exceed that of his Foes whiles it drew more cross lines over his Actions than Nature had drawn over his Face rendring all his undertakings so disasterous that even when he had the best on 't he seem'd yet to have the worst on it and lost his honour though he got his enterprize Thus when he recover'd the Earldome of Northumberland from David King of Scots and the Dukedom of Anjou from his brother Geoffry the first by the power of his Wisdom the last by the wise management of his power both which contests ended not without giving to each of them full satisfaction for their pretentions yet one brought upon him the clamor of injustice t'other the scandal of Avarice two vices ill beseeming any man worse a King So in the dispute he had with the Earl of St. Giles about the County of Tholosse which was his Right though t'others Possession he was fain to ask peace of one that he knew was unable to carry on the War and after he brought him to his own terms was himself so hamper'd with the same Fetters he put upon him that in conclusion he suffer'd no less in the opinion of his wisdom than he had before in that of his power So when he married his Son Henry to the daughter of his great Enemy the King of France with a prudent design of being reconcil'd to him in a nearer combination he found that instead of keeping him out of his Territories which was all he had to care for before the Match he had now let him into his House to do him more mischief with less difficulty there being more danger by his undermining than battering whiles himself permitted the pit to be made in which the foundation of his Sons greatness was to be laid to whom having given too early an expectation of his Kingdom by allowing him the title of King without being able to give him the Grace to tarry for his death he found when 't was too late that a Crown was no estate to be made over in Trust yet this he did not by chance neither as one transported by any Fatherly
fondness but out of a provident care to settle the Succession and as reasonably to fix his Sons Ambition Neither was his severity to his younger Sons less fatal to him than his indulgence to his Elder whilst thinking to recover the power he lost there by keeping a stricter hand over those here he was bereft of them too by the same way he thought to make them more surer to him for as the eldest by having so much was easily perswaded there was more due to him so the younger brothers believing they ought to have had something more than they had because their elder brother had so much more than he should press'd him out of necessity as much as t'other out of wantonness This looking so like a judgment from heaven gave both the world and himself so full a view of his fate and his failings that from this time he began sensibly to languish under the grief and shame of being so affronted the rancor of his thoughts so festring inwardly that though he asswaged it by all the Lenitives imaginable yet the wound broke out as fast as it was heal'd till the Cause was taken away by the death of those that were the two most unnatural Sons whose ends prov'd to be as violent as their natures after which yet he was no less afflicted by the no less unnatural obstinacy of the two surviving Brothers Richard and John But that which made the troubles of his own house more insupportable was the meeting with as great troubles in Gods house where the disobedience of his Children was out-vied by the contempt of a servant who advanced by destiny to make a mock of Majesty finding a purpose in him to curtail the growing greatness of the Clergy that was arriv'd to that height that they were able to make a King without a Title and might as he suspected by tampering with Posterity be able in time to set up a Title without a King resolv'd to wrestle both single and to compare authority and however he knew the design to be so well backt by the envy of the Laiety that the Pope himself and all the Conclave despair'd of weathering it yet such was his obstinacy having got the help of opinion and the belief of Integrity on his side that he stood the breach of this unhappy Kings Indignation and defied his Thunderbolt till the very minute it blasted him by whose death every one thought the King had got the better of it in that he had the satisfaction of a full Revenge without being touch'd with the guilt since those that murther'd him however they did it to please the King did it yet without his knowledg or privity But such was the Tyranny of Fate that he who in his life time only made him how being dead brought him upon his knees and forced him to acknowledg him as much above his faith afterwards as he was above his will before and then which nothing could be more unfortunate for the very same cause he prosecuted him in his life time as a Traitour being dead he ador'd him as a Saint It were too troublesome to tell of all the troubles of this great Prince much more to bring them into any method which coming from himself and not ending as I said before but with himself however they seem'd to vary in the Lines kept still in the circle of his Family mov'd by the same Causes though not by the same Persons for as his Son Henry before so his Son Richard afterwards was tempted to capitulate with him and to shew the world he was his Brothers successor in point of disobedience as well as of right he did with as great ambition but greater passion require an assurance of the same Kingdom and the same Wife both equally dear to the Father both alike fatal to the Sons wherein meeting with a denial the present fit of Love that was upon him heightened into an extream of hatred with the contagion whereof for it ran in a blood his brother John was not long after infected and so joyning together they made the last Effort upon their now almost tired fathers patience besieging him in the beloved Town where his Father was buried and himself born which he not long after took from him and in it her that was dearer to him than his life the fair Lady Adela now become the old Kings avowed Mistress however affianc'd before to his Son Richard This as it was an indignity that flaw'd his great heart at one single stroak and wounded his spirit beyond all recovery so the loss of the City provok'd him to blaspheme God and the loss of the Lady to curse all his posterity and what sence nature retain'd of the loss of his life that took away the sence of all other losses appears by the intelligence it held with his revenge after death which over-acting its part if I may so say to charge the guilt upon the unnatural offender forced the blood out of his nostrils as he lay bare-fac'd upon his hearse as soon as his Son Richard the murtherer approach'd with dissembled reverence to kiss his hand Thus Thus as he had constant troubles whilst he liv'd so it seems he had no great rest when he was dead being ordain'd by Destiny to be an Example of unparalleld Desolation and which made this unhappiness a kind of Riddle that which renders all other men happy undid him viz. great Wisdom great Power and great Possessions either of which makes great Friends at least great numbers of those that profess themselves to be so whiles he liv'd to see himself forsaken of Wife Children Family Friends and if he were not himself as in Charity we ought to think when he blasphem'd God for the loss of Mentz we may say forsaken of himself too then which there could be no sadder Epilogue to humane Glory And wherefore was all this toyl and charge imbarasing himself and his Subjects but only to hold up the vain-glorious reputation of his Courage and make good that Bestial Adjunct of Coeur de Leon which was not improperly given to him if we consider that the same Creature is as much noted for his Voracity as Courage yet was the excess of his Valour mostly spent in private quarrels the King of France who was ingaged with like Devotion and he falling together by the Ears as soon as they met in Scicily and after he came into the Holy Land he had the like quarrel with the Arch-Duke of Austria with both upon the same point of Precedence though not with like reason the other having out-brav'd him in the common Cause and planted his Colours upon the Walls of Acon before him which he plucking down in scorn t'other made him vail Bonnet to it that is surrender up his Cap of Maintenance as 't was then call'd as a Pledge of his Homage to the Emperor when he acknowledg'd him his Supream Lord. And what was the end of this great Enterprize after having tarried above a
his Head he resolves once more to venture his own In the mean time those of the Isle of Ely the remainder of Leicester's Party that had held out from the time of his death with incredible courage and patience taking new life and hope from this Revolt make many excursions and spoils to the great charge and vexation of the King and the Publick Neither could the Pope 's Legate prevail with him to come in though upon tearms safe and honourable tendering the Publick Faith of the Kingdom and which was then thought greater that of the Church to them So much were they transported with the Opinion of their Cause or by the falshood of their hopes till this stubbornness of theirs provok'd the King to raise a new Army the Command whereof was given to his Son Edward that prosperous Prince whose Fortune then being not able to resist he had the honour to conclude that War and consequently to put a Period to all his Fathers turmoâ—ls who being shaken at the Root did not long survive the happiness of that tranquillity the end of whose Troubles were the beginning of his own ingaging upon the conclusion of that in a War so much more dangerous by how much more distant the benefit whereof was to be expected only in the other World this was that Undertaking in the Holy Land which separating him from his Father beyond all hope of ever seeing him again gave some occasion to question the old Kings Understanding others his good Nature But as the great concerns of Religion are as much above Reason as that is beyond Sense so we must impute that to the resolute Zeal of the Son which we cannot allow for Devotion in the Father who had he had any thoughts of going into the other World as his great Age might have prompted him to would rather have taken care for a Grave for himself then for so hopeful a Successor who only by seeking Death escap'd it Now whether the ingratitude of the Clergy or the Ambition of the temporal Lords were a greater tryal of his wisdom or Power I know not but the course he took to reduce either to terms of modesty and submission shows the world he had no want of understanding however he was forc't to put up the front of his Lay-peers in order to the facillitating his Revenge upon the other whom he mortified by a strain of State which none of his Ancestors durst venture upon Whilst he not only put them out of his Protection but all men out of theirs denying them not only his favour but his Justice not only the benefit of his ordinary Courts but the priviledg of sitting in that higher Court of Parliament A severity not to give any worse name to it of so acrimonious a nature that it not only expos'd them to all the injuries and affronts triumphant malice and scorn could put upon them but was made more intollerable and grievous by his docking their Revenues as after he did by several * Stat. 3 Edw. 1. cap. 19.33 Stat. cont formum collation Statute Laws amongst which I cannot but take notice though by the By of the particular contempt express'd in that odd Statute aginst †Stat. de Asportatis Religiosorum c. An. 3 cap. 34. ravishment where it is declared Felony to use force to any Lay-Woman and only a trespass to ravish a Nun. Neither was it thought enough to make what abscission he thought fit without their greatness were rendred incapable of any further growth to which intent he cauteriz'd if I may so say the wounds he had given them by that Statute of ‖ An. 3. C. 32. Mort-main which as it was the most fatal of all others to them so it might have prov'd so to himself had he not at the same time he thus disoblig'd them oblig'd the Laity by another suppos'd to be the wisest Law that ever was made to wit that of Westminster the second entituled De Donis Conditionalibus which tending so much to the preservation of particular Families and adding to their greatness no less then their continuance is by some Historians call'd Gentilitium Municipale and had this good effect that it brought the temporal Nobility firmly to adhere to him against the Pope when amongst many others that intituled themselves to the Soveraignty of Scotland a Kingdom too near to be lost for want of putting a claim his Holiness became his Rival and thought to carry it as part of St. Peter's Patrimony This Victory at home which brought the proud Prelates to purchase his Justice at a dearer rate then probably they might have paid for his mercy had their submission been as early as it was afterwards earnest I take to be much greater then all those he had got abroad by how much fortune had no share in it and fame was the least part of his gains extending to give him not long after as great an advantage over the Lay Nobility whom having first discern'd of their Patronage wholly and of their other priviledges in a very great part he did as it were cudgel them into Submission by the authority of his * vid. lib. Assis fol. 141.57 Trail Baston a commission which however it were directed to the Majors Sheriffs Bayliffs Escheators c. and so seem'd to have been aim'd at those of the lower rank onely which were guilty of those Enormities of Champorty Extortion Bribery and intrusion crimes much in fashion in those days yet by a back blow it knockt down several of the great Men who either countenanc'd or comply'd with the offenders and which was more terrible this writ was kept as a Weapon in the Kings hands to use as he saw occasion And to say truth he was so expert at it and indeed at all other points of skill that brought him in any profit that he was too hard at last for the Lawyers themselves those great masters of defence Canvasing his Judges as well as his Bishops when he found both alike rich both alike corrupt Beyond these he could not descend to the consideration of any Criminal save the Jews only for whom perhaps it had been no great Injustice to have taken their Estates if at least he could have been prevail'd with to have spar'd their Lives but as so great Courage as he had would not be without some mixture of Cruelty so 't is the less wonder to see that Cruelty heightened by Covetousness as that Avarice by Ambition the adding to his Treasure by these Exactions being in order to the adding to his Dominions which were not yet so entire as consistent with his safety much less the Glory he aim'd at Wales being then as a Canton of the same Piece divided by a small seam which yet had a Prince of their own blood descended from the antient Stock of the Unconquer'd Britains who it seems had so little sense of the inequality of Power betwixt them that he had given this King great provocations
being to advise at the price of his own Head the Arch bishop of York like a man of great Faith was of Opinion to sight them with such present Strength as the King had trusting to the Justice of the Cause the Dukes of Ireland and Suffolk men of Action but wanting the means were for delivering up Calais to the French King to purchase his Assistance But the Majority of Voices coming from such men whose Fears made them rather wise then honest were for appeasing the Enemy with fair promises till there were a fit opportunity to suppress them the first Proposal was thought very hazardous the second much more besides there was such a bitterness in the Pill that no preparation could make the King to swallow it who not knowing what effect it might have when it was done utterly rejected it upon which they secretly withdrew that gave the Counsel and left him to himself Whereupon the Lords Regent found an opportunity to be admitted to a Parley with him who producing to him Letters from the King of France which they had intercepted pursuant to the Design of bringing in a Forreign Enemy they mov'd him no less by shame then dread of the Consequence to consent to the calling another Parliament Upon the day of the Convention the King came not to the House being infinitely troubled in his mind at News he had just then received of the Earl of Derby's Intercepting the Duke of Ireland who being gone as far as Chester in order to his passing into that Kingdom was set upon by the said Earl and totally defeated who hardly escaping fled into the Low-countries where not long after he dyed The Lords heightened with this Success sent a very harsh Message to him letting him know that they attended him there and if he would not come to the House according to promise they would chuse another King that should hearken to their faithful advice This though it were in effect no other but to tell him they would depose him without his consent if he would not come and consent to be depos'd yet having no Retreat from it but down a steep Precipice he chose rather to compâ—y and put himself under the mercy of Providence then under the uncertainty of their Mercy Upon his first appearance they presented him with a black Roll of those whom he call'd his Friends they his Enemies some to be prescrib'd some to be imprison'd and others banish'd and in this last List there were not only Lords but Ladies found Delinquents Some were accus'd of imbeziling his Treasure others of purloyning his Affection all for robbing him of his Honour whereupon some were to be try'd for their Lives others for their Fortunes and all for their Liberties but in respect of their other great Affairs which were in order to what followed they referred it to the succeeding Parliament not unfitly call'd the Parliament that wrought wonders which contrary to all other Parliaments that used to swear Obedience to the King requir'd an Oath of him himself to observe such Rules and Orders as they should prescribe to him Here now we have this unfortunate Prince brought to the last year of his Rule though not of his Reign beginning then to enter into his Wardship as he call'd it when he thought he was just got out of it All power was put into the hands of the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester who managed all Treaties abroad concluded War and Peace as they thought fit and were indeed absolute in every point but the Command of their own Passions and uncontroulable by any but themselves The Duke of Lancaster having now digested the Kingdom in his thoughts procures the Dutchy of Acquitaine to be setled on him as an earnest of what was to follow being the Inheritance of the Crown and descended on the King from Prince Edward his Father and having married up the King to a Child of eight years old by whom 't was impossible he could have Issue with a Portion that scarce defraid the Charge of the Solemnity he secur'd his own Pretensions by Legitimating three of his Bastard Sons in case his lawful Issue should fail The Duke of Gloucester had the same Ambition in his heart as well as the same Blood in his Veins but Nature having put a disadvantage upon him by placing him so far behind being the sixth Son of King Edward the Third he was forc'd to gratifie his Envy instead of his Ambition and rest content with the hopes of doing his Brother a Mischief when time serv'd without any great probability of doing himself good Accordingly he made a Faction who conspir'd with him to seize the King his two Brothers Lancaster and York and to put them all up in Prison and after to execute divers Lords whom he thought to be more his Enemies then their Friends but the end of his Treason being to be himself betray'd by those he made use of Lancaster came thereby to stand single like a great Tree which being at its full height spread his Limbs the wider and grew to be so conspicuous that the succeeding Parliament desired to shelter themselves under the shadow of his power hereupon he reduced the number of the thirteen Regents to seven only which being all his Confidents he with them concluded aforehand all Affairs of moment and directed how they should pass in Parliament An Example not less mischievous to the Kingdom then the King so that now there wanted no more to make him the Soveraign but the putting on the Crown But see the uncertainty of humane Glory Having just finished the great work of his Usurpation an unexpected blow from that invisible hand that turns about the great Wheel of Causes broke the frame of his projection in pieces His Son Henry Duke of Hereford accused by the Duke of Norfolk of Treason was forc'd to purge himself by the Tryal of Combat a Law that might condemn but never acquit him since it was only possible to discharge himself of the danger but never of the suspition of the Crime This being urg'd so far that they were both brought into the List there was no way left to avoid the uncertainty of the Fight but banishment of both wherein though the Duke of Lancaster got the favour to make the Exile of his Son but temporary when the others was perpetual yet the affront that Fortune seem'd to give him by this accidental Disgrace came so near his heart that his Son had no sooner taken leave of his Country but he bid adieu to the World and so left the King once more Hors de page Thus Time and Fortune seem to have conspir'd in vindicating the wrongs of this abused Prince ridding him at once of those two great Corrivals in Power whose Authority had so far outweighed his that they kept him in the condition of a Minor till they had made the People believe him insufficient for Government the one being remov'd beyond all possibility the other beyond all