the People nor Parliaments of this Kingdom could exclude the Lineal Successor or could raise to the Throne any other of the same Royal Line For clearing whereof I shall according to my former method First clear what is our positive Law in this Case Secondly I shall shew that this our Law is founded upon excellent Reason And lastly I shall answer the Objections As to the first It is by the second Act of our last Parliament acknowledged That the Kings of this Realm deriving their Royal Power from God Almighty alone do Lineally succeed thereto according to the known degrees of Proximity in Blood which cannot be interrupted suspended or diverted by any Act or Statute whatsoever and that none can attempt to alter or divert the said Succession without involving the Subjects of this Kingdom in Perjury and Rebellion and without exposing them to all the fatal and dreadful consequences of a Civil War DO THEREFORE from a hearty and sincere sence of their duty recognize acknowledge and declare that the right to the Imperial Crown of this Realm is by the inherent right and the Nature of Monarchy as well as by the fundamental and unalterable Laws of this Realm transmitted and devolved by a lineal Succession according to the Proximity of Blood And that upon the death of the King or Queen who actually reigns the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by Law duty and allegiance to obey the next immediate and Lawful Heir either Male or Female upon whom the right and administration of the Government is immediatly devolved And that no difference in Religion nor no Law nor Act of Parliament made or to be made can alter or divert the right of Succession and lineal descent of the Crown to the nearest and Lawful Heirs according to the degrees aforesaid nor can stop or hinder them in the full free and actual administration of the Government according to the Laws of the Kingdom LIKE AS OUR SOVEREIGN LORD with advice and consent of the said Estates of Parliament do declare it is High-treason in any of the Subjects of this Kingdom by writing speaking or any other manner of way to endeavour the alteration suspension or diversion of the said right of Succession or the debarring the next Lawful Successor from the immediate actual full and free administration of the Goment conform to the Laws of the Kingdom And that all such attempts or designs shall infer against them the pain of Treason This being not only an Act of Parliament declaring all such as shall endeavour to alter the Succession to be punishable as Traitors but containing in it a Decision of this Point by the Parliament as the Supream Judges of the Nation and an acknowledgment by them as the representatives of the people and Nation There can be no place for questioning a point which they have plac'd beyond all controversie especially seeing it past so unanimously that there was not only no vote given but even no argument proved against it And the only doubt mov'd about it was whether any Act of Parliament or acknowledgment was necessary in a point which was in it self so uncontroverted And which all who were not desperate Fanaticks did conclude to be so in this Nation even after they had heard all the arguments that were us'd and the Pamphlets that were written against it in our Neighbour-Kingdom But because so much noise has been made about this question and that blind bigotry leads some and humorous faction draws others out of the common road I conceive it will be fit to remember my Reader of these following Reasons which will I hope clear that as this is our present positive Law so it is established upon the fundamental constitution of our Government upon our old Laws upon the Laws of God of Nature of Nations and particularly of the Civil Law As to the fundamental constitution of our Government I did formerly remark that our Historians tell us that the Scots did swear Allegiance to FERGUS who was the first of our Kings and to his Heirs And that they would never obey any other but his Royal Race Which Oath does in Law and Reason bind them to obey the Lineal Successor according to the proximity of Blood For an indefinite obligation to obey the Blood Royal must be interpreted according to the proximity in Blood except the swearers had reserv'd to themselves a power to chuse any of the Royal Family whom they pleas'd which is so true that in Law an obligation granted to any man does in the construction of Law accrue to his Heirs though they be not exprest Qui sibi providet haeredibus providet And Boethius tells us that after King FERGUS'S death the Scots finding their new Kingdom infested with Wars under the powerful influence of Picts and Britains they refus'd notwithstanding to prefer the next of the Royal Race who was of perfect age and a Man of great Merit to the Son of King FERGUS though an infant which certainly in reason they would have done if they had not been ty'd to the lineal Successor But least the Kingdom should be prejudg'd during the minority they enacted that for the future the next of the Blood Royal should always in the minority of our Kings administer as Kings till the true Heir were of perfect age But this does not prove as Buchannan pretends that the people had power to advance to the Throne any of the Royal Race whom they judg'd most fit for common sense may tell us that was not to chuse a King but a Vice-Roy or a Regent For though to give him the more authority and so to enable him the more to curb factions and oppose enemies he was called King yet he he was but Rex fidei Commissarius being oblig'd to restore it to the true Heir chosen rather to serve than Reign and so Governed only for a time and consequently was only his Vice-Roy But because the Uncles and next Heirs being once admitted to this fidei Commissarie title were unwilling to restore the Crown to their Nephews and sometimes murder'd them and oft-times rais'd Factions against them Therefore the People abhorring those impieties and weary of the distractions and divisions which they occasion'd begg'd from King KENNETH the 3 d that these following Laws might be made 1. That upon the Kings death the next Heir of whatsoever Age should succeed 2. The Grand-child either by Son or Daughter should be preferr'd 3. That till the King arriv'd at 14 years of age some Wise-man should be chosen to Govern after which the King should enter to the free Administration and according to this constitution some fit Person has still been chosen Regent in the Kings Minority without respect to the Proximity of Blood and our Kings have been oft-times Crown'd in the Cradle In conformity also to these Principles all the acknowledgments made to our Kings run still in favour of the King and his Heirs As in the first Act Parl. 18 JAMES
them to Reform 4. That the People or their Representatives may Exclude the Lineal Successor and raise to the Throne any of the Royal Family who doth best deserve the Royal Dignity These being all matters of Right the plain and easie way which I resolve to take for refuting them so as the learned and unlearned may be equally convinced shall be first by giving a true account of what is our present positive Law 2. By demonstrating that as our present positive Law is inconsistent with those Principles so these our positive Laws are excellently well founded upon the very nature of Monarchy and that those Principles are inconsistent with all Monarchy And the third Class of my Arguments shall be from the Principles of common Reason Equity and Government abstracting both from the positiveness of our Law and the nature of our Monarchy And in the last place I shall answer the Arguments of those Authors As to the first I conceive that a Treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos should have clear'd to us what was the power of Monarchs by Law and particularly what was the positive Law of Scotland as to this point for if these points be clear by our positive Law there is no further place for debate since it is absolutely necessary for Mankind especially in matters of Government that they at last acquiesce in something that is fix'd and certain and therefore it is very well observ'd by Lawyers and States-men that before Laws be made men ought to reason but after they are made they ought to obey which makes me admire how Buchannan and the other Authors that I have named should have adventur'd upon a debate in Law not being themselves Lawyers and should have written Books upon that Subject without citing one Law Civil or Municipal pro or con Nor is their Veracity more to be esteemed than their Learning for it 's undeniable that Buchannan wrote this Book De Jure Regni to perswade Scotland to raise his Patron though a Bastard to the Crown and the Authors of Lex Rex Jus Populi Vindicatum and others were known to have written those Libels from picque against the Government because they justly suffered under it I know that to this it may be answered That these Statutes are but late and were not extant in Buchannan's time and consequently Buchannan cannot be refuted by them 2. That these Statutes have been obtain'd from Parliaments by the too great influence of their Monarchs and the too great Pusillanimity of Parliaments who could not resign the Rights and Priviledges of the People since they have no Warrant from them for that effect To the first of which I answer that my Task is not to form an Accusation against Buchannan but against his Principles and to demonstrate that these Principles are not our Law but are inconsistent with it and it is ridiculous to think that any such Laws should have been made before those Treasonable Principles were once hatched and maintained for Errors must appear before they be condemned and by the same Argument it may be as well urged that Arius Nestorius c. were not Hereticks because those Acts of General Councils which condemned their Heresies were not extant when they first defended those opinions and that our King had not the power of making Peace and War till the Year 1661. But 2dly For clearing this Point it is fit to know that our Parliaments never give Prerogatives to our Kings but only declare what have been their Prerogatives and particularly in these Statutes that I shall Cite the Parliament doth not Confer any New Right upon the King but only acknowledge what was Originally his Right and Prerogative from the beginning and therefore the Parliament being the only Judges who could decide whether Buchannans Principles were solid and what was Jus Regni apud Scotos These Statutes having decided those points controverted by him there can be hereafter no place for Debate and particularly as to Buchannan his Book De jure Regni apud Scotos it is expresly condemn'd as Slanderous and containing several offensive Matters by the 134 Act Parl. 8. Ja. 6. in Anno 1584. which was the first Parliament that ever sate after his Book was printed To the 2 d I answer that it being controverted what is the Kings Power there can be no stronger Decision of that Controversie in Favours of the King than the acknowledgment of all Parties Interested and it is strange and unsufferable to hear such as appeal to Parliaments cry out against their Power their Justice and Decisions and why should we oppress our Kings and raise Civil Wars whereby we endanger so much our selves to procure powers to Parliaments if Parliaments be such ridiculous things as we cannot trust when they are impowred by us and if there be any force in this answer of Buchannans there can be none in any of our Laws for that strikes at the Root of all our Laws and as I have produced a Tract of reiterated Laws for many Years so where were there ever such free unlimited Parliaments in any Nation as these whose Laws I have Cited 2dly Whatever might be said if a positive Contract betwixt the King and People were produced clearing what were the just Limits of the Monarchy and bounding it by clear Articles mutually agreed upon yet it is very absurd and extravagant to think that when the Debate is what is the King of Scotlands just Power and Right and from whom he Derives it that the Laws and repeated Acknowledgements of the whole Representatives of the People assembled in the Supream Court of the Nation having no open force upon it but enacted at several times in many several Parliaments under the gentlest peaceablest and wisest Kings that ever they had should not be better believed than the Testimonies of three or four byass'd and disoblig'd Pedants who understood neither our Laws nor Statutes and who can bring no clear fundamental Law nor produce no Contract nor Paction restricting the King or bounding his Government 3dly That which adds a great deal of Authority to this Debate and these Statutes is that as this is clear by our positive Law so it is necessarily inferred from the nature of our Monarchy and is very advantagious for the Subjects of this Kingdom which I shall clear in the second and third Arguments that I shall bring against those Treasonable Principles nor can they be seconded by any solid Reason as I shall make appear in answering the Arguments of those Authors I know that Nephthaly the Author of Jus Populi and our late Fanatical Pamphlets alleadge that our Parliaments since 1661. are null and unlawful because many who have right to Sit as Members or to Elect Members were excluded by the Declaration or Test but my answer is First That these were excluded by Acts of Parliament which were past in Parliaments prior to their exclusion and so they were excluded by Law and no man can be said to
Tenor of all the Laws that ever were made in Scotland The Parliament returning to their duty ordained that Style to be altered and to bear as formerly Our Soveraign Lord with Advice and Consent c. But lastly what advantage can the people have by placing their security in the Parliament since they are so liable to Passions Errors and Extravagancies as well as Kings are and have if Buchannan be believed betrayed the interest of the Kingdom since King Kenneth the Seconds time now above 700. years and they are ordinarily led by some pragmatical Ring-leaders who have not that kindness or interest to preserve the Kingdom that Kings have and since the King may make so many Noble-men and Burghs Royal at pleasure by whose Votes he may still prevail what security can we have by giving them a power above the King or how can they have it From all which it may clearly appear that we have had Kings long ere we had Parliaments and that the Parliaments derive their power from the King and that at first our King only called the Heads of Families and his own Officers as his Council with whom he consulted without any necessity to call any others than he pleased there being no Law Article nor Capitulation obliging him from the beginning thereunto And our Kings were so far from having Parliaments associated with them in their Empire that there is no mention at all of them or of any condition relating to them in the first Institution of our Kings above related nor were there any Parliaments in being at that time But after the Feudal Law came to be in vigor then our Kings looking upon the whole Kingdom as their own in property King Malcolme Canmore did distribute all the Land of Scotland amongst his Subjects as his Liege-men which is clear by the first Chapter of his Laws and according to the Feudal Law all the Vassals of our Kings compeared in their Head-Court and therein consulted what was fit for the Kingdom but thereafter the way of making War requiring Money and Property belonging to the Subject as Government did to the King it was necessary to have their consent for raising Money And from this did arise the inserting the advice and consent of the three Estates in our Acts of Parliament From this also it is very clear that their opinion is very unsolid and ill founded who think that Kings can do nothing without a special Act of Parliament even in matters of Government As for instance that he cannot restrain the Licence of the Press or require his Subjects to take an Engagement for securing the Peace for these and the like being things which relate immediately to Government the King has as much right to regulate these as we have to regulate and dispose of our Property Government being the Kings Property 2. Though the Monarchy had been derived from the People yet as soon as our Kings got the Monarchy they got ever thing that was necessary for the Aministration of it which as it is common sense and reason so it is founded upon that most wise and just Maxime in Law Quando aliquid conceditur omnia Concessa videntur sine quibus concessum explicari nequit 3. I desire to know where there is yet a Law giving the King a Negative voice a power of Erecting Incorporations or a power to grant Remissions for Crimes or Protections for Civil Debts and yet the people is far more concerned in these and the King 's having power to do these and a thousand other things doth rather oblige and warrant me to lay down a general Rule that the Kings of Scotland can do every thing that relates to Government and is necessary for the administration thereof though there be no special Law or Act of Parliament for it if the same be not contrary to the Law of God Nature or Nations The second Conclusion that we draw from these former Principles is that Princes cannot be punished by their own Subjects as Buchannan and our Republicans do assert which is most clear by the former Laws wherein it is declared That the King is a Soveraign and absolute Prince and deriving his power from God Almighty that it is Treason to endeavour to depose or suspend the King Wherein our Law is founded on the nature of Monarchy for if he be Supream He cannot be judg'd for no man is judg'd but by his Superior and that which is Supream can have no Superior and on the Principles of the Law of Nature and Nations because saith the Law No man can be both the Person who Judgeth and the Person Judg'd and it is still the King who Judgeth since all other Judges do represent him and derive their power from him Ipse se praetor cogere non potest quia triplici officio fungi nequit suspectum dicentis coacti cogentis L. Ille a quo ff ad Trebell It is a prnciple in all Law that Jurisdiction and all other Mandats cease with the power that granted it and therefore as they acknowledge that a King cannot be cited till he have forfeited His just Right so as soon as he has forfeited it all the power of the ordinary Judges in the Nation falls and becomes extinct and no other Judge can Judge Him because no other Judge can sit by vertue of any other Authority till it be known that he has forfeited his and that cannot be till the event of the Process and if the People be Judges yet they cannot assume the Government till the King has forfeited it And why also should they be Judges who have neither knowledge nor moderation who are acted by humor and delight in insolence and how shall they meet Or who shall call them Nor can the Parliament Judge them because they derive their Right from the King as shall be prov'd And though they were equal yet no equal can Judge another par in parem non habet Imperium nemo sibi Imperare potest No man can command himself l. si de re sua ff de recept Arbitr Nemo sibi legem imponere potest l. quid autem ff de denat inter virum uxorem and therefore the Civil Law which is ours by Adoption does positively assert That Princeps legibus solutus est the King is liable to no Law l. princeps ff de legibus For though He be lyable to the Directive Force of the Law that is to say He ought to be Governed by it as his Director Yet He is not lyable to the Coercive Force of the Law as all Lawyers that are indifferent do assert Harmenpol l. 1. tit 1. Sect. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The King is not Subject to the Law because offending against it he is not punisht vid. Granswinkell cap. 6. Arnis cap. Francisc a victoria Relect. 3. num 4. Ziegler de jur Majes cap. 1. num 12. with whom the Fathers also agree Ambros in Apol. David cap. 4. Liberi sunt Reges
suffer for it ye take it patiently this is acceptable to God for even hereunto were ye called Our blessed Saviour's practice did likewise agree most admirably with his Precepts and Doctrine formerly insisted on for though no man ever was or can be so much injur'd as his blessed self nor could ever any defensive Arms have been so just as in his quarrel yet he would not suffer a Sword to be drawn in it and to discourage all Christians from using Arms he told those who were offering to defend even himself with Arms that whosoever should draw the Sword should perish by it and it seems that God Almighty permitted Peter to draw his Sword at that time meerly that we might upon that occasion be for ever deter'd from Defensive Arms by this our Saviour's Divine example and reasoning The last Argument I shall produce shall be from that most Christian Topick us'd by St. Paul Rom. 3. 8. We should not do ill that good may come of it And therefore since disobedience to Magistrates but much more to Rebel against them is forbid by the Laws both of God and Men This disobedience and opposition cannot be justifi d by pretending that it is design'd for Reforming the Nation And if it be answer'd That this opposition is not in it self ill because the design justifies it It is to this reply'd That if this answer be sufficient then the former excellent Rule is of no use for when a Servant steals his Masters Mony to give to the Poor or a Son cuts his Fathers Throat because he is vicious or when Jacques Clement Stabbed Henry the 3. and Ravillack Henry the 4. of France they might have alleadg'd the same in their own defence Nor know we surer proof that any thing is impious or unlawful then when the Laws of our Nation have forbid it as a great Crime they being against and contrary to no positive Law of God but rather suitable to the same and own'd as such by Christian Synods and Divines there being no necessity to enforce this going out of the Road. All which holds in this case nor can it be imagin'd how Reforming by Arms can be thought necessary since God both can without a Miracle Turn the hearts of Kings in whose hands they are as Rivers of Waters And can send devout Men to influence Kingdoms And should not we rather suffer Patiently as the Primitive Christians did that his Divine Majesty may be by our Patience prevail'd upon to Reform us now as he did of old our Predecessors from Paganism by our own Kings in a Regular way than upon every Notion of Bigot and Factious Ring-leaders overturn all Government and Order rent all Unity and involve our Native Countrey in Blood and Confusion And whilst we are fighting for the terms of Religion lose the true efficacy of Piety and Devotion for what use can there be of Patience Humility Faith and Hope if we will presently repair our selves submit to no Magistracy that differs from us and believe that Religion cannot subsist except by us The Fathers also of the Primitive Church have inculcated so much this Doctrine every where both by their Doctrine and Practice and both these are so fully known that I shall remit this point to those Learn'd Men who have fully handled it Only I must remember that excellent passage of St. Ambrose who being commanded to deliver up his Church to the Arians says Volens nunquam deseram coactus repugnare non novi dolere potero flere potero gemere potero adversus arma milites Gothos Lachrymae meae mea arma sunt talia enim sunt munimenta sacerdotis aliter nec debeo nec possum resistere Which Prayers and Tears are likewise call'd the only Arms of the Church by the great Nazianzen in his first Oration against Julian and by St. Bernard in his 221. Epistle But more of this is to be found Tom. 2. Concil Galliae pag. 533. Where it is fully prov'd that all Subjects ought humbly and faithfully to obey the Regal Power as being ordained by none but God with whom the wise Heathens agree for Marcellus Eprius Tacit. lib. 4. hist. pray'd for good Princes but obey'd bad ones and Terentius in the same Author An. lib. 6. § 3. confesses That the Gods had bestow'd on the Emperor the sole disposal of all things leaving nothing to Subjects save the honour of obedience But because these of that perswasion rather will believe Calvin than the Fathers I have taken pains to consider in him these few passages cap. 20 lib. 4. Institut § 27. Assumptum in Regiam Majestatem violare nefas est nunquam nobis seditiosae istae cogitationes in mentem veniant tractandum esse pro meritis Regem § 29. Personam sustinent voluntate Domini cui inviolabilem Majestatem ipse impressit insculpsit § 31. Privatis hominibus nullum aliud quam parendi patiendi datum est mandatum And all this Chapter doth so Learnedly and judicially impugn this Doctrine that it is a wonder why Calvinists should differ from Calvin I know that to this it may be answered That the same Calvin does qualifie his own words which I have cited with this following Caution Si qui sunt saith he populares Magistratus ad moderandam Regum libidinem constituti quales olim erant qui Lacedemoniis regibus oppositi erant Ephori qua etiam forte potestate ut nunc res habent funguntur in singulis regnis tres ordines quum primarios conventus peragunt adeo illos ferocienti Regum licentiae pro offico intercedere non veto ut si Regibus impotenter grassantibus humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant eorum dissimulationem nefaria perfidia non carere affirmem quia populi libertatem cujus se tutores Dei ordinatione positos norunt fraudulenter produnt To which my reply is That these words must be so constructed as that they may not be inconsistent with his former clear and Orthodox Doctrine of not resisting Supream Powers the former being his positive Doctrine and this but a supervenient Caution and they do very well consist for though Calvin be very clear that Kings cannot be resisted yet he thinks that this is only to be meant of those Kings who have no Superiors to check them by Law as the Kings of the Lacedemonians had who by the fundamental Constitution of their Monarchy might have been call'd to an accompt by the Ephori and so in effect were only Titular Kings Or of such Monarchs as had only a co-ordinate Power with the States of their own Kingdom and even in these Cases he does not positively assert that these Monarchs may be resisted but does only doubt whether if there be any such Superior or co-ordinate Magistrate representing the People they may not restrain the Rage and Licentiousness of their Kings But that Caution does not at all concern the Jus Regni apud Scotos because this cannot be said
three Estates which shews that there 's nothing design'd in this Act in favour of their Authority and that this King was Minor the time of this Act and that he had great Troubles in his Youth is very clear from the short characters given of our Kings by Skeen in the end of our Acts of Parliament It will I hope easily appear by the ballance of these Arguments that at least the Municipal Laws of our Nation which punish Defensive Arms as Treason should be obey'd by our Countrey-men since as I have oft inculcated the Laws of any Nation should still be obey'd except where they are inconsistent with the Word of God and the most that the most violent Republicans alive can say upon this Subject is that the case may be debated by probable Arguments and that neither of the Positions want their inconveniencies so that in this as in all other Debates the Law of each Nation is the best Judge to decide such Controversies and therefore such as maintain these Principles after so many positive and reiterated Laws are obliged for preserving the Peace of humane Society and the Order which God has establisht to remove from places where they cannot obey for they will always find some place where the Government will please them and better they be disquieted than the Government of the whole World should be disturb'd But if they will stay and oppose the Government it must be excus'd to execute those who would destroy it Having thus glanc'd only at Answers to these Objections because I think the Objections rather plausible than strong I shall sum up this Debate with these Reflections First Buchannan and our Republican Authors debate all these Grounds as if we were yet to form the Government under which we were to live wheras we live under and are sworn to a Monarchy fixt by Law and Consent time out of mind and the Levellers may as well urge that no Nobleman should be dignifi'd nor no Gentleman enriched above a man of good sence and Tenants may argue that it is not reasonable that they bearing God's Image as well as the Master should toil to feed their Lusts Thus Reason may be distorted and we call that Treason and Providence which pleases us best Secondly Most of their Citations and Authorities are the Sentiments of those Greeks and Romans who liv'd under Common-wealths and so magnifi'd their Countrey in opposition to Usurpers whereas our King is the Father of our Countrey and whatever they said of their Countrey we should say of him and therefore these Citations concern us no more than the Law of England binds Scotchmen they praise their own Children and Servants for their Faithfulness and Obedience to them and yet they rail at us for being faithful to our great Master and chief Parent under God Thirdly Most of the Authors cited and admir'd by them are Heathens particularly Stoicks who equall'd themselves not only to Kings but to their own Gods and against whose selfishness and pride all Christians have justly exclaim'd and so they are not competent Judges nor sure Guides to Christians in the exercise of those purely Christian Vertues of Humility Submission Self-denial Patience Faith and Reliance upon God Fourthly They balance not all the conveniences and inconveniences of either Government but magnifie the one and conceal the other and thus it is true that Kings may be Tyrants but so may and usually are the Leaders of the Rabble Cromwel was such and Shaftsbury had been such he was such in his Nature and had been such in his Government and the Distractions of a Civil War which ordinarily attend Competitions amongst Republicans destroy more than the Lusts of any one Tyrant can do which made Lucan tho a Republican and of the Pompeyan Party conclude after a sad review of the continued Civil Wars betwixt Sylla and Marius Caesar and Pompey without considering what followed under the Trium viri Faelices Arabes Medique Eoaque tellus Qui sub perpetuis tenuerunt Regna Tyrannis Fifthly Those who debate against Magistracy gratifie their own Vanity and Insolence but such devout men as Ambrose Augustine Vsher and others debate against the dictates of Interest as well as Passion which two nothing save Grace can overcome and there can be no surer mark of Conviction than to decide against these Lastly Even Buchannan repented his horrid Doctrine Cambden 10. year of Queen Elizabeths Reign in 1567. But forasmuch as Buchannan being transported with partial affection and with Murrays bounty wrote in such sort that his said Books have been condemned of falshood by the Estates of the Realm of Scotland to whose Credit more is to be attributed and he himself sighing and sorrowing sundry times blam'd himself as I have heard before the King to whom he was School-master for that he had imploy'd so virulent a Pen against that well deserving Queen and upon his Death-bed wished that he might live so long till by recalling the truth he might even with his Blood wipe away those Aspersions which he had by his bad Tongue falsly laid upon her but that as he said it would now be in vain when he might seem to dote for Age c. Idem Anno 1582. And not content with all this speaking of their surprizing the King they compell'd the King against his Will to approve of this intercepting of his Letters to the Queen of England and to decree an Assembly of the Estates summoned by them to be just yet could they not induce Buchannan to approve of this their Fact either by writing or perswasion by Message who now sorrowfully lamented that he had already undertaken the Cause of Factious people against their Princes and soon after Died c. THAT THE LAWFVL SVCCESSOR CANNOT BE DEBARR'D FROM Succeeding TO THE CROWN Maintain'd against DOLMAN BUCHANNAN And OTHERS BY Sir GEORGE MACKENZIE His Majesties Advocate in Scotland LONDON Printed for Richard Chiswel at the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church-yard 1684. King James In His Advice to Prince Henry Page 173. IF God give you not Succession Defraud never the Nearest by Right whatsoever Conceit ye have of the Person for Kingdoms are ever at God's disposition and in that Case we are but Liferenters it lying no more in the Kings than in the Peoples hands to dispossess the Righteous Heir Page 209. Ibid. FOR at the very moment of the Expiring of the King Reigning the Nearest and Lawful Heir entereth in his place and so to refuse him or intrude another is not to hold out the Successor from coming in but to expel and put out their Righteous King And I trust at this time whole FRANCE acknowledgeth the Rebellion of the Leaguers who upon pretence of Heresie by Force of Arms held so long out to the great Desolation of their whole Countrey their Native and Righteous King from possessing his own Crown and natural Kingdom THE RIGHT OF THE Succession DEFENDED THE Fourth Conclusion to be cleared was That neither
VI. and the II III IV. Acts Parl. 1. CHARLES II. And by our Oath of Allegiance we are bound to bear faithful and true Allegiance to his Majesty his Heirs and Lawful Successors which word LAWFUL is insert to cut off the pretences of such as should not succeed by Law and the insolent arbitrariness of such as being but Subjects themselves think they may chuse their King viz. Act 1. Parl. 21. JAMES the VI. That this right of Succession according to the Proximity of Blood is founded on the Law of God is clear by Num. Chap. 27. v. 9. and 10. If a man hath no Son or Daughter his Inheritance shall descend upon his Brother by Num. 36. Where God himself decides in favour of the Daughters of Zelâ—phehad telling us it was just thing they should have the inheritance of their Father And ordains that if there were no Daughters the Estate should go to the Brothers St. Paul likewise concludes Rom. 8. If Sons then Heirs looking upon that as a necessary Consequence which if it do not necessarily hold or can be any way disappointed all his divine reasoning in that Chapter falls to nothing And thus Ahaziah 2 Chron. 22. v. 1. was made King though the youngest in his Fathers stead because says the Text The Arabians had slain all the eldest which clearly shews That by the Law of God he could not have succeeded if the eldest had been alive We hear likewise in Scripture God oft telling By me Kings reign And when he gives a Kingdom to any as to Abraham David c. he gives it to them and their Posterity That this Right of Succession flows from the Law of Nature is clear because that is accounted to flow from the Law of Nature which every man finds grafted in his own heart and which is obey'd without any other Law and for which men neither seek nor can give another distinct Reason all which holds in this Case for who doubts when he hears of an Hereditary Monarchy but that the Next in Blood must succeed and for which we need no positive Law nor does any man enquire for a further Reason being satisfied therein by the Principles of his own heart And from this ground it is that though a remoter Kinsman did possess as Heir he could by no length of time prescribe a valid Right since no man as Lawyers conclude can prescribe a Right against the Law of Nature and that this Principle is founded thereupon is confest l. cum ratio naturalis ff de bonis damnat cum ratio naturalis quasi lex quaedam tacita liberis parentum haereditatem adjecerit veluti ad debitam successionem eos vocando propter quod suorum haeredum nomen eis indultum est adeo ut ne à parentibus quidem ab ea successione amoveri possint Et § emancipati Institut de haered quae ab intest Praetâ—r naturalem aequitatem sequutus iis etiam bonorum possessionem contra 12 tabularum leges contra jus civile permittit Which Text shews likewise That this Right of Nature was stronger than the Laws of the Twelve Tables though these were the most ancient and chief Statutes of Rome which Principle is very clear likewise from the Parable Matth. 21. where the Husband-men who can be presum'd to understand nothing but the Law of Nature are brought in saying This is the Heir let us kill him and seize on his inheritance Nor does this hold only in the Succession of Children or the Direct Line but in the collateral Succession of Brothers and others L. hac parte ff unde cognati Hac parte proconsul Naturali aequitate motus omnibus cognatis permittit bonorum possessionem quos sanguinis ratio Vocat ad haereditatem Vid. l. 1. ff de grad l. 1. § hoc autem ff de bonor possess And these who are now Brothers to the present King have been Sons to the former and therefore whatever has been said for Sons is also verified in Brothers As for instance though his Royal Highness be onely Brother to King CHARLES II. yet He is Son to King CHARLES I. and therefore as St. Paul says If a Son then an Heir except he be secluded by the Existence and Succession of an elder Brother That this gradual Succession is founded on the Law of Nations is as clear by the Laws of the Twelve Tables and the Praetorian Law of Rome And if we consider the Monarchy either old or new we will find That where ever the Monarchy was not Elective the degrees of Succession were there exactly observed And Bodinus de Republ. lib. 6. cap. 5. asserts that Ordo non tantum naturae divinae sed etiam omnium ubique gentium hoc postulat From all which Pope Innocent in c. grand de supplend neglig praelati concludes In regnis haereditariis caveri non potest ne filius aut frater succedat And since it is expresly determined That the Right of Blood can be taken away by no positive Law or Statute L. Jura Sanguinis ff de Reg. jur L. 4. ff de suis legitim And that the power of making a Testament can be taken away by no Law L. ita legatum ff de conditionibus I cannot see how the Right of Succession can be taken away by a Statute for that is the same with the Right of Blood and is more strongly founded upon the Law of Nature than the power of making Testaments Since then this Right is founded upon the Law of God of Nature and of Nations it does clearly follow That no Parliament can alter the same by their municipal Statutes as our Act of Parliament has justly observed For clearing whereof it is fit to consider That in all Powers and Jurisdictions which are subordinate to one another the Inferior should obey but not alter the Power to which it is subordinate and what it does contrary thereto is null and void And thus If the Judges of England should publish Edicts contrary to Acts of Parliament or if a Justice of Peace should reverse a Decree of the Judges of Westminster these their endeavors would be void and ineffectual But so it is that by the same Principle but in an infinitely more transcendent way all Kings and Parliaments are subordinate to the Laws of God the Laws of Nature and the Laws of Nations and therefore no Act of Parliament can be binding to overturn what these have established This as to the Law of God is clear not only from the general Dictates of Religion but 28 Hen. 8. cap. 7. the Parliament uses these words For no man can dispense with God's Laws which we also affirm and think And as to the Laws of Nature they must be acknowledged to be immutable from the principles of Reason And the Law it self confesses that Naturalia quaedam jura quae apud omnes gentes peraeque observantur divina quadam providentia constituta semper firma atque immutabilia permanent § sed naturalia
Institut de Jur. Natural § singulorum de rer divis And when the Law declares That a Supreme Prince is free from the obligation of Laws Solutus legibus which is the highest power that a Parliament can pretend to or arrive at yet Lawyers still acknowledge That this does not exclude these Supreme Powers from being liable to the Laws of God Nature and Nations Accurs in l. Princeps ff de Leg. Clementina pasturalis de re judicata Bart. in l. ut vim de justitia jure Voet. de Statutis Sect. 5. Cap. 1. Nor can the Law of Nations be overturned by private Statutes or any Supreme Power And thus all Statutes to the prejudice of Ambassadors who are secured by the Law of Nations are confess'd by all to be Null and the highest Power whatsoever cannot take off the necessity of denouncing a War before a War can be lawful And Lawyers observe very well That those who would oppose the common Dictates of Mankind should be look'd upon as Enemies to all Mankind My second Argument shall be That the King and Parliament can have no more power in Parliament than any absolute Monarch has in his own Kingdom For they are when join'd but in place of the Supreme Power sitting in judgment and therefore they cannot in Law do what any other supreme and absolute Monarch cannot do for all the Power of Parliaments consists only in their Consâ—nt but we must not think that our Parliaments have an unlimited Power de jure so as that they may forfeit or kill without a cause or pass Sentence against the Subjects without citing or hearing them or that they can alienate any part of the Kingdom or subject the whole Kingdom to France or any other Foreign Prince all which deeds would be null in themselves and would not hinder the Party injur'd from a due redress For if our Parliaments had such Power we should be the greatest Slaves and live under the most arbitrary Government imaginable But so it is That no Monarch whosoever can take from any man what is due to him by the Law of God Nature and Nations For being himself inferior to these he cannot overturn their Statutes Thus a Prince cannot even ex plenitudine potestatis legitimate a Bastard in prejudice of former Children though they have only but a hope of Succession l 4. sequen de natal restituend And for the same Reason it is declared in the same Law that he cannot restore a freed man restituere libertum natalibus in prejudice of his Patron who was to succeed though that Succession was but by a municipal Law For clearing which Question it is fit to know that the Eminent Lawyers who treat Jus Publicum as Arnisaeus and others do distinguish betwixt such Kingdoms as were at first conferr'd by the People and wherein the Kings succeed by contract and in these the Laws made by King and People can exclude or bind the Successor And yet even here they confess that this proceeds not because the Predecessor can bind the Successor but because the People renew the Paction with the succeeding King But where the Successor is to succeed ex Jure Regni in hereditary Monarchies there they assert positively that the Predecessor cannot prejudge the Successor's Right of Succession which they prove by two Arguments First That the Predecessor has no more Power nor Right than the Successor for the same Right that the present King has to the Possession the next in Blood has to the Succession and all our Laws run in favour of the King and his Heirs and no man can try his Equal or give him the Law Par in parem non habet dominium The second is That it were unjust and unequitable that the Predecessor should rob his Successor Nulla ergo says Arnisaeus Cap. 7. Num. 5. clausula Successori jus auferri potest modo succedat ille ex jure regni And Hottoman lib. 2. de Regno Galliae asserts that in France which is a very absolute Monarchy Ea quae jure Regio primogenito competunt ne Testamento quidem patris adimi possunt And thus when the King of France design'd to break the Salique Law of Succession as in the Reign of Charles V. it was found impracticable by the Three Estates And when Pyrrhus was to prefer his youngest Son to the Crown the Epirots following the Law of Nations and their own refus'd him Paus lib. 1. In the year 1649 also Amurat the Grand Seignior having left the Turkish Empire to Han the Tartarian passing by his Brother Ibrahim the whole Officers of that State did unanimously cancel that Testament and restore Ibrahim the true Heir though a silly Fool Which shews the Opinion not only of Lawyers but of whole Nations and Parliaments Thus Vander Graaff an Hollander confesses That it is not lawful to chuse any of his Sons to succeed him in which the general quiet of the Kingdom is much concerned and therefore though the next Heir were wiser braver and more generally beloved yet the more immediate must be received as chosen by God whether good or bad and as honoured with his Character And if Kings could have inverted their Succession and chosen their own Successor Saint Lewis had preferr'd his own third Son to Lewis his eldest And Alfonsus King of Leon in Spain had preferr'd his Daughters to Ferdinand his eldest Son And Edward VI. of England had preferr'd and did actually prefer the Lady Jane Gray to his Sisters Mary and Elizabeth And if Successions especially of such great importance had not been fixed by immutable Laws of God and Nature the various and unconstant inclinations of the present Governors especially when shaken by the importunity of Stepmothers and Mothers or clouded by the jealousie of Flatterers or Favourites had made the Nations whom they governed very unhappy and therefore God did very justly and wisely settle this Succession that both King and People might know That it is by him that Kings Reign and Kingdoms are secured in Peace against Faction And it were strange that this should not hold in Kings since even amongst Subjects the Honour and Nobility that is bestow'd upon a Man and his Heirs does so necessarily descend upon those Heirs that the Father or Predecessor cannot exclude the next Successor or derogate from his Right either by renouncing resigning following base or mean Trades or any other For say those Lawyers since he derives this Right from his old Progenitors and owes it not to his Father his Fathers deed should not prejudge him therein Fab. Cod. 9. Tit. 28. Def. 1. Warnee Consil 20. Num. 7. And as yet the Estates of Parliament in both Nations have no Legislative Power otherwise than by assenting to what the King does so that if the King cannot himself make a Successor neither can they by consenting and all that their consent could imply would only be that they and their Successors should not oppose his Nomination because of
de facto till King Henry VII by his Marriage with the Lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward IV. did by her transmit a just Title to his Successor and therefore it was not strange that either of these should allow the Parliament to interpose when they owed to them the possession of the Throne But yet Henry VII himself as the Lord Bacon relates in his History shun'd to have the Parliament declare his Title to be just being content with these ambiguous words viz. That the inheritance of the Crown should rest remain and abide in the King c. And upon this account it was that the same King caus'd a Law to be made that such as should serve the King for the time being in his Wars could not be attainted or impeach'd in their Persons or Estates As to Henry VIII his procuring an Act whereby the Parliament declares That in case he had no Issue by the Lady Jean Seymour he might dispose of the Crown to whatsoever person he should in his own discretion think fit It is answered That by a former Statute in the 25th year of his Reign he by Act of Parliament settles the Crown upon the Heirs-male of his own Body and for lack of such Issue to Lady Elizabeth and for lack of such Issue also to the next Heirs of the King who should for ever succeed according to the Right of Succession of the Crown of England which shews that the Succession to the Crown of England is establish'd by the Law of Nature and the Fundamental Laws of England upon the Heirs of Blood according to the Proximity of Degrees so that though that King did afterwards prevail with the Parliament to declare this Elizabeth a Bastard as he did also his daughter Mary by another Act and resolve to settle the Crown upon Henry Fitz-Roy Duke of Richmond Yet these Acts teach us how dangerous it is to leave Parliaments to the impression of Kings in the case of naming a Successor as it is to expose Kings to the Arbitrariness of Parliaments But such care had God of his own Laws that Mary succeeded notwithstanding she was Papist and Elizabeth succeeded her though she was declar'd Bastard the Rights of Blood prevailing over the Formalities of Divorce and the Dispensations of Popes as the strength of Nature does often prevail over Poisons And God remov'd the Duke of Richmond by death to prevent the unjust Competition and so little notice was taken of this and the subsequent Act Anno 1535. that the Heirs of Blood succeeded without repealing of that Act as an Act in it self invalid from the beginning for only such Acts are past by without being repeal'd And Blackwood pag. 45. observes very well that so conscious were the Makers of these Acts of the illegality thereof and of their being contrary to the immutable Laws of God Nature and Nations that none durst produce that King's Testament wherein he did nominate a Successor conformable to the power granted by those Acts that as soon as they were freed by his death from the violent Oppressions that had forced them to alter a Successor three several times and at last to swear implicitly to whomsoever he should nominate a Preparative which this Age would not well bear though they cite it they proclaimed first Queen Mary their Queen though a Papist and thereafter Queen Elizabeth whom themselves had formerly declared a Bastard And as in all these Acts there is nothing declaring the Parliaments to have power to name a Successor but only giving a power to the King for preventing mischiefs that might arise upon the dubiousness of the Succession to nominate a Successor two of the legal Successors having been declar'd Bastards upon some Niceties not of Nature but of the Pope's Bulls for divorcing So this Instance can only prove that the King may nominate a Successor and that the Parliament may consent not to quarrel at it which is all that they do but does not at all prove that where the Right of Nature is clear the Parliament may invert the same And Strangers who considered more the dictates of Law than of Passion did in that Age conclude That no Statute could be valid when made contrary to the fundamental Law of the Kingdom Arnisaeus cap. 7. num 11. Henricus VIII Angliae Rex Eduardum filium primo deinde Mariam denique Elizabetham suos haeredes fecerat verum non aliter ea omnia valent quam si cum jure Regni conveniant Vid. Curt. Tract Feud Par. 4. Num. 129. There seems greater difficulty to arise from 13 Eliz. c. 2. by which it is enacted that if any person shall affirm that the Parliament of England has not full power to bind and govern the Crown in point of Succession and descent that such a person during the Queens life shall be guilty of High-Treason But to this Act it is answered that this Act does not debar the next legal and natural Successor and these words That the Parliament has power to bind and Govern the Succession must be as all other general expressions in Statutes interpreted and restricted by other uncontroverted Laws and so the sense must be that the Parliament is judge where there are differences betwixt Competitors in nice and controvertable Points which cannot be otherwise decided and both this and the former Acts made in Henry the VI. time are not general Laws but temporary Acts and personal Priviledges and so cannot overturn the known current of Law Quod vero contra rationem juris receptum est non est producendum ad consequentias And in all these instances it is remarkable that the restriction was made upon the desire of the Soveraign and not of the Subject And if we look upon this Act as made to secure them against Mary Queen of Scotland and to let her know that it was to no purpose for her to design any thing against the Right or Person of Queen Elizabeth as being declar'd a Bastard by Act of Parliament in England since her other Right as next undoubted Heir by Blood to the Crown might be altered or Govern'd we must acknowledge it to be only one of these Statutes which the Law sayes are made ad terrorem ex terrore only Nor was there ever use made of it by Queen Elizabeth nor her Parliaments so fully were they convinc'd that this pretended power was so unjust as that it could not be justified by an Act of Parliament being contrary to the Laws of God of Nature of Nations and of the Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms But this Law being made to exclude Queen Mary and the Scottish line as is clear by that clause wherein it is declared that every Person or Persons of what degree or Nation soever they be shall during the Queens life declare or publish that they have Right to the Crown of England during the Queens life shall be disinabled to enjoy the Crown in Succession inheritance or otherwayes after the
Queens death It therefore follows that it was never valid For if it had King James might have thereby been excluded by that person who should have succeeded next to the Scottish Race For it 's undeniable that Queen Mary did during Q. Elizabeths Life pretend Right to the Crown upon the account that Queen Elizabeth was declared Bastard And therefore the calling in of King James after this Act and the acknowledging his Title does clearly evince That the Parliament of England knew that they had no power to make any such Act The words of which acknowledgment of King James's Right I have thought fit to set down as it is in the Statute it self 1 Jac. Cap. 1. That the Crown of England did descend upon King James by inherent Birthright as being lineally justly and lawfully next and sole Heir of the Blood Royal. And to this Recognition they do submit themselves and Posterities for ever until the last drop of their Blood be spilt And further doth beseech His Majesty to accept of the same Recognition as the first Fruits of their Loyalty and Faith to His Majesty and to His Royal Progeny and Posterity for ever It may be also objected That by the 8 Act. Parl. 1. Ja. 6. it is provided in Scotland that all Kings and Princes that shall happen to Reign and bear Rule over that Kingdom shall at the time of their Coronation make their faithful promise by Oath in presence of the eternal God that they shall maintain the true Religion of Jesus Christ the preaching of the Holy Word and due and right Administration of the Sacraments now received and preach'd within this Kingdom from which two Conclusions may be inferr'd 1. That by that Act the Successor to the Crown may be restricted 2. That the Successor to the Crown must be a Protestant that being the Religion which was professed and established the time of this Act. To which it is answered That this Act relates only to the Crowning of the King and not to the Succession Nor is a Coronation absolutely necessary Coronatio enim magis est ad ostentationem quam ad necessitatem Nec ideo Rex est quia coronatur sed coronatur quia Rex est Oldrad consil 90. num 7. Balbus lib. de coronat pag. 40. Nor do we read that any Kings were Crown'd in Scripture except Joas And Clovis King of France was the first who was Crown'd in Europe Nor are any Kings of Spain Crown'd till this day Sisenandus was the first who in the fourth Tolletan Council gave such an Oath amongst the Christians as Trajan was the first amongst the Heathen Emperours And we having had no Coronation Oath till the Reign of King Gregory which was in Anno 879. he having found the Kingdom free from all Restrictions could not have limited his Successor or at least could not have debarr'd him by an Oath Nullam enim poterat legem dictare posteris cum par in parem non habeat imperium as our Blackwood observes pag. 13. 2. There is no Clause irritant in this Act debarring the Successor or declaring the Succession Null in case his Successor gave not this Oath 3. The Lawful Successor though he were of a different Religion from his People as God forbid he should be may easily swear That he will maintain the Laws now standing And any Parliament may legally secure the Successor from overturning their Religion or Laws though they cannot debar him And though the Successor did not swear to maintain the Laws yet are they in little danger by his Succession since all Acts of Parliament stand in force till they be repeal'd by subsequent Parliaments and the King cannot repeal an Act without the consent of Parliament But to put this beyond all debate the 2d Act of this current Parliament is opposed whereby it is declared That the Right and Administration of the Government is immediately devolv'd upon the next lawful Heir after the death of the King or Queen and that no difference in Religion nor no Law nor Act of Parliament can stop or hinder them in the free and actual Administration Which is an abrogation of the foresaid Act concerning the Coronation as to this Point for how can the administration be devolv'd immediately upon the Successor if he cannot administer till he be Crown'd and have sworn this Oath And therefore King James urges very well That sure immediately upon the death of the last King the Successor acquires a Right they who debar the Successor do not exclude a Successor from entering but debar a righteous King And by Act 2. Parl. 1. Sess 2. Ch. 2. It is declar'd Treason to suspend the King from the Stile Honour or Kingly Name And whereas Dolman urges That at all Coronations the People are ask'd If they will have such a King It is answered That this is no necessary Solemnity and is done rather to give the People occasion to shew their affection than their power even as a Gentleman in England is appointed to offer Dueâ— to any who would controvert the King's Right who is to be Crown'd notwithstanding of which offer he who would controvert the Title would certainly commit Treason Nor can it be deni'd from our History but that many of our Kings have reign'd long before they were Crown'd and that those who rebell'd against them before their Coronation were as legally Traytors as those who rebell'd after it All Kings number the years of their Reign from their Predecessors death and not from their Coronation They grant new Commissions and Judicatures who should understand Law best of all others decide in their Name and by their Authority before they be Crown'd So that I cannot but smile at Dolman's Conceit who says That a King before his Coronation is betroth'd but not a King espous'd to the Commonwealth till his Coronation and consequently may till then be rejected But this is a meer Whimsie and Scholastick Conceit for sure he acts as King and since they who oppose him commit Treason it is certain that he cannot be rejected and the solid Right of Blood and not airy Formalities make Kings Nor can I understand how Election and Birth can be join'd to compleat the excellency of Hereditary Monarchy as Doleman teaches for make it our Elective upon the unfitness of the Successor and all Successors shall be call'd unfit and unable to govern when a Faction resolves to set up a Rival though he be really yet more unfit than the true Heir is The next Objection is That since the King and Parliament may by Act of Parliament alter the Successions of private Families though transmitted by the Right of Blood why may they not alter the Succession in the Royal Family To which it is answered that the reason of the difference lyes in this that the Heirs of the Crown owe not their Succession to Parliaments for they succeed by the Laws of God Nature and the Fundamental Laws of the Nation whereas private Families are
JVS REGIVM Or The Just and Solid FOUNDATIONS OF Monarchy In General And more especially OF THE MONARCHY of SCOTLAND Maintain'd against Buchannan Naphtali Dolman Milton c. By Sir GEORGE MACKENZIE His Majesties Advocate in Scotland 1 Sam. x. 26 27. And there went with Saul a band of men whose hearts God had touched But the children of Belial said How shall this man save us And they despis'd him and brought him no Presents but he held his peace London Printed for R. Chiswel at the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church-yard 1684. TO THE University OF OXFORD THE King my Master and His Royal Brother being by their Natural Goodness inclin'd to pardon all Crimes except Flattery and by their Modesty to think all that Flattery which can be justly said of them I could not in Prudence dedicate this Book to Them since the First Part of it concerns The Right of the Monarchy And the second The Right of the Successor And therefore since to support a Crown is the next Honour to the bearing it this Dedication was due to you who have both in the last Rebellion and this Factious Age maintain'd the Royal Interest so learnedly and generously Your late Decisions against the Fanaticks have almost made my Reasonings useless for your Authority will weigh as much as any private Man's Arguments And what should have more Credit amongst Men than an illustrious Company of learn'd and pious Divines deciding for their Duty and Conscience against their Interest and Vanity Men who wish for no Crown save in Heaven and desire no Power save over their own Lusts and Passions To the Episcopal Church God hath fulfilled that promise of making Kings their Nursing Fathers the true Heirs and best Scholars of the Primitive Church happier than it in this that they do practise its Virtues without its Necessities and need not Poverty to make them Humble nor Armies to make them Loyal And who in it are so happy as you who can be Submissive without being Slaves Firm without being Opinionated Zealous without being Cruel and Pious without being Bigot To whom I cannot wish greater Blessings than that your Fame may grow as great as your Loyalty That your University may continue prosperous till another grow more Learn'd and that all honest Men may be as ready to serve you as Your Sincere Well-wisher and Humble Servant Geo. Mackenzie TO THE Reader BUchannan's Book De Jure Regni being lately Translated and many Copies dispers'd His Majesties Advocate in Duty to the King and Compassion to the People who are thus like to be poyson'd has written this Answer which was necessary notwithstanding of the learned Answers made by Barclay and Blackwood since beside that theirs are in Latin and so not useful to the People it is conceiv'd they understood not fully our Law nor was our Law so clear then as now Many Arguments have been invented since their time by Dolman Milton Nephthali c. and Experience has open'd our Eyes much since their time Blackwood's Arguments are calculated for the Romish Church and Barclay has mistaken essential Points Theirs run upon History and Philology this upon our Law the Laws of Nations Reason and Conveniency and I am afraid it will be said that there are too many new thoughts in mine THE Just Right OF MONARCHY In general but more especially of the KINGS of SCOTLAND asserted against Buchannan and others LVCIFER might in Reason have contented himself with that share of Knowledge Glory and Power which was bestowed upon him by his Almighty and Bountiful Soveraign And Adam should have rested satisfied with the Glory of having been made after the Image of God and with being his Lieutenant in this lower World But there are such strong Charms in Ambition and Vanity that the one resolved to hazard all that he possessed as being second rather than not try if he could be the first and the other desiring to improve his present share forfeited those excellencies which he enjoyed How jealous then should frail and fallen man be in debates with those whom the Almighty has appointed to be his Vicegerents amongst them and to whom he has said Ye are Gods And how hard is it for us to conquer that Vice which the one could not resist though he was all Light and the other though he was all Innocence What Nations under Heaven were so happy as we under the Reign of King Charles the First Secure against all Invasion from abroad by the situation of our Country and from all Oppression at home by its Laws and the gracious Concessions of our excellent Monarchs But more especially in that Age by the innate Vertues of that King who was severe to none but to himself and whose Prerogatives no Laws could bound so much as His own Goodness did And yet weary with the burden of our own prosperity we lusted after new improvements of Liberty and Property And after we had emptied our own Veins and Purses in fighting for these all we gained was to be Slaves and Beggars And having kill'd for Religion a King who had more of it than all who fought against him we split our own Church into a thousand pieces and from its murthered Body did arise those Sectarians like so many Worms and Insects But yet God Almighty desiring to try us once more and make us for ever inexcusable did not only deliver us from that Slavery that we had drawn upon our selves but because we were all Crimes he gave us a King who was all Clemency and who deserves to have been Elected if he had not been born our King And yet after that he had also condescended to all our new Extravagancies and that by His Conduct all Sciences flourish and Trade is so increased that Riches are become a Plague We are now troubled with Jealousies because we can be troubled with nothing else And murmuring against the gentlest and best of Kings we are tormented daily with Apparitions Visions Plots Pamphlets and Libels But under whom can we expect to be free from Arbitrary Government when we were and are afraid of it under King Charles the First and King Charles the Second And what King or Government can be secure from those who Conspire the death of this most merciful Prince and of this so ancient and so well moulded Government Amongst the other wicked Instruments in these Rebellions I must confess that our Country-men Buchannan one of the chief Ornaments and Reproaches of his native Country the Authors of Lex Rex Naphtali and Jus Populi Vindicatum have been Ring-leaders who have endeavoured extreamly to poyson this Nation by perswading the People 1. That our Monarchs derive their Rights from them 2. That therefore since they derive their Right from the People they are accountable to them for their administration and consequently they may be suspended or deposed by them 3. That the People may Reform without them and may rise in Arms against them if the Monarch hinder
Dominium directum a right of Superiority as all Superiors have and that the people on whom he has bestowed those Lands are oblig'd to concur in the expence with him for the defence of it For as if he had retain'd the Property he would have been able with the Fruits and Rents to have defended it So it is not agreeable to sense or reason that they to whom he has granted it should not be oblig'd to defend it especially seeing all the Rights made by the King are in Law presum d meer Donations For it cannot be deny'd but that all Lands were originally granted by the King and so must have originally belong'd to himself for no person can give what is not his own and our Law acknowledgeth that all Lands belong to the King except where the present Heretor can instruct a Right flowing from our King and that he is the Fountain of Property as well as of Justice 2. In Law all who are ingag'd in a Society as to any thing that is the Subject of the Society should contribute to its preservation and therefore the King having the Dominium directum and the Vassal Dominium utile it follows that the Vassals of the Kingdom should contribute towards its preservation and the King may expect justly an equal Contribution towards the defraying the necessary expence and thence it was that by our old Law all Heretors were obliged to furnish some unum Militem unum Sagittarium or Equitem Some a Bow-man some a Souldier some a Horse-man But afterwards the King having changed those Tenures or because all betwixt 60. and 16. were obliged to come to the Field with 40. dayes Provision which was all that was then necessary it follows that now that way of making War being altered the Subjects should contribute towards the way that is necessary for defending the Kingdom 3. The King by His Forces protects our Persons and by his Navies protects our Commerce by His Ambassadors manages all our publick Affairs and by His Officers and Judges administrates Justice to us And so it is just that all this should be done at our expences and that we should defray the publick expences of the Government and so much the rather because by a special Statute with us it is declared that the King may impose what He pleases on all that is imported or may forbid us to export any thing without which we could not live and what ever he gets from us he distributes amongst us without applying one shilling of it to his own private use The King or whoever has the management of the Government have in the opinion of Lawyers Dominium eminens a Paramount and Transcendent Right over even private Estates in case of necessity when the common Interest cannot be otherwise maintained and this Grotius though no violent friend to Monarchy doth assert very positively and clearly l. 1. c. 1. § 6. l. 3. c. 19. num 7. and it cannot be denied but that a King may take any mans Lands and build a Garison upon it paying for it and that in case of a Siege the King may order whole Suburbs to be burnt down for the security of the Town And whence is this power save from that Paramount and Supereminent Right that the King has over all private Estates for the good of the whole Society and Kingdom Nor can it be denyed but that the King may in time of War Quarter freely and it is in his power to declare War when or where he pleases Nor do the former Statutes contradict this for they exclude not Necessity that has no Law and is it self that Law which gave David right to eat the Shew-bread and the Christian Emperours right to sell the Goods of the Church for maintaining their Armies with consent of the Primitive Fathers and this is so necessarily inherent in all administration that the very Master of a Ship has power to throw overboard the Goods of Passengers and Merchants in a storm for the preservation of the Ship And they are not enemies to the King only but to themselves who would deny the King this power The third Classis of Arguments that I am to use against these Principles shall be from Reason and Experience to fortifie and corroborate our positive Law and the nature of our Monarchy for since humane Reason it self is lyable to so many Errors and since men when they differ are so wedded to their own Sentiments that few are so wise as to see their own mistakes or so ingenuous as to confess them when they see them Therefore Prudence and Necessity have obliged men to end all Debates by making Laws and it is very great vanity and insolence in any private men to justify their own private Sense against the publick Laws that is to say the Authoritative Sentiments and the legal Sense of the Nation If we were then to Establish a new Monarchy were it not prudent and reasonable for us to consider what were the first Motives which induced our Predecessors to a Monarchy and Boethius and Lesly both tell us That lest they might be distracted by obeying too many it was therefore fit to submit to one if then this Reason was of force at first to make us submit to a Monarchy it should still prevail with us to obey that Monarchy and not gape idely after every new Model Ne multos Reges sibi viderentur creare summam rerum aut optimatibus aut ipsi multitudini permittere aspernabantur sayes Boethius fol. 6 Here the advantages of being govern'd by Aristocracie or Democracie were expresly considered and rejected so that we have our Predecessors choice founded on their way of Reasoning added to the Authority of our Law and after we their Successors had seen the mischiefs arising from the pretences of Liberty and Property with all the advantages that seeming Devotion could add to these Our Representatives after two thousand years experience and after a fresh Idaea of a long Civil War wherein the Arguments and Reasons produced by Buchannan were fortified and seconded by thousands of Debates They did by many passionate Confessions and positive Laws acknowledge That the present Constitution of our Monarchy is most excellent Act 1 Par. 1. Char. 2. That inevitable prejudices and miseries do accompany the invading the Royal Prerogative Act 4. That all the troubles and miseries they had suffered had sprung from these Invasions Act 11. That all the bondage they had groaned under was occasioned by these Distractions Act 2. Par. Sess 2. Ch. 2. So that we have here also a Series of Parliaments attesting the reasonableness of the Constitution of our Monarchy and His Majesties Prerogatives 2. We must not conclude any thing unreasonable or unfit because there are some inconveniencies in it for all humane Constitutions have their own defects But I dare say the Principles of my Adversaries have more than mine for Common-wealths are not only subject to err because they have their
of the Kings of Great Britain since the States of Parliament are only call'd by the King and derive their Authority from him and the Legislative Power is solely in the King the States of Parliament being only Consenters he not they can only make Peace and War and grant Remissions and against him and not them Treason only is committed and the Law Books of both Nations do affirm that the King is Supream and consequently even according to Calvin's Doctrine neither his People nor any of their Representatives can justly oppose and much less punish him I know that Grotius is by the Republicans and the Fanaticks oft-times cited to defend this their Doctrine of opposing Princes but though his Testimony might be justly rejected as being himself born under a Commonwealth yet he is most impudently cited for he lib. 1. cap. 4. does positively lay down as a general and undoubted Rule That Summum imperium tenentibus resisti non potest Those who have the Supream Power cannot lawfully be resisted which Rule he founds upon the Principles of Reason the Authority of Scripture and the Practice of the Primitive Church and though he limits the same thereafter by some exceptions yet it will easily appear that these exceptions extend not at all to our Case For the first relates only to such Kings as have receiv'd their Power with express condition that they may be tryed by other Magistrates The second to such as have voluntarily resign'd their Empire as Charles the 5th did and so the one may be oppos'd because they were only Titular Kings and the other because they left off to be Kings and consequently we are concerned in neither of these Cases The third limitation is only in the Case where he who was truly a King has alienated his Kingdom to Strangers In which Case Grotius does contend That Subjects may refuse to obey because he ceaseth to be their King But as this is not our Case so even in that Case Grotius is very clear that if this alienation be made by an Hereditary Monarch the alienation is null as being done in prejudice of the lawful Successor but he does not at all assert that the Monarch may be thereupon depos'd by his People The fourth relates only to such Kings as from a hatred to their Countrey design its Destruction and utter Ruine but as he confesseth himself Id vix accidere potest in Rege mentis compote and consequently can take only place in a mad Man in which Case all Laws allow the Kingdom to be rul'd by Governours and Administrators in the King's Name if the madness be Natural and a Total depravation of Sence But if by Madness be meant a moral Madness and design to ruin the Kingdom and the Subjects as was and is most impiously pretended against King CHARLES the first and King CHARLES the 2 d the best and most reasonable of Kings then Opposition in such Cases is not at all warranted by Grotius who speaks only of a Physical and Natural Madness for else every thing that displeaseth the people should be call'd Madness and so the exception should not limit but overturn the general rule and should Arm all Subjects to rebel against their Princes and make them the Soveraign Judges in all Cases Which is inconsistent with Grotius's own Doctrine and is excellently refuted by his own Reasons The fifth relates only to Kings who by the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom are ty'd to such and such Conditions so as that if they fail in them they may be oppos'd The sixth relates only to Kingdoms where the Power is equally divided betwixt the King and the Senate The seventh is in case the King was at first invested by the People with express reservation to them to resist in such and such Cases and so is almost the same with the fifth and all these three differ little from the first And with Grotius's good leave they err also in this that they are not properly exceptions from his own rule for the rule being only that Supream Powers cannot be resisted these Powers are not Supream and they needed not be caution'd by an exception since they did not fall under the rule But neither of these Cases extend to us since our King is by the Acts of Parliament formerly cited declared to be Supream over all Persons and in all Causes nor made our Predecessors any such express reservations at the first erection of the Monarchy and consequently by Grotius own positive Doctrine cannot be resisted And so far is Grotius an enemy to such Fanatical Resistance upon the Pretence of Liberty and Religion that num 6. he calls the Authors of those Opinions Time-Servers only And Gronovius a violent Republican and Fanatick taxes him extreamly for it in his Observations upon that fourth Chapter whose Arguments produc'd against Grotius I shall answer amongst the other Objections Gronovius's first Argument why it should be lawful to resist the Supream Magistrate in defence of Religion is because if it be not Lawful for Subjects to Arm themselves for Religion against their Prince it should not be lawful for their Prince by the same rule to defend himself against Turks and Infidels who would endeavour to force him to comply with their Impieties But to this it is answered That Resistance to Superiors is expresly forbid by the Laws of God and Nature as is said but this cannot be extended to Cases where there is no Subjection nor Allegiance and it may be as well argu'd that because one private man may beat another who offers to strike him that therfore a Child may beat his Parent or a Servant his Master or that because I may violently resist a private man who offers to take away my Goods unjustly that therefore I may oppose the Sentence of the Magistrate because I forsooth do not think the same just His second shift is That our Saviour commanded only absolute submission without resistance in the Infancy of the Church when he himself was miraculously to asist his own Servants but this Submission was to end with the Miracles to which it related As to which my answer is 1. That all Commands in Scripture may be so eluded nor is there any Duty more frequently and fully inculcated than this is and that too in the same Chapters amongst other Duties which are to last for ever such as Submission to Parents and Masters and this is founded upon plain reason and conveniency and not upon Miracles 2. This was receiv'd and acknowledged by the Pagans as has been fully prov'd though it cannot be pretended that they rely'd upon any such miraculous assistance 3. It cannot be deny'd but the Fathers of the Primitive Church did recommend and justifie themselves in their Apologies to the Heathen Emperours for bearing patiently when they were able not only to have resisted but to have overthrown their Persecuters as is clear by the Citations out of Tertullian Cyprian Lactantius Augustine and others to be seen in
their consent But that can never amount to a power of transferring the Monarchy from one branch to another which would require that the Transferrers or Bestowers had the Supreme Power originally in themselves Nemo enim plus juris in alium transferre potest quam ipse in se habet And if the States of Parliament had this power originally in themselves to bestow why might they not reserve it to themselves and so perpetuate the Government in their own hands And this mov'd Judge Jenkins in his Treatise concerning the Liberty and Freedom of the Subject pag. 25. to say that no King can be named or in any time made in this Kingdom by the People A Parliament never made a King for there were Kings before there were Parliaments and Parliaments are summoned by the King's Writs Fourthly A King cannot in Law alienate his Crown as is undeniable in the Opinion of all Lawyers and if he do that deed is void and null nor could he in Law consent to an Act of Parliament declaring that he should be the last King And if such Consents and Acts had been sufficient to bind Successors many silly Kings in several parts of Europe had long since been prevailed upon to alter their Monarchy from Hereditary to Elective or to turn it into a Commonwealth and therefore by the same Reason they cannot consent to exclude the true Successor For if they may exclude one they may exclude all Fifthly In all Societies and Governments but especially where there is any association of Powers as in our Parliaments there are certain Fundamentals which like the noble parts in the Body are absolutely necessary for its preservation for without these there would be no Ballance or Certainty And thus with us If the King and each of the Estates of Parliament had not distinct and known limits set by the gracious Concessions of our Monarchs each of them would be ready to invade one another's Priviledges And thus I conceive that if the Parliament should consent to alienate half of the Kingdom or to subject the whole to a Stranger as in King John's Case in England and the Baliols in Scotland it has been found by the respective Parliaments of both Kingdoms that that Statute would not oblige the Successor Or if the House of Commons in England or the Boroughs of Scotland should consent to any Act excluding their Estate and Representatives from the Parliament doubtless that Statute excluding them would not prejudge their Successors because that Act were contrary to one of the Fundamental Laws of the Nation And the late Acts of Parliaments excluding Bishops were reprobated by the ensuing Parliaments as such and therefore by the same Rule any Statute made excluding the Legal Successor would be null and void as contrary to one of the great Fundamental Rights of the Nation And what can be call'd more a Fundamental Right than the Succession of our Monarchy Since our Monarchy in this Isle has ever been acknowledg'd to be Hereditary And that this Acknowledgment is the great Basis whereupon most of all the Positions of our Law run and are established such as That the King never dies since the very moment in which the last King dies the next Successor in Blood is Legally King and that without any express Recognizance from the People and all that oppose Him are Rebels His Commissions are valid He may call Parliaments dispose of the Lands belonging to the Crown all men are liable to do him Homage and hold their Rights of Him and His Heirs And generally this Principle runs through all the veins of our Law it is that which gives life and authority to our Statutes but receives none from them which are the undeniable Marks and Characters of a Fundamental Right in all Nations But that this Right of Lineal Succession is one of the Fundamental and Unalterable Laws of the Kingdom of Scotland is clear by the Commission granted by the Parliament for the Union in Anno 1604. in which these words are His Majesty vouchsafing to assure them or His sincere disposition and clear meaning no way by the foresaid Vnion to prejudge of hurt the fundamental Laws ancient Priviledges Offices and Liberties of this Kingdom whereby not only the Princely Authority of His most Royal Descent hath been these many Ages maintain'd but also His Peoples Securities of their Lands and Livings Rights Libertie Offices and Dignities preserv'd Which if they should be innovated such Confusion would ensue as it could no more be free Monarchy Sixthly There would many great Inconveniencies arise both to King and People by the Parliaments having this Power For weak Kings might by their own simplicity and gentle Kings by the Rebellion of their Subjects be induced to consent to such Acts in which their Subjects would be tempted to cheat in the one Case and rebel in the other Many Kings likewise might be wrought upon by the importunity of their Wives or Concubines or by the misrepresentations of Favourites to disinherit the true Successor and He likewise to prevent this Arbitrariness would be oblig'd to enter in a Faction for His own Support from His very Infancy This would likewise animate all of the Blood Royal to strive for the Throne and in order thereunto they would be easily induc'd to make Factions in the Parliament and to hate one another whereas the true Successor would be ingag'd to hate them all and to endeavour the Ruine of such as he thought more Popular than himself and every new Successor would use new Ministers Officers Methods and Designs whereas the apparent Heir uses those whom his Predecessor preferr'd Nor would the People be in better Case since they ought to expect upon all these accounts constant Civil Wars and Animosities and by being unsure whom to follow might be in great hazard by following him who had no Right And their Rights bearing to hold of the King and his Heirs it would be dubious to the Vassals who should be their Superior as well as who should be their King It is also in reason to be expected that Scotland will ever own the Legal Descent And thus we should under different Kings of the same Race be involved in new and constant Civil Wars France shall have a constant door open'd by Alliances with Scotland to disquiet the Peace of the whole Isle and England shall lose all the endeavours it used to unite this Isle within it self Another great Absurdity and Inconveniency which would follow upon the exclusion of the lineal Successor would be that if he had a Son that Son ought certainly to succeed and therefore after the next Lawful Heir were brought from abroad to Reign he ought to return upon the Birth of this Son and if he dyed he would be again call'd home and would be sent back by the Birth of another Son which would occasion such affronts uncertainties divisions factions temptations that I am sure no good nor wise man could admit of such a
project I find also that as the debarring the Right Heir is in reason the fruitful seed of all Civil War and misery for who can imagine that the Right Heir will depart from his Right or that wise men will endanger their lives and fortunes in opposition to it so experience has demonstrated how dangerous and bloody this injustice has prov'd Let us remember amongst many Domestick examples the miseries that ensu'd upon the exclusion of Mordredus the Son of Lothus the destruction of the Picts for having secluded Alpinus the Right Heir the Wars during the Reign of William the Conqueror those betwixt King Stephen and Henry the II betwixt the Houses of Lancaster and York betwixt the Bruce and the Baliol the murther of Arthur Duke of Britanny true Heir of the Crown of England with many other foreign Histories which tell us of the dreadful mischiefs arising from Pelops preferring his youngest Son to the Kingdom of Micene from Aedipus commanding that Polinices his youngest Son should reign alternately with the eldest from Parisatis the Queen of Persia's preferring her youngest Son Cyrus to her eldest Artaxerxes from Aristodemus admitting his two Sons Proclus and Euristhenes to an equal share in the Lacedaemonian Throne The like observations are to be made in the Succession of Ptolemaeus Lagus and Ptolemaeus Phisco In the Sons of Severus in the Succession of of Sinesandus who kill'd his Brother Suintilla Righteous Heir of Spain and that of Francis and Fortia Duke of Millan with thousands of others In all which either the Usurpers or the Kingdom that obey'd them perish'd utterly To prevent which differences and mischiefs the Hungarians would not admit Almus the younger Brother in exclusion of the elder Colomanus though a silly deform'd Creature albeit Almus was preferr'd by Ladislaus the Kings eldest Brother to both Nor would France acquiesce in St. Lewis's preferring CHARLES's third Son to Lewis the Eldest And the English refus'd to obey Lady Jean Gray in prejudice of Queen Mary though a Papist and persecuter Tali constanti veneratione nos Angli legi timos Reges prosequimur c. says an English Historian Seventhly If Parliaments had such Powers as this then our Monarchy would not be hereditary but elective the very essence of an hereditary Monarchy consisting in the right of Succession according to the contingency of blood Whereas if the Parliament can prefer the next save one they may prefer the last of all the Liue for the next save one is no more next than the last is next And the same reason by which they can chuse a Successor which can only be that they have a Power above him should likewise in my opinion justifie their deposing of Kings And since the Successor has as good right to succeed as the present King has to Govern for that Right of blood which makes him first makes the other next and all these Statutes which acknowledge the present Kings Prerogatives acknowledge that they belong to him and his Heirs it follows clearly that if the Parliament can preclude the one they may exclude the other And we saw even in the last age that such reasons as are now urged to incapacitate the Children of our last Monarch from the hope of Succession viz. Popery and arbitrary Government did embolden men to Dethrone and Murder the Father himself who was actual King Eighthly That such Acts of Parliament altering the Succession are ineffectual and null is clear from this that though such an Act of Parliament were made it could not debar the true Successor because by the Laws of all Nations and particularly of these Kingdoms the right of Succession purges all defects and removes all impediments which can prejudge him who is to Succeed And as Craig one of our learn'd Lawyers has very well express'd it tanta est Regii sanguinis praerogativa dignitas ut vitium non admittat nec se contaminarep atiatur And thus though he who were to succeed had committed Murther or were declar'd a Traitor formerly to the Crown for open Rebellion against the King and Kingdom yet he needed not be restor'd by Act of Parliament upon his coming to the Crown But his very Right of blood would purge all these imperfections Of which there are reasons given by Lawyers one is that no man can be a Rebel against himself nor can the King have a Superior And consequently there can be none whom he can offend And it were absurd that he who can restore all other men should need to be restored himself The second reason is because the punishment of crimes such as confiscations c. are to be inflicted by the Kings Authority or to fall to the Kings Thesaury and it were most absurd that a man should exact from himself a punishment Like as upon this account it is that though in the Canon Law Bastards cannot be promoted to sacred orders without dispensation nor can alibi nati that is to say People born out of England be admitted to succeed in England by express Act of Parliament there Yet Agapaetus Theodorus Gelasius and many others have been admitted to be Popes without any formal dispensation their election clearing that imperfection And the Statute of alibi nati has been oft found not to extend to the Royal Line That the Succession to the Crown purges all defects is clear by many instances both at home and abroad The instances at home are in England Henry the VI. Being disabled and attainted of High-Treason by Act of Parliament it was found by the Judges notwithstanding that from the moment he assum'd the Crown he had Right to succeed without being restored And the like was resolved by the Judges in the case of Henry the VII as Bacon observes in his History of Henry the VII Fol. 13. And in the case of Queen Elizabeth who was declar'd Bastard by Act of Parliament as is clear by Cambden anno 2 Elizabeth And though in Scotland there be no express instances of this because though some Rebellious Ring-leaders in Scotland have often in a private capacity been very injurious to their King Yet their Parliaments have been ever very tender of attainting the Blood-Royal or presumptive Heirs But Alexander Duke of Albany and his Succession being declared Traitours by his Brother King James the IV his Son John was notwithstanding called home from France upon his Uncles death and declar'd Tutor and Governour without any remission or being restor'd That Employment being found to be due to him by the right of Blood Therefore he had been much more declared the true Successor of the Crown if his Cousin King James the V. had died These being sufficient to establish our design I shall mention only some forraign stories CHARLES the VII of France who though banish'd by Sentence of the Parliament of Paris did afterwards succeed to the Crown And though Lewis the XII was forfeited for taking up Arms against CHARLES the VIII yet he succeeded to him
thereafter King Robert the 2 d. his eldest Son and Heir but the attestation of the Grand-Uncle King David who could be no ways byassed in the Affair and here he is ranked before the three eldest Earls in the Nation who were then the three first Subjects therein and it is against all Sense to think that the whole Bishops would have sought the consent of the said John as Apparent Heir of the Crown if he had not been Apparent Heir I find also that Fordon calls him when he is crown'd King Primogenitus Roberti secundi nor was there the least opposition made to his Coronation nor to the Coronation of Annabella Drummond his Queen a Daughter of the House of Stob-hall now Pearth though both the Sons of the second Marriage were then alive I find also that Boetius himself acknowledges that the Earl of Marches Son George being pursu'd for having married clandestinely one of the Daughters of Eliz. Muir his defence was that he married her when she was the Daughter of a private Subject and before King Robert was King whereas if she had been only a Bastard-Daughter it could have been no Crime to have married her 7. Walter who they pretend should have succeeded to the Crown having kill'd his Nephew King James the first Son to King Robert the 3 d He was not only not own'd after the death of the said King James as certainly he had been if his Title had been good and his Right so recent and demonstrable having so many great and powerful Relations that his Father was induc'd upon their account to marry his Mother but yet the said Walter was by all the Parliament unanimously condemn'd as a Traitor for having conspir'd the death of his lawful Prince Nor does Boetius justifie Walter 's Title in the least but on the contrary magnifies the Parliament for their just Sentence As did likewise Aeneas Silvius the Popes learned Legat who exhorted the Parliament to condemn him 8. How is it imaginable that King Robert who had so lately and after a strong Competition come to the Crown would have adventur'd to make his Title yet more disputable by preferring a Bastard to the true Heir who had so many Friends by his Mother and who being an Infant had never disoblig'd him 9. If we will consider the opinion of the Civilians whom we and almost all Nations follow in the Cases of Succession we will find that the said King Robert the third was the eldest and lawful Son of King Robert the second Filius legitimus non legitimatus For 1. They conclude that a Son is prov'd to be a lawful Son by the Assertion of the Father Alciat tract praesumpt Reg. 1. praesumpt 2. numb 6. and certainly the Father is the best Judge in such Cases but so it is we have the Father owning the said Robert the 3 d. to be his eldest Son and Heir both in Charters and Acts of Parliaments which are the most solemn of all Deeds 2. Quando pater instituit aliquem tanquam filium suum which holds in this Case where the Father institutes and leaves him Heir and the Parliament swears Allegiance to him as the Heir Muscard de prob vol. 2. conclus 799. And in dubious Cases the Father's naming such a man as a Son presumes him to be a lawful Son nominatio parentis indueit filiationem in dubio l. ex facto § si quis Rogatus ff ad trebell 3. Even Fame and the common opinion of the People do in favours of these that are in Possession and in antient Cases prove filiationem legitimationem Mascard conclus 792. but much more where the Fame and common Opinion is supported by other Arguments fulgos consil 128. Panorm in cap. transmiss qui filii sunt legitimi 4. When Writs are produc'd calling a man a Son the Law concludes him to be a lawful Son Muscard vol. 2. conclus 800. num 15. all which can be easily subsum'd in our Case In which Robert the 3 d. is nam'd not only Son but Heir and Allegiance sworn to him even in the life-time of the second Wife and her Relations sitting in Paliament and all this acquiesc'd in for many hundreds of years and the Competitors punish'd as Traitors by the unanimous consent of all the Parliament I know that Buchannan does most bitterly inveigh against those Laws made by King Kenneth the 3 d as Laws whereby the ancient Right of Succession was innovated and whereby the Government was setled upon Children who were neither able to consult with the People nor to defend them and whereby those had the Government of the Nation conferr'd upon them who were not capable to Govern themselves To which my Answer is That in this Buchanan's Malice contradicts his History for his own History tells us That the Scots swore Allegiance to Fergus and his Posterity and consequently Fergus's Son ought by Law to have succeeded and not his Brother for his Brother was none of his Posterity and therefore those Laws made by King Kenneth did but renew the old Law and the Innovation introduc'd in favours of the Uncles was a subversion of the fundamental Law to which they had sworn 2. That the old Law was not abrogated but was in Being by vertue of the first Oath appears very clear by Buchanan himself who confesses that upon the death of Durstus a wicked Prince it was debated whether his Son should not succeed juxta sacramentum Fergusio praestitum veteremque esse morem servandum which acknowledgeth that the Succession was even in those days established by Law by Oath and by Custom and after the death of Fergus the second his Son Eugenius though a Minor was Crown'd and his Uncle Graemus allow'd to be his Guardian And Buchanan also brings in Bishop Kennedy lib. 12. praising this Law as made by Kenneth a most wise and glorious Prince with advice of all his Estates of Parliament and which rather confirms as he says the old Law than introduces a new one So far did Buchanan's Rage against Queen Mary prevail with him to praise and rail at the same individual Law and it is observable that it is very dangerous to recede once from fundamental Laws for Buchanan makes not only the Succession Elective but he makes no difference betwixt lawful Children and Bastards and excludes not only Minors during the Uncle's life but Women for ever 3. In all Nations where the Monarchy is Hereditary Minors succeed and so this innovation of causing the next Male succeed for all his Life was contrary to the Nature of the Monarchy and to the Customs of all Nations and God in Scripture gives us many instances of it Joas succeeded when he was seven years of age Josiah when he was eight Manasseh in twelve and Azariah in sixteen And yet in those days God is said to have chosen the King for it is said in Deuteronomy Thou shalt set over thee the King whom I have chosen and consequently the choice of