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A41659 The court of the gentiles, or, A discourse touching the original of human literature, both philologie and philosophie, from the Scriptures and Jewish church. Part 2, Of philosophie in order to a demonstration of 1. The perfection of Gods word and church light, 2. The imperfection of natures light and mischief of vain philosophie, 3. The right use of human learning and especially sound philosophie / by Theoph. Gale ...; Court of the gentiles. Part 2 Gale, Theophilus, 1628-1678. 1670 (1670) Wing G138; ESTC R11588 456,763 496

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Synteresis 2. Actual which is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syneidesis 1. The Synteresis or habitual Light of Conscience is defined in the Scholes a natural habit of active Principles For as speculative Reason discourseth of Speculatives so Practick Reason of Practicks as therefore there are naturally implanted in us certain speculative Principles which appertain to Intelligence so also are there certain active Principles which belong to that natural habit of Conscience called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synteresis as Aquinas Part. 1. Q. 79. And this habitual Light or Law of Conscience is the same with Plato's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Law of fame which is elsewhere by him termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right reason as anon 2. The Actual Light or Law of Conscience called by the Ancients 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Conscience strictly taken So So Aquinas part 1. Quaest 79. Art 13. Conscience taken properly is not a power but an Act whereby we applie our Science to what we undertake which application is followed by Testification or Ligation or Excusation and Accusation By which it appears that the proper office of this Syneidesis is self reflection whence follows accusation or excusation c. as Rom. 2.15 And because this Reflexive Light of Conscience does necessarily suppose inward sense hence 't is oft called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sensation also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 synesis or sensate judgment So Aquinas Synesis or sensate judgment imports a right judgment about particular operables So Plato in his Th●aet makes all true Science to be a kind of Sensation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and more particularly in his Timaeus fol. 103 he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prudence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good sensation which exactly answers to the Scripture Phraseologie which sets forth this reflexive act of Conscience by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Phil. 1. ● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thence Heb. 5.14 we read of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The life of the new Creature as well as of the old consists in these self-reflective Acts of Conscience which spring from inward sense and feeling And Plato in his Alcibiad fol. 133 134. tells us That he that reflects upon himself his own Soul and Wisdom thereby becomes as it were omniscient whereas they who know not themselves know not what is good or evil for them nor yet what belongs to themselves or to other men such therefore can never make good Politicians or Oeconomicans c. In brief Self-reflexions or our actions upon our selves are of all the highest and noblest and those by which we live and work as men and perfect that part of the Soul called Conscience which directs all we doe according to Right Reason c. Thus much for the Subject of Prudence § 7. As for the Measure or rule of Moral Prudence we find it expressed in the forementioned Platonick definition under this notion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to right Reason This Platonick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is asserted in like manner by the Stoicks and others right Reason is the same with the Light or Law of Nature which is twofold 1. Subjective 2. Objective 1. As for Subjective Right reason Light or Law of Nature it is no other than those common Principles of Moralitie seated in that part of Conscience which they call Synteresis of which in the foregoing § 6. This seminarie of engrafted active notions or moral Principles is stiled by the Stoicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Common Law also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 right Reason against which say they nothing is to be done As Diog. Laert. in Zeno. 't is termed by Plato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law of Being so Plato Minos fol. 315. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where saies Serranus by this appellation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plato understands the Eternal law of Nature which amidst the various laws of Nations and their vic●ssitudes continues uniforme and the same and thence is truely termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Being therefore he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the right Reason of the Eternal Law and because our actions are to be measured by the Rule of these common notions therefore Plato names this Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Royal Law So agen Serranus in Plato de Legib. 8. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 delineation of this Eternal Law is this There is in the minds of all as soon as they are borne a certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacred Law 2. He that consecrates this law in his mind as a certain sacred is thereby furnished with an excellent remedie aganst the insolence and impotence of human lusts as it was said of the Tyrant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These Active principles contained in this internal law of conscience are generally stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common notions they were named by Zeno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Comprehensions because they comprehended the first seeds or principles of knowledge Cicero tells us that Epicurus called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anticipations as he translates the word because they supposed a Previous formation of things in the soul The Stoicks used the same terme likewise Chrysippus defined this natural law or conservatorie of common principles a natural Intelligence of those things which vniversally are Cicero stiles these common notions Inchoate Intelligences of which see Lud. Vives in August Civ lib. 8. cap. 7. The Scripture also stiles these Common principles fixed in Conscience a Law so Rom. 2.14 15. where the Gentiles are said to be a Law to themselves c. And indeed these common seeds of natural light are a private Law which God has deeply engraven on mens Consciences and is vniversally extensive unto all though with a latitude of degrees it being in some more in some lesse but in all in great measure obliterated and defaced since the fall It is also by Divines generally termed the Light or Law of Nature because it slows in and with and from Human Nature either immediately or mediately 2. As for the Objective 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason which Plato seems to have had some traditional notices of it contains those broken traditions of the Moral Law which were scattered up and down amongst the Gentiles That Plato had received some fragments of Gods Law and that by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason he does import the same seems very probable both from that expression in his Minos fol. 315. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law of Being i. e. of the first Being as he usually stiles God as also from that other expression of his Minos 317 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Right Reason is the Royal Law i. e. Gods Divine Law which is so stiled Jam. 2 8. In this sense Right Reason may be said as the Scholes will have it to give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse morale or moralitie to
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Temperance he stiles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the harmonie of the affections and Justice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a consent of Virtues and he gives this general Idea of Vice and Virtue Phaedo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vice is a disharmonie but Virtue an harmonie This harmonie or mediocritie of Virtue he makes to be also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a good order and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Symmetrie yea he makes the Virtue not only of the Soul but also of the bodie and of every thing else to consist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in order and rectitude whence he supposeth Eutax●e symmetrie and harmon●e to be the forme of the Vniverse Socrates also expressed this mediocritie of Virtue by harmonie as Stobaeus Ser. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The life being like a musical Instrument harmonized by intension and remission becomes sweet So agen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The harmonized life is most pleasant These several Ideas of Virtue are all comprehended under and expressed by Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mediocritie which implies the Eutaxie Symmetrie Vniform●tie and harmon●e of Virtuous affections and acts or if we would have all these notions of Virtue resolved into one we may take that of Plato calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectitude For indeed the harmon●e or mediocritie of Virtue is nothing else but a rectitude of principles and acts This seems fully expressed by Aristotle Eth. lib. 4. cap. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all rectitude is from Virtue and all Virtue implies a Rectitude as 't will appear by and by § 31. As Aristotle placeth the forme and essence of Virtue in the mediocritie or Rectitude of principles and Acts so the formal measure or Rule by which this mediocritie and Rectitude must be regulated he makes to be Right Reason or the Law of Nature For every Act is denominated good from its conformitie to the Law of nature both in matter End measures and all circum●tances So Arist Eth. lib. 3. cap. 8. speaking of Virtue and its mediocritie saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so as right reason dictates or regulates So agen Eth. lib. 4. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtue is not only consentaneous to right reason but also an habit measured by and conjoyned with Right reason So Stobaeus Serm. 1. de Virtut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virtue is a Syntaxe or regular disposition according to right Reason So agen Arist Eth. lib. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whereby it 's evident Aristotle makes Right Reason the measure of Virtue and its mediocritie So Amyraldus in his Theses Salmuriens●s expounds Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason saies he is the only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Criterion of Virtue 's mediocritie So Parker Thes 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason as it is the same with the Law of Nature gives the forme to a moral act But now all the difficultie is to state what Aristotle meant by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason For the clearing whereof we are to know that Aristotle took up this notion from his Master Plato who by Right Reason understood the Law of Nature as we have proved in Plato's Philosophie Chap. 7. § 6. Whence this Right Reason is by him stiled the Royal Law So Plato Minos fol. 317. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason is the Royal Law i. e. The Law of Nature which received a new edition by Moses called the Moral Law i. e. as 't is the measure of moral good and Evill whereof Plato received many notices and traditions as else where This Right Reason is stiled by the Stoicks the common Law So Diog. Laert. in Zeno saith that the Stoicks held nothing should be done but what was agreeable to the Common Law which is Right Reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Common Law which is Right Reason yea Aristotle himself seems to Enterpret his Right Reason so as that it can be understood of nothing more properly than of the Law of Nature Common to all men So Arist Rhetor. lib. 1. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. There is a twofold Law one private another common The Common Law is that which is according to Nature for it is that whereby all men learn by Nature what is just and what is unjust without any particular consociation or covenant amongst themselves Thus Aristotle wherein he distinguisheth the private Laws of particular Nations or Societies from the Common Law of Nature which he makes the measure of Moral good and Evil. This Common Law of Nature Aristotle makes the Source of all private Laws and that which gives check unto them when in Excesse or defect so Arist Eth. lib. 2. cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all private Laws need to be corrected by the Vniversal Law Whence this Law of Nature is made the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law of Equitie which is to give check to all private constitutions And that Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason is the same with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature 't is evident by the definition he gives of Justice or Righteousnesse Arist Rbet lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Justice or Righteousnesse is a Virtue by which every one has what is his own and as the Law dictates to them who are subject to it Whereby he makes the Law the measure of what is Righteous So in his Eth. lib. 5. cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a just man is he that lives by Law and Equitie i. e. according to that Law of Equitie or Nature which is common to all Whence Aristotle Rhet. lib. 3. cap. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Law is the standard or measure in all Judicial proceedings i. e. all moral good and Evil is measured by some Law of Nature Common to all as civil good and Evil by civil private Laws Thence Aristotle Ethic. lib. 5. cap. 2. saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is just therefore which is according to Law and Equitie What Aristotle attributes to Justice is by a paritie of reason applicable to all moral good or virtue By all which it 's evident that Aristotle's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Right Reason which he makes the measure of moral good and Evil is the same with his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Common Law of Nature which gives the forme and measure to Common Justice and all other moral Virtues Whence that of Plato Repub. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is greatly distant from Right reason which is distant from Law and order Hence again Plato Gorg. 504. tells us That as health beautie and other Virtues of the bodie proceed from the regular order or exact temperament thereof so the health beautie and other virtues of the Soul from its regularitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence the Soul's actions are regular and beautifull Such is Righteousnesse Temperance
him Letters to the Priests to whom he had recourse In the first place he went to those of Heliopolis who sent him to the Priests of Memphis from Memphis he was sent to Thebes where he was permitted to acquaint himself with all their Learning which was never granted to any stranger before as Porphyrie de Vita Pythag. p. 5. So Vossius de philos sect lib. 2. c. 2. § 2. Pythagoras saies he was sent by Thales into Egypt to confer with the Priests of Memphis and Diospolis where he arrived in the Reign of Semneserteus as Plinie or of Amasis to whom he was recommended by letters from Polycrates the Samian Tyrant as Laertius Plutarch saies he heard Oenuphis the Heliopolite c. Diogenes saith whilst he lived with these Priests he was instituted and informed in the Language and Wisdom of the Egyptians and in their threefold kind of Writing Epistolick Hieroglyphick and Symbolick of which see Clemens Alexandr Strom. 5. as before Laertius also addes that while he was in Egypt he entred into the Egyptian Adyta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and was instituted in things unexpressible touching the Gods Perhaps he means the Tetracty and the other Jewish Mysteries in which Pythagoras was instructed of which hereafter Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. saies he was Disciple to Sonchedes a chief Prophet or Priest of the Egyptians Diog. Laertius saies that he learned the Egyptian Tongue And Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. saies that being thus acquainted with the Learning of the Egyptians he gained the observations of many Ages and whilst he lived amongst them was admired and beloved of the Prophets and Priests with whom he conversed by which means he gave himself exact information concerning persons and things not omitting any person eminent a● any time for Learning or any kind of Religious Rites neither leaving any place unvisited wherein he conceived he might find somewhat extraordinary Now that Pythagoras had converse with the Jews is more than probable Some incline to think he might have conference with Jeremy So Lud. Vives in Aug. de Civ l. 8. c. 11. tels us that Jeremy went with the Tribe of Juda and Benjamin into Egypt and dyed at Tanis where he was worshipped by the Natives for a present remedy against the stinging of Serpents Eusebius placeth the beginning of Jeremy's Prophecie in the first year of the 36. Olympiad Then afterwards making mention of sundry Platonick Mysteries of God his infinite Essence and Idea's traduced from Exod. 3.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he concludes thus Although I do no way doubt but that Pythagoras himself learned these Mysteries in Egypt from the Sacred Volumnes and the conference with Jeremy rather agrees to him than to Plato Though it is possible Jeremy might be dead before Pythagoras came into Egypt Yet we need no way doubt but that his fame was then living which together with the great repute the Jewish Nation had for ancient Wisdom Records and Mysteries could not but prove a prevailing motive and quickening of Pythagoras's inquisitive humor to make some inquisition into the Jewish Records Rites Wisdome and Mysteries contained in the sacred Volumnes according to this positive affirmation of Lud. Vives And indeed how can we rationally imagine that Pythagoras who was so greedy after oriental Traditions Wisdome and Mysteries and so curious to pry into every corner of Egypt where he staid 22. years to examine all persons and things especially such as pretended to any ancient Records Religious Rites or Mysteries I say how can we imagine that he should passe by those multitudes of Jews he met with in Egypt without enquiry into their ancient Wisdom and Records which infinitely excelled those few broken Traditions and corrupt derivations which the Egyptians had extracted from their sacred Fountains Yea Clemens Alexandrinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. tels us that Pythagoras to satisfie his curiositie in these his enquiries in Egypt suffered himself to be circumcised and so learned things not usually communicated concerning the Gods and their Mysteries Now we know this Rite of circumcision was proper to the Jews not used by Egyptians § 8. Pythagoras quitting Egypt went to Babylon of which Voyage Iamblichus l. 1. c. 4. gives this relation that Cambyses having in the 63. Olympiad conquered Egypt Pythagoras was taken prisoner by him and sent to Babylon where he conversed with the most eminent amongst the Chaldeans I suppose the Zabii as also with the Persian Magi who entertained him very curteously and gave him insight into their more hidden Mysteries and Religious Rites of worship performed to their Gods as also in the Mathematicks Thus Vossius de philosoph sect l. 2. c. 6. § 4. treating of Pythagoras saies out of a desire to get Learning he was conversant with the Persian Magi and with the Assyrians or Chaldeans as besides others Laertius testifieth who saith that he was initiated in all the Grecian and Barbarian Mysteries and that he learned the Egyptian Tongue and thence had conversation with the Chaldeans in Assyria and the Magi in Persia The same Vossius saies de philos l. 2. c. 1. that from the Chaldeans he learned Astronomie Laertius saies that he was most conversant with these Chaldeans Now that by these Chaldeans with whom Pythagoras was so intimate we may justly understand inclusively if not exclusively the Jews I think will be pretty clear if we consider that the Jews having lost their own visible state and Nation lived now under the Chaldean Government and State and so might passe amongst the Grecians for Chaldeans And this will be farther evident if we reflect on what is mentioned by Diogenes cited by Porphyrie of the Chaldeans with whom Pythagoras conversed in Babylon amongst whom he particularizeth one Zabratus by whom he was cleansed from the defilements of his Life and informed in many things concerning Nature and the first principles of the Vniverse This Zabratus Selden de Jure Nat. Heb. l. 1. c. 2. enclines to believe was Ezekiel for he takes notice that Ezekiel and Pythagoras flourished about the same time betwixt the 50. and 52. Olympiad The like is mentioned by Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. Truely the most accurate Chronologie teacheth us that Pythagoras and Ezekiel flourished together between the L. and LII Olympiads Therefore the account of time hinders not but that Nazaratus who is said to be Pythagoras's Master should be the same with Ezekiel He also is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zabratus who by Malchus in the Life of Pythagoras is called his Master c. Godefred Wendelin asserts that Pythagoras derived his Tetractie from the Jews and particularly from Daniel the chief of the Magi who was then when Pythagoras lived in those parts about 70. years old So Selden Syntag. 2. de Diis Syris cap. 1. affirmes that Pythagoras had some rude notices of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gods name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉