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A91231 The generall junto or The councell of union, chosen equally out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for the better compacting of three nations into one monarchy, &c. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. 1642 (1642) Wing P402; Thomason 669.f.18[1]; ESTC R211946 15,931 40

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be committed And yet in my opinion this Chasma in Government is more irregular and of more dangerous Consequence being it concerns Great Generall matters and high Points then a lower defect would be in businesse of a more narrow and private Nature for if the King be served and attended by such Councellors so chosen and qualified as He is Lord of our Kingdome is it not more expedient that he have the same Service and Assistance as He is Lord of three Kingdoms Some few yeers since some of the Kings Subjects under an English Commission and others under a Scottish met it Greenland to fish and upon a Question of their severall Grants blood was drawn and force carryed it for the English out of this fire a Nationall flame might have been kindled and till this day the blood remains unexpiated and the Controversie undertermined Not long since also the King was deeply incensed against the whole Scottish Nation and the Scots complayned of Violations to them offered In this unhappy Dispute the King so engaged was the sole Judge and yet the English being neither Parties nor Judges nor having any Cognizance or witnesses or otherwise were to incurre generall danger of Ruine to decide this with their swords Although in all private Suits and Questions of Right betwixt the King and any Vassall of any one of His Kingdoms the King ever referreth Himself according to his Oath to qualified and indifferent sworn Judges yet here the lives of Millions being endangered and the Honours of Nations engaged the King only by the Sword must give judgement That which then happened to Scotland upon as small a ground may perhaps hereafter become the case of England and for ought I know is now happened to Ireland But to what reason or equity can this seem commensurate that whole Nations should be worse provided for in points of judgement then the poorest Members of each Nation And as it is in Common-Pleas and Pleas of the Crown so it is also in matters of Honour and Acts of State 't is injurious and repugnant to Vnion that any one Nation should be debarred from an Equality of Priviledge or Advantage or interest in the King and His most generall Actions and Councells My Result then is That to make Vnion perfect betwixt the three Nations some Common Court of Justice and Councell of State must be erected to which each Nation or any Member of each Nation in a Nationall difference may have recourse with equall Confidence for the redressing of all Injuries for the deciding of all Controversies for the preventing of all Dangers for the removing of all Jealousies and for communicating of all State or Court-Benefits and for the transacting of all matters of Generall concernment Charles the eighth then made Brettaign One with France when he levelled and equalized both in Parliament possessing both Nations One of Another par my par tout for by this means the same Crown overshadowed and spread its wings over Both investing both with the same Propriety in it self In the same manner also Wales and England did Inter marry and of two became One for there is no Burden of the Crown whereunto the English-man is not now as lyable as the Welsh-man mediately or immediately nor no Priviledge of the Crown whereunto the Welsh man is not equally intitled with the English-man The same must also be brought to passe betwixt England Scotland and Ireland or else the same perfection of Amity and Unity can never be established and that can never be but by the same or very like means Where there is the same Law to limit the Judge and the same Judge to pronounce and execute according to the true intent of that Law and where both contesting Parties are equally interessed both in the Judge and Law the judgement is ever finall and satisfactory to Both and thus it is with England and Wales but thus it is not as yet with England and Scotland and therefore between England and Wales there is no fear of Division but betwixt England and Scotland there is and the King alone ought not in all Cases to be both the Iudge and the Law or can fully satisfie all for the King may have more neer Naturall relation to one Kingdom then another and by other respects more by as 't to favour the one Kingdom then another without assistance he is not competent for all things And therefore the Qualification of that Assistance that it be equall and impartiall and trusted by all is of great and weighty moment And this is true in matters of State where no Law is written but in matters of Right where Laws are as requisite almost as Iudges it is necessary that both Partyes be as fully assured in the Laws which are to regulate the Iudges as the Iudges which are to enlive the Laws And this cannot be unlesse all our three Nations have equall Consent and concurrence in Parliament to sit as Iudges and to passe Laws or to convene representatively and vertually in some lesse Court and Councell branching as it were out of the Parliament severall and approaching also in power as neer thereunto as may be Nationall Parliaments shall still move in their proper Orbs taking Cognizance of all particular Nationall Affairs and this new erected Seat or Table though it may have much of Parliamentary vigour in it especially in the vacancy of Parliaments as to Cases of Generall Consequence yet it shall have no Iurisdiction at all in meer Nationall Expedients By this means as I conceive the Three Kingdomes shall be contempered into One indivisible Monarchy and be made One solid Naturall Body and such Vnion entertayned as shall be to the Advantage of all three Nations and to the disadvantage of no One such as shall distribute all Priviledges equally to be enjoyed and all services equally to be born and leave behinde no shew of inequality to be a ground of envie or disunion 'T is true the King cannot be corporally present in all the Nations at once but whatsoever the benefit of a Royall Court may be the disposing of that is left Arbitrary to the King and this may seem perhaps great Inequality to those Nations which have lesse attraction in them The meer Residence of a Prince if it be a Commodity it goes many times accompanied with divers great Discommodities and as the Sun though it be the most auspicious of all Celestiall Bodies yet it doth not alwayes inrich those Tracts of Earth most which it most violently heats with its torrid perpendicular beams so neither doth the Majesticall Court of a King alwayes make those Territories most happy which enjoy it at least Distance But be this Benefit what it will in this England intrusts as much to the Kings meer Discretion as either Scotland or Ireland knowing that without unnaturall force he cannot be restrained in it nor without cutting Monarchy into Mammocks that all Countries or Corporations can be thus satisfied and presuming that
The Generall JUNTO OR THE COVNCELL OF UNION Chosen equally out of England Scotland and Ireland for the better compacting of three Nations into one Monarchy c. Trojugenis Paries quid amantibus obstas Quantum erat ut sineres toto nos corpore jungi Printed Anno Dom. 1642. Sir IN a Person of so great Worth as Your self Vertue and Goodnesse must needs be not onely diffusive but attractive also and that farre more then in inferiour men The boldnesse therefore assumed by me at this time in tendring to Your View and Judgement this poor Essay a weak endeavour of Service to our Countrey of which You are so true a Lover will appear I hope the more excusable For as those Parts which deserve Admiration in You cannot but command Offices of Hommage and Gratitude from all good men so those Parts which render You humble and gentle and willing to pardon other mens Mistakes will induce you to interpret well that Hommage and Gratitude Sir I have a very low conceit of this Constitution as it is now by me fashioned but I have a strong Imagination That it might prove Publiquely advantagious if it were by wise and considering men better formed and compleated I have therefore purposely left a large Margent to my short Discourse that a better pen and direction might change and supply my failing Invention and take the same liberty to expunge the vanities of my tedious expressions If there be any thing here tha may but administer the least Occasion or hint to your Worth to be a more beneficiall Patriot I shall think it a happy Service if not yet let not my fruitlesse wishes want your excuse and you shall oblige me to be Sir Yours most humbly devoted in all Service and Observance to my utmost power H. PARKER The Generall Junto or the Councell of Union c. TO perswade to Vnion and commend now the benefit of it to England Scotland and Ireland would I think be unnecessary it will be sufficient to make an Overture how a further and more intimate Vnion may be maintained amongst us Divide impera is fit Advertisement for a Nero to take which aims onely at the dissipation and perdition of his Subjects and for a Machiavel to give which aims onely at the pleasing of such Masters as Nero was Good Princes from honest Counsellors have ever received contrary advice and indeed it were impossible that the very essence of God should be Love Peace and Vnity if there were any good to be expected from Dissention or that it should be Sathans proper title to be a Spoyler a Murtherer and a Scatterer from the beginning if Amity and Concord could be dangerous It is true Vnity in large and spreading Dominions is not altogether so easie to be preserved as in States of narrower bounds nor is Government so feasible over severall Nations in severall Continents divided and by severall Laws and Customes eloigned as over one Countrey close scituated and compacted And yet 't is frequently seen That Art and Industry in prudent Princes overcome naturall hinderances and obstructions and many times by Politique Nerves and Ligaments happily knits and conjoyns men together whom Nature hath placed farre asunder The Poet having in contemplation before him a fair Pile of building curiously cemented gives these words to his admiration Si lapis est unus dic quâ fuit Arte levatus Si duo vel plures dic ubi congeries The juncture of many stones in a building may be scarce perceivable and where it is not altogether so exquisite yet if Art be not too much wanting they may prove as firm as fit for duration and do as faithfull Offices to the whole Fabrick as if they were all one solid Rock or Quarry And after the same manner in Politicall Bodies an Artificiall coalition or coagmentation sometimes proves as vigorous as that which is more Naturall if it be wisely constituted and orderly disposed Howsoever as no kindely means of Union amongst Nations ought to be neglected so no violent means ought to be used for both extremes may prove equally pernicious and destructive to the ends which we propose Philip in the Netherlands was too rigorous a prosecutor of Vnion for whilst he would confide in no Vnion betwixt the Dutch and Spanish but such as should wholly change the One Nation and covert it as it were to all purposes into the other he wholly rent Both of them asunder and temerated that tie which otherwise in time by gentle means might have grown sufficiently valid And in my opinion we in England Scotland Ireland have of late in our endeavors of Vnion and Consociation been as much too remisse as Philip was too intense and have neglected to prepare such further Barres and hoops as might have bound us yet more neer together To make this appear is the intent of this discourse at this time wherein for Methods sake I shall confine my self to these three points In the first place I shall endeavour to unfold What the nature of Vnion is In the next place I shall set forth that Vnion which is already setled betwixt England Scotland and Ireland and wherein it is yet imperfect In the last place I shall give some Demonstration of a new Ordinance whereby Vnion may be further improved and perfected in all His Maiesties severall Dominions Politicall Vnion is observable for its severall kindes orders and degrees One Vnion is more Externall and another more Internall in kinde But that which is Internall and seated as it were in the hearts of Nations and is held together by the bonds of true Amity is farre to be valued before that which is Externall only and consists in meer Politicall Acts and Pacts be they never so many or strong Thus the Scots have formerly affected the French and the Irish the Spaniards by I know not what kinde of Natural Sympathy and had not many other strange Obligations crossed the same their hearts could hardly ever have been tempered for Vnity with the English It is therefore truely noted That Vires Imperii in consensu sunt Obedientium Omnis potestas fundata est in Voluntate and sayes another Errat longè qui credit Imperium stabilius aut firmius esse quod vi adjungitur quàm quod facilitate clementia The Romanes being to grant peace to a Neighbour Nation lately subdued asked first upon that Peace granted What fidelity they should expect from the Petitioners it was answered That if the Conditions of Peace were granted with Clemency they could not but be entertained with sincerity but if the terms of the Conquerours were rigorous the engagements of the Conquered could not but be the lesse faithfull And this stout answer in Suitors did not disrelish their more stout Victors Had Portugall joyned hearts with Spain as it did hands as doubtlesse it had if Love or Charity and not too much violence had made the Contract this late Divorce had not so soon happened
and have but one Head they are not separable justly as Scotland is Conquest and Consent both have conjoyned them and except the same nothing can dilacerate them And thus upon the Norman Conquest England lost it's Independence and became One with Normandy for if nothing but the hand of War twisted their Titles nothing else can untwist them Against the enemies of Ireland which object the right of Conquest as some did lately at my Lord of Straffords Tryall to justifie his cruell oppressions I shall maintain That the right of Conquest doth not afford any true Warrant for Oppression In Conquest three things ought to be searched into Whether it be just totall and pure or no If it be just as we will suppose the Normans to be it onely ejects the Desseisor and it ought to look no further then the Prostration of the Competitor If Harold will not do right to William but by Compulsion this shall not inslave the whole English Nation nay Harold being in possession those of the English which take up Arms and wait the Decision of the sword in a case to them doubtfull cannot justly be charged of Treason T was not sufficient that William did forbear to dispossesse those of our Ancestors which had born no Arms against him he ought to have holden his hands also from those which had been Active in their former Masters Service the Cause of both being disputable Of unjust Conquests nothing needs to be said In the next Place also if Conquest extend it self over a whole Nation if the Conqueror have no Considerable Party therein to favour his Claym if he enter without any Professions of Clemency as scarce any Prince ever entred yet even thus he is not disobliged and acquitted of the Laws of God and Nature nor is entitled to a Right of spoyling wasting and inthralling of Gods People Gods Law is indefinite and reacheth to all Kings as well clayming by the Sword as by any other Paction That they shall not heap up Treasure or multiply Horses or lift up Themselves against their Brethren Our Magna Charta doth not limit our English Kings so farre it restrains not from filling the Exchequer or encreasing their Guards and if they will arrogantly contemn us as slaves and not embrace us as Brethren it affords us no cleer Remedy But we see Gods Charter intimates that Princes were ordained for the Protection of the People and not the People created for the Drudgery of Princes And therefore it doth not onely prohibite all Actuall oppression as the Law of England doth but it further restrains from all Power of Oppression nay it curbs all haughty thoughts the very seeds of Oppression Parasites may ascribe nothing but Divinity to Princes and insult over Subjects as meer Beasts of labour and so as a main Axiome of State above all things inculcate the raising of Money and Ammunition and dejecting of the People But God prescribes the Contrary His Law aims at the humbling of Monarchs and endearing of their Charge to them and disswading from all strength and Confidence but in the unfailing Magazin of the Peoples hearts Of that Conquest then which is not Vniversall and without all Assistance from the Countrey Conquered ' little needs be said for it is most evident that neither England nor Ireland was ever so over-run The last thing to be enquired after in Conquest is it's Absolutenesse from all Quarter and freedome from Conditions offered or accepted and if it be the most pure Conquest that can be imagined yet it doth not absolve the Winners from the ties of common Piety and Civility I need not instance in Religious Moses who out of zeal to save the Community from destruction offered to forgoe his Interest in Heaven or in holy David who to exempt Gods Flock from the raging Plague prayed that it might be diverted upon him their Shepherd Paganisme may instruct us sufficiently in this Alexanders Conquests in the East were as pure and unmixt as any yet it is a great Addition to his fame That he treated the Persians with the same indulgence as the Macedonians shewing himself an equally tender Shepherd to both and complying therein rather with Plato's Politiques then Aristotles Adrian also an Emperour as unlimited as any confessing himself born for his Countrey not for Himself made these words good Ita se Rempublicam gesturum ut sciret populi rem esse non Propriam Pastor populi non sui-ipsius sed subditorum quaerit commodum Officio suo semper fungitur utilitati consulens societati I wish a Christian had spoke this or that no Christian did disapprove it it were vain to pursue this further Howsoever I deny not the due Operation of a just totall and unmixt Conquest though I scarce ever read of any such for Conquerors coming in by Violence cannot be assured in a strange Nation without some Violence at first but that which is Policy before Establishment is not Justice after it And secondly Though Victors ought not to induce any Conditions contrary to Gods Law or grievous to the Conquered yet perhaps they are not bound to restore all former extraordinary Immunities in so ample a manner as they were before enjoyed And thirdly Conquests have great force in taking away Competitions and extinguishing concurrent pretence of Titles and as to the Crown it self they cut off all independency as is now apparant in Ireland and in other parts of England now incorporated and consolidated into one numericall Masse thereby But they are most wretched Politicians that ground upon Conquest be it rightfull totall and without Conditions granted by the Conqueror or contracted by the Conquered or not a Right of destroying and inthralling and an exemption from all Law for the present And yet they which by Conquest abolish all Rights of the People and that beyond all Power of Restitution for the future are further opposers of truth and Enemies to Mankinde Had the Conquests of England and Ireland at first been just over the whole Nations and that without all Pactions of Grace as they were not and without all Consent of the People yet that therefore all subsequent Oathes and Grants of our Kings and Agreements of the Nations should be utterly voyd and all the Laws of God and Nature of no Vertue but that our Kings are left still to their own Discretions and Arbitrary Absoute Prerogatives is an inference to be wondered at amongst Rationall Creatures The second thing that qualifies Ireland for Vnion is That the Protestant Religion is so farre dilated and known there The well-wishers of Popery pretend for the upholding of their own blinde superstition That Conscience is not to be forced and that without Bloody force Papists are not to be reduced This weak Pretence hath done unspeakable Mischief both in England and Ireland as appears this day by our unnaturall Wars and we have been not onely very ignorant but very wicked I fear and very guilty in admitting it That
force which borders upon Cruelty is not to be used I would not that it should be done to Babel by way of Retaliation as Babel hath done to us But certainly Magistrates are responsible for all those souls whom they may reclaim by Politique severity and do not and we see what effects Politique severity hath produced in Denmarke Sweden Scotland c. without effusion of blood and he that will deny the same that it might have been as effectuall in England and Ireland must alleadge some strange or unexpected Reason 'T is not so difficult to draw from falsity as from truth to make a Turk a Christian as a Christian a Turk And as for the Populacy of any Nation we know they are to be driven by Shoals almost into any Religion where the Magistrate and Spirituall Minister co-operate together The frequent and suddain Conversions and Perversions of sundry Nations in all Ages testifie this to be a matter of no great difficulty And as for some few of the more knowing and Conscientious sort the meer want of a Toleration their own Paucity if some other Encouragement be not supplyed by Connivence c. in some reasonable time would wear them out And if the breeding of their children within these last 60 yeers had not been omitted nay if countenance under hand had not been afforded to Papists these Wars had never happened But now things so standing 't is just in God that Papists be so cruell to Us in Temporalls as we have been to Them in Spiritualls 'T were Advantagious for Vnion that we were All of One but more especially of the true pious charitable Protestant Religion And though this Advantage hath been hitherto neglected yet still we have Power enough by the Grace of God to provide better for the future The third help to Vnion is That Nature hath placed both our Islands like twins in a remote Angle of the World and as if she intended more to estrange Ireland then England she hath further seated her from the Commerce of forraigne Nations and it may be supposed that they are both divorced from Others that they may be wedded to Themselves And surely as Ireland's love and vicinity is very usefull unto England so Englands cherishing fidelity must needs be totally necessary unto Ireland Did the Irish depend upon the Protection of Spain or some other distant Countrey to guard them from the Forces and Armado's of England that Protection could not but cost them very dear for besides the Calamities of endlesse War in a Nation so intermingled the very Burdens of Protectors would perhaps prove as grievous as the encounters of their Assaylants Flanders now by its subjection to Spain is made the Theatre of affliction almost beyond hope of Redresse and though she draw from Spain many Millions for her defence yet without doubt she is more wretched by serving Philip then Philip is weakned by supporting her It is fourthly probable that both Nations were antiently descended from the same originall Plantations and Colonies and if the name of Hiberno-Britaines may not be applyed to the Irish as Cambro-Britaines is to the Welsh yet now Scottish English Welsh and the mixt Irish being so indifferently blended in Ireland and congregated as it were at a generall determinate Randevouz and the same Language being so generally current and the temperature of the Clime and the Congruity of the Antient Natives in disposition so inclining to Vnion it must be wilfull neglect in Us if we do not close yet more amiably together Fifthly In Laws Customes and Constitutions for Peace and War there are lively Resemblances Facies non una duabus Nec diversa tamen qualem decet esse sororum Nay if there be not altogether the same Lineaments in both yet there is more then a Sisterly correspondence Sixthly Though some execrable Offices have of late been done in Ireland against our Nation yet we must account that Quarrell to be Religious not Nationall for we see they have not spared the Scots they have not spared the English Irish they have been cruell to all Protestants of what Countrey soever The same Whorish Inchantresse also which is now bloody in Ireland hath ever been so in all Countryes the Scripture characters her by making her self drunk with the blood of the Saints and dipping her Garments in the same Dye The same false Religion hath formerly made England flame with mercilesse Executions and Spain grone under Diabolicall Tortures and France swim in inhumane Massacres Quae Regio in Terris Nostri non plena cruoris Let Cruelty be the certain Test of false religion and let England and Ireland and all Nations abide the tryall of the same For Protestants are so farre from destroying their known Enemies that they are cruell to themselves in sparing where they hope lesse of being spared Protestants are not bound alwayes from doing as they have been done to by their enemies or from disabling and repressing future Malice in their enemies yet Ireland is a witnesse this day that they are more prone to favour unappeasable foes then to prevent the most horrid treasons But I leave this as remediable hereafter As for the separation and divulsion of that Sea which runs betwixt England and Ireland I conceive it to be no considerable hinderance of Vnion for we see Venice and Cyprus and divers other Countries by the Art and happinesse of just Government love and embrace at a further distance though other People are also interjacent as are not here And if any other heart-burning or distaste have happened of late betwixt the Nations by Injustice or Mis-government as perhaps hath befallen as eminently amongst our selves the Redresse and Cure thereof will not be hopelesse 3. I come now to my Overture it self whereby further Vnion may be promoted and confirmed amongst us That Ordinance of State which shall most equally diffuse and breath abroad into all Nations governed under the same Scepter the self-same Measure of right and benefit shall be most effectuall and vertuous to unite those Nations Now it seems to me that such an Ordinance is now wanting in England Scotland and Ireland and yet that neverthelesse it is not difficult to be framed and reduced into Act. In England there are divers Courts of Iustice and Councells of State whereby Government riseth from the Basis to the Pyramis by a farre Symmetricall Conus and there is not any matter of concernment to the Crown of England for which there is not a proper Place appointed and proper Persons assigned to attend and transact the same for and under or together with the King The same Policy also is in Scotland and Ireland for matters peculiar to Scotland and Ireland but in England Scotland and Ireland for matters concerning all three Kingdomes or that remain in debate betwixt any two of them besides the Kings sole Brest thereby too much over-burthened there is not any other Judicature assistant and common to all the Nations to which the same may