the other reasons of exclusion which men do lay against the House of Scotland whereof one is urged much by the House of Suffolk and grounded upon a certain Testament of King Henry the eighth as before hath been touched by which Testament the said House of Suffolk that is to say the Heirs of the Lady Frances and of the Lady Eleanor Neeces to King Henry the eighth by his second Sister Mary are appointed to succeed in the Crown of England before the Heirs of Margaret the first Sister married in Scotland if King Henry's own Children should come to die without Issue as now they are all like to do and this Testament had both the Kings hand or stamp unto it and divers Witnesses names besides and was enrolled in the Chancery and was authorized by two Acts of Parliament two wit in the 28. and 35. years of King Henry in which Parliaments authority was given to the said King to dispose and ordain of this point of succession as he and his learned Councel should think best for the weal publick This is the effect of this Argument which albeit the former Books of Mr. Morgan and the Bishop of Ross and some other of the Scottish favourers do seek to refut by divers means and ways as before in the first chapter of this discourse is set down and especially by the Testimony of the Lord Paget and Sir Edward Montague that said the stamp was put unto it after the King was past sense yet they of of the House of Suffolk are not satisfied without that answer for that they say that at least howsoever that matter of the late sealing be yet seeing the King willed it to be done drawn out and sealed it appeareth hereby that this was the last Will and judgment of King Henry and not revoaked by him which is sufficient say these men to answer the intent and meaning of the Realm and the authority committed to him by the foresaid two Acts of Parliament for the disposing of the succession which two Acts say these men containing the whole authority of the Commonwealth so seriously and diliberately given in so weighty an affair may not in reason be deluded or overthrown now by the saying of one or two men who for pleasing or contenting of the time wherein they speak might say or guess that the Kings memory was past when the stamp was put unto his Testament which if it were so yet if he commanded as hath been said the thing to be done while he had memory as it may appear he did both by the Witnesses that subscribed and by the enrollment thereof in the Chancery no man can deny but that this was the King's last Will which is enough for satisfying the Parliaments intention as these men do affirm A fourth argument is made against the King of Scots Succession by all the other competitors jointly and it seemeth to them to be an argument that hath no solution or reply for that it is grounded upon a plain fresh Statute made in the Parliament holden in the 27 year if I erre not of her Majesty that now is wherein it is enacted and decreed that whosoever shall be convinced to conspire attempt or procure the death of the Queen or to be privy or accessary to the same shall lose all right title pretence claim or action that the same parties or their Heirs have or may have to the Crown of England Upon which Statute seeing that afterward the Lady Mary late Queen of Scotland Mother of this King was condemned and executed by the authority of the said Parliament it seeemeth evident unto these men that this King who pretendeth all his right to the Crown of England by his said Mother can have none at all And these are the reasons proofs and arguments which divers men do alledge against the right of succession pretended by the King of Scots But now if we leave this point which concerneth the very right it self of his succession by bloud and will come to examine other reasons and considerations of State and those in particular which before I have mentioned that his favourers do alledge utility and common good that may be presumed will rise to the Realm of England by his admission to our Crown as also the other point also of establishment of Religion by them mentioned then I say these other men that are against his entrance do produce many other reasons and considerations also of great conveniencies as to them they seem against this point of admission and their reasons are these that follow First touching the publick good of the English Commonwealth by the uniting of both Realms of England and Scotland together these men do say that it is very doubtful and disputable whether the state of England shall receive good or harm thereby if the said union could be brought to pass First for that the state and condition of Scotland well considered it seemeth that it can bring no other commodity to England then increase of Subjects and those rather to participate the commodities and riches of England then to import any from Scotland And then secondly the aversion and natural alienation of that people from the English and their ancient inclination to joyn with the French and Irish against us maketh it very probable that that subjection of theirs to the Crown of England would not long endure as by experience we have seen since the time of King Edward the first when after the death of their King Alexander the third without Issue they chose King Edward to be their King delivered their Towns and Fortresses into his hands did swear him Fealty received his Deputy or Vice-Roy as Polydor at large declareth And yet all this served afterward to no other effect but only Slaughter Bloud-shed and infinite Losses and Charges of England Thirdly they say That if the King of Scots should come to possess the Crown of England he cannot chuse at least for many years but to stand in great jealousie of so many other Competitors of the English Bloud-Royal as he shall find in England against whom he must needs fortifie himself by those other Foreign Nations that may be presumed to be most sure unto him though most contrary by natural inclination and least tollerable in Government to English-men as are the Scots of whom he is born and Danes wiâ—h whom he is allied and French of whom he is descended and of the uncivil Part of Ireland with whom one great part of his Realm hath most Conjunction the Authority and sway of which four Nations in England and over English-men what trouble it may work every wise man may easily conjecture Besides that the Scotch-men themselves especially those of the Nobility do openly profess That they desire not this Conjunction and Subordination unto England which in no wise they can bear both for the aversion they have to all English Government over them as also for that their Liberties are
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
affirm by the Causes and Arguments before-alledged against him no reason say they but that this Lady should enter into his place as next in Bloud unto him Secondly it is alledged in her behalf That she is an English woman born in England and of Parents who at the time of her Birth were of English Allegiance wherein she goeth before the King of Scots as hath been seen as also in this other principal point that by her admission no such inconvenience can be feared of bringing in strangers or causing Troubles or Sedition within the Realm as in the pretence of the Scottish King hath been considered And this in effect is all that I have heard alledged for her But against her by other Competitors and their Friends I have heard divers Arguments of no small Importance and Consideration produced whereof the first is that which before hath been alledged against the King of Scotland to wit that neither of them is properly of the House of Lancaster as in the Genealogy set down in the third Chapter hath appeared And secondly That the title of Lancaster is before the pretence of York as hath been proved in the fourth Chapter whereof is inferred that neither the King of Scots nor Arabella is next in Succession And for that of these two propositions there hath been much treated before I remit me thereunto only promising That of the first of the two which is how King Henry VII was of the House of Lancaster touching Right of Succession I shall handle more particularly afterward when I come to speak of the House of Portugal whereby also shall appear plainly what pretence of Succession to the Crown or â—utchy of Lancaster the Descendents of the said King Henry can justly make The second Impediment against the Lady Arabella is the aforesaid Testament of King Henry VIII and the two Acts of Parliament for authorising of the same by all which is pretended that the House of Suffolk is preferred before this other of Scotland A third Argument is For that there is yet living one of the House of Suffolk that is nearer by a degree to the Stem to wit Henry VII to whom after the decease of Her Majesty that now is we must return than is the Lady Arabella or the King of Scots and that is the Lady Margaret Countess of Darby Mother to the present Earl of Darby who was Daughter to Lady Eleanor Daughter of Queen Mary of France that was second Daughter of King Henry VII so as this Lady Margaret Countess of Darby is but in the third degree from the said Henry whereas both the King of Scotland and Arabella in the fourth and consequently she is next in propinquity of Bloud and how greatly this propinquiâ—y hath been favoured in such cases though they were of the younger Line the Examples before-alledged in the fourth Chapter do make manifest Fourthly and lastly and most strongly of all they do argue against the title of this Lady Arabella affirming that the descent is not free from bastardy which they prove first for that Queen Margaret soon after the death of her first Husband and King James the IV. married secretly one Stuart Lord of Annerdale which Stuart was alive long after her marriage with Douglas and consequently this second marriage with Douglas Stuart being alive could not be lawful which they do prove also by another name for that they say it is most certain and to be made evident that the said Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis had another Wife also alive when he married the said Queen which points they say were so publick as they came to King Henry's ears whereupon he sent into Scotland the Lord William Howard Brother to the old Duke of Norfolk and Father to the present Lord Admiral of England to enquire of these points and the said Lord Howard found them to be true and so he reported not only to the King but also afterwards many times to others and namely to Queen Mary to whom he was Lord Chamberlain and to divers others of whom many be yet living which can and will testifie the same upon the relation they heard from the said Lord William's own mouth whereupon King Henry was greatly offended and would have hindred the Marriage between his said Sister and Douglas but that they were married in secrret and had consumated their Marriage before this was known or that the thing could be prevented which is thought was one especial cause and motive also to the King afterward to put back the Issue of his said Sister of Scotland as by his forenamed Testament is pretended and this touching Arabella's title by propinquity of Birth But besides this the same men do alledge divers reasons also of inconvenience in respect of the Commonwealth for which in their opinions it should be hurtful to the Realm to admit this Lady Arabella for Queen As first of all for that she is a Woman who ought not to be preferred before so many men as at this time stand for the Crown And that it were much to have three Women to Reign in England one after the other whereas in the space of above a thousand years before them there hath not reigned so many of that Sex neither together nor asunder for that from Cordick first King of the West Saxons unto Egbert the first Monarch of the English Name and Nation containing the space of more then 300 years no one Woman at all is found to have Reigned and from Egbert to the Conquest which is almost other 300 years the like is to be observed and from the Conquest downwards which is above 500 years one only Woman was admitted for Inheritrix which was Maud the Empress Daughter of King Henry I. who yet after her â—athers death was put back and King Stephen was admitted in her place and she never received by the Realm until her Son Henry II. was of age to govern himself and then he was received with express condition That he should be Crowned and govern by himself and not his Mother which very condition was put also by the Spaniards not long after at their admitting of the Lady Berenguela younger Sister of Lady Blanch Neece to King Henry II. whereof before often mention hath been made to wit the Condition was That her Son Ferdinando should govern and not she though his title came by her so as this Circumstance of being a Woman hath ever been of much consideration especially where men do pretend also as in our Case they do Another Consideration of these men is that if this Lady should be advanced unto the Crown though she be of Noble Bloud by her Fathers side yet in respect of Alliance with the Nobility of England she is a meer stranger for that her Kindred is only in Scotland and in England she hath only the Candishes by her Mothers side who being but a mean Family might cause much grudging among the
Foreigners all those that are not of the same Dominion and Government though otherwise they be of the same Nation and Language according as those other men that are Enemies to Strangers said a little before if you remember that the Princes of the House of Guise and their Kindred are taken for Strangers in France by them that by that means would make them odious to the people for that their Ancestors in times past came out of Lorain which is a Province joyning hard upon France of the same Nation Language and Manners but only under another Prince And so I my self noted in my Traveling through Italy that the Florentines are hated and called Strangers in Siena where they govern albeit the one state be not 30 Miles from the other and both of one Nation Language Manners and Education And on the contrary side we shall see that some of different Language and Nation do hold themselves for Country-men as for Example the Biscayns in Spain do not hold the Castilians for Strangers but are contended to be ruled by them as by their own Country-men albeit they be a different Nation and have different Language and Manners and the same I do note in the Brittains and Normans towards the French in the Welsh also towards the English who are a different People and of different language and yet are they Governed peaceably by the English and the English again do account them for their Countreymen as may appear by that when King Henry the VII came to be King of England I do not find any resistance made against him by the English for that respect that he was of that Nâ—tion as evidently he was by his Fathers side that was of the Tidders of Wales so as this point also who be strangers and who be not seemeth to be a thing that dependeth much of the opinion and affection of each People and Nation the one towards the other And this being so these men come to treat more particularly of the Purpose in hand and do say that in two or three manners a Nation may come to be under the Government of Strangers or Foreigners first as a Province that is to say as a piece or member of another Dominion as England was in times past under the Romans and as Ireland is under England at this day as the Brittons are under France as many States of Italy be under the Crowns of Aragon and Castile And this may come to pass either by Conquest and Force of Arms as the Welsh came to be under the English and the English to be under the Normans and Danes and as Sicilia and Naples came to be under the Spaniards and as Normandy and Aquitain came to be under the French and as almost all the World in old time was brought to be under the Romans or otherwise the same may come to pass by Inheritance as Aquitaine and Normandy in times past came to England and as Flanders with the States thereof came to the House of Austria and as Britany to the Crown of France or else thirdly it may happen by mixt means that is to say partly by Force and partly by other means of Composition as Millain came to Spain and Ireland to England according as the Irish do hold and so Portugal hath inour dayes come to the King of Spain for that besides his Hreâ—ence and Right of Inheritance he used also Force of Arms for getting the same Of all these three ways then evinent it is that Conquest is the hardest and most prejudicial to the Subjects for that there all standeth at the will and clemency of the Conquerour whom either Anger or Fear or Jealousy of his assurance may often drive to hold an hard hand over the Conquered at least wise for a time until his Estate be beetter settled so that I marvel not though no People or Countrey commonly would willingly be Conquered but yet Policy also teacheth such a Conquerour whatsoever he be that as on the one side it behoveth him to be watchful and so to fortifie himself as the unquiet can do him no hure so on the other side it is necessary by the same Rule of Policy to use all Favour and sweet means to content and gain those that be or may be made quiet for better establishing of his State even as a Physician after a vehement purgation doth minister lenitives and soft Medicines to calm and appease the good humours left and to strengthen the whole body that it may hold out This we see to be true not only by reason of State and Policy as hath been said but also by experience of all Countries that have been conquered in Europe or other where if the continual resisting and revolting of those that are conquered do not cause a contrary course in the Conqueror as it did in the Conquest of the Danes and Normands upon the English and in the Conquest of the English upon the British or Welsh where the often rifing of them that were overcome enforced the Nanquishers to be much more cruel and rigorous than otherwise they would have been for all our Histories do testifie that King Sweno the Dane and much more his Son King Canutus as also William the Conquerour had a great desire after their victories to have appeased and made much of the English Nation but that they were never quiet under them and so in like manner the English Kings oftentimes gave their Daughters in marriage to the Princes of Wales and many priviledges to that People thereby to gain them but that their continual Revolting caused much severity and blood-shed to be used and the like severity did they use always most favours and gave them most cause oftentimes in the very Romans towards the said Britains conquered But where the People vanquished were content to be quiet and submit themselves there the said Romans used all Favour and Moderation so as it is written of them in the first book of Macchabees Et audivit Judas nomen Romanorum quia sunt potentes viribus acquiescunt ad omnia quae postulantur ab eis That is And Judas Macchabeus heard the name and fame of the Romans how they were potent in strength and yet so gentle as they yielded to all that was demanded at their hands And finally their Government was so just considerate sweet and modest upon all Foreign Nations which they had conquered as it allured divers Nations to desire to be under them and to be rid of their own natural Kings as of the Subjects of Antiochus and Methridates Kings of Asia and Pontus we do read of some otherâ— Princes also thereby to gratifie their Subjects did nominate the Roman Empire for their Successor as did King Attalus King of Pergamus and Ptolomy of Egypt and others and it is the common opinion of Learned men that the World was never more happily governed than under the Romans and yet were they Strangers to
power of the Party Puritan and much of the Protestant this Earl was thought to be in very great forwardness But now these great Pillers being failed and no Issue yet remaining by the said Countess his Wife no man can assure himself what the success will be especially seeing that of the three Bodies of different Religions before described it is thought that this Earl hath incurred deeply the hatred of the one and perhaps some jealousy and suspicion of the other but yet others do say and no doubt but that it is a matter of singular importance if it be so that he is like to have the whole Power of London for him which City did prevail so much in advancing the Title of York in King Edward the IV. his time as it made him King twice to wit once at the beginning when he first apprehended and put down King Henry the VI. and the second time when he being driven out of the Kingdom by his Brother the Duke of Clarence and Richard Earl of Warwick he returned from Flanders upon hope of the favour of the Londoners and was in deed received favoured and set up again by them especially and by the helps of Kent and other places adjoining and depending of London and so it may be that the Favourers of this Earl do hope the like success to him in time by this potent City For the Houses of Britanny and Portugal I shall joyn them both together for that they are strangers and the Persons thereof so nigh linked in kindred affinity and friendship as both their Titles Forces and Favours may easily be joyned together and imparted the one with the other as to themselves shall best appear convenient The Lady Infanta of Spain pretendent of the House of Britanny is eldest Daughter of King Philip as all the World knoweth and dearly beloved of him and that worthily as all men report that come from thence for that she is a Princess of rare parts both for Beauty Wisdom and Piety The two young Princes of Parma I mean both the Duke and his Brother the Cardinal are Imps in like manner of great expectation and divers ways near of kin to the said King for that by their Fathers side they are his Nephews that is the Children of his Sister and by their Mothers side almost as near for that they are Nephews of his Uncle Prince Edward Infant of Portugal In like nearness of Blood are the Dutchess of Bragansa and her Children unto the said King which Children are many as hath been shewed and all of that rare vertue and valour and of that singular affection unto the English Nation as it is wonderfull to hear what men write from those Parts and what others do report that have travelled Portugal and seen those Princes and tasted of their magnificent liberality so as I have heard divers rejoyce that are affected that way to understand that there do remain such Noble Off-spring yet in Foreign Countries of the true and ancient Blood Royal of England What the Powers and Possibilities of all these Princes of the House of Portugal be or may be hereafter for pursuing their Right shall not need to be declared in this place for that all the World doth know and see the same yet all seemeth to depend of the Head and Root which is the King of Spain himself and the young Prince his Son whose States and Forces how and where they lie what alliance friends subjects or followers they have or may have it is easy to consider but what part or affection of men they have or may have hereafter in England it self when time shall come for the determining of this matter no man can tell at this present and what Plots agreements compartitions or other conclusions may be made at that day time only must teach us so as now I know not well what to say further in this Affair but only commend it to God's High Providence and therefore I pray you quoth the Lawyer let me end with this only that already I have said and pardon me of my former promise to put my opinion or guess about future matters and what may be the success of these Affairs for besides that I am no Prophet or son of Prophet to know things to come I do see that the very circumstances of Conjecture which are the only Foundation of all Prophecy which in this case can be made are so many and variable as it is hard to take hold of any of them Thus he said and fain would have left off here but that the whole Company opposed themselves with great vehemency against it and said that he must needs perform his promise made at the beginning of this Speech to give his censure and verdict in the end what he thought would be the Success of all these Matters whereunto he answered that seeing no nay would serve he briefly quit himself by these few words following First of all said he my opinion is that this Affair cannot possibly be ended by any possibility moral without some War at least wise for some time at the beginning whereof my Reasons be these that do ensue This matter cannot be disputed and determined during the life of the Queen that now is without evident danger of her Person for the reasons that all men do know importing such perils as are wont to follow like cases of declaring Heirs apparent especially her Majesty the present possessor growing now to be old and without hope of Issue This declaration and determination of the Heir apparent to the Crown if it should be made now would move infinite humours and affections within the Realm and it were to stirr coals and to cast firebrands over all the Kingdom and further perhaps also which now lie raked up and hidden in the Embers This dâ—â—â—rmination though it should be made now by Parliament or Authority of the present Prince would not end or take away the root of the controversy for albeit some that should be passed over or put back in their pretences would hold their peace perhaps for the time present yet afterward would they both speak and spurn when occasion is offered This declaration now if it were made would be hurtful and dangerous for him that should be declared for on the one side it would put the Prince regnant in great jealousy and suspicion of him and on the other side would joyn and arm all the other pretenders and their favourers against him and so we read that of two or three only that in all our Histories are recounted to have been declared Heirs apparent to the Crown they being no Kings Children none of them ever came to reign as namely Duke Arthur of Britanny Roger Mortimer Earl of March and John de la Poole Earl of Lincoln and Henry Marquess of Exeter as before hath been declared Again the multitude of Pretenders being such as it is and their pretentions so
the first Race for that it is evident by the Councils of Toledo before-alledged which were holden in that very time that in those days express Election was joined with Succession as by the deposition of King Suintilla and putting back of all his Children as also by the Election and Approbation of King Sisinando that was further off by Succession hath been insinuated before and in the Fifth Council of that age in Toledo it is decreed expressly in these words Si quis taliâ— meditatus fuerit talking of pretending to be King quem nec electio omnium perfecit nec Gothicae gentis nobilitas ad hunc honoris apicem trahit sit consortio Catholicorum privatus Divino anathemate condemnatus If any man shall imagin said these Fathers or go about to aspire to the Kingdom whom the Election and Choice of all the Realm doth not make perfect nor the Nobility of the Gothish Nation doth draw to the height of this Dignity let him be deprived of all Catholick Society and damned by the Curse of Almighty God By which words is insinuated that not only the Nobility of Gothish Bloud or nearness by Succession was required for the making of their King but much more the Choice or Admission of all the Realm wherein this Council putteth the Perfection of his Title The like determination was made in another Council at the same place before this that I have alledged and the words are these Nullus apud nos presumptione regnum arripiat sed defuncto in pace Principe optimates Gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni communi concilio constituant Which in English is thus Let no man with us snatch the Kingdom by presumption but the former Prince being dead in peace let the Nobility of the Nation together with the Priests and Clergy appoint the Successor of the Kingdom by Common Council Which is as much as to say as if he had said Let no man enter upon the Kingdom by presumption of Succession alone but let the Lords Temporal and Spiritual by common voice see what is best for the Weal-Publick Now then according to these antient Decrees albeit in the second race of Don Pelayo the Law of Succession by propinquity of Bloud was renewed and much more established than before as the antient Bishop of Tuys and Molina and other Spanish Writers do testify yet that the next in Bloud was oftentimes put back by the Commonwealth upon just causes these Examples following shall testify as briefly recounted as I can possibly Don Pelayo dyed in the Year of our Lord 737 left a son named Don Favilla who was King after his Father and Reigned two Years only After whose death none of his Children were admitted for King though he left divers as all Writers do testify But as Don Lucas the Bishop of Tuy a very antient Author writeth Aldefonsus Catholicus ab universo populo Gothorum eligitur that is as the Chronicler Moralis doth translate in Spanish Don Alonso sirnamed the Catholick was chosen to be King by all voices of the Gothish Nation This Don Alonso was son in Law to the former King Favilla as Morales saith for that he had his daughter Ermenesenda in Marriage and he was preferred before the King 's own Sons only for that they were young and unable to Govern as the said Historiographer testifyeth And how well this fell out for the Commonwealth and how excellent a King this Don Alonso proved Morales sheweth at large from the tenth chapter of his thirteenth Book unto the seventeenth and Sebastianus Bishop of Salamanca that lived in the same time writeth that for his Valiant Acts he was sirnam'd the Great To this Famous Don Alonso succeeded his son Don Fruela the first of that name who was a Noble King for ten Years space and had divers excellent Victories against the Moores but afterwards declining to Tyranny he became hateful to his Subjects and for that he put to death wrongfully his own Brother Don Vimerano a Prince of excellent parts and rarely beloved of the Spaniards he was himself put down and put to death by them in the Year of Christ 768 And albeit this King left two goodly children behind him which were lawfully begotten upon his Queen Dona Munia the one of them a son called Don Alonso and the other a daughter called Dona Ximea yet for the hatred conceived against their Father neither of them was admitted by the Realm to succeed him but rather his Cousin German named Don Aurelio brothers son to Don Alonso the Catholick was preferred and reigned peaceably six years and then dying without issue for that the hatred of the Spaniards was not yet ended against the memory of King Fruela they would not yet admit any of his Generation but rather excluded them again the second time and admitted a Brother in Law of his named Don Silo that was married to his sister Dona Adosinda daughter to the foresaid Noble King Catholick Alonso So that here we see twice the right Heirs of King Don Fruela for his evil Government were put back But Don Silo being dead without issue aâ— also Don Aurelio was before him and the Spaniards anger against King Fruela being now well asswaged they admitted to the Kingdom his foresaid son Don Alonso the younger sirnamed afterwards the Chast whom now twice before they had put back as you have seen but now they admitted him though his Reign at the first endured very little for that a certain bastard uncle of his named Don Mauregato by help of the Moores put him out and reigned by force six years and in the end dying without issue the matter came in deliberation again whether the King Don Alonso the chast that yet lived and had been hidden in a Monastery of Galatia during the time of the Tyrant should return again to Govern or rather that his Cousin-german Don Vermudo son to his Uncle the Prince Vimerano whom we shewed before to have been slain by this mans Father King Fruela should be elected in his place And the Realm of Spain determined the second to wit that Don Vermudo though he were much further off by propinquity of Bloud and within Ecclesiastical Order also for that he had been made Deaconâ— should be admitted partly for that he was judged for the more Valiant and Able Prince than the other who seemed to be made more acquainted now with the Life of Monks and Religious men than of a King having first been brought up among them for ten or twelve Years space whilst Don Aurelio and Don Silo reigned after the death of his Father King Fruela and secondly again other six Years during the Reign of the Tyrant Mauregato for which cause they esteemed the other to be fitter as also for the different memories of their two Fathers King Fruela and Prince Vimerano whereof the first was hateful and the
you have heard it proved of all Law-makers Philosophers Lawyers Divines and Governours of Commonwealhs who have set down in their Statutes and Ordinances that Kings shall swear and protest at their entrance to Government that they will observe and perform the conditions there promised and otherwise to have no Interest in that Dignity and Soveraignty By examples in like manner of all Realms Christian he declared how that often-times they have deposed their Princes for just causes and that God hath concurred and assisted wonderfully the same sending them commonly very good Kings after those that were deprived and in no Country more then in England it self yea in the very Line and Family of this King Richard whose Noble Grandfather King Edward the third was exalted to the Crown by a most solemn deposition of his predecessor King Edward the second wherefore in this point there can be little controversie and therefore we shall pass unto the second which is whether the causes were good and just for which this King Richard was esteemed worthy to be deposed And in this second point much more difference there is betwixt York and Lancaster and between the white Rose and the Red for that the House of York seeking to make the other odious as though they had entred by tyranny and cruelty doth not stick to avouch that King Richard was unjustly deposed but against this the House of Lancaster alledgeth first that the House of York cannot justly say this for that the chief Prince assistant to the deposing of King Richard was Lord Edmond himself Duke of York and head of that family together with Edward Earl of Rutland and Duke of Aumarl his eldest Son and Heir yea and his younger Son also Richard Earl of Cambridge Father to this Richard that now pretendeth for so do write both Stow Hollingshead and other Chroniclers of England that those Princes of the Hâ—â—â—e of York did principally assist Henry Duke of Lancaster in getting the Crown and deposing King Richard and Polidâ—r speaking of the wicked Government of King Richard and of the first Cogitation about deposing him when King Henry of Lancaster was yet in France banished and seemed not to think of any such matter he hath these words Sed Edmundo Eboâ—acensium duci ea res cum primis bilem commovit quod Rex omnia jam jura perverteret quod antea parricidio postea râ—pints se obstrinxâ—sset c. That is this matter of the wicked Government of King Richard did principally offend his Uncle Edmond Duke of York for that he saw the King now to peâ—srvert all Law and Equity and that as before he had defiled himself with Parricide that is with the murther of his own Uncle the Duke of Glocester Brother to this Edmond so now he intangled himself also with Rapine in that he took by violence the Goods and Inheritance of John of Gaunt late deceased which did belong to Henry Duke of Lancaster his Cousin-German By which words of Polidor as also for that the Duke of Lancaster coming out of Britany accompaned only with threescore persons as some stories say chose first to go into York shire and to enter at Ravenspur at the mouth of Humber as all the World knoweth which he would never have done if the Princes of York had not principally favoured him in that action all this I say is an evident argument that these Princes of the House of York were then the chief doers in this deposition and consequently cannot alledge now with reason that the said Richard was deposed uniustly Secondly the House of Lancaster alledgeth for the justifying of this deposition the opinions of all Historiographers that ever have written of this matter whether they be English French Dutch Latine or of any other Nation or Language who all with one accord do affirm that King Richards Government was intolerable and he worthy of deposition whereof he that will see more let him read Thomas of Walsingham and John Frosard in the life of King Richard Thirdly they of Lancaster do alledge the particular outrages and insolencies of King Richards Government and first the suffering himself to be carried away with evil counsel of his favorites and then the perverting of all Laws generally under his Government as before you have heard out of Polidor the joyning with his Minions for oppressing the Nobility of which Stow hath these words The King being at Bristow with Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland and Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk devised how to take away the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel Warwick Darby and Nottingham and others whose deaths they conspired Thus saith Stow. And after they executed the most part of their devices for that Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester was made away without Law or Process the Earl of Arundel also was put to death and Warwick was banished and so was also Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury by like Injustice and the like was done to Henry Duke of Hertford and after of Lancaster and among other insolencies he suffered Robert Vere to dishonour and put from him his Wife a Noble and goodly young Lady as Stow saith and born of Lady Isabella King Richards Aunt that was daughter to King Edward the third and suffered Vere to marry another openly to her disgrace and dishonour of her Kindred And finally in the last Parliament that ever he held which was in the 21. year of his Reign commonly called the Evil Parliament he would needs have all authority absolute granted to certain favourites of his which Thomas Walsingham saith were not above 6 or 7. to determine of all matters with all full authority as if they only had been the whole Realm which was nothing indeed but to take all authority to himself only and Stow in his Chronicle hath these words following This Parliament began about the 15. of Sept. in the year 1397. at the beginning whereof Edward Stafford Bishop of Exeter Lord Chancellor of England made a proposition or Sermon in which he affirmed that the power of the King was alone and perfect of it self and those that do impeach it were worthy to suffer pain of the Law c. thus saith Stow by all which is evident how exorbitant and contrary to all Law and Equity this Kings Government was Fourthly and lastly those of Lancaster do alledge for justifying of this deprivation that Duke Henry was called home by express Letters of the more and better part of all the Realm and that he came wholly in a manner uâ—â—rmed considering his person for that Frosard saith he had but three Ships only out of Britany and Walsingham saith he had but 15. Lances and 4â—0 foot-men and the additions to Polâ—â—hronicon as before I noted do avouch that when he landed at Ravenspur in the County of York he had but threescore men in all to begin the Reformation of
the Reasons that were on both Parties for this matter and so much the more for that it seemed to Fall very fit to the purpose of these pretences of Foreign Princes for which cause they entreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his whole discourse of the Titles which hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himself a little upon this matter which though for a time he made great difficulty to do yet in the end being so importuned by them he promised that at their Meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that time they departed very well contented but yet as they said with their Heads full of Titles and Titlers to the Crown CHAP. IX Whether it be better to be under a Foreign or Home born Prince and whether under a great and mighty Monarch or under a little Prince or King THe Company being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to hear the point discussed about Foreign Government whereof mention had been made the day before the Lawyer began to say That for so much as they would needs have him to enter into that matter which of it self was full of prejudice in most mens ears and minds for that no Nation commonly could abide to hear of being under strange Governours and Governments he meant to acquit himself in this their Request as he had done in other matters before which was to lay down only the Opinions and Reasons of other men that had disputed this Affair on both sides before him and of his own to affirm or deny nothing And first of all against the Dominions of Strangers and Foreigners he said that he might discourse without end and fill up whole Books and Volumes with the Reasons and Arguments or at least wise with the dislikes and aversions that all men commonly had to be under strangers or to have any Aliens to bear Rule or Charge over them be they of what Condition State or Degree soever and in this he said that as well Philosophers Lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that we see both by their Words Writings and Facts that they abhorr to subject themselves to strange Governments so as in all the eight Books of Aristotles's Politicks you shall still see that in all the different Forms of Commonwealths that he setteth down he presupposeth ever that the Government shall be by People of the self same Nation and the same thing do presume in like manner all those Law-makers that he there mentioneth to wit Minois Solon Lycurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shall read the Famous Invectives of Demosthenes against the pretentions of King Philip of Macedonia that desired to incroach upon the Athenians and other States of Greece as also his Orations against Aeschinos his Adversary that was thought secretly to Favour the said Foreign Prince shall see what Hatred that noble Orator had against Foreign Government and he that shall read the Books of our time either of the Italians when they spake of their Subjection in times past to the Lombardes German or French Nations or to the Spaniards at this day or shall consider what the French do presently write and inveigh against the Power of the House of Guyse and Lorayne in France for that they take them to be Strangers shall easily see how deeply this aversion against Strangers is rooted in their Hearts and this for Testimony of words But now if we will consider the Facts that have ensued about this matter and how much Blood hath been â—hed and what desperate Attempts have been taken in hand by divers Nations for avoiding their subjection to strangers or for delivering themselves from the same again if once they have faln into it you shall behold more plainly the very Impression of Nature her self in this Affair for of divers barbarous Nations Realms and Cities we read in Histories we read that they rather chose to slay and murder themselves than to be under the Dominion of Stranger others have adventured strange Attempts and Bloody Stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the self same hour at the time of Evening Sâ—ng slew all the French-men that were within the Island whom yet themselves had called and invited thither not long before And the like is recorded in our English Histories of killing the Danes by English men at one time in most ruful manner And the like was oftentimes thought on also by the English against the Normans when they Oppressed us and by the French against the English whiles we had Dominion in Franâ—e though neither the one nor the other of these latter designments could be effectuated for want of Forces and Commodity by reason of the watchfulness of the contrary part But yet to speak only of France the Rage and Fury of the French was generally so great and implacable against the English that Governed there in the Reign of King Henry the VI. as both Polydor and other Histories do note â—t what time partly by the dissensions of the Houses of York and Lancaster in England and partly by the valour of their own new King Charles the VII they had hope to be rid of the English Dominion as no Perswasion or Reason no Fear of Punishment no Force of Arms no Promise or Threat no Danger no Pity no Religion no Respect of God nor Man could repress or stay them from rising and revolting every where against the English Government and Governours murthering those of the English Nation in all parts and corners wheresoever they found them without remorse or compassion until they were utterly delivered of their Dominion So as this matter is taught us say these men even by Nature her self that Strangers Government is not to be admitted and moreover the reasons before alledged against the King of Scotlands pretence together with the example and judgments of the Realms of Spain and Portugal who resolved rather to alter the true Order and Course of their Succession than to admit Strangers over them do plainly Confirm the same And last of all say these men the Authority of Holy Scripture is evident in this behalf for that whenâ— God in Deuteronomy did fortel by Moses that the Jews in time would come to change their Government and to desire a King as other Nations round about them had he added yet this express Condition that he should be only of their own Nation for he saith Constitues eum quem Deus tuus elâ—gerit de numero fratrum tuorum non poteris altertus gentis hominem Regem facere qui non sit frater tuus that is Thou shalt make a King at that time such a one as thy Lord God shall chuse for that dignity out of the number of thy Brethren but thou mayst not make a King of any other Nation but of thy own Brethren
of all the Roman Emperours and in the Life of one of them that was an excellent Governour named Antonius Pius the said Knight hath this discourse ensuing There was in this mans Governments said he great Contentment and Joy on all hands great Peace and Quietness and very great Justice and truely it is a thing worthy in this place to be considered what was the humane Power and how infinite the Forces of the Roman Empire at this day and how great was the Liberty Quietness Security Wealth and Contentment of the Subjects that lived under that Government when good Princes had the managing thereof as was this Antoninus and his Son Aurelius that followed him and as were Adrian Trajan and divers others What a thing was it to see their Courts frequented freely by all the Noble Valiant and Learned men of the World to see the union and friendly dealing of diffierent Nations together when all served one Prince so as a man might have gone over the whole World or most and best parts thereof with all security and without all fear all Nations and Countries being their Friends Neighbours or Subjects neither was there need at that time of any Pasports or safe Conducts nor of so often change of Coyn to travel as now there is neither yet were there new Laws every foot as now be found in different Countries neither was there danger of Enemies or to be taken prisoners and captives nor could any malefactor do a mischief in one Countrey and flee into another thereby to be free from punishment and he that was born in the very Orcades or furthest part of Europe was at home though he were in Africa or Asia and as free a Denizen as if he had been born there Merchants also might pass at that day from Countrey to Countrey with their Merchandise without particular Licences or fear of Forfeits and finally the temporal state of a Subject was wonderful happy at that time Thus far discourseth that learned Knight and no doubt but that his discourse and consideration is founded on great Reason and he that will leave at this day the many commodities of being under a Great and Potent Prince if it lie in his own hands to chuse for this only circumstance that he is not born in the same Countrey with him is a man of small judgment and capacity in these mens opinion and measureth matters of publick utility with a false weight of fond affection And thus much may be said of the first way of being under Strangers and Foreign Government which is that which vulgar men do most abhor and inveigh against to wit to be under a foreign Prince that liveth absent and ruleth by his Governours But besides this there is another manner of being under a Foreign Prince as when an Alien Prince cometh to dwell among us and this by either of two ways to wit that either this Prince cometh without Forces as did King Stephen and King Henry the II. that were French-men as hath been said and came to live and govern in England but without external Forces and as King Philip of Spain came afterwards when by Marriage of Queen Mary he became King of England and as the last King Henry the III of France went into Polonia by the free Election and Invitation of that Nation and as his Brother Monsieur Francis Duke of Alenson should have entred afterward to have been King of England if the Marriage pretended between her Majesty and him had gone forward and taken effect as many thought once that it should This I say is one way and another is that this Prince do bring Forces with him for his own assurance and these either present as the Danish Kings Sweno Canutus Haraldus and Hardicanutus did and as after them the Norman Princes also used I mean not only William the Conquerour himself but also his two Sons William Rufus and Henry the I who either by help of the Normans already in England or by others brought in by them afterwards wrought their will or else that this Prince so entring have Foreign Forces so at hand as he may call and use them when he will for that they have no Sea to pass which is the case of the King of Scots and of both these wayes these men do give their sentence distinctly For as concerning the former way when a Foreign Prince entreth without any Forces at all and with intention to live among us they hold that there is no danger nor yet any inconvenience can justly be feared for that in this case he subjecteth himself rather to the Realm and Nation than they to him and if he live and marry in England both himself and his Children will become English in a little space And for his own assurance he must be inforced to favour and cherish and make much of the English Nation and be liberal gentle and friendly to all for gaining their good wills and friendship And in one very great and important point his condition is different and better for the English than any English Kings can be which is that he entreth with indifferent mind towards all men hath no kindred or alliance within the Land to whom he is bound nor enemy against whom he may be inticed to use cruelty so as only merit or demerit of each man must move him to favour or disfavour which is a great Foundation say these men of good and equal Government Again they say that in respect of the State present of England and as now it standeth and for the publick good not only of the common Subjects but also of the Nobility and especially and above others of the English Competitors and Pretenders that cannot all speed no way were so commodious as this to avoid bloodshed to wit that some external Prince of this time should be admitted upon such Compositions and Agreements as both the Realm should remain with her ancient Liberties and perhaps much more than now it enjoyeth for such Princes commonly and upon such occasions of Preferment would yield to much more in those Cases than a home-born Prince would and the other Pretenders at home also should remain with more security than they can well hope to do under any English Competitor if he come to the Crown who shall be continually egged on by his own kindred and by the aversion emulation and hatred that he has taken already by contention against the other opposite Houses to pull them down and to make them away and so we have seen it by continual Examples for many years though no occasion say these men hath ever been offered to suspect the same so much as now if any one of the home English Bloud be preferred before the rest and this is so much as they say to this second kind of being under Foreign Princes To the third they confess that it standeth subject to much danger and inconvenience to admit a foreign Prince