last to the Kings cause Hitherto the King keeps from open defiance with the Parliament of England but now Gods flaming Minister of warre begins to brandish his sword against this Nation now the King is returned from Scotland and now begins the year 1642. wherein Arms are openly taken up and avowed on both sides Scotland for two or three years before had seen war but without slaughter Ireland had been miserably the yeer before imbrued with slaughter yet saw no war but England must now prepare her self both for war and slaughter At the first harnessing and making ready for the field both sides pretended to be on the defence and both pretended to stand for the defence of the same persons and rights the Parliament declares for the Kings rights aswell as the subjects Liberties and the King for the Subjects Liberties as well as his own rights the matter of the Protestation is the cause they both â—ight for insomuch that by their professions it might be thought the Protestation were equally favoured by both Neither were their successes much unanswerable to their professions for after a bloodie battell fought neer Keinton in Octob and another hot encounter at Brainford and after divers other conflicts in severall other places of the Northern Western and middle Counties of England either side got blows but neither side carried away any great advantage or conquest only the Kings secret correspondence with the Irish began now to grow more evident as well by their declaring for the Kings pretences as by his diverâ—ing the preparations made here against them At this time the threed of the Kings Councels was exceeding finely spun the more zealous He seemed against the Iâ—â—sh openly the more zeal He attested to them privately and they themselves could not but see by the Kings seizing our Irish provisions here and assuring himself of our Forces sent thither that the more we exhausted our selves in sending supplies against them the more unable we should be in the end either to resist the King here or to reduce them there Howsoever as was noted before though the most subtill threeds of the King were strong enough sometimes to fabricate toils and nets for his subjects yet they never could be twisted into ladders for the mounting of him to his aspired grandour About the beginning of the year 1643. another black desperate designe against the City of London was discovered scarce inferior to any of those former impregnations of the Kings inraged brain whereupon the Parliament again had recourse to this new religious guard of Vowing and Covenanting And herein after the Covenanters had humbled themselves before God for the Nations sins and judgements and promised by Gods grace to endeavour for the future an amendment of their wayes they the second time ingaged themselves by Vow and Covenant in the presence of Almighty God to be adhering faithfully to the Forces raised by the Parliament for defence of Religion and liberty c. But notwithstanding the vertue of both these holy remedies against the Kings uncessant stratagems about the latter end of the same Summer the Parliaments affairs came to a great declination and till they obtained aid from the Scotch Nation their condition was thought very tottering In August the English Commissioners began to treat at Edinburgh and about the depth of Winter the Scots advanced with a compleat well appointed Army Yet this may not be wholly preâ—ermitted that the Scots were long deliberating about their march and though they saw their ruin involved in ours and their faith no lesse pre-ingaged to us for mutuall assistance then ours was to them yet they advanced not at last but upon these strict conditions 1. That we being then but a wasted part of England yet should presently imburse them out of our afflicted affairs with a great summe of ready money 2ly That they should be payed as mercenaries and yet have a share in government here as if they were our joyntenants And 3ly that we should enter with them into a new solemn League and Covenant upon Oath as it was by them composed and conceived So disproportionable and unsuitable is their amity to their enmity for when they had a pretence of a quarrell contrary to former Treaties with England in 1648. t was in their power to invade England readily without assurance of present Advance-money or establisht pay afterwards and such able Enemies we found them in all ages but when they were to be ayding to part of England in observance of former Treaties in 1643. there is no moving in such a work without ample Covenants so much more difficult amongst them is the enterprise of helping then is the enterprise of undoing It is manifest now by that which has been hitherto premised that the first occasion of flying to such conscientious tyes and expedients as these was that the late Kings plots and conspiracies might be thereby the better disappointed and that the people might be thereby the better confirmed in their opposition against Him And this makes it now seem the more strange to us that the Scots at present should make their Covenant so main an engine for the King against us which at first was certainly excogitated as a main engine for us against the King 2ly it is hereby as manifest that the Scotch Covenant which is now insisted on by that Nation and was pressed on us at first with so much rigor did add no new obligation at all to the English Religion Liberty Monarchy and the peace of the Nations were as much secured before and as sanctimoniously by the Protestation in 1641. and by the vow and Covenant in 1643. as they were afterwards by the solemn League and Covenant when the Scotch Army was to enter England 3ly We cannot observe by any remarkable blessing from Heaven that the hand of God did ever give any gratious testimony in behalf of these new sacramentall obligations The protestation was thought ineffectuall till the vow and Covenant came in with a greater supply of religion the vow and Covenant was not able to break the Kings Armies till the solemn League of Scotland had superinduced its further sanctity and when that was superinduced and came accompanied with 20000 armed men from Scotland the King subsisted yea and thrived a long time after and without doubt those Oaths which he imposed within his quarters did asmuch service against us as ours did for us in our quarters We all know that t was not a new Oath but a new modeld Army that by Gods most gratious hand first gave check to the Kings prosperity and t is not so visible that ever we trampled on the Royalists formerly by observance of the Covenant as that we are now miserably ingaged in blood against the Scots by misprisions and false glosses of the same The Lord of his boundles mercy grant at last that we may return to our old wayes of humiliation seek to appease that Majesty by fasting and praying which is to be
justice and humanity betwixt the Nations whereas there can be no end of controversies and hostilities when sentences shall be spoken against parties that are no inferiors and that by parties that are no superiors The Scots therefore in this have been exceedingly too blame and there is no doubt but the ruine of the King and all the late miseries of their own wasted Countrey have been derived from this strange insufferable arrogance of theirs T is frequent with them to protest against the Parliament of England as no lawfull Authority to denounce against all the Souldery of England as Sectaries Rebels and regicides to upbraid all the Gentry and Comminalty of England submitting to the present Government as men that prostitute their consciences to a sinfull shamefull thraldome to incite all the Presbyterians and discontented persons in England to the kindling of new flames amongst us And this is more then to invade a moity of the Legislative power of England this is to seize all this is more then to claim a jurisdiction in Covenant affairs this is to in vasâ— all us totally in all cases whatsoever this is more then to pronounce judgement against us at home in civill cases this is to pursue us with fire and sword as well forrein as domestick Should our Nation now descend to the like outragious recriminations or rather feminine altercations being first provoked and having juster grounds what an odious noise would this trouble all Europe with Well but still there is something to be said for the Scots if they may not call us to their own barre as they are our fellow Covenanters and as they are equally parties in so religious a League with us yet there is another Bar to which they may cite us there is still here upon earth a barre of common equity and reason and at this Barâ—e the English are accountable for all their delinquencies against the Covenant To this we agree and shall appear aâ— is required by the citation The late King some years before the eruption of these troubles had made many dangerous attempts against the purity of the Protestant Religion and the Liberties of the Subjects in all the three Nations Now in 1643. when Arms were taken up on all hands either for assisting or opposing the King in those his designes against Religion and Liberty the Covenant was formed by that party which rose up against the King and the main primary use it was formed intended for was to protect Religion and Liberty against Him and his adherents The formers of it also at the same time took notice that the cases of Religion and Liberty could not be well separated forasmuch as the King if He prevailed against the one would more easily prevail against the other Religion was the richer Free-hold but Liberty had the stronger fence to preserve it from the violence of intruders It was likewise visible that Religion would make the people more zealous for Liberty and Liberty would impower the people the better to defend Religion besides suppose the taking away of the people and you suppose with all the taking away of Religion and suppose the taking away of Liberty and you do in a manner suppose the taking away of the people for the life of a bodie politick consists not in living but in living free The Covenant therefore primarily and ultimately proposes to it self the safety and prosperity of the true Protestant Religion in the safety and Liberty of the three Nations and the safety and Liberty of the three Nations in the safety and prosperity of the true Protestant Religion All other Articles in the Covenant are but secondary and subordinate hereunto and they are to have respect from us not as they stand higher or lower in order but as they are more or lesse serviceable to those higher purposes for which they were at first ordained Upon this ground that branch in the Covenant which obliges us to seek God in this sacred Ingagement by a speciall amendment of our lives and reformation of our own private wayes at such a time as this merits the honor of the first place And next hereunto worthily may succeed those 2. branches by which the Nations are so strictly confederated in peace and amity and by which all parties to this confederation have past their solemn Pacts to be assisting to each other bringing all opposites to condigne punishment That branch which was inserted in favour of the King at that time the principal Enemy of the Covenant and for saving of his Prerogatives so desperately at that time disputed by the sword if it could challenge any place at all could certainly challenge none but the last and lowest how soever the Scots had ranged it and do still propugn it Nothing surely could more cloud the meaning of each part in the Covenant or more pester and perturbe the whole frame of it then this insertion The same Oath to God now binds us in one clause to pursue with fire and sword all that are enemies to this Oath and yet the grand enemy of this Oath by another clause in the same Oath is preserved inviolable nay that clause which preserves one Enemy has a local preference before that which pursues all Hereupon if a Commission be taken from the King to destroy this Solemn League He that takes it dies ignominously as a Traytor but he that gives it has that indemnity given by the Covenant which his kingly office could not have given him The very penning also of this Article leaves us very dubious and perplext how far the Kings royalty is saved to Him for the saving is not absolute but refers to some thing in order above it and that is the saving of Religion and Liberty Here therefore two new doubts meet with us to intangle us 1. In what degree the King may be proceeded against when in such a degree He indangers Religion and Liberty 2ly how we shall exactly judge of these degrees when our judgements are wholly left at liberty without any limits or marks set by the Covenant The Scots have proceeded so far as to imprison the Kings person and to sequester all his royall power which is a temporary dethroning and deposing because they suppose Religion and Liberty was so far impugned by Him but they suppose that from an imprisoned sequestred King no further offence or danger can arise and therfore He ought not further to suffer This is sufficiently erroneous but this is not all yet for they will not only thus expose Religion and Liberty to greater hazards in their own Countrey but they will over-rule us with their errors and inforce us to run the same hazards in our Countrey likewise and this is more we are sure then the Covenant enforces us unto And doubtles this is very hard For besides that there is no Nation nor scarce any individuall person in any Nation who is not Judge of his own danger in this case our judgement is wrested out of
our hands and resigned into theirs who are the creators of our dangers and have declared for and thereby diverse times exasperated our greatest Enemy against us In Novem. 1643. before the Covenant was consummated the Lord Generall Essex moved in Parliament for the shortning of our war that the King who perchance was then encouraged to prolong the same out of hope of impunity at last in case his arms should miscarry might have a peremptory day set Him to come in or else to know his danger and this was consented to by both Houses but obstructed by the Scoch Commissioners what service was done to the King by this obstruction of the Scots and divers other the like ambidextrous dealings since that time and how much longer the war was protracted by it and how much mischief the same has at last drawn upon the Scots as well as us time has clearly enough demonstrated And yet still upon this the meanest and most intricate article of the Covenant they think they may break the unity and peace of great Brittain against one of the most indisputable fundamental tyes of the Covenant and that onely to shew their zeal to an Anti-covenanter which is a breach as indisputable and fundamentall as the former The intrinsecall form of the Covenant binds one party to assist the other against a common enemy it binds not one party to be assistent against the other for how can that be call'd assistence which is direct opposition Besides it binds specially to assist against such an enemy as is injurious to the others right freedom and property and can the Scots perform this bond to us when that which they call assistance to us is opposition against us even by taking away our right freedome and property for what right can remain to us whilest we are subjected to their forces what freedome whilest we are to be judged by their discretion What property when we have lost the independency of equals Certainly if we covenanted with the Scots as equall parties we did not covenant with them as superior Judges and if we had so covenanted with them our covenanting by Oath with God had been superfluous but we hope that will not be held superflous and therefore we will not endeavour to assoil our selves before the Scots we will onely in charity let them know how we have hopes to be assoiled before God The change of Government in England which could not be without the execution of the late King and rejection of his posterity more then they could be without change of Government was urged upon us and God before whom we plead knows we had not long premeditated it before nor imbraced it willingly at last by two unanswerable irresistable arguments The first was drawn from our duty to God the second from the naturall necessary care of our own preservation The first argument pressed us hard that what God had commanded could not be reversed by any act or pact of man that God had commanded us to punish blood with blood in all persons whatsoever under the power and force of our Laws and therefore our Covenant could not exempt the King himself If it be said that the King of England was above all Law that has been disputed by the sword these many years and decided for us by signall victories and the Scots have appeared as far upon that Triall as we have done and after that triall t is unequall for us to descend now to any other We prescribe nothing to other Nations whose Kings have a Legislative power and thereupon are solati Legibus and have their very wils interpreted and observed as Laws nor do we censure such States as have Princes subject to Laws yet use not rigor in all cases whatsoever We are willing that every one should stand or fall to his own Master Onely when immuring sequestring deposing impoysoning of Princes has been very frequent in the world that no Nation can be excused thereof at some time or other this seems beyond admiration that our judiciall publick execution upon the late Charles should undergo an harsher censure then all these meerly because it wanted not the due solemnities of Law and Justice to attend it May a Prince be reduced from his publick capacitie and when He is made a private person shall he be treated so as no private person may be treated Shall he be subjected to clandestine unlawfull proceedings belowe the right of a common person because He was once more then a common person and shall either Jurists or Statists that have any insight into the Laws of God and Nations stand for a secreted veiled justice such as blushes and dares not shew her face in open Court yet passe neglects upon that justice which as far abhors darknes and disdains the use of masks Our next argument was drawn from the hard necessity that was incumbent upon us for saving our selves from utter ruin Divers times we had made humble addresses to the King for a cordiall pacification the Lord knows our sincerity therin and the Scots that are now our accusers were for divers years our witnesses in that behalf but before 1646. the K had too much confidence in his English and Irish abettors and so would not hearken In the year 1646. the Kings English Forces in England failing we made new addresses at Newcastle where the King was in the nature of a Prisoner but we soon found at Newcastle that the Kings confidence was still supported there also by something that had been infused unto Him by the Scots and so that hope prooved frustrate likewise The dealing of the Scots herein was very close the English that were in Commission with the Scots for governing the affairs of that Army in the Scotch Quarters knew nothing by what invitation the King was drawn from Oxford thither nor to what purpose Montreil the French Agent was there solicititing but when our Propositions were rejected and that the Scots who joyned with us in tendring them began to dispute the Kings interests their own against us in other things and that their learned mouth Louden professed against the rigour of our capitulations in the same elaborate Oration to the King wherein He so zealously laid open the necessity of them we could not but discern a halting in that Nation and that that halting had as strange an operation upon the King The King thought now He had gotten as great a strength of Scots in the North the same being likewise fain away from our strength as He had lost of the English at Nasby and in the West and for our parts had the Scots been gold-proof we should have thought so too The disposing of the King was the matter in question the Scots were not desirous to take him into Scotland nor would leave him in England but being under our pay within our own territories where we had publick persons in Commission with them without the Parliaments or their Commissioners consents they would be a guard
worse use they made of all that was or could be given them So all jealousies could not long be supprest for in time some of our Lords and Commons saw cause to conceale some things concerning this State from them and this was extreamly ill taken and indeed no otherwise then if it had been a reall piece of injustice to the Kingdom of Scotland but moderation as yet kept both within reasonable bounds Mr. A. Henderson was then living and conversant in those businesses and surely he was a man of an Apostolicall spirit and though a great lover of his Countrey yet He knowingly durst not interpose in an ill action for his Countreys advantage and I am perswaded He did very good offices and kept us from further jars during his life and if He had lived longer would have prevented much of what has hapned since Besides Presbytery the Scotch Clergies darling seemd plausible at first to the English and soon grew indeared to our Synod and for a good space it got such footing in England that the Scots had no cause of dissatisfaction in that behalf The King also the other darling of the Scotch Nation till about the latter end of Summer 1645. prosperd so that He more slighted the Scots then He did us and so about him there was no great cause of animosities and if any did appear they were more easily to be digested But when the English Army under the Lord Gen. Fairfax had in one Summer defeated and utterly broken two very great Armies of the Kings and taken in divers other considerable Cities and strengths without any help at all from the Scots many emulous considerations began to breed strange alienations in the hearts of our brethren The easie warfare of the Scots all this while had afforded them besides good store of pay and plunder an absolute signiory over the Northerne Counties our Northerne men tell us wofull stories till this day and now they saw that rich service or rather absolute dominion was likely to come to an end they thought sit to strengthen themselves in Berwick and Newcastle and they got Carlile also by very foul play in spight of our Commissioners as if they were resolved and certain to have a dispute with us Likewise in 1646. when Oxford grew straitned and unsafe to the King and when it was visible also that Presbytery after so many years experience did not altogether rellish with the English the Scots presently resolved as was related before to expound the Covenant in favour of the King at least for setling and securing their arrears and making a commodious retreat out of England Accordingly that Article which provided for the Kings interest served their interest wel enough and war so well commented upon by them that it held us at a bay till their contract was perfected and then after a long dispute very chargeable to our Nation at the instance of an Army and 200000 li. they delivered up Newcastle Barwick and Carlile and took time to study the Kings Article a little longer In the year 1647. there was no notable businesse for the Souldier England took a little breath having nothing to do but to squench the few remainders of war and Scotland kept at home to share the late gotten spoiles of England yet this year there past some new cajoleries betwixt the Scots and the King and some contests betwixt the Scots and us about the King and no doubt the next years action was now in forging and all preparatory hammers were on working And now enters the memorable year of 1648. a year never to be forgotten by the English in regard of the unparralleld dangers that then overspread it and the unspeakable mercies of God that then protected it All the enemies of this poore Common-wealth were now in a solemn conjuration against it In Ireland all was held past recovery Ormond the Parliaments revolted servitor was complying with the bloody Irish and betraying his own Religion into the bargain to get some of their forces into England in Wales in Kent in Essex in Surrey great bodies of men rose up some upon the old Royall account some upon a new whilst many also of the Navy fell away from the Parliament to make the case the more desperate No lesse then 40000 English did their endeavours this Summer to make way for Hamilton from whom by good intelligence doubtles they expected 20000 Scots Great was the goodness of God that all these confederates could not be in a readiness at one and the same time and that all the Forreign Princes round about us which favoured them could not be assistent to them that yeer God had so ordained it that the Welsh should be reduced before the Scots entred or else our condition had been altogether hopelesse in the eye of reason But to the Scoch businesse The Solemn League and Covenant was now brought under a new debate in the Parliament of Scotland and the main matter in question was how they could be absolved of that holy stipulation if they did not imploy all their power to reform Religion and to restore the King in England and for the fuller agitation and ventilation of this matter severall grave harangues by persons affected severally were drest and we may well imagine to what effect Agent of the Kirks party seeing the Parliament filled with so great a party of the Hamiltonians is supposed to begin My Lords and Gentlemen The Covenant presses us all to endeavour the reformation of Religion and the restauration of the King in England by a brotherly way of Assistance in our severall places and callings and so as that these ends of the Covenant may stand and agree with all the rest But withall it behoves us to use a great deal of caution and circumspection in a matter of so high importance wherein the honour of God and good of the Nations is so religiously involved not to be mistaken either in the mark we all shoot at or in the arrows we are to shoot As for the point of Religion I am perswaded it wants reformation in England and I beleeve I dissent not therein from any here but this scruple sticks by me I doubt whether I am so properly a Judge in England of Religion as I am in Scotland and if I am not then I fear I step out of my place and calling whilest I take upon me there to reform by force which sure the Covenant requires not but excludes in expresse terms The account of my scruples I give thus first if we are now judges of matters Ecclesiasticall in England we are so constituted by the Covenant for before the Covenant we pretended to no uch thing and in the Covenanâ— it self I finde no such constituting words 2ly if the Covenant creates us Judges in cases Eccles it creates us the same in all other things civil military and judiciall for all the interests of the King and Subjects in Parliament and out of Parliament are inclosed within the
of forcible alterations amongst themselves to the defrauding of their neighbours Thirdly Admit the Parliament by which Hamilton was Commission'd was an unjust Parliament admit it was no Parliament at all and admit that Hamilton with a lesse party and without any Commission at all had broke in upon us in a hostile manner yet even this would not leave the English altogether remediles for in this case upon a just demand of satisfaction made by the English the Scots must disowne the act and see the outrage legally expiated upon the actors or else they owne it themselves and so become as obnoxious as the actors That which was the sin of one Towne in Benjamin at first became the sin of the whole Tribe of Benjamin afterwards and doubtlesse that which was the sin of one Tribe in Israel at first had become the sin of all Israel at last if justice had not been lawfully executed Let the Scots look upon this with sad eyes for that blood of the English shed by Hamilton which is now the guilt of a party only in Scotland upon the deniall of just ice may be made the guilt of all Scotland The second evasion of the Scots is this They say if they were persons challengeable of satisfaction yet they that sit now in the Parliament of England are not persons that can duly challenge or require satisfaction It should seeme as Scotland before was not to be found in Scotland so England is now not to be found in England so hard a matter it is to get right from them that can thus easily transforme and deforme whole Nationall bodies The meaning is Government in England has been of late changed two of the Estates in Parliament are removed by force and the third Estate usurpes what was due to all wherefore as they cannot treate with us about satisfaction but they must acknowledge us a lawfull authority so conscience forbids them to acknowledge our authority lawfull To this wee answer 1. The change of rule in a Nation does not change the Nation forasmuch as the manner of rule is changeable and accidentall and so does not give beeing or support the essence of a State If wee in England beeing a Monarchy owe three Millions to the Hollander the change of Monarchy in England will not exempt us from our obligation and if we in England beeing a Democracy have three Millions due from the Hollander our returne to Monarchy will not denude us of our remedie The devastations and hostilities of Hamilton were suffred by the English Nation and the Parliament of England demands justice and restitution for the same in behalfe of the English Nation now 't is not agreeable to justice or reason that a slight exception taken against the substitute should disable the Principal or any incapacity of the demandant redound to the prejudice of him which is the true Interessent Secondly If the usurpation of the Parliament of England shall bar the State of England from its due course of justice yet how does it appeare to the Scots that the power of our Parliament is an usurp't power If God or Man ha's given them any warrant to judge of our actions and affaires in England let them shew it for without some such warrant they are but our Equalls and one equall ha's no power of judging another If they plead any undeniable principle in nature which condemnes all alteration of Government as unlawfull and all extrusion of Governours as usurpation and of this Maxime they say all men are equally Judges then how will they justifie their extrusion of Lannerick and their new moulding of their Committee of Estates after the defeature of Hamilton which without armes and our assistance they could not have compast Is that a naturall indispensible principle in England which is not so in Scotland Away with such partiall shifts let the Scots shew us that Nation under Heaven that ha's not severall times been driven to mutations of Governments and Governours and been at last justified therein by the plea of necessity and common safety and wee shall confesse their Lordly power over us Thirdly If the Scots be our Lords and will give judgement against us in this case yet they must know that wee are now upon our appeal before almighty God and have accordingly taken Armes into our hands for the prosecution of that appeal And does not one of the primary Lawes of Warre teach them what a hazard it is to deny right to him that beares his â—aked sword in his hand Arma Tenenti Omnia dat qui justa negat Will the Scots lay an incapacity of Treating upon us first and then of fighting afterwards The difference now betwixt us is whether wee have justly enterd Scotland or no to seeke redresse of many injuries and depredations by tryall of battaile which was denide us by debate in a friendly intercourse and doe the Scots thinke now to argue us out of our armes doe they think that the same condemnations of our usurp't power by which they insulted over us when wee sought a Treaty will be seasonable now when the cause is preferd to a higher Court This were to cut us off from all remedie whatsoever this were to detrude us below the miserablest of men this is beyond all ordinary strains of Tyranny There is no Client nor Subject nor slave whatsoever but by way of his last appeale may repell force with force when his case is beyond all other decision and this is held no more then a making an humble addresse to Heaven or laying the cause before the Lord of Hosts his Footstoole Will the Scots then which have droven us their equalls to this last resort prejudge and foreclude us in this also and so make us worse them the worst of inferiors Certainly if we may not treate before wee confesse our selves usurpers wee may fight till God declares us to bee so or that our enemies have usup't over us The third advantage or exception of the Scots against our demands of satisfaction is taken from the space of time that interlapsed betwixt the overthrow of Hamilton and our solemne denouncing against them for that hostilitie as also from some reciprocall kindnesses and testimonies of accord and pacification which past betwixt the Nations in the mean while Of both these I shall now give this faithfull account The victory of of L G Cromwell against the Scots was about the latter end of Summer 1648 and our Forces following that chase stayed in Scotland till about Mid-winter following During the stay of our Army in Scotland a good understanding was betwixt us and the Kirk party there for we had both the same ends against the Hamiltonians and so whilest we extorted the sword out of Lannericks hands and put it into Arguiles we did our own businesse and the Kirks too and the Kirks more immediately then our own Howbeit a Treaty was now begun in the Isle of Wight with the King where the Scoch Commissioners appeared
great sticklers for the King to our Nations great dis-service and this gave us some glimpse that even in the Kirk party restored so lately to power by our means all was not so sound and sincere as it ought to be The Treaty not succeeding about the last of Januar the King was brought to the block and then the insolencies of the Scoch Commissioners and their haughty intrusions into the managery of our English State affairs and their despicable subjecting of our Parliament to their over-ruling wils grew so intolerable that upon the 17. of Febr the Parliament declared publickly against them This begat another Paper from the Commissioners dated the 24. following more imperious and controuling then formerly and this was presently after voted a designe in the contrivers of it to raise sedition that so under specious pretences they might gain advantage to second their late perfidious invasion The 6. of March following the State of Scotland wrote a Letter to us as they now inform us to avow their Commissioners last Paper and withall disallowing our construction of it for that they judged it no incroachment upon our Government nor any indeavour to raise sedition They likewise signified in the same that if any prevalent party in either Kingdom had or might break the bonds of Union yet those sacred tyes ought not to be layed aside or cancell'd but preserved for the benefit of such as were innocent in both Nations The Scoch Commissioners to whom this Letter was sent for delivery of it were now upon their return for Scotland and so the same never came to our hands though the Scots untruly tax us of suppressing it But why should they suspect any designe in us of suppressing this Letter The Letter if we had received it would not have healed our grievances it would rather have made the wounds wider for the Scots Commissioners had charged us of Treason perjury usurpation c. for doing those things within our own government which were required at our hands by justice and Reason of State now their principals in Scotland tell us that this charge is true but being true it molests not it shakes not it justles not us out of any part of our power nor stirs the people at all against us What is this but to tell us that they are more truly Judges in England of Treason perjurie usurpation c. then we that 't was not injurious in them to condemne us nor seditious in the people to rise up against us in observance of their commands Sometimes they pretend they aime at nothing beyond a simple protesting against us and that a freedome of Protesting is due to all men but this is meerly to delude and infect the people the more for t is evident to all men that such Protestations as their Papers have exhibited have ever been fraighted with the worst of calumnies the severest of sentences and have been received by the people as warlike defiances In this case therefore when so many insurrections and broils have been actually bred against us in our own bowels and so dangerously seconded by forrein Forces we call in all men to be Judges betwixt us whether we may not more justly cast out Protestations when they do but palliate seditious conspiracies then to submit to seditious conspiracies because they cover themselves with the names of Protestations This Letter miscarrying and our Parliament having waited awhile for some other return by some Expresse or other in May following about nine months after the Scoch Rout a complanatory Letter was sent from hence about divers grievances in generall and satisfaction was therein desired by Treaty in a peaceable way An Answer hereunto came in June following recomplaining that the Scots justly found themselves aggrieved at the late proceedings in England in reference to Religion taking away the Kings life and change of fundamentall Government which they had protested against That in case the English would disclaim their late proceedings against Covenant and Treaties they were contented to authorise Commissioners for a Treaty Otherwise they were resolved to keep themselves free from all complyance with malignants on the one hand and the Enemies of Kingly Government on the other That in regard of the Covenant the Treaties and many Declarations of both Kingdoms they could not acknowledge that to be a Parliament from whom the last Proposition came to them about a Treatie to be appointed Here was a flat deniall of any satisfaction by declining all means of treating about the same Here was a reason given of that deniall as full of enmity and hostility as could be instead of making any compensation due to the State of England for the bloodshed and rapine of Hamilton here was a strange coacervation and accumulation of new â—landers and defamations upon the Parliament of England Letters from the Parliament are now as it were interdicted no such subscription is to be admitted hereupon in July following our Parliament issued forth a Declaration for the better stating of these matters the endeavour of that Declaration was to remove yet all Nationall misunderstanding iâ— possible and to demonstrate that the English yet had not laid aside all thoughts of peace but concluding that if still they were diverted out of the wayes of peace unwillingly the fault was not theirs This Declaration was made as publick as ever any was in England and we have thousands here of the Scotch Nation disaffected enough to us and ten thousands of English Presbyterians besides more imbittered then the Scoch and all these can attestate the evulgation of this Declaration yet the Scots call it a Dormant Declaration and most dis-ingenuously would infuse it into the people that they had never nor could have any notice of it A Letter of theirs to us in the hands of a single Messenger could not be intercepted but a Manifest of ours Printed and intitled to the whole world must needs miscarry and that by our collusion Some reply was expected by us to the matter of this Declaration and some months past away hanging our expectation but none came the first news we heard was that about the middle of March following there was a Treaty agreed on to be at Bredah betwixt the Scots and their yong declared King and that the principall Subject of that Treaty was about the pretensions of the yong King to England and the quarrels of the Scots against England This to us that had so little hopes of reconcilement before was a sufficient alarme and upon this our L Generall Cromwell was sent for out of Ireland all warlick preparations were made ready and our Army this last Summer as soon as we got notice of the agreement made at Bredah and how far it concerned the life of this Common-wealth made its entrance into Scotland This relation gives the true procedure of all memorable matters betwixt Summer 1648. and Summer 1650. with the reasons of the slow motions of the English and amongst them all whether there was
any composure made betwixt the Nations for Hamiltonsâ—aedifradous irruption either by satisfaction given on the one side and taken or confest by the other t is left to judgement But the Scots alledge still that immediately after the breaking of Hamilton in England and the dis-arming of his brother in Scotland there were given divers clear demonstrations of amity and good accord betwixt the Nations Letters will yet testifie that the godly party in Scotland satisfied the English in their innocency and that the English did accept of the same as good satisfaction For example in Septemb and Octob the L Generall Cromwell wrote in behalf of the Kirk patty by Him then seated at the stern and his letters did recommend them to the Parliament as men carefull of the unity of the Nations and the interest of England On the other side the Scots remitted hither an honourable Testimony of the fair comportment of our Souldiery there together with a thankfull acknowledgment of the benefit and advantage which our seasonable assistance had afforded them Likewise from the Parliament here it was written back that the religious and well affected people in Scotland were excused from those impious and unwarrantable actions and that there was no willingnes in the English to impute those evils to the Nation in generall As for the L Generals Letters questionlesse they contained his true plain meaning He did believe at that time that the interest of England and the unity of the Nations was valued by the Kirk and the Arguilians in Scotland but what discharge was this to the rest of the Nation nay what discharge is this to any of that Nation His Commission extended not to compound for the dammages sustained by us nor did He ever treat about the same nor did He at last finde his loving recommendations justly answered by that Godly parties actions Out of this therefore there follows nothing but that our L Generall was more charitable then the Scots were gratefull As for the Scotch Letters they serve well to shew the single dealing of our L Generall towards them and their double dealing towards Him but they serve not at all to shew any act of oblivion or any other pacificatory conclusion that was consented to by both Nations Therefore the good that they then bore witnesse to in our Souldiery we hold it to be just and according to merit but when they publish retracting contradicting Papers after the intermission of two years and therein complain as they did this last Summer thaâ— the L Generall came in un-invited that the manner of his entrance was not guided by their Instructions and that the proceedings of his Army were very unsatisfying in many other things this is an argument of their profound dissimulation As for the Parliaments Letters although the Parliament at that time was too full of Kirkmen yet if they had any full words of release in them we should noâ— prolong our contestation hereupon but the utmost that can be extracted out of them is a charitable exemption of some that had the testimony of wishing well to the unity of the Nations and interest of England from the pen of the L Generall The Parliament was unwilling that the Scotch Nation in generall should be charged with the guilt and blood of the Hamiltonians and therefore it did acquit and hold exonerated thereof all the religious and well-affected people of Scotland Without question the religious and well-affected people here excused are understood to be no other then such as had been adverse to Hamiltons exposition of the Covenant upon sincere grounds and not for any factious or particular respects But how few such there were in Scotland at that time is now manifest by the general adhering of that Nation to their new King against us For there is not one man in Scotland that assists this young King against us now but He expounds the Covenant in the same manner as Hamilton did then and He might have as safely complyed with Hamilton in that Ingagement as He may with the yong King in this as will be further demonstrated in due place These are the main subterfuges which the Scots flie unto when we tax them of that cruell barbarous Ingagement against us in 1648. The rest of their pleas whereby they seek not to shelter themselves from the whole guilt but onely to extenuate it or rather to qualifie our demanded satisfaction are scarce worth the mention They say they have received some dammage in Scotland by the â—â—ish and have demanded satisfaction of us but as yet received none A strange objection have not the Irish been prosecuted by us these nine yeers as Enemies And though they owe allegiance de jure to England yet are they not as mortall Enemies de facto to us as to the Scots Do we any way abet justifie or spare them to vouchsafe more to this were to disparage right They say moreover that some satisfaction has been made us by the booty and pillage which Hamiltons Army lost in England Some few Scoch Arms and Horses which falling amongst the Souldiers as due prize were like water spilt upon the ground neither received in satisfaction by the State of England nor so given by the State of Scotland must come in upon the Account of the English to satisfie them for all the plunders murders and wasts which a Scoch Army perpetrated contrary to Treaties and sworn Covenants No more of this here ends the first part of the Scoch Warre whose Scene was layed in England we come now to its second part where our Scene by Gods abundant grace and goodnesse is removed into Scotland And in this transition from past to present imminent hostilities we doubt not but to evidence the necessity of our War in Scotland à parte post as well as we have done the justice of it a parte ante THe Treaty at Bredah in March last betwixt the Scots and their declared King both being upon termes of Hostility with us had little busines to be debated that was peculiar to Scotland the main thing to be proposed by both parties was the removing some mis-understandings amongst themselves that they might thereupon the better double their powers and twist their pretensions against England The Kings interest was Monarchy the Scots was Monarchy and Presbytery the English were held to be advers to both these interests and the Covenant therfore to favour both the Treators against the English so mis-understandings amongst the Treators could noâ— be hard to be removed or at least their slight jars could not be hard to be laid asleep for a while when they had so little to loose to each other and yet so much to gain from a third party All that the Scots desired of the King as humble suitors was but this that He would take the Covenant if that were but swallowed down in its literall sence they thought all their further aims sufficiently provided for and this could not be much more bitter to
feared we have provoked by superstitious vowing and swearing 4ly We cannot finde that ever the people was rightly fitted or at all benefited by these new sacramentall Leagues or rather politicall Sacraments for in England we had too many that would take the Kings Oaths when He was prevalent and the Parliaments also when they were prevalent and in Scotland Montrosses victory left lamentable spectacles of humane treacherie and impietie as to the Covenant No sooner had he in 1644. woon one pitcht Field but the Nation generally flow'd in to Him to submit unto his new royall bonds with curses upon them that had forcibly clogd their consciences by contrary ones before and no sooner had D Lesly routed Him but the same people again shifted Montrosses bonds with detestations as high and bitter as they had the Parliaments before This is a prodigious example exceedingly to be deplored not onely by the Scots but by all mankinde But to proceed The breaches and hostilities which at this day are sprung out of the Covenant betwixt the Covenanters of both Nations are too visible the question is therfore whether we shall charge these mischiefs upon the ill composure of the Covenant it self or upon the malice of the Covenanters and if upon the Covenanters whether are more guilty the English or the Scotch And first as to the Covenant it self it seems to me that even that was not compiled so briefly so clearly and so impartially as it might have been and that has given some occasion of stumbling to some but certainly blood had never been drawn by brethren so leagued together as we are had it not been for the ignorance arrogance and high injustice of the Covenanters Antiquity which was famous for ingenuity had not any use to charge their humane contracts much lesse divine with so various and heterogeneous branches as this Covenant is charged withall some points of it are divine some morall some civil some are of higher some of meaner concernment and all of them thus odly compacted together swell it up into too rude a lump Moreover since variety of parts made it more grosse and by consequence more obnoxious to doubts and intricacies there ought to have been more care to distinguish betwixt those parts which were coordinate and those which were subordinate and in case some provisoes proved inconsistent with others it should have been predetermined which should supersede and which should be superseded The King by one clause as He is King is to be maintained equally with Religion c. yet by another clause as He is a profest enemy to the Covenant is to be pursued by arms and brought to condigne punishment The safetie of Religion may possibly be irreconcileable with the safety of the King and the safety of the King confessedly owes a subordination to the safety of Religion yet it is left dubious by the Covenant how far the inferior here shall give way to the superior The unity and peace of the Nations is the scope of one Article in the Covenant and that Article had a high place in the intent of those which indighted the Covenant yet neither does this Article condemne all war as unlawfull betwixt the Nations nor yet prescribe when it may be judged Lawfull nor by whom The Scots by one interpretation of the Covenant are more strictly imbodied with us then formerly and so to be assisting in our Reformation yet by another interpretation they are to maintain to us our Nationall rights and not at all to interpose in judging of our English affairs and how can they reform where they may not judge or how can they judge where they have no propriety or how can they challenge more by vertue of this Covenant-union in England then we do in Scotland or how can confusion of interests be introduced where there remains a coordination so equally and justly preserved In the next place there is a palpable partiality in the Covenant whereby is easie to be perceived in which Nation it received its being for the Church of England and Ireland are to be reformed but the Church of Scotland is to be preserved in its perfection of Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government In summe all three Nations are to purge away whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine and the power of Godlines and the only true standart for such purgation is the book of God and forasmuch as that is as truly a standart to the Scots as to the English they though the Covenant prejudges and presumes them perfect are to be tryed by this Book as well as we are and as that which is defective in them must be rectified by this standart so that which is not defective in us must be justified by the same We conclude therefore justly that either the Article it self pre-judges us or is by them ill prejudged when they assume that we are to conform to them more then they are to conform to us for so much as there is but one only book to which we are bound equally both of us to conform and of that Book they are no more authenticall interpreters then we are These exceptions and perhaps more might be taken against the Covenant it self and the manner of obtruding it but we fix not hereupon nor will we mention it as to the genuine intent of it without reverence the main offence that has been given to the world has been given by the Takers of it in a false sense not by it self The inquirie therefore at this time is whether the English or Scots whether the Presbyterians or Independents are most blameable before God and Men for the scandall which has been given by occasion of this Solemn League and Covenant For the better discussion hereof we shall do well to observe first which of the parties has been most clamorous against the other â—ly What the principall matter of those clamors has been 3ly What may be most probably aymed at by the raisers of those clamors 4ly What the issue has been As to the first it is apparent that the Scoch Presbyterians were the first compilers of the Covenant and that they still continue to set a sacred value upon it even unto a great degree of superstition and t is as apparent that they had not been so strangely transported with rage against us but for our attributing lesse then they do to it The Covenant is their Word in the day of battell the Covenant in specie is carried along by their Priests when they march into the Field as if it were held oraculous and had the same presence of God ingaged to it as the Ark had amongst the Jews The Covenant in Law is made transcendent to an Act of Parliament nay if both Nations should agree in one Act of Parliament that Act could neither make more intense nor more remisse the obliging force of this Covenant This Covenant is sometimes call'd Gods Covenant and inscribed by the Scots in the same table with Gods Covenant of mercy
against the Scots by suppressing the Covenant unduly as the Scots have against us by inforcing it immoderately I would willingly quit this as a nugatory weightles presumption The last thing that may deserve to stay and take up our thoughts a little is the issue and event that both sides have met with and this may justly sway our censures in such a question as this is The King being driven to extremities in Oxford and being privy to the differences betwikt both Nations about some constructions of the Covenant chose rather to cast himself into theirs then our hands and we cannot imagine that the King which so hated and feared the true intent of the Covenant would rather intrust his life to those which He thought more true then those whom he thought more false to the Covenant But what successe had that trust of his it cost him his ruine in the end for they which interpreted the Covenant for his purpose whilest he was to put â— great prize into their custodie soon found out a contrary interpretation when the Parliaments money out-weigh'd that prise This end their animating him divers times against our Propositions tendered when the King was thereby and by other secret correspondencies rendered more dangerous to us and more uncouncellable to Himself was fatall to Him But now since in favour of his Son the former interpretation is resumed the second time how has the case been altered The case in truth is even thus the young King has repented of his coming amongst them the Kirk begins to repent of his admission amongst them the hand of God has been heavy upon both and t is almost come to this that the most conscientious Presbyterians in Scotland must read the Covenant in a new sence amongst us whilest all the rest must lay afide the Covenant wholly amongst the ancient professed Enemies of it I will not strain this argument of successe too high but this is to be remarked that the successe here put is not ordinary or meer successe forasmuch as it has been sent from Heaven after solemn appeals thither made by two religious parties and as the honour of God was much concerned in it so the manner of sending it was more then ordinary We draw nearer now to the Covenant it self and shall consider it first in the whole and then in its parts The first clashing we had with the Scots was about the right which each Nation had past to the other meerly by joyning in such a mutuall sanctimonious stipulation for when we objected to them upon severall occasions that they interposed too far in the Affairs and Councels of England they as often gave us this Answer that we were not since our conjunction with them in the Covenant and Treaties to look upon them as strangers or so far distanced in the interest of England as they were before This was at large refuted and silenced by the Parliament and therefore little need to be said in it and indeed Leagues and Pacts are common amongst all other Nations yet no man ever argued such a State is united to such a State as to such a particular war or as to the attaining of some other particular purposes therefore they are incorporated into one State and united as to all other purposes whatsoever This is ridiculous sense and experience is sufficient to explode it And if the Scots plead further that there is something extraordinary in this bond of the Covenant which knits faster and closer then all other bonds proof will fail them herein and yet if proof were not failing their equality of interest with ours in England would not follow notwithstanding For either the Covenant has reduced our two States and Dominions into one or not If it has not then the English mans interest is as intire and remains as distinct from the Scochmans as it was before confusion of properties is a thing as abhorred in policy as a vacuity is in nature But if both the governments by our Covenant adunation be compacted into one and the same then where is that one and the same supreme Tribunall which is equally to determine all Nationall disputes and may legally challenge submission from all aggrieved parties Should an Army be committed to 2. Generals and the Commission specifie nothing concerning the partition of their Commands and prevention of their rivalities nothing but ruin could be expected Therefore the very letter of the Covenant was so far from intending to take away all severality from us that it clearly puts each Nations Liberties and rights amongst those other things which it proposes to it self to save by this promised assistance of each Nation ordring likewise this assistance that no man should yeeld the same otherwise then in his severall place and calling and according to all our severall places and interests T is the more immodesty also in the Scots to arrogate to themselves an equall share in the rich Common-wealth of England which the English never made any pretence to in the like barrener soil of Scotland But if a moity of our English government in all cases whatsoever be not due to the Scots as they are our brethren in Covenant with us and equall parties in the same stipulation yet in the next place we cannot deny them an equall share in the judgment of the Covenant and all disputes about the same If they be contractors with us and by vertue of the same Contract are as well inabled to require performances of conditions from us as they are obliged to perform conditions to us it stands with all manner of equity and reason that they should have as great a latitude and freedom as we in determining what is to be performed on either part We deny not to the Scots the same extent of judging in England as to Covenant differences which we claim in Scotland this onely is denied by us that either they are as properly Judges of matters in England as they are in Scotland or we in Scotland as in England This was the fallacy that should have blinded us but there is no such great depth of sophistry in it The States of England and Scotland are equally independent the Covenant cannot grant to one equall a jurisdiction over another So long as both Nations stand upon equality and confesse no superiority to be in either so long it is vain injurious and against the ends of the Covenant for one to passe sentence upon the other T is vain because the sentence has no operation at all the party sentenced protests justly against it and all third indifferent parties look indifferently upon the sentence and protestation T is injurious because he that condemns his equall does that to another which he would not have another do to himself and if there be no other superior Judge on earth He intrudâ— into the chair of God himself Lastly t is against the Covenant because the intent of the Covenant is to settle peace and amity by offices of
vertue in it why do they brandish it so ludicrously onely to dazle our weak eyes The next Objection of the Scots is that we have not onely sequestred a great part of Christs spirituall power and detained it in Lay hands but have also abused the same power tolerating thereby and countenancing all manner of heresies which is directly contrary to our covenanted Reformation Our Answer is that we are neither intensively nor extensively lyable indeed to this objection For 1. all sects and scandals are not permitted by us nothing is more distant from truth then this suggestion All grosse sins and seducers are supprest with as quick severity as ever nay since the Norman Conquest there have not been so many sharp Laws made against Adultery Swearing blaspheming Sabbath-breaking and open prophanation as have been made within these few yeers All the remission and relaxation that our Parliament has indulged of late is only towards tender Consciences where men comport themselves civilly and inoffensively towards their neighbours and attempt to innovate nothing in the Church for perturbing of Religion and even in this also we havenot extended our indulgence so far as the united States of the Netherlands have and divers other Protestant Princes in Germany The truth is we do not finde such danger in Erastianisme Independentisme Anabaptisme Round-headisme c. as our rigid Presbyterians suspect and this would not dislike the Presbyterians themselves if they were men willing to do to others as they are willing others should do to them for they themselves are sensible that we can never desire more gentlenesse from them to us then is now shewed by us to them 2ly That toleration which we are accused of is but a non persecution in its most intensive degree for we use all Christian means besides force to reduce such as wander and divide from us and we are far from cherishing schismes and broyls either in Church or State Our Saviours own parable allows us where weeds have gotten head and are as numerous as the standing corn rather to spare the weeds for the corns sake then to indanger the corn for the weeds sake Howsoever it would be some charity in our traducers if they would advisedly consider how the growth of our weeds came at first to be so rank amongst us and thereupon joyn with us in humiliation for it not exult over us in scorn and derision Upon the first defiance given by the King to the Parliament half the Clergie at least fell away from this cause and before that rent could be sowde up there happened a second distance betwixt us and the Scots partly upon a royal and partly an Ecclesiasticall account and that distance drew on as great a revolt of the Clergie as the former And how can any man imagine but that strange disorders must needs follow and abound in a Church so deserted When the dressers of the Vineyard do not onely quit their charge but throw down the mounds how can it be expected but that Bores and Foxes should break in And indeed the Parliament is still ill beset for either they must deny preaching to the people to three parts of foure or else they must yeeld the Pulpits to their seditious Enemies and to such as shall seek to wound the Magistrate through the souls of the people This being the Parliaments hard case it may better become the Scots to whom may be attributed a great part of these disturbances to afford some pitie and help then to adde miserie to our miserie This is sufficient to plead for our indulgence let us onely advise the Presbyterians not to take unjust offence thereat or to stumble into the contrary extreme T is wofull to see how rigidly the Ministers carrie themselves towards the poore people in many places and what an absolute discretionarie power they challenge in many places over the ordinances of God There are many Parishes in England where the people have not been admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper nor some Infants to the Sacrament of Baptisme for a long time This deserves much bewailing for certainly God gave these rich Legacies to the diffusive body of his Church for the spirituall comfort of the meanest servants of his and not to that which cals it self his representative body to be a trade and monopolie for their advantage in this world But I have done if the world now finde cause to condemne us of dealing treacherously with the Covenant and our fellow-Covenanters in that we have not submitted to the Scots and for their sakes disclaimed our own judgements and interests to gratifie the King and the Presbyterian Clergie with our perpetuall servility let us fall under their condemnation Or if the world can justifie the Scots as pursuers of that union freedome and fidelity which was aimed at in the Covenant when they made themselves our Lords to give us Laws in our own Dominions and when they did not onely raise sedition here in our own bowels but came in with an Army of 20000. men to devour us let them stand upright here and injoy their wished Triumph Our finall assurance and comfort is there sits a Judge in heaven who can neither deceive nor be deceived a Judge that hears all appeals made above and does right at last to all that groane under oppression and injustice belowe Of the Scoch Warre VVEe have seen how the Covenants waxen nose has been turned and moulded into many forms wee see now cause to suspect that 't was made so large at first and compacted of such materials that like the Grecian wooden Horse it might tear our walls the wider upon its entrance and discharge the more discords and dissentions amongst us after its entrance was procured We see it was intended by the honest party in England for cement to unite the Nations in a more arct faithfull confederation then ever our Ancestors knew but the couching of it was obscure and left liable to so many false glosses that it soon became {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Our brotherly offices of Assistance soon degenerated into harsh expostulations harsh expostulations begat secreet feudes and secreet feudes heightned themselves into open hostilities The question is only when open war commenced betwixt these Nations Whether the Scots first invaded us by their Duke Hamilton above two years since or whether the English first invaded Scotland this last summer under the command of the Lord Gen. Cromwell For a year or two after reception of the Covenant in England a good correspondence was kept betwixt us the Scotch Commissioners sat in our Committee of Lords and Commons at Darby house whereby they were admitted into the knowledge of our highest and secretest affaires and had opportunity to frame parties amongst us for promoting of their own Interests Out of these kindnesses sprung our first unkindnesses for the more honour was given to the Scots the more still they thought was due and the more they thought was due the
Him then the Masse was formerly to his French Grand-father in the like case and if it were yet divers dulcifications might be added and accordingly divers mixtures were used to qualifie and make more potable that draught Advertisements had been sent from the yong Kings devout Mother in France and from her most Holy Father at Rome that in such an extremity the Oath was compulsory that the matter of the Oath was subject to many severall yea contrary interpretations that He should therefore be either left to be his own Interpreter at last in case He prevailed or if not yet He should be discharged of any contrary strained interpretation The truth was the present Power in Scotland had condemned Hamilton for invading England in behalf of an Anti-covenanting King and so it would be now too grosse for them to do the same thing till they had a Covenanting King whereupon it became impossible to them to relax the King of this condition The young King it may be might demand why they should more scruple fighting for an Anti-covenanting King then to fight against a Covenanting brother since the Covenant lost no more credit by the one then by the other and perhaps He might further demand why their conditions to Him were so rigorous since his to them pressed nothing but what was pleasing viz a joint concurrence against a Common enemy But his Mothers Councellors thought not fit to clog the debate with such intricacies All Scoch punctilioes being at last waved for the young King was so far from capitulating about his reception in Scotland that He was more forward to capitulate against his trusting himself there it came to the question what He should obtain at their hands in relation to England For satisfaction herein it was assured that the Scots had already proclaimed him King of Great Brittain that they had alreadie Protested against the governing party in England as guilty of Usurpation that they did now ingage to contribute their utmost endeavours by all necessarie and lawfull means according to the Covenant and duties of loyall Subjects to restore him to the peaceable possession of his other Dominions according to his undoubled right of succession This was the tenor in briefe of that Parlee here is an inthroning promist to the yong King by all necessary and lawfull meanes according to the Covenant and here force of armes is not openly profest as a necessary and lawfull meanes according to the Covenant that the English might be â—uâ—d in the more security but â—is ambiguously implyed and secretly so explained to the young King and his Counsell that He might proceed with the more vigor and confidence Hereupon now rises the contest whether this ambiguity of expression and mentall equivocall reservation in the agreement be such as ought to delude the English or not The Scots still say no force of Arms is threatned against us and that if we flie unto force of Arms against them either upon this or former hostilities we do cauâ—lâ—sly invade them They solemnly invoke God as a witnesse and Judge that they have denyed us no right that they have done us no wrong that in this preventing warre we are meer invaders and returners of evill for good Yet we must understand to make this good before the Bar of Almighty God himself they waver and dâ—llie and double and seek to collude in their own plea for they do not simply deny their ingaging to use force against us but unlawfull force nor yet are they willing to confesse their force intended and justifie it openly as lawfull by the Covenant Surely in an appeal to Almighty God the case need not be presented with so much art and under the cover of such dubious reservations Let us take a little notice first how far they deny secondly how far they justifie their forcible assisting the yong King against us After the King was well satisfied with their meaning by private insinuations and had adventur'd his person into Scotland then further craft was thought fit to be used to blinde the English and retard their preparations and therefore the Committee of Estates in Scotland publisht that the Article in the Treaty of Bredah concerning restoring the yong King to his Crowne of England was not to binde till the Parliament and Kirke of Scotland had taken a previous consideration and given their determination concerning the lawfullnesse and necessitie thereof Behold the ingenuity of the Scots They conclude a warre and no warre To all the enemies of England 't is a declared warre against England To the English themselves 't is no warre till the Scotch Parliament and Kirke have further declared in it The enemies of England have hereupon just warning and timely summons to arme and colleague for Englands offence but in the presence of God they speake it the English themselves have no just â—aâ—â—â— noâ— provocation to provide for any defence at all Though this agreement was made by the Enemies of England with the Enemies of England and refâ—rres to the Covenant which ha's alwayes been expounded to the justifying of a warre with England upon this quarrell and though this agreement must signifie a full defiance against England to all others yet to the English it must signifie nothing God himselfe being admitted Judge The English had been once before invaded by the Parliament of Scotland upon the same pretexâ—s of the Covenant without any warning given when both the Nations were not onely in profest amity but also under the religious ties of a solemne League and yet now when the Parliament of Scotland ha's perâ—idiously violated that amity and those ties and iâ— moreover fâ—stned in a new Agreement and Covenant with the most active foe that England ha's in the world by Sea and Land and by the words of that Agreement and Covenant ha's obliged it selfe to recover the Throne of England to Him yet now 't is expected that the English should sit still and attend till the Parliament and Kiâ—ke of Scotland had further deside them Alas the prevention of a wound that is likely to be mortall is as necessary when it is possible as the warding of it and some stroakes are of that nature that they cannot be repelled by the buckler if they be not anteverted by the sword Therefore the fictions of the Cockatrices eyes want no ground in policy whatsoever they doe in Nature and 't is often seene in warres and seditions that the party which surprizes not is sure to be surpriz'd This caused the Parliament of England this last Summer to send a preventing Army into Scotland yet with an intension of defence not offence for it was manifest to us if wee did not pitch the warre there and there draw the first bloud wee did necessarily expose our selves to the first charge and impression of our enemies here and choose to erect the theater of warre within our own Dominions Moreover had wee been meere Assaylants or had wee been defendâ—nts in an equall
therefore perhaps t is not parsimony of blood that makes them so parsimonious in their demands of blood 4ly As our pretiousest Friends must lye under this discretionary danger so the most fatall of our Enemies must be secured from all danger of our Laws for in the close of all an Act of Oblivion is to overwhelme all things and all men whatsoever Royallists Presbyterians Independents Papists Protestants are to be put into an equall condition What is this lesse then to spoil us of all advantages and exempt our Enemies from all disadvantages that the event of these late wars have cast upon us both especially when the Act is to passe as a Grace from our Masters in Scotland and not of reconcilement from us By this state of the cause so formed and owned by the Scots themselves 't is now apparent that if the English had yielded stupedly to all the conditions and Laws that are here imposed upon them they had left nothing remaining to themselves the whole English Nation had been given up to vassalage under a forreign Power Those very Royalists and Presbyterians which should have survived the Independents and could have severd themselves from the ruin of the Parliament as was very difficult to do yet should have seen the old Government of England overturned and have served a Master that should have served other Masters The Scots neverthelesse in the Declaration before mentioned recommend these impositions of their young K as his gratious condiscentions and they expect that hereby he offers satisfaction to the just and necessary desires of his good Subjects in England and Ireland And because they see there are many thousands in England who have utterly forgotten that ever they were born on this side the Twied They use many Arguments of Conscience and Honour to Arm all such against the Parliament and to in amour them with that Freedom and happinesse that this Declaration promises under them So wonderous a thing it is that any liberty under a Parliament of England should be thought worse by Englishmen then any servitude under the Kirk and state of Scotland but here are the true grounds of our expedition into Scotland the Justice whereof lookt backward to the incursion of Hamilton in 1648. whilst its necessity lookt forward to the Treaty at Breda and to the accord that was there made in March last There is a Justice of warre sometimes that derives it self onely from necessity but in the War that is now waged by our Parliament in Scotland we may truly avow that our Arms are just because they were necessary and we as truly avow that they became necessary by being so egregiously just inasmuch as the Magistrate often is restrained from dispensing with the Subjects right Now it appears by what ha's been here related that the Scots unprovoked powred in upon us 20000. men in a maner most perfidious and at a time most disadvantagious that after satisfaction peaceably sought they rejected us as unworthy of any Treaty with them that at Breda they have since conspired with â—â—r open Enemy against us making their cause his and his theirs and therefore directly contrary to the Scots Declarations emitted the last Summer we draw this conclusion that we have received wrongs insufferable that we have been denied rights indispensible and that we have been forced into a War unavoydable For we hope since no place nor time secures us from the offensive Arms of their young King and his Commissions Officers whose cause they have espoused by taking him into a forced Covenant No time nor place ought to secure him from our defensive prosecution Let the Scots flatter themselves as they please with fond umbrages that they observe their Covenant whilst they fight against us that are parties to it and whilst in the young K. they abet P. Rupert and the Irish that are parties ingaged against it God is not mocked He sees throughly the ill temper of that morter wherewith their ruinous cause is daubed The same God knows likewise how unwillingly we drew our swords in this quarrel and how far all aims of ambition domination revenge or spoil were distant from these our undertakings The same words which were once used by our Army after the great defeat given to Hamilton in England the same do we still resume after as great a successe neer Dunbar in Scotland We believe God ha's permitted his Enemies at several times to Tyrannize over his people that we might see a necessity of Union amongst them We likewise hope and pray that his glorious dispensations of successe against our Common Enemies may be the foundation of Union amongst Gods people in love and amity To this end God assisting before whom we make this profession to the utmost of our power we shall endeavour to perform what is behinde on our parts and when we shall through wilfulnesse fail herein let this Hypocritical profession rise up in Judgement against us before him who is and ha's ever appeared the severe avenger of Hypocrisie This we direct now to all the mislead yet well meaning people of Scotland as cordially after a second signal victory as we did then after the first Reader I here often mention the Scots and seem to intend the whole Nation but I pray thee make no such interpretations for I doubt not but there are many good people there that either know not their Magistrates Hypocrisie or bewail it in secret I my self know many excellent men of that Nation and these to me are as dear as if they were English Sit Tros sit Tyrius nullo discrimine habebo Of the INGAGEMENT THere was lately Printed a sheet of Considerations against our common Ingagement of Allegiance to this Common-wealth the Author seems to be a Presbyterian of the Scoch Faction by some thought able and learned his Arguments are very brief and I will answer him as briefly as may be The Arguments by which our Ingagement is impugned and as it were on every hand beleaguerd are eleven as I take it The first is against the Ingagements inconsistency with former Obligations 2. Its partiality towards Malignants 3. Its obscurity and ambiguity 4. Its illegall penalties 5. Its inefficacie 6. Its want of charity 7. Its rigor to harmless conscientious men 8. Its enmity to Reconciliation 9. Its diffidence in God 10. Its excesse and extremity in punishing 11. Its opposition to Christian Liberty The raising of this seige I hope will not prove very difficult Considerator This Ingagement to some that have already taken six or seven Oaths may possibly seem contrary to some of those former Obligations and such Ingagers must now suffer or sin against their doubting consciences Answ 1. No State can enact or ordain any thing but the same may be lyable to some mens doubts In Christian Religion it self all mens scruples are not prevented those Acts and Orders therfore which are not lyable to just doubts are sufficient and ought to binde Now the Ingagement which in