they failed to stem the Tide that broke in as a consequent upon that Vote of the Commons Octob. 31. 1673. That considering the Condition the Nation was then in they would not take into further consideration any Aids or Charges upon the Subject except it did appear the obstinacy of the Dutch should render it necessary c. For the French Emissaries had taught the King and his Juncto their Lesson to wit to give out that the Dutch were full of Sullenness and Obstinacy and would come to no honourable Terms and therefore there was a necessity of further humbling of them but now the Court of England were as hasty to make up the Peace with Holland as e're they were to declare War against them which was concluded by the 9th of February 1673 4 but though the Dutch came hereby to enjoy Peace with us at Sea yet they found the pernicious Effects of the Valour of the English Troops which continued in the French Armies and gained them several Victories after that Peace till upon the earnest and repeated Instances both of the Foreign Powers concerned and of our own Parliament some redress was given to that Grievance but never a total one a Proclamation being obtained for recalling our Forces from the French Service which yet was construed not to extend to the Irish Nation who after that by that foul connivence of our King not only continued there in Bodies as formerly but drew over Recruits from time to time and were most highly cherished and caressed as indeed were the Irish Nation all along with a sensible difference above the English and Scotch especially when a War was expected with us they having a secret design upon that Kingdom by one Method or other ever since their first drawing our King into League with them which they did not obscurely intimate when by way of encouragement they would now and then say to the Irish Roman Officers among them as likewise to other qualified Gentlemen Travellers of that same Nation That the King their Master had an esteem of them above all other Nations for their Antâ—quity Generosity and Invincible Conâ—â—â—ncy to their old Religion for above a Century of Years after their Masters the English had abâ—ndoned it and that the Scots and the Wâ—eish Britains by the contagion of their Example with sufficient Derogation from their former unviolated Claims to Antiquity and unconquered Liberty had done the like and would assure them from him That the time would come when he would shew them marks of his Esteem by conferring the Hereditary Guard of his own and his Successor's Persons on their Nation instead of the Scots who were now departed from their Interests and that as a Catholick Prince and the Guarantee of their Treaty with King Charles when in Banishment for restoring to them their Estates whenever he should be restored he would see them righted and would one day free them from the Tyranny of the English Nation But notwithstanding all underhand Compliance of our Court with that of France as our Peace with Holland had already displeased them This recalling of our Troops as partially executed as it was quite put them out of humour so that though they durst not shew their Resentments too far for fear of increasing the Evil they fretted at yet they did what they could by allurements to debauch and by hard Usage and all imaginable Discouragements both to deter as many as they could of our Soldiers from paying Obedience to the said Proclamation and to disable those who were fixedly bent to return from being serviceable to their King and Country Among the rest mighty Advantages were offered to my Lord Dowglas afterwards Earl of Dunbarton to intice him to stay and some time after he was gone upon hearing he had no Preferment under his own King by reason of the severity of our Laws against Men of his Perswasion there were very great Rewards proposed to those they thought had any influence over him to perswade him to return and particularly to my self in case I could find any who could so far prevail over him but all in vain yet most of the Irish remained to the last and were very serviceable at the brisk Action of Gyrone and on some other Occasions and after the fear of the War with us was blown over by the Tempest raised among our selves whilst we blinded our Parliament and People by seeming to observe exactly the Articles of Neutrality agreed upon between our King and them they for a long time and even till now have refused to receive any English and Scotch Officers and Soldiers to their Service tho' contrary to their Allegiance to their King and Country several of them and some of them Romans of tried Affection proffered themselves yet still as many Irish as presented themselves were readily entertained And thus My Lord Tho' these subtile Politicians missed of their first point in hindring our Peace with Holland they succeeded but too well in the second through our Court's weakness and base Prevarication which was eluding it by corrupting our Neutrality with such a partiality on their side that it was an Honey-Comb to them whilst it was but a Spunge of Gall and Vinegar to the Confederates but foreseeing that in time this jugling conduct of our King would make all Europe murmur and render his Friendship or Mediation suspicious every where That it would make him odious to his People and blow into a Flame those old jealousies that already began to rekindle and afford ample matter for the Emissaries of the Confederates to work upon in our Nations and consequently to actuate our People so violently to a League with the said Allies against them that it would be impossible for the King with Safety to resist them for of his good Will to them by this time they were pretty confident they therefore were careful to make a timely Provision against an inconvenience so much dreaded by them and to endeavour to make use of those very Jealousies Fears and Animosities whose Effects they apprehended against their Adversaries by dexterously catching them up like Fireworks before they brake and returning them back upon our selves and this difficult sort of Game they managed by several Stratagems of which I have neither room nor opportunity to advertise your Lordship at present but must defer it to a proper season and remain as I truly am My Lord Your very humble Servant Paris July 12. 1678. N. S. LETTER XXXV Of the Marquess de Ruvigni a French Protestant his being sent Embassador into England and what the Politicks of France were therein My Lord I Do not question but your Lordship does remember the first time of the Marquess de Ruvigny's being sent Envoy from this Court into England which was in the Year 1669. and which I think I have in one of my Letters hinted already That he was a Person very capable for such an Imployment none can doubt that knew him but that ever he was
have little effect to urge the Example of the King and Duke two such wise Princes as they represented them who knew and understood perfectly well the Principles of the Reformed Religion and all the Arguments it was defensible by and yet had in a manner yeilded to the invincible force of the Truth which appeared on their side and had said they against their Temporal Interests to the evident hazards of their Persons and Dignities to which they preferred the Welfare of their more precious Souls embraced the Roman Catholick Opinions Yea St. Germain proceeded so far in this kind of vanity that he was in a fair way to be ruined for ever but I have not leisure at this Juncture to observe to your Lordship the Passages and Effects of that Conduct but must refer it to my next wherein I hope I shall not fail you who am My LORD Your ever obliged and most obedient Servant Paris Iuly 17. 1680. N. S. LETTER LVI St. Germain endeavouring to reclaim one Lusancy to the Church of Rome whose Communion he had forsaken used King Charles II's Turning Papist as an Argument which the other discovering forced St. Germain to flee into France where he was punished for his Indiscretion for a Time My LORD IT was not without some Difficulty that I have been able to perform the Promisory Clause of my last Letter in reference to Father St. Germain's unseasonable Words concerning the King's Perversion to the Romish Church who among others more particularly repeated the said Brags to a young Friar then lately turned Protestant in the Savoy as I learnt afterward and whom for what peculiar Reasons I could never come to know he laboured with more than ordinary Application to reclaim back again from his pretended Heresie and at any rate to dispatch him back into France That same young Friar went by the Name of Lusancy but St. Germain said his true Name was Beau-Chateau and it seems had been St. Germain's Scholar formerly when Regent in the College of Clermont in this City and consequently knowing more of St. Germain than any other Man perhaps in England It may be the Fear of some Inconveniency to their Designs by that Knowledge and such Discourses as he might happen to have thereupon was one Reason of the said Father's so great eagerness to remove him out of the way In fine How de facto and in truth he managed the Business with him I cannot affirm but certain it is that Lusancy pretended that upon his deferring as the other thought a little too much his full Compliance with his Desires he offered him Violence and with several Accomplices threatned to stab or pistol him if he would not sign such a Recantation as he presented and go along with those he brought with him in order to his immediate Transportation And that upon Complaint thereof to the Parliament then Sitting by a noble Lord to whom Lusancy applied himself and whom I need not name I believe to your Lordship though perhaps you have never heard this Story before in its full length and by the Discovery of some other of their Practices the said Lusancy forced St. Germain to flee and was the Cause of some Stir against Popish Priests and Emissaries at that time which were the Praeludium to what followed afterwards in the time of the late Conspiracy imputed to the said Party And no less certain it is on the other side that St. Germain's Imprudence and ill Conduct both in that and other things was so defenceless and inexcusable that he was a long time in some Disgrace with the Duke and Dutchess with Father la Chaise and the whole Society of his Order to whom he was forced by a long and laborious Apology to vindicate himself as well as he could particularly about the unhappy Affair of Lusancy and his rash and inconsiderate Speeches of the King and Duke of York which he compiled with much Artifice and Eloquence and made me cloath it in the English Tongue to the end he might satisfie his Friends of both Nations of his Innocence of those foul Aspersions cast upon him as he would have it Yet he could never so solidly refute what was so plainly objected against him but that still there remained Causes sufficient to suspect that the Assertions of such as accused him were not without some real Grounds And indeed though they were glad to have the same pass for a plausible Defence among Secular Persons for their common Reputation upon which that subtile Society so much value and esteem themselves yet within their own Cloisters they were so little satisfied with his specious Pleas that they mulcted him as they usually do their own Members upon failure of Conduct by sending him to and fro and employing him in low and contemptible things which only Juniors used to perform and were a long time before they admitted him to any considerable Post again though at last after sufficient Mortification upon his uninterrupted and vehement Importunities to be restored again once more to their good Opinion and repeated Promises to be more assiduous in their Service and careful of his Conduct for the future and because he had been at first with Coleman the chief Author of the Duke's being drawn into a close and separate Intrigue with the Court of France by the Intervention of Father la Chaise and knew best of any the Secrets and Mystery of it he was again intrusted to manage the Continuation of that Correspondence by the means of Coleman his old Friend's receiving all Letters from him and transmitting all those of Father la Chaise and his Creatures in France to Coleman and his Master and others with whom they had any Intrigue in England among whom was one Lady Glascow who received and dispersed most of the Letters which were not inclosed in Coleman's Pacquet and which were commonly numerous enough directed to her under six or seven several Names changing every time or every other time at least the Name and the Direction Of which Correspondence I may perhaps be able to give your Lordship a fuller Account another time presuming this cannot but find Acceptance though from so mean a Person as is My LORD Your Lordship 's Most Devoted and Humble Servant Paris Sept. 2. 1680. N. S. LETTER LVII Arguments used to the Duke of York against Marrying his Daughter to the Prince of Orange My LORD I Confess I do not well remember when it was that I gave your Lordship an Account of the Duke's being first drawn into a close Correspondence with France and I am as much to seek how and when the following Arguments were urged upon him no further than the Circumstance of the Subject does discover But Time may unravel all However this I find was urged first on him That it would be of equal Danger to His Royal Highness if not more to give his Daughter to the Prince of Orange than to let her be in the French Disposal and that his Brother the
side of the Water for besides that this Court were then and are still at variance with the Papal See There is not the least Instruction transmitted from hence as far as I can find either to England or Rome concerning that matter but perhaps he might receive them in transitâ— and by word of mouth only from M. L. who failed not to see him But as for Count Dada the Apostolâ—ck Nuncio as they call him they have shewed some Concern here that he should have an honourable Reception in England and have order'd it so as to get our King to dispense with that Ceremony which Henry VIII and even his Daughter Queen Mary insisted upon that he should wait like a Mumper at a French Port till he had Leave granted him to enter into England And that the English Nation who had not seen such a Vision for near an Age and a half might not be overterrified with it the French Agents were instructed to suggest unto those Lords and others whom they should think most susceptible of their Sophistry That since the King as a Roman-Catholick Prince could do no less than send an Ambassador to Rome to salute the Pope tho' it were but for form-sake and that his said Ambassador had had such an extraordinary Reception and great Civilities shewed him there it were but very equitable the King in his turn should shew the like to his Nuncio who was a Layman and in that quality came to congratulate his accession to the Throne from his Master not so much as he sate in St. Peter's Chair as he was a Temporal Prince to whose Ministers as such the Law of Nations required a just Deference should be paid That to send a solemn Embassy to the Great Turk who was a Mahumetan and a sworn Enemy to all Christians however denominated was never so much as boggled at by any English-man or other Christian Nation whatsoever either in this or any preceding Age That the Ambassadors of the Emperor of Morocco had been lately received in England most honourably and yet their Master both a Mahametan and a Barbarian Prince in whose Countries Christians were treated more like Brute-Beasts than Men and should they disdain to concur with their Prince to receive with some Ceremony and if not by way of a publick and pompous Entry yet privately in his Palace a Minister from him to whose Civilities many of our English Nobility and Gentry were highly obliged in their Travels to Rome and Italy But what Success they have had in this petty Agency your Lordship can tell much better than I at this distance but the Duke of Somerset is as highly exclaimed against here for refusing to perform the Ceremony of introducing the Nuncio as the Duke of Grafton is applauded for doing of it who I hope for all that will never have the Thanks of a House of Commons for it I am My Lord Your very obedient and humble Servant Paris Nov. 2â— 1â—87 N. S. LETTER XXXIV The French Politicks to embroyl England My Lord THE French Emissaries having gain'd severat Points and particularly that mentioned in my last they have lately turn'd their Batteries another way They have been most of this while endeavouring to compass their Ends by putting the King and those who have most influence over him upon desperate courses whereof the most material I have as Occasion has served noted to your Lordship It will hardly be believed that they would offer to propose any Maxims to the Legal Party in England that are really for their advantage Did not their Instructions make it appear to be so tho they have proposed far different Ends therein I do not question but your Lordship has observed the Uneasiness of the Nation under the present Proceedings of the King and Court-party but tho they have just cause of suspicion I must assure your Lordship the same has been and may still be aggravated by the Agents of this Court who teach them to infuse into the People That the Protestant Religion is in great danger That the reduction of the Roman-Catholicks to the Bounds establish'd by the Law of the Land is highly necessary and without the latter be effected it will be impossible for the former long to subsist That it was visible the Privileges of Parliament were infâ—inged more than in any time of their Ancestors That Arbitrary Power was already acted and without timely prevention would get such rooting that all the power of England could not dethrone it That there was not scarce one made a Nobleman since the Kings accession to the Throne in the Three Kingdoms but such as were Pâ—pâ—sts and That all Honours and Offices of Profit either in Court or Camp were shared amongst such whilst the Protestants lay neglected as useless persons and such as were deem'd to have no Share nor Lot in the Government That the person of the King it 's true was sacred but at the same time it was not only justifiable but an incumbent Duty upon them as Englishmen as they would answer it to God and their Country timously to think of the Danger and to apply the Remedy for without the removal of such Ministers as then managed the State it would be in vain to expect their Grievances could be redressed and their Religion and Liberties secured and if they find themselves harken'd to and their Propositions approved they have further Instructions to hint an Association for one Expedient c. God Almighty knows what will become of poor England amidst so many Designs upon her Religion and Liberty both by foreign and domestick Enemies who continually prey upon her Vitals I can but pray for her as I do and always shall for your Lordship who am My Lord Your most devoted Servant Paris Dec. 13. 1687. LETTER XXXV King James tho' already much disposed put more out of Conceit with the Prince of Orange who is represented by the French Agents very illy to him My Lord I Have in my last suggested to you some of those Arguments the Emissaries of this Court have and are to use to the Church of England-men as they find occasion and a disposition to receive them for to put them upon violent courses to their own and Nation 's destruction But at the same time they have entertained an incurable Jealousie of the Prince of Orange and construe the most just and generous Actions of a Prince who was always so in the worst sense imaginable and as such represent them to the King whom they cunningly whistle in the Ear saying That he could not but know there were some persons in the Nation who were not pleased with his way of proceeding and therefore would be sure to take all Opportunities to oppose him That indeed now Monmouth was cut off they had no plausible Head to retire unto That for the Prince of Orange tho' he had apparently omitted nothing since His Majesty's advancement to the Throne for the maintaining of a fair correspondence with him and
this King at Rome receiving Information that some of the Pope's Marshals were got within his Quarters he ordered his Men to seize them and commit them to safe Custody the Cardinal de Estree has endeavoured to alleviate the matter and mollifie his Holiness Resentments saying That certain Persons who were no great Friends to France had set them at Work with a design to irritate Matters yet further between the two Courts that he might be pleased to consider that in the Posture Affairs then stood that is after his Holiness had accepted the Mediation of the King of England it would look ill to admit any Innovation but the Cardinal was asked Whether the King of France was Sovereign in the City of Rome And supposing he had been really so was there any Justice to arrest People as they passed along the Streets that had a Design to make no manner of Attempts upon any That it was never yet known in any Country or heard of in the World of any Law that condemned a Man upon a bare Suspicion but supposing that were true as it was not yet it was most certain that the Punishment was reserved to the Sovereign and not to an Embassador who whatever Latitude he would have allowed to his Authority could not pretend to any more than to be independent in his own Person that as for his Domesticks if they pretended to the same Exemption with himself it was no farther allowable than they demeaned themselves Regularly as they ought to do for if they did otherwise they were subject to the ordinary Iurisdiction of the Place they were in That there were a Thousand Examples for it though there had been some Embassadors who had endeavoured to extend the Privilege of their Domesticks so far as to maintain that they ought to be affranchised That this pretended right of Sovereignty by Embassadors was so far from beng true that they had not as much as Power to punish their own Servants for there could not be any one Example produced that any Embassador has intruded so far as to condemn any Person whatsoever to Death tho' there have been many who have justly merited such Punishment That it was true they had sometimes reclaimed them when fallen into the Hands of ordinary Iustice but that at the same time it had always depended upon that of the Sovereign to concede that Favour to them or refuse them according as they were more or less just These things being granted which could not be otherwise for they carried their own Light with them how could it be justified that a bare Embassador should dare to arrest not only his own Servants but the Officers of a Sovereign Prince and that even in his Capital City and to heighten the Extravagance of such an Action even in the very Sight of him Thus my Lord has the Old Gentleman resented the Injury and I am afraid our King will have but little Joy of his Embassy and in this Particular come short of his Grandfather's Motto of Beati Pacifici however his Zeal here for the Good of the Roman Catholick Church is highly applauded but whether it be a Zeal without Knowledge I le leave to your Lordship to determine and think my self happy in any Opportunity to serve you who am My Lord Your very humble Servant Paris July 2. 1688. S. N. LETTER XXXIX Of the Seven Bishops being committed to the Tower of London and the French Intrigues to embroyl that matter My Lord THE Commitment of the Bishops to the Tower and the Birth of the Priuce of Wales are things so agreeable to the Gusto of this Court that they are overjoy'd at it about the former of which this Court has been very busie I will not positively say the Presbyterians had the first hand in it tho' they have taken care to enter it into our Minutes so and that they being willing to make some advantage of the Contests of the Court got it suggested to the King by the means of the Romanists That in order to engage the Parliament to establish Liberty of Conscience it was necessary the Bishops should be order'd to injoyn the reading the King's Declaration in their respective Diocesses That the matter could not be scrupled by them since the publication of the King's Orders had been at all times an Usage in England as well as in other Countries But however this matter was first started my Lord I will not take upon me to determine but it was carried on by strange Instruments for as soon as ever the Bishops had refused to read the Declaration and addrest themselves to the King upon that account with their Reasons for noncomplyance the Jesuits about him egged briskly on by such as are entirely at this Court's Devotion represented to him the great Affront offered to his Authority and the Regal Dignity itself by such a Refusal and how if he suffered the same to go impunedly it might open a Gap for it to be trampled upon without reserve and who could tell where it would terminate That since he had already in all other points carried the Rights of Soveraignty to a great height surely it was not now time to dissemble and wink at an Adventure that put such narrow Bounds to his Regal Authority That there was therefore an absolute necessity to call them to a severe account for such an audacious Act That they might be tryed by vertue of the Ecclesiastical Commission and with as much Justice everywhit suspended as the Bp of London was and what would be a mighty Advantageous Consequent thereon was that the Privation of the Episcopal Authority would advance the Regal Authority to such a pitch as to be held in veneration by all the People You know my Lord the Success these Remonstrances have had but the variation of the Bishops Tryal is disavowed by this Court and the cause of their being brought into Westminster-Hall attributed to the Chancellor's swaying the King and for which some have gnashed their Teeth at him Upon the Acquitment of the Bishops the English Jesuits were horribly spighted and the French Emissaries laughed in their Sleeves and that they might embroyl the Nation more had Orders to insâ—uate into any whom they thought fit for their purpose That the Regal Authority had that Property in it that it oftentimes subsisted more in Imagination than Effect That if the People did but once know their own Strength they would find it an easie matter to shake off the Yoke which certain Puissances imposed upon them and with a great deal more but in general Terms to the same purpose with which I shall not at present trouble your Lordship But they have at the same time spirited up the Jesuitical Court-Faction to importune the King without any Intermission to review the Bishop's Cause and bring them on to another Tryal alledging to him That such a Failure would undoubtedly add a Triumph to the People whereof they had already given but too clear Signs and
all their Hopes dashed to pieces and therefore they stood still for a Time to see what so mighty a Revolution in England might produce and what mighty things a King in the Vigour of his Years whom they had sufficiently provoked during his Exile so high in the Love of his Subjects the ancient Emulators of the French and the People now in the most Martial Posture that ever they were in since England was a Nation would undertake but finding all were Haleyon Daâ—s and that then there was no apparent Disposition in our Court to make any Incroachment on their Neighbours the French Ministers began to re-assume fresh Hopes and to consider what Expedients might be proper for to promote their Designs which now for some time had lain Dormant one Project was that of the Match mentioned by me to your Lordship in my Last which succeeding so well and finding still that the King was far enough from designing any War for the enlargment of his Territories they resolved to make an Essay and see whether he was willing to part with any thing that was already his own I do suppose your Lordship may have heard of Cardinal de Retz being in disgrace at the French Court of his being forced to flee the Kingdom of his being at London incognito some time after the Restoration what he was publickly accused for in France was that he had favoured the Adverse Party about the Point of the Legitimacy that he had invited Madamoisell d' Orleans to aspire to a Match with our King and Abetted the Pretensions of Rome against those of the Court about the then growing Difficulties concerning the Regale but what ever the Reasons were they were never Published nor suffered to be so much as entred in the Minutes of other Secrets but this is certain that our King interceded with the French King on his behalf and that he was admitted to return and I have been assured it was by the way of Dunkirk and was sent afterward Embassador to Rome but whether all this was a Juggle to carry on a Negotiation about Dunkirk I will not positively affirm but it looks as much like a French Trick as one Egg does another That the Spaniards pressed our King very early for the Restitution of Dunkirk is uncontroulably true and made pretty large offers and it is as true that the King rejected their Proposals which yet did not discourage the French Emissaries of whom they had by this Time many in England as the Minutes shew who having ingratiated themselves with the Chancellor and other hungry Courtiers made also their Overtures and told the King withal that Cromwel was to have that Town only for a Temporary Caution for so much Money due to him for his Assistance against the Spaniards and that therefore it was a Matter of Right they insisted upon seeing they were now ready to lay down the Summ with more then Interest nay and they were so bold as to tell him farther that if he refused to give it for Money they would endeavour to recover the same by a War and questioned not the Junction of the Hollanders with them both by Sea and Land in that Case they being as unwilling as the French that the English should have footing so near them on the Continent and in effect they made use of the Dutch Faction and some Jews their Emissaries in England more then any Body else to bring that Affair about and because they would be sure to meet with no Obstructions from the Spaniards by renewing their Instances to the King and alleadging a greater right to the Town then the French they amused them with a Design they had to restore it to them again upon a reasonable equivalent in Flanders and gave it out that they had entred into a Treaty already with them upon that Head but whether it was so in Reality I cannot tell and this is all that I am able to inform your Lordship concerning our parting with that Important Place Only that the summ paid for it was two Millions and five hundred thousand Lirves and so I remain My Lord Your Lordships most Humble Servant Paris March 4. 1676. N. St. LETTER V. Overtures made to King Charles II. for the Sale of Tangier to the French and how prevented My Lord THe French having as I have given your Lordship an Account in my Last gained their Point in the buying of Dunkirk whereof the French Forces took Possession about October in the Year 1662. they paused a little to see how the English would resent it before they would make any further Paces for the Promotion of their Cause to our Disadvantage but finding the Memory of the Anarchical Times together with the Nation 's according the Example of the Court daily degenerating from the Severity of Manners in Former Times had in a manner laid them fast asleep and quite obliterated all Thoughts of Military Glory so far as if there had been a sudden Transmutation of the Genius of the People they resolved to make another Essay upon the easie temper of the King and try whether he would also part with Tangier unto them but whether it were that the King was sensible already of his Mistake in parting with Dunkirk or that this very Motion of theirs put him upon considering what he had done and the great Error he had committed in Policy thereby it is certain he gave them an absolute Denial and that their Minutes speak but say withal that to be revenged of his Denial and make him odious after their usual Manner this Court ordered it however to be reported as if he had been willing for it and further add that the Kings real Answer was that Tangier being his Queens Dowry to whom he had not long been Married it would not at all suit with his Honour to sell it neither could he well part with it unless he parted with Her that it was by Parliament annext to the Imperial Crown of England and so could not be Sold without them that if both He and his Parliament too might be willing to sell it at another Time yet to be sure it was not proper to think of it just then when after so much Treasure and Blood spent upon it already it might if ever prove of some use to the Nation in the War then like to begin with the Dutch that he could not part with it to the French King so well as to any other Christian Prince nay not so well as even to the Moors themselves without giving a very just and therefore a dangerous Cause of Jealousie to his People especially in that Juncture when by the Carriage of the French he had great Cause to suspect they were Jealous of his grandeur at Sea and would joyn with the Dutch against him which refusal of his I must tell your Lordship was indeed one of the secret Causes among others why they soon after actually joyned with that Nation to diminish our Power to sham
at which they whom they thus incited did not so much as dream of Thus while many in our Parliaments were so fierce against Papists Arbitrary Power and the French Interest and cried out against all of the Court-party as French Pensioners tho' 't is true too many of them were so as does appear yet little thought they that they were likewise so themselves and never imagined the same French were Abettors of both Parties And the better to cover this underhand play they drew off most of the Money they employ'd to this latter sort by the way of Genoa Florence Amsterdam and Hamburg that it might not be discovered it came Originally from France Nay my Lord by the by be pleased to take notice that one main cause of the French King's Indignation against Genua tho' it be a very secret one and known to few was their Bankers cackling and discovering to the Agents of the House of Austria the Money privately sent and dispersed and sent towards Poland Hungary Turky and some other Parts not named and has made them imploy none ever since almost but what are openly or covertly Jews who serve the French King with great Fidelity for these Reasons 1. He is in their Esteem the most Powerful in Christendom 2. Because he Favours the Grand Turk where they have so great a Commerce and are in such numbers 3. Because he gives them a liberty by connivance tho' not open Toleration 4. Because he is so great an Enemy to the Austrian Family who have been so Cruel to them by the Inquisition and by Banishing them not only out of the Spanish Territories but likewise out of the Emperor 's Hereditary Countries 5. And lastly Because he seems to them to be of no Religion but almost as great a Scourge to the Christians in general both Popish and others as the Turk Tartar or Barbarian their Principles naturally leading them to admire and revere any thing they think a Plague to Christians whom they are taught to Curse daily even in their Solemn Prayers and therefore England had need have a Care of them in this Juncture But as for the Pensions they gave the Courtiers they Industriously affected the transmission of those Moneys from France and had their Agents busie to buzz it abroad in order to render them odious to the People and to incite the Patriots the more violently against them And tho' a great part of the Money they allowed the King from time to time were sometimes transmitted from the abovementioned Places and some from Venice yet private notice was presently given to their Agents in England and elsewhere with positive Orders to inform the World of the Truth of that Intrigue unless it were some time when a particular Critical Juncture might require a contrary Procedure My Lord this is the Sum of what I could learn in respect to their Correspondence in England either from the Minutes or private Conversation of which your Lordship is sensible I have as great an Opportunity as any other and with which I shall at present conclude who am My Lord Your Honour 's most Humble Servant Paris Iuly 11. 1684. N. St. LETTER XVI Of the French King 's frequent Reviews of his Troops in 1670. and of the umbrage taken in England thereupon and of the Duke of Buckingham's Embassy into France My Lord I Have formerly given your Lordship an Account of the great Levies in France and vast Preparations for War both by Sea and Land what Care had been taken to secure the Domestick Peace in the mean time and what the Opinion of the French Ministers of State were in regard to what Country should be Invaded by them And I am now to acquaint your Lordship that when their Military Preparations were pretty forward which was in the Year 1670. they began to make frequent Reviews of their Troops which to amuse they continued till the end of the next Year in several Bodies towards as many different Frontiers that their Neighbour Nations being used to them and seeing no Effects follow might think they were only done out of a Vanity to make Ostentation of the French Power and Grandure to keep their Soldiers in Discipline and find their Nobility and Active Spirits Employment who else might busie themselves for want of Occupation in disturbing the State The Artifice took so that most of their Neighbours tho' now and then they were troubled with a Fit of Thoughtfulness and Suspicion begun to grow secure and particularly the Hollanders who thought the French King so much in Jest that they tauâ—tingly called him Le Roy des Reveues till more extraordinary and more visible Preparations and Movements did by degrees begin to convince them of their Errour for when they had thus finished their Reviews they suddenly drew a very considerable Army composed of the Flower of all their Forces towards Calais and Dunkirk the Dutch being in the mean time tampered with as I am apt to believe concerning the Invasion of England but yet now full of Jealousie at their Proceedings and here it was the Council was held about the Eligibility of employing their Force the Debates whereof I have already given your Lordship an Account And as the Dutch were Jealous upon this approach the English were much more as your Lordship may well remember to see such a Power brave England on the opposite Shore and look with an Amorous Eye towards it and the more because of the unprepared Posture the Nation was then in insomuch that it was thought advisable to dispatch an Embassy to sound the Intentions of the French Monarch in regard to England whereupon Choice was made of the Duke of Buckingham who admirably well maintained that Character and the Glory of Great Britain on that Occasion and demeaned himself with such an Intrepidity of Mind and Conduct and with such a Grandure and Unconcernedness at the Formidable Armed Powers he saw before his Eyes that those who had been Strangers to the then Condition of our Nation would have thought he had been sent from a Prince that was at the Head of twice as big an Army as the French King at that time shewed the Duke And that Conduct did not a little appall the Presumption of that Ambitious King and contributed much to the inclining of him to acquiesce in Monsieur Le Tellier's Counsel but then withal making him take notice of the Rare and more than ordinary Parts and Abilities of the said Duke it put him naturally upon concluding that it was well worth the while to endeavour to gain such a Person over to his Interest whose Influence might be great either in bringing his Prince to such a Compliance as he desired or at least in briguing for France against him in case he proved inflexible To this end such Complements were past upon the Duke and such extraordinary Honours done him and Presents made him as never no Embassador before nor since hardly ever received insomuch as the Duke suffered himself
help him to compass it and he was to urge closely 1. That tho' his Britannick Majesty had been by the intollerable Insolencies and base Outrages of the Dutch Nation constrained and necessitated much against his Inclinations to depart from so much of the tripple League as concerned the Hollanders yet he would not fail to retain still his Inclinations to promote as much as lay in him the chief Intent and Purport of it which was in Substance to hinder the French from aggrandizing themselves to the Diminution of their Neighbours but more particularly to the Prejudice of the Catholick King during his Minority provided he would stand Neuter 2. That his Neutrality would be a firm Security to him of what he yet possest in the Netherlands by obviating and taking clean away from the French all manner of pretences to molest his Subjects 3. That the destroying the Hollanders who were base Rebels to him and whom it was as much Scandalous as Pernicious for any Crowned Head to suffer to flourish and prosper in Wealth and Greatness as they had but too manifestly done to the Diminution of their Neighbours and much less to abet would be highly Beneficial and of manifold Advantage to his Catholick Majesty For that the vast Trade of Amsterdam and other great populous and flourishing Towns in Holland and the other Provinces being ruined and depopulated many of the Inhabitants at least all those of the Roman Catholick Religion or Perswasion a great many of the Deists and other Adiaphorites who were very indifferent and careless whether they frequented any publick Worship at all or no but chiefly and above all other things adored Trade and Gold with which the Dutch Territories swarmed above any other Nation either on this or the other side of the Hemisphere would without all doubt refugiate themselves as being nearest and most commodious for them in the Spanish Territories and Provinces especially Flanders and would quickly multiply and encrease in them not only People but Trade and Riches from whence encrease of Power and Strength both by Sea and Land would be a necessary and infallible Consequence And that then the now almost abandoned City of Antwerp once the most famous and most flourishing City in Trade of this part of Europe should have free liberty to lay open her Scheld again now damm'd up by the Hollanders and recover her former Riches Glory and Strength as would necessarily all the other Spanish Cities and trading Towns in that Country in a proportionable degree which would be a means to make Spain herself become much more Flourishing and Populous 4. That the Crown of Spain would by this means have her Hands quite rid of the most troublesome as well as dangerous Rival in Trade and Conquest in the East Indies of any other Europian Nation whatsoever in which respect neither England nor France tho' trading Nations as being Monarchies had not been nor indeed could possibly be or become so prejudicial to it However they might perhaps afterwards be fortified with new Accessions of Strength and Power as that one single Republick which tho' scarce of one age's Growth had yet already to the Amazement as well as Detriment of their Neighbour Nations and especially the Kingdom of Spain and Territories belonging to it monopolized into her own Hands the advantageous and incredibly gainful Trades to the great Kingdoms of China Iapan and many other Parts both of the East Indian and African Coasts whither in former times no other Nations in the World besides those of Spain and Portugal had any manner of Access 5. That the Power of that upstart Republick was already at that exorbitant Greatness and Grandure that there was no possibility either of humbling or depressing it and much less of a total Subversion of it by any other in Christendom then the united Powers of the Kingdoms of England and France and yet things were brought to that pass that if timely care were not taken to have the said Republick removed out of the way or at least mortified to a very great degree it must of necessity in a short time rise up as Old Rome did to such a prodigious Strength Power Dominion and Grandure that it would give Law to all the Crowned Heads in this part of the World and perhaps at last devour them since it well appeared and was conspicuous to all that did not wilfully shut their Eyes that by such little Blows as the Kingdom of England alone was able to give them in the late War and Sea Engagements they had with them their Experience numbers of Seamen Power Strength and Riches were every day advanced and encreased after the Respite of a small breathing time of Peace And that consequently if his Catholick Majesty the King of Spain or rather the Queen Regent and Ministers as also his Imperial Majesty should suffer themselves to be so over-ruled by such a needless as well as unseasonable Jealousie so far as by their Interposition to obstruct and hinder the now probable Downfal of that usurping and encroaching Republick what could they expect and hope for in the Revolution of a few Years but to see those very People whom by their needless Solicitude they had saved from Destruction be so adventurous as to seize into their own Hands by way of Retaliation for their Kindness their precious Mines of Gold and Silver in the Countreys of Peru and Mexico when it should be quite out of the Power either of the Kingdoms of England or France or indeed both of them together should they find themselves so disposed to prevent their inevitable Loss which would be not only a most pernicious Blow but as might very well be feared even a deadly one to the illustrious House of Austria as well as a very sensible one to all the other Princes and States of Christendom And therefore it could not but be a matter even of high Importance and greatly for the Interest and Benefit of his Catholick Majesty and his Subjects in general for him to resolve to remain and continue neuter in this War that was to commence shortly against the united Dutch Provinces and to connive at and give way to the Success of the French and English Nations since it was evidently as necessary and requisite for the Safety and Grandure of the Kingdom of Spain ut deleatur ist a Carthago as it was for that of England and France from whom a mutual Jealousie which as it ever was could not but be still continued would sufficiently secure Spain to all future Ages from offering any such Violence or making any such Attempts on their Golden and Silver West Indies as would certainly as well as unavoidably be made in less then half an Age upon them by the Republick of Holland If his Catholick Majesty the Emperour and his other Allies should stand so far in their own Light and become guilty of so much Imprudence which could hardly be thought of them as to give any divertion unto
of them according to the Letter of the Treaty and your own repeated promises for which pretended expences persued they still your Majesty may instruct your Ministers to demand such excessive Sums as you know they neither can nor will disburse And as for their asserting their claim by a War after your seizing of Amsterdam that great Magazine of the dead riches of Europe and both Indies and of Warlike Provisions both by Sea and Land and the total reduction not only of that Potent Republick of which it was the Head but likewise of the living sources of Treasure both in the East and West by making their great Fleet Merchants Colonies and Commerce all your own which cannot but clear your way to Guinea and Peru What stomack said they can the English after this have by taking of their Out-works the Low-Countries debarr'd from all assistance from Italy Spain and Germany if in their right senses to have recourse to Arms. Alas what power to attempt any thing but what will move your pitty more then your indignation nay rather what greater Ambition will be left them than to Court your Majesty by an easie and voluntary submission to receive them as Honourable Tributaries thereby to retain a shadow of their Ancient Government and Liberty without incurring the certain destiny by an impotent and fruitless resistance of being forcibly reduced into a Province of your growing Empire to which the Roman Eagle it self abandoning the defenceless Towers of Austria shatterred both by Eastern and Western Hurricanes for the better preserving and re-establishing its Ancient State and Majesty will then be glad to retire This may be your Majesties method continued they to preserve Peace a while with England or stave off at least the War till your present grand design be accomplished and these your Measures how to deal with them afterward in case they suffer you quietly to atchieve this important Conquest But should we be able by no Art to buoy up the King of Englands Spirits against the head-strong opposition of the popular party about him nor so much as to delay a Rupture nor to hinder that violent People from immediately declaring against us yet all considerations on all sides duly weighed and perpended it will be much greater and more certain advantage to your Majesty and of much less dangerous consequence to your Affairs in general to venture a War with them now about a Town which with all they can do they cannot assist time enough to rescue from you and by whose acquisition against their wills you will not only be quit of all their Pretentions but gain power to crush them too at pleasure than after you have for fear of them quitted so great a Conquest to have a War in a little time after both with them and all the rest of Europe not only without those advantages but with the greatest disadvantage imaginable as without setting on work an hundred expensive and troublesome Intriegues you now will have no need off your Majesty will certainly have then notwithstanding all pour complyance to them if you quit your present Design For said they suppose upon your proceeding to the Expedition in question the English declaring a sudden War against you should cause the Amsterdamers to assume courage enough to repulse your Arms how easie were it for your Majesty upon advantageous Terms to clap up a sudden peace with those distressed People and by returning out of their Country to pacifie all those powers now preparing against you and then with your whole Force to fall upon the English with which perhaps too the Hollanders would easily be perswaded to joyn theirs as glad to see themselves delivered so unexpectedly their old Enemies drawn so genteely into the Snare and so fair an occasion put into their hands to revenge themselves on that Rival Nation for joyning with us against them with which it will not be amiss however by your Envoy to threaten the English King Nay and how probable it is that the popular party in England would on that occasion favour the Hollanders to keep down Absolute Power and to preserve their Religion against the aspiring Duke and Popery all which they strongly feared would have come in at once upon them after the ruine of that Protestant State At least said they how effectual may it be to let you Majesties Envoy add that threatning amongst the rest to the King of England But Alas continued they it is but a matter of meer Speculation never likely to come to pass that any thing the English can do at present should as the posture of their Affairs are now in hinder your Majesties taking that City whose Richest and Eminentest Citizens being already gained to your Party the very terror of your Majesties Navy and the appearance of your Forces will quickly open it unto you notwithstanding the weak opposition of a Party formed in a tumultary way among a Mobile by a few particular biggoted Citizens who at the noise of your Cannon would immediately turn to the other extream and cry out as loudly for a surrender And as for the English said they our Emissaries have been so busie and so successful at Amsterdam that it can never be thought what ever good Opinion they may have of the People of England that they can be induced to confide so much in their King whom they have so personally and so grosly affronted in all that can be sensible to a Prince and whom they know so much Frenchified as to think he can heartily intend them any good or that they can expect any milder terms of subjection under him either in respect of Religion or Property then under your Majesty Since they are daily and by very good tokens assured that he is privately advanced already towards Rome as far as the other and waits only the subvertion of their Republick to assume every whit as Despotical and Tyrannical a Dominion over his Subjects in both respects as the French Monarch had over his or in fine that they had so great an opinion of his Power in that Posture of Affairs as to think him able to rescue them time enough or remove the French from them if he went really about it And consequently that in the great Consternation they then were in and the little hopes they had of the slow Forces of Germany and the distrust they lay under both of their own strength and of the Faith and Power of the English together with the Apprehension they were possest with of losing the great Riches they had there by an obstinate resistance which they might secure by a timely composition they would undoubtedly submit upon the first Summons of his Majesty or any famed General of his at the head of a considerable Body of Men especially when his Majesty should offer them such advantageous Conditions as they advised him to do the more effectually to avert them from all thoughts or temptations to close with England and to propose
of any thing that looked black or villanous or seemed too directly to aim at the detriment or destruction of their Country or Religion till such time as they had a long trial of their Tempers and found them fit for such Attempts or that they had got them first into such a Correspondence which tho' in the ultimate intention was not malicious but only an effect of zeal to their several Parties yet would if discovered be construed reasonable and so keep them under an hank to them and then they were to put them on such Barbarities and Villanies as they thought necessary for their purpose which if they then refused their Business was to abandon them and to imploy such Instruments as were as Bankrupt of Religion and Conscience as of Fortune and would be desperately determined to venture at any thing for Money and by these they were to be pretended to be detected as Traytors and prosecuted as guilty of the Designs which they have been only tempted to and so were to serve all People whom they once got within their Toil as occasions and their Interests did require But I see I have already past over the just bounds of a Letter and shall therefore only subscribe my self My Lord Your Lordship 's most devoted Servant Paris May 5. 1681. N. S. LETTER XLI Containing the Practices of the French Agents for the amusement of Foreign Catholicks while they carry'd on their Designs against England My Lord IT would be very strange to think that the Ministers of this Court who have had a hand almost in every thing relating to our Nation should not be concerned in the affair of the Popish Plot but it is so far otherwise that they have been the chief managers and starters of many things which have since come to light Nay I am bold to say That the very actions and intentions of almost all the Instruments of the English Nation and even of some of the French themselves were very wide tho' villanous enough from those of the Machiavillian Off-spring which set them on work My Lord you have heard of Father St. Germain and perhaps of Father Columbiere too who succeeded him in England these were the Persons who together with their other assisting Emissaries disposed of Things and Parties in our Nation to favour their Designs in reference to the said Conspiracy and whose Instructions from Father La Chaise were to take upon them to inform and press upon the Creatures of the Pope and Ministers and Creatures of other Princes of the Roman Communion but of a different Interest from their Master 's the French King That for their parts they were only actuated by a Zeal for the propagation of the Catholick Religion and the re-union in time of so famous a Monarchy to the Church by gentle and peaceable ways and means and chiefly for the Conversion of our two Princes so nearly Related to their King in Blood and for whom he had so much Esteem and Affection and that their Master being their nearest Neighbour and seated most conveniently to assist them on occasion would with his Purse promote all he could the quiet Conversion of all sorts of People that could be drawn in by the Godly Eloquence of their Missionaries or by the more powerful language of Pensions with some and was heartily willing to supply our Princes with what was needful or might be so to maintain themselves against any Attempts that might be made against them upon the jealousie or discovery of any such design and succour them by a sufficient Military Force too in case they were likely to be reduced to Extremity by an open Rebellion of their stubborn and discontented Subjects on that account without once pretending to so idle and impracticable a design as some of them whom they spoke to were tutored to call it as by that means to go about to make the Crown of England seudatory to that of France or to strengthen himself with the additional power of England with intent to encroach afterwards upon the Rites and Prerogatives of the Holy See or give Umbrage to other Temporal Enemies of that Communion or to draw any other advantage to the French from the Alliance of the English Princes than to be able in the quality of Most Christian King and first Son of the Church to promote the growth of the Holy Catholick Religion in their Realms and Dominions and make use of their Mediation and Friendship to ballance in some measure the present force of so formidable a Confederacy as was lately formed against him That it was a thing ridiculous to think or once as much as imagin that whilst he was in actual War with so many considerable Powers at that time he could be so simple as to attempt England by force or if he were out of War with them that he could as much as offer at so considerable an Enterprize upon any pretence whatsoever without allarming them or expecting to be opposed Vigorously by them as well as by the other Protestent Powers of Europe or that he could be thought to be so rash as to venture on such a difficult Expedition whilst he foresaw so powerful an Opposition But that indeed upon the happy conclusion of a general and lasting Peace among the Catholick Princes he would most willingly and readily join and concur in any holy League with them and contribute his full proportion of Forces with theirs to so glorious and laudable a Work as would be the restoration of the Kings of England to their pristine Power and Majesty and the Holy See to its former just Authority and Jurisdiction in these famous Islands which for so many former Ages had made so considerable and profitable a Province of the Roman Church and therefore they were to desire and press them not to let any particular Interests which they had against their Master in worldly and secular Concerns prevail with them to go about to mis-interpret or any ways obstruct their Conversion of Souls which could be of no manner of prejudice to them in those other respects but rather readily to concur with their Endeavours in so pious and charitable a Work wherein they ought wholly to lay aside all distinction of Nations or Interests and Cooperate as Members of one Body and Subjects of one universal Prince Christ Jesus and his Vice-gerent-General the Pope With which Arguments and sly Suggestions they were to wheedle all Foreigners to at least a careless security and unconcernedness about the Affairs of England whilst they play'd their pranks to destroy both our Religion and Government and make us an Appennage of the Gallican Church and Crown which I pray God I may never live to see nor my Country feel and shall ever do so whilst I am as I am resolved always to be My Lord Your Lordship 's Most Humble and Most Devoted Servant Paris Mar. 11. 1682. LETTER XLII The Arguments of the French Emisaries for the Amusement of some of the
Native Papists of England c. That their designs in regard to the Popish Plot might not be prevented My Lord HOw far the Subject-matter of my last to your Lordship hath relished your Palate I am altogether ignorant but adventuring for once to presume its having proved grateful I have in this as it were subjoyned those Instructions the French Agents have received for the amusement of the Native Papists of England in order to the carrying on of their Designs under the covert of the Popish Plot against our Native Country To them therefore they were to use in substance the same pretences as to the other but with some further additions as That the King and the Duke of York were both certainly gained over to the Church of Rome That the most Leading-Men of the Kingdom and the Men of most Power and Interest both among the Clergy and Gentry of the Church of England were Popishly inclined and would without all doubt come galloping over tantivy to the Church of Rome when it should be a proper time for the King to declare himself upon that Head as being well convinced that Monarchy and Prelacy had no other way to defend themselves against the restless and violent practices and efforts of the Sectaries and Republicans and others their Adherents in the Kingdom but by seasonably re-uniting with the Roman Catholick Party from their unjustifiable Separation and Schism from whence innumerable incurable and endless Divisions Distractions and Factions had proceeded That for their comfort and support it was now much otherwise than in the late Civil Wars against King Charles I. That the present King of France being in a condition to give their now Sovereign King Charles the Second a most powerful and numerons Assistance and being a most Generous Prince and withal most cordially and well-affected to their King as well as to their Cause there was no manner of question to be made but he would effectually do it without any by-ends of his own as soon as a general Peace should give leave by which time things would be ripe in the Kingdom to favour his good Intentions to go on with the Conversion of our Nations yea and would take care to provide a sufficient Body of Troops for the abetting of so hopeful a Work in case there should be any such need of Force but that it was reasonably to be supposed there would need none For that by the help of safer Methods and of Mony which that great and zealous Prince would not let them want for so good a Work the number of the Roman Catholicks must needs be so mightily encreased in a few Years that the King might venture to declare himself in their favour and then by the voluntary return of the Church of England to Rome their Mother Church and by the very dread of the formidable Power of Lewis the Great who was known to be a sure and fast Friend to our two Royal Brothers the other dissenting Factions would be so over-powered with the number of their Opponents and so terrified at their Strength that if it had not the good effect to work them up into a complyance it would at least into such a tameness that they would neither be able to hinder nor have the rashness to oppose what Changes and Innovations the King should afterwards have a mind to make in Church or State and make them Triumphant in England And thus they were to lead them on till they had noosed them fast in a Correspondence with them but not a word was to be told them till they had first sounded them whether they were fit to hear it of any design they had to subject England or enslave the rest of Europe to French Tyranny or of the Murder of King or Duke or both in case they found them not pliable enough to their Instigations or that their abominable Ends could be compassed no other ways to which if they would not be compliant they were then by those Tools to have some of their Correspondence with them discovered and have them accused as if they had been really guilty of what they were only tempted to And so by this means all the considerable Men of them besides some Rascals to make Tools of were to be drawn into a close Correspondence with France and beaten quite off from any application to Rome or correspondence with the House of Austria sliely insinuating that France was the only Power in Christendom that could preserve or support them But the full design they had upon the Nation as before hinted was a Secret imparted but to a very few nay it was not as much as communicated to the Jesuits of the two British Nations but kept almost to the last as an Arcanum among such of them as were Native French except only two or three Irish Fathers and some very few more of that same Nation whom they thought averse enough to the English Name and Nation to be heartily true and constant to any Foreign Interest and Power capable to support and effectually to back them in the bloodiest and blackest Contrivances against their detested Conquerors for rather than fail to such horrid Tragedies they were determined by some means or other to proceed if they could no otherwise effect their wicked Purposes and could have found a way to fix the Crime as they had projected on some other Party and Nation My Lord I have been tedious but could not avoid it I design without a Countermand to transmit to Your Lordship in my next the applications made to rhe Protestant Party upon the same Head and in the mean time remain My Lord Your Humble Servant Paris Mar. 17. 1682. N. S. LETTER XLIII Of the French Artifices to amuse the Protestants of the Church of England while they carried on their Designs My Lord PUrsuant to my Resolutions in the close of my last Letter without I received a Countermand from your Lordship which I have not I am to acquaint you what this Court 's Maxims were and what Methods they went upon either to make the Protestants of the Church of England helpful to their Designs or at least to do them no disservice and be no obstruction to them therein To the Clergy therefore and Gentry of the forementioned Church whom they imagined there was any likelyhood to pervert they were to alledge most of the same things as before as Arguments to perswade and induce them to return to the Bosom of their Church and would argue much from the agreement in many things of both Religons and were Instructed sometimes not only first to insinuate and then affirm the King was actually Perverted but were moreover impudently to assert That such and such Bishops such and such Eminent Doctors such and such Peers of the Realm and such and such remarkable Gentlemen for Interests Estates and exquisice Parts c. were to their knowledge certainly and infallibly so too tho' at present but covertly and That a greater part of
never any of His present Highness's Predecessors have been ever as much as suspected of aspiring at any Power over the Commonwealth but what tended to its greater Security and for the Elevation of the Majesty of the Republick without the least Glances of assuming any to themselves unless it were His Highness's Father who in all probability was animated thereunto by his matching with a Daughter of England And that his Ambition might have proved fatal to the Republick beyond Retrieve if his immature Death and other seasonable Providences had not intervened That the Influence of that Match had proved very detrimental to that illustrious House by stirring up such a Jealousie in the States against them as would not suffer them to admit the present Prince for a long time to enjoy the Places of Honour Authority and Trust formerly so well maintained and officiated by his noble Ancestors And that at the same time it had proved as pernicious to the States themselves in creating and nourishing Factions among them and Endeavours to keep up the Republick upon a new Model without Captain-General Stadtholder Admiral c. and to deprive themselves of the so necessary and Auspicious Assistance and Conduct of that most Illustrious House and thereby exposed even almost to be made a Prey to the dangerous Ambition of the French Monarch And therefore now when they had so newly re-enter'd into their true Interests and happily re-fixed all things on the old Foundation by restoring the present Prince to the Dignity of his Ancestors and calling him to the Helm of the Tempest-beaten State and had by his Courage Conduct and Interest recovered the Common-wealth to a very hopeful Condition of Power and Prosperity again it would be no less than a Madness to venture the Ruin of all those fair Hopes by a second Match with England when by the former they had been almost all Shipwrack'd and to suffer a Prince who was now wholly their own to espouse in such a Marriage as was then in Agitation a Foreign Interest and such as in all probability could not in time but interfere with theirs And therefore desired it might not be 1. Because though the Prince's Intentions should happen to continue never so right and firm to the Interest of the Republick yet this Match could not but be still very detrimental both to him and them by causing incurable Jealousies Factions and Animosities amongst them without end and which could not but be of pernicious Consequence to them both 2. That by reason of the little probability of the Duke of York's having any Vivacious Male Issue this would give the Prince such a near Prospect of the British Crowns that it could not but engage him in that View upon all Occasions to strain his Power and Interest in the United Provinces to the utmost for the advantage of the English Nation to the prejudice of the Dutch increase of Power and Interest 3. That if he ever came to be King of England the Power he would thereby obtain added to that he had already in the United Provinces as Stadt-holder Captain General c. and to the great Influence he had among the Soldiery in the States pay would undoubtedly be a great temptation to him for to reduce that State under the English Crown and influence the others to assist him in it And that if he should have Issue by his Princess as it was likely enough he might the danger under that Circumstance would be in a manner inevitable It s likely my Lord our Politicians here forsaw very great Difficulties would arise in making any manner of Impressions upon the States against the Prince's Match for by the foresaid Remonstrances it does appear to me their Master-battery was turned on that side but though all their Politicks have failed them for the prevention of the Marriage yet they have not failed to put some of these Arguments foâ—â—ards to render the Prince and all his Proceedings suspect to the States and they have already bragged that all the Constancy his Highness is well known to be Master of will find work enough to ver-come the Jealousies entertained of him and which they are resolved never to be wanting on their part to foment and to make it believe that all he has acted since his marriage has been to the aggrandizing of himself and his Authority and the Diminution of that of the Republick I fear I have already too much transgrest by my tediousness and shall therefore only subscribe my self as I am in sincerity My LORD Your Lordships Most humble Servant Paris Sept. 20. 1679. N. S. LETTER LXII Of the Solemn Embassy sent by the French King to King Charles II. in the Year 1677 in order to break off the Match with the Prince of Orange c. My LORD PUrsuant to what I have already mentioned to your Lordship of the Designs concerted between his Royal Highness and the French King about getting of the Lady Mary by a Stratagem into France if their other Measures about hindring the Match were broken was the late solemn Embassy sent over from hence into England whereof the Count d' Estree was the head accompanied with the Duke de Vendosme the Archbishop of Rheims one of our great Minister the Marquiss de Louvois's Sons and at least fifty Lords more of principal Note and whose publick instructions tho' they imported nothing more then a great Complement and some overtures about forbiding any recruits to be sent over to our Land Forces in the service of the Confederates yet privately they were to endeavour a French match and if they saw they could not succeed therein to concert closer measures with the Duke about puting in practise what he had before consented to about geting the Princess his daughter privately convey'd away in Company of this Embassador into France and perhaps your Lordship will not be dissatisfied if I recount what I have heard discoursed one day at this Court between our Commissioner and some other Courtiers concerning the Embassy Said one of them to theother What needed so splendid and costly an Embassy at this time of day to the King of England when there is so little hopes that he durst give his Consent to what we desire of him if he were of himself disposed thereto Yes says the other 'T will be well worth the Cost let things go as they will upon this occasion for 't is a greater honour our King now does to the King of England than he has ever yet done to any other Prince or ever to the Emperor himself when at Peace with him and such an Honour cannot but work sensibly upon the heart of a Prince who is so easily wrought upon and may work some good Effects for us in time if not for the present And however if the worst come to the worst this extraordinary Honour now done him by our Monarch will make his Parliament and People so fully persuaded that he hath entred into an extraordinary
Engagement with him that all he can say or do will never convince them of the contrary or induce them to trust him with Money to make War against France for fear he should use it against themselves and not only so but it would make him as suspected among the Confederates that none of them from hence forward would trust him either for an Assistant Allie or Mediator and so would render him of insignificant force to thwart our Designs But the King did for once Trick the Trickers by the care he had taken of the Princess as I shall note elsewhere to your Lordship and by his sudden marrying her to his Highness the Prince of Orange so much to the surprize and disappointment of this Court that I cannot express it and therefore must conclude subscribing my self My LORD Your Lordship 's most humble and most devoted Servant Paris Dece 7. 1679. N. S. LETTER LXIII Of the Popish Plot and Father Kelley's Menaces My LORD THE discourse about the Plot cannot be more in England than 't is here but the Particulars of the prosecution of it your Lordship must know much better than I I do not question but there is Villany enough at the bottom of it but our Ministers are as deep in the sudds as any other whatsoever who by their slights and wicked practises have drawn the English Papists into such Combinations as hath put the Nation into such ferments incurable Jealousies and divisions as hath effectually diverted the English from hunting the French in Flanders by imploying them to hunt the Papists and Jesuits at home as they have been pleased to word it My Lord It may not perhaps be unpleasing to give your Honour an account of some passages that happened between one Father Kelley an Irish Priest and my self in this City lately concerning the King c. I know very well that there were and and perhaps may be still some of that name in England but this same has lived for some years at Paris by St. Jean de Greve and tho' a Priest is a great Banker paying most of the pensions for secret service transmitted to the English Romanists but chiefly to Irish Papists in England and Ireland and who by his discourse upon the late English Fleet and Armies being ready and the War likely to be declared against this Kingdom was pleased then to say somewhat in relation to this Conspiracy that I have little thought on till very lately and that may give your Honour some light into the designs of this Court say'd he the King of France will find him meaning our King work enough by Divisions at home and discovering if needs be his and his Brothers intreagues in France and does not care tho' he expose all the Roman Catholicks in the three Kingdoms to a general and hot persecution so long as like the Turkish Asaphi they serve to blunt the English Men's fury and divert them from thwarting the designs of the potent Catholick Kingdom of France which would afterward set all right again but that he was in hopes by their hunting of Papists they would never leave hunting the King and his Brother too if they proved refractory till they had brought them to take Sanctuary in a stricter Alliance with the French King than ever as their only Safe-guard and that it was in the French King's power to spring up a Plot next day to give the King of England Game enough for his life time for that the Mines and Trains were already lay'd and that there needed only putting fire to them c. I am very sorry I could not have oblieged your Lordship sooner with these passages which yet I hope comes not too late but it may in some measure be grateful from My LORD Your Humble Servant Paris Feb. 28. 1678. N. S. LETTER LXIV Of the Duke of York's being Commanded to retire to Bruxells in the Year 1679 and of the Promises made him by the King before his departure My LORD I Know not how Matters go in England nor what the Sence of the people is in general concern the Duke's retiring to Bruxells but I can assure your Lordship they seem to be mightily allarmed here at it tho' they put a good meen upon it Perhaps your Lordship may know much more of the Secret of this Journey than I can inform you but if what is transmitted hither by the Agents of our Grand Minister be acceptable they give us this account That the Earl of D was the person who advised the King to remove his Royal Highness from his presence and that his Reasons for it were that the Parliament might have no pretence for to complain of his Majesty that he had not taken all the Measures necessary for the Security of their Religion and Liberty but they tell us how true I leave it to your Lordships profound Judgment to determine that the Earl by the foresaid Advise did not so much consult the King and Kingdoms true Interest as he did to please the Parliament with whom he was at odds because of the Money received to disband the Army and the French Alliance finding now by Experience that that Artifice of his in bringing the Plot upon the stage in order to amuse them had failed They further inform us that the Duke was mightily surprized at the Message for his departure and made some difficulty to bring himself to resolve to obey it but that at length recollecting a better Temper it gave his fast friends an Opportunity to advise him That though it were at that juncture necessary he should obey the King yet it was no less prudent that he should in so doing take all necessary Precautions not to abandon his Fortune to the discretion of his Enemies that they did not doubt but that the Duke of Monmouth would push hard to get himself declared Legitimate by the ensuing Parliament That the business of the Exclusion would be renewed and that there was room enough to fear least his Retreat might be rather interpreted for the flight of a guilty Person than for the Obedience of a submissive Subject that therefore it was expedient he should get the King first to promise him that he would declare and get it Recorded too in the Courts of Justice that he had never been Married to the Duke of Monmouth's Mother That he would by no means consent to the Exclusion that was now likely to be prest upon him and lastly that he should give him express Order in writing to require his Retirement All which they say he has happily accomplished the truth whereof time must determine whereunto I leave it who am My LORD Your Humble Servant Paris Apr. 6. 1679. N. S. LETTER LXV Of the Noise of King Charles's Divorce from Queen Katherine My LORD THE business of the King's Divorce has made a mighty noise on this side and I cannot with any certainty inform your Lordship which way this Court stands affected for I find on the one hand
Party hath yet prevailed and affrightned him from venturing upon such things without he had been able as he found he was not to have succeeded in pulling down the Militia of Kingdom or at least in getting such an Army which he could fully rely upon and that he hath not yet got neither but till then he could not pretend to declare the Grand Charter void as obtained by Force of Arms and since infringed and nullified by several Rebellions but especially by that in his Fathers time on the Subjects side and now rule by a Council only without troubling himself with any thing more like unto a Parliament as his French Friends Advised him to your Lordship will excuse the Freedom I have now and always used in my Correspondence and accept of my humble duty who am and ever intend to continue My Lord Your Honours to Command Paris April 7. 1687. N. S. LETTER XXVI The substance of Pope Innocent XI First Letter to the French King about the business of the Regale I Cannot think but it will be acceptable to your Lordship to understand what the Contents of the Pope's Letters to the French King are especially in such a conjuncture as this is and when I believe you cannot be furnish'd with a genuine account by any other hand after the prefatory part which is short and concise and somewhat different from others of his Predecessors he comes close to the matter and says that he could not but reflect with no small Astonishment as well as great Grief and sadness of heart upon the late unaccountable Conduct of so great a Prince who would be thought to be and called himself the first Son to the Catholick Church and withal the most Christian King against the holy See of Rome that he should as much as pretend to so much Zeal for Religion and yet at the same time to invade the known rights of the Catholick Church not only in the Kingdom of France but even in the City of Rome herself by pretending to a pernicious Freedom of Quarters which all other Catholick Princes had freely and generously renounced as a gross abuse That his Persecuting the Protestants in the Kingdom of France ought no ways to priviledge him to put affronts upon the holy See it was very plain that was not the way to reunite those people to the Church when he himself was so ill a Pattern and shewed them so bad an Example by contemning and outraging that same Authority which he used Force and Violence to make them own That he was much in the wrong and acted preposterously to Prosecute them for not believing what he himself so Scandalously opposed And that for himself at the bottom he was not of a Persecuting Spirit and Principle but that he was fully convinced it was never Christ our Saviour nor any of his Apostles way who themselves never were nor ever used any Preachers with long Tails Boots and Spurs c. That such a practice had done most disgrace to and created as well it might more implacable prejudice against the Roman Catholick Religion than any thing else whatsoever and so by Consequence had much more obstructed than advanced the propagation of it That it ought never to be used in any Kingdom already infected with heresie tho' it 's true it were a very good fence against its creeping in where it had yet got no footing That it would be a means to blast all the blooming hopes of the Catholick Cause in the Kingdom of England and ingender pernicious Jealousies and a most cruel Opposition in the English a stiff necked people and the most Jealous of their Religion and Liberties of any Nation upon the Earth against their King who was a true Son of the Church and break the Neck of all his designs for the Introducing of it into his Dominions And in a word that he was so far from approving of it that he every way disliked it and that it should not throw dust in his Eyes from inspecting into and opposing of his incroachments upon the holy See which he was resolved to defend to the utmost extreamity and so concluded with a short admonition and with which concludes this Letter to your Lordship from him who is My Lord Your most Devoted Servant Paris June 3. 1687. LETTER XXVII An account of Pope Innocent XI Second Letter to the French King about persecuting the French Protestants c. My Lord SInce my last I have had the opportunity to take the Heads of another Letter written soon after that I have already sent you by the Pope to the French King and is to this purpose In the first place he takes upon him to refute the Answers and frivolous Complaints of the French King and then descends to ridicule his vain pretence of Piety in persecuting the Protestants of his Kingdom for denying him Obedience while he was no less severe to the Bishops of Alet and Pamiers and some other Ecclesiasticks and even to some poor Abesses and their Nuns for paying that Obedience which was due to the papal Authority that this â—id not only look like it but really was nothing less but building up the Church with the Left Hand and at the same time pulling it down with the Right That he was well informed what writings came out in France against his Authority which he well knew was that of the holy Apostolick See what Theses were there maintained and what was done by his over awing the Assembly of the Clergy of his Kingdom how and what method he had taken to vel the French Jesuits against him and imployed Maimburg to represent his supremacy as precarious Itineran and Ambulatory and not fixt to the City of Rome herself but only to the Capital City of the most powerfull Christian Prince in the World for the time that is gallice to Paris in the present Age that he well understood not only this but also the designs that were formed by him to erect a new Religion which should Totally swallow up and deâ—our both Roman Catholicks and â—rotestants and how far he purposed to imitate King Henry VIII of England who writ a Book for the Pope's supremacy and not long after Burnt aed Beheaded people for owning it when also at the very same Time he persecuted the Protestants for opposing other points That it very ill became and it was not the part of a Dutifull and Religious Son â—s he pretended to be and would have the Woâ—ld believe to abuse his supream Pastor to dispoil him not only of his Ancient rights granted him by his Pious Predecessors but even of those very ones which he then injoyed and were derived by Universal consent and constant tradition of all good Catholicks and of the rights of his just Sovereignity in the City of Rome herself That however let him the French King do what he pleased yet all that ever he should or could do should not make him abate the least jot or tittle of his
the Kingdom particularly those of Predestination and Free-Will nor yet to mixt Invective Reproaches Railleries and scandalous Expressions with their Controversies should be republished under a very strict Injunction of all Parties concerned to the observance of them and the least Transgression in that kind to be punish'd with the utmost Severity they did not question in the mean while but that in so ticklish a time there might be some one or other especially in the Diocess of London whom this Bird-lime might catch your Lordship knows how it fell out accordingly in the Case of Doctor Sharp Tho' they were mighty jealous of the old Gentleman of Canterbury that if he were nominated in the Commission and should chance to act which was the least of their Thoughts he should he might rather thwart than promote their Designs yet being pretty confident he would not concern himself with it they adventured to put him in not for his Authority but his Name-sake only for considered they should we get the Bishop of London once into the Toyl he will have no room to plead to the Jurisdiction of the Court seeing the same was founded upon the concurrent tho' in truth but nominal Authority of his Metropolitan to whom he owed Canonical Obedience these things your Lordship may know much better than I but I cannot forbear giving you any Hints of the Court-Designs which whether projected here or on your side we have constant Intelligence of in our I am My Lord Your Lordship 's most humble and devoted Servant Paris Aug. â—0 1687. N. S. LETTER XXX Of the Liberty of Conscience first granted in Scotland and then in England by King James II. My Lord YOur Lordship may call to mind what I have before written to you concerning Tolleration in Religion as necessary to facilitate the King's Designs and now you see it hath sprouted up in Scotland and the Buddings of it are visible enough in England that the Parliament of the former as well as the latter opposed the Dispensing Power is notoriously known so that there was much less Hopes they would have concurred to the Indulgence a Point as necessary to be gained every whit as the other that the Scotch Nation were more modelled to the King's Hand than the English the King himself well knew as having a personal Share in it when high Commissioner in that Kingdom in his Brother's Reign and the French and English Jesuitical Faction knew this as well as he and therefore I am assured both of them concurred to have the Indulgence given there first and that also in so partial a manner in favour of those of the King's Religion that the rest have hardly any Share therein which manifests plainly the Design of the English Catholicks whatever specious Pretence they may otherwise use is to bring the People of England also under the same nay a worse Yoke of Servitude and to have their own Religion predominant quickly and in Time the only one in both Nations And as for the third they are cock sure of that already but that of the French Emissaries is not so visible and above Board for they hope such partial Proceedings must at last incense the People of both Kingdoms and that to so violent a degree that the King must of necessity have recourse to call in French Force to quell them and then my Lord when they have once got sure Footing who can guess at their farther Aim however they have not with all their Intrigues been able to prevail with the King to use the same Partiality in England who according to the Transmission of their Intelligence hither seemed very much inclined to it upon their urging the Tractableness of the Scotch Council in the Matter and what a great Pattern they had set to them of England whom they did not doubt but would abrogate the Laws made against Roman Catholicks c. in imitation of them but a Roman Catholick Lord whom I have formerly named to your Lordship to have interposed upon the like Occasion thwarted them therein he deserves well of his Country in some respects and I do not question but your Honour is of that mind and so shall I be till I see more than I do now to incline me to the contrary who am My Lord Your Lordship 's most humble and obedient Servant Paris Sept. 5. 168â— N. S. LETTER XXXI Of the French Projects to put King James upon desperate Measures in Ireland and their Ends therein My Lord YOur Lordship may remember how I have formerly given you the state of the Irâ—sh Soldiers in the Service of France during the late King's Reign and what Encouragement they have had here from time to time above any of the rest of the Brittish Nations and the large Promises that were now and then made That they should be reinstated in their ancient Possessions in their native Country But this King hath no sooner ascended the English Throne but that they have as readily return'd into England and Ireland as they were willing before even contrary to their Allegiance to remain in the French Service the Reason whereof your Lordship must needs know they having already devoured with their Eyes the most valuable Preferments in England and Ireland in the later whereof they have got a Lieutenant of their own stamp and more than all the Lands which they have been debarr'd from by the Act of Settlement having as I can assure your Lordship a previous Promise from this Court That the King will use all imaginable endeavours to get his Brother of England to consent to abolish it and which has put the Irish so hotly upon renewing their Importunities to the King against the said Act that he hath in a manner agreed to those measures that are pursuant thereunto in which motions the Irish were order'd to be effectually seconded by the Emissaries of this Court who at the same time have encourag'd the Irish privately with a Promise That if after all the King would not give his full Consent or durst not do them Right their Master was resolv'd to do it provided they would chuse him for their Protector which they might lawfully do being at best but a conquer'd Nation against their Conquerors for the recovery not only of their Native Rights in that Land but likewise of those afresh confirm'd to them by the Treaty whether pretended or real I will not determine upon that Head with the late K. Charles II of which the French King was Guarrantee and therefore justly might and ought to be call'd in as a Vindicator And this my Lord is confess'd here That they had form'd so strong a Party among the Irish that if the King had not in some measure comply'd or does not for the future but fail'd their Hopes by keeping it as the Interest of his Kingdom one should think naturally leads him to that side of the Ballance against France and maintaining the Act of Settlement they had bid fair as I have
been very forward to pay all the Devoirs due from a Son to a Father-in-law affecting much Zeil for his Interest and acting with his Ministers of State as if himself were the Prime of them Yet they desire him to consider the thoughtful and designing Nature of the Prince who to be sure was not wanting to observe every pace made by the English and to dispose of his own Affairs and People accordingly That His Majesty could not but remember the Applications made to him formerly in his Brother's Reign from England when he was but Nephew to the King and himself but now that he was advanced by his Marriage to a much nigher Degree to the Crown could it be thought that he had less Thoughts concerning it or less Application made unto him on that behalf especially in so ticklish a time That some persons of note 's going over lately into Holland was no sign he was unconcern'd at the English Affairs or unapplied to but must needs give Umbrage and more than a Suspicion that he had already a strong Party within the Kingdom and that indeed his Conduct without was next to a demonstration of it since he had done all that ever he could to hinder His Majesty from all the Succours he could expect from abroad in case of any domestick Troubles for tho' His Majesty was sure of France and had made a general Alliance with Spain and might then be apt to believe that the House of Austria would not oppose him especially when the Catholick Religion was the Dispute yet it was manifest the Prince had bid fair for the deoriving him of both those Supports first by entering himself and then by causing the United Provâ—nces to enter into the League at Ausburg against France to the end he might draw down upon that Monarchy the united Forces of the Confederates in case the French King should offer to attack the States Territories while he might make use of their Power both by Sea and Land to carry on his Designs against His Majesty and his Kingdoms And then that he had render'd the House of Austria very suspicious of His Majesty as being a Prince contrary to their Designs one in Interests and closely engag'd with France in a secret Treaty which would appear in due time I can assure your Lordship that by the Returns which have been made hither the King has been but too susceptible of these Calumnies against the Prince and I fear to his prejudice tho' I heartily wish it otherwise who am My Lord Your Lordship 's most Humble and Obedient Servant Paris Jan. 11. 1688. LETTER XXXVI Of the Spaniards attempting to bring King James over to their Interest but failed My Lord HOwever the Emissaries of this Court have traduced the Noble Prince of Orange to the King yet they have in some sort given the Lye to themselves when notwithstanding all their Rhodomantade about the Prince's engaging the House of Austria against his Majesty they have been so alarmed at the Proposals made to him by the Spaniards of a stricter Allyance which they knew if entred into must invalidate that made with them the Emperor and King of Spain being suspicious of the Allyance with France had entred into a Confederacy with the Princes of Germany at Ausburg as I have hinted in my last and that they might make their Party as strong as they could and having at the same time no clear demonstration of our King 's private Leaguing with France they resolved to leave nothing unessayed either to know that it was really so or if not to engage the King in their Interest the Marquess de Gastanaga Govenour of Flanders and the Spanish Embassador Don Pedro de Ronquillo were the Persons employed by that illustrious House in that Affair it 's well known here that the latter has omitted nothing that could be done to bring the King over urging to him the Honour and Interest of such an Allyance that it was the only Opportunity he had left to recover the good Opinion of his Subjects who he must needs know himself were somewhat alienated in their Affections from him with a great deal more to the same purpose and he did at last proceed so far well knowing his blind as to engage if his Majesty would enter into and be cordial in such an Allyance to order it so that his Parliament should acquiesce with whatever he was then attempting to get established in respect of Religion which he could never effect by the Assistance and Agency of France their harsh Procedure against the Reformed there being too green and fresh in Memory to be so soon forgotten by the English who had besides a natural Aversion to that Nation and their Politicks But my Lord all that Don Ronquillo has done was communicated to the French Emissaries who presently took the Scent and being not willing to give the King space to demur upon the Matter lost no Time in remonstrating to him That they who had told him That he ought to take that Opportunity to gain his Subjects by entring into the League of Ausburg had not reflected upon the inconsequence that followed upon such a Procedure That that League now agitated was but the consequence of another made at Magdenburg by the Protestants in favour of the Hugonots and that it were against all good Reason and Sense that a Prince who did his utmost to procure a Liberty to Roman Catholicks in England should concur to re-establish the most rigid of Protestants in France besides it would argue no good Policy for him to forsake a solid Friend such as the French King was to joyn himself to such Princes who would no longer be useful to him than while they had need of him since the Protestants had already begun to over-reach their Piety so far as to draw them into Leagues formed against a Catholick Prince in favour of the Calvinists whom he had driven out of his Dominions wherefore the King made answer to Don Ronquillo in general Terms That as he would faithfully preserve the Allyance made between him and his Master so the same Fidelity obliged him not to violate that Friendship which was between him and the Most Christian King his Kinsman who was willing to live at Peace with his Neighbours and mantain the same as far as he could between them Thus my Lord this hopeful Overture was blasted the Consequence whereof I refer to him who knows all things and to whose Protection I commend your Lordship who am My Lord Your very obliged Servant to command Paris Mar. 16. 1688 N. S. LETTER XXXVII Arguments used to King James by the Lord Marquess of Powis Pope's Nuntio c. against a War with Holland My Lord THat the King pursuant to his late Allyances with this Crown designs a War in conjunction with the French Arms against Holland is no longer a Secret here whatever it may be in England especially since Don Ronquillo's Artifices to gain him over to the Austrian
Prince of Orange's Arrival at London My Lord THis Place is very barren of News tho' there is something I am satisfied a brewing which will appear in Time and all that is novel and extraordinary seems to have been tranplanted to the Brittish I sles from whence we hear That the Prince of Orange who they say is always intent and ever was to improve favourable Conjunctures hath taken Advantage of these Movements to make his Entry into London where 't is confest but with much Regret he hath been received with great Demonstrations of Joy and publick Applause but they say it is nothing but what is usually done to New-comers having been felicitated upon the Success of his Enterprise and thanked for the Zeal which he had testified for the good of the English Nation 'T is also reported That the Nobility have met together and pray'd him to take the Administration of the Government upon him till the Estates of the Kingdom can be called together which is dreaded here by both Courts I can assure your Lordship there have been Instructions issued out from hence already to their Agents at London where they have a great Number tho' under various Disguises for to countermine what ever Projects may be on foot for the establishing a Settlement in England and of which I shall endeavour to transmit to your Lorship the Particulars I am My Lord Your very humble Servant Paris Jan. 27. 1689. S. N. LETTER LIII Instructions given to the French Emissaries to infuse into some English Peers upon the subject-Matter of King James's Deserting of the Crown in Favour of his Interest My Lord IT s not doubted here but that there will be strong Efforts made for the Advancing of the Prince of Orange to the English Throne and by the Returns made of Members to serve upon the present Occasion in the Lower House it is concluded that their Procedures will be much in favour of his Interest and consequently to the Disadvantage of this Court and therefore they have taken care to give them a Bone to pick tho' I know not well what it is for the present But of the House of Lords they have entertained a more favourable Opinion but foreseeing that whatever is agitated among the Commons is also likely to creep into a Debate among the Lords and that the King's Resigion his Evil Administration his Retreat out of the Kingdom and the Compact between him and his People may be called in question They have by way of Precaution given Instructions to their Emissaries slily to infuse into any such Peers as they judge susceptible of such Insinuations but I cannot think your Lordship of that Number That it was true the King's Religion had been a very main Cause to bring those Misfortunes upon himself and the Nation which they laboured under but hereby it could not be thought that should be as much as once debated for a sufficient Ground to exclude him from his Throne That this would appear strange in the Sight of all Nations that a Popish Prince was incapable to sway a Scepter when even in England it self there had been no less than Forty Roman Catholick Kings who had governed England from King Egbert to Queen Elizabeth That it was but the other Day that all the Kingdom had by Addresses on purpose disavowed that Maxime That the two Universities had condemned the same for an Error and that the Parliament in One thousand six hundred and eighty five did believe it to be a thing so pernicious and destructive to a State that they were minded to brand with Infamy all those who would have excluded the Duke of York from the Succession That all the Nation having acknowledged this Prince at a Time when he made open Profession of the Popish Religion it would be a ridiculous inconsequence to pretend that that same Religion was an Hindrance to his reigning as King of England and that as for any previous Compact that might be alledged by ill disposed Men to have been between King and People iâ— was a pernicious chimerical Notion often condemned as a Gap opened to seditious Practices for the imbroiling of the State That surely that Retreat could not be called a Desertion in the King full of Discontent and finding himself abandoned by his Subjects to the Mercy of a Foreign Nation especially seeing the Royal Character the bore did but expose him to the Insults of the People and his Person into the Hands of a Prince that imposed Laws upon him seized him in his own Dominions and gave him Umbrages that ought to presage greater Dangers unto him That the Offers he had again and again made to the Nation and even to the Prince of Orange who protected it to treat with them amicably to leave nothing undone for the redressing of their Grievances could not but be adjudged Reparations sufficient for those Faults that were imputed to him That the Letter he had writ left behind him at Feversham and ordered to be printed with several other Letters which he had actually writ to diverse Persons asserting his Authority and Claim And that the Protestations which no doubt he would make against any Acts of the Assembly to meet if any such should happen in disfavour of him which could hardly be credited and the Measures which he had taken and whereof they heard enough every Day and would doubtless more and more dayly for the Recovery of his Dominions were evident Demonstrations that he had not renounced them And that if they were deserted by him it was because his Person was in no Security there and not the Throne which he still looked upon as a Property appertaining to him alone That he was not the first and only King even of England that had made this Step That Ethelrede in the Time of the Saxon Kings retired into Normandy and that among the Royal Stem of the Plantagenets Edward IV. past over into Flanders without King Henry VI. his Competiter his believing that he had thereby acquired a new Title to the Crown That as to the present conjuncture the King found himself in the Condition of Kings would be very hard if they of all Mankind were the only Persons who were not allowed the Favour to shun a Danger they were exposed to and which could not be avoided but by fleeing from it and that surely it was a Man's Prudence when he saw his House on Fire beyond a possibility of extinguishing it to save his own Life and attend an Opportunity to rebuild it again since he could not save it from burning What Successes my Lord these Remonstrances have met with or may still it may be your Lordship can tell But I can tell you if this fails there is another Mine to spring whereon they rely very much and on which they intend to work with utmost Diligence but I pray God to keep my poor Country from falling again into their Shares from which it now is in so fair a way of being