own Thirdly though it be true enough that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrote these terrible effects but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the Plot and finally undertook the command oâ— their Armieâ— Rewaâ—ded foâ— which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himâ—elâ— he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Archbishop Laâ—d as the principal and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect fâ—om a former passage lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop And then he adds Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein His stomach is so full of choler against this pooâ— Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to suâ—plant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also some strong pâ—eâ—â—mptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it But what proofs have we for all this Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies or our Authors own 〈…〉 or some common fame And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History though the greatest falsehood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Authors language But for the last he brings some pâ—oof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army in which it was declared that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews the Archbishop of Glasco the Bishop of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reign of King Charles the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not and if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fol. 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-shine in England In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam if the clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foul weather in Scotland had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution The Scots were then weak unprovided of all necessaries not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaâ—ly arm'd and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation And had the Scots been once broken and their Countrey wasted which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King disturbances in their own Châ—rch and destruction to England So true is that of the wise Histoâ—ian Conatus subditorâ—m irritos imperia â—â—â—per promovere the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest do always make the King stronger and the Subjects weaker Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the
And he that knowing a thing to be false sets it down for true not only gives the lie to his own conscience but occasions others also to believe a falshood And from this charge I cannot see how he can be acquitted in making the Bishops to be guilty of those filthy sins for which they were to be so lashed by Satyrical wits or imputing those base Libels unto wanton wits which could proceed from no other fountain then malicious wickedness But I â—m weâ—ry and ashamed of taking in so impure a kennel and for that cause also shall willingly passe over his apology for Hacket that blasphemous wretch and most execrable miscreant justly condemned and executed for a double Treason against the King of Kings in Heaven and the Queen on earth Of whom he would not have us think fol. 204. that he and his two Companions his two Prophets for so they called themselves were worse by nature then all others of the English Nation the natural corruption in the hearts of others being not lesse headstrong but more bridled And finally that if Gods restraining grace be taken from us we shall all run unto the same excesse of Riot Which Plea if it be good for Hacket will hold good for Iudas and pity it is that some of our fine wits did never study an apology for him From Hackâ—â— he goes on to Travers a man of an unquiet spirit but not half so mischievous of whom he saith Fol. 214. At Antwerp he was ordained Minister by the Presbytâ—ry there and not long after that he was put in Orders by the Presbytery of a forain Nation Here have we Ordination and putting into Orders ascribed to the Preâ—bytery of Aâ—tâ—â—erp a Mongrel company consisting of two blew Aprous to each Cruel night-cap and that too in such positive terms and without any the least qualification that no Presbyterian in the pack could have spoke more plainly The man hath hitherto stood distracted betwixt shame and love love to the cause and shame to be discovered for a party in it drawing several wayes Pudor est qui suadeâ—â— illinc Hinc dissuadet Amor in the Poets language And in this fit he thought it good to withdraw himself or stand by aâ— a silent Spectator that his betters might have room to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government fol. 143. But here love carries it away and he declares himself roundly for the Presbyterians by giving them the power of Ordination and consequently of Ecclesiastical censure in their several Consistories Had he used the words of the Certificate which he grounds upon and told us that Travers was admitted by that Presbytery to the Ministery of the holy word in sacrâ— verbi Dei Ministerio institutus aâ— their words there are he had done the part of an Historian They may make Ministers how and of whom they list and put that Heavenly treasure into what vessels they please Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vindicant as St. Ierom complained in his time Let every Tradesman be a Preacher and step from the shop-board to the Pulpit if they think well of it This may be called a making of Ministers in such a sense as Phoebe is said to be a Minister of the Church of Cenchrea to minister to the necessities of their Congregations But to ascribe unto them a power of Ordination or of giving Orders which they assume not to themselves savours too strong of the party and contradicts the general Rules of the ancient Fathers At this time I content my self with that saying of Ierom because esteemed no friend to Bishops viz. Quid facit Episcopus excepta Ordinatione quod Presbyter non faciat and for the rest refer the Reader to the learned Treatise of Dr. Hammond Entituled Observations upon the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons at Westminster for the Ordination of Ministers pro tempore Printed at Oxford 1644. Only I shall make bold to quit my Author with a merry tale though but one for an hundred and t is a tale of an old jolly popish Priest who having no entertainment for a friend who came to him on a Fasting day but a piece of Pork and making conscience of observing the appointed Fast dipt it into a tub of water saying down Porke up Pike Satisfied with which device as being accustomed to transubstantiate he well might be he caused it to be put into the pâ—t and made ready for dinner But as the Pork for all this suddain piece of wit was no other then Pork so these good fellowes of the Presbytery by laying hands upon one another act as little as he the parties so impos'd upon impos'd upon indeed in the proper notion are but as they were Lay-brethren of the better stamp Ministers if you will but not Priests nor Deacons nor any wayes Canonically enabled for divine performances But fearing to be chidden for his levity I knock off again following my Author as he leads me who being over shooes will be over boots also He is so lost to the High Royalist and covetous Conformist that he cannot be in a worse case with them then he is already And therefore having declared himself for a Presbyterian in point of Government he will go thorough with his work shewing himself a profest Calvinist in point of Doctrine and a strict Sabbaâ—arian too in that single point though therein differing as the rest of that party do from their Master Calvin First for the Sabbath for the better day the better deed having repeared the chief heads of Dr. Bounds book published Anno 1595. in which the Sabbatarian Doctrines were first set on soot he addes that learned men were much divided in their judgements about the same Fol. 228. Some saith he embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture long disused and neglected now seasonably revived for the encrease of piety Amongst which some he that shall take our Author for one will not be mâ—ch mistaken either in the man or in the matter For that he doth approve Bounds Doctrines in this particular appears First By a passage fol. 165. where he conâ—nts with him in reckoning the casual falling of the Scaffolds at Paris-Garden on the Lords-day Anno 1583. for a divine judgement upon those who perished by it as they were beholding that rude pastime Secondly By his censure of the proceedings of Archbishop Whitgift against these Doctrines of whom he telleth us fol 229. That his known opposition to the pâ—â—ceedings of the Brethren rendred his actions more odious as if out of envy he had caused such a pearl to be concealed Thirdly by making these Sabbath Doctrines to be the Diamond in the Ring of those Catechisms and Controversies which afterwards were set out by the stricter Divines And Fourthly by the sadnesse which he findes in recounting the grief and distraction occasioned in many honest mens hearts by the several publishings of the Declaration about lawful sports lib. â—o fol.
not to the place of Mars as many victories being gotten by wit and stratagem the known Arts of Mercury as by strength and valour But from our Authors failers in recounting the superstitions of our Saxon Ancestors let us next see how he behaves himself in laying down the story of their conversion In which though he ascribe something unto Austin the Monk yet he will by no means allow him to be their Apostle Fol. 54. The Papists saith he commonly call Augustine the English Apostle how properly we shall see hereafter And after fol. 68. The Papists brag that he was the Apostle of the English In these few words there are two things to be considered whether he is called the Apostle of the English by the Papists only and secondly whether he were not so both in fact and title Not call'd so by the Papists only I am sure of that but called so commonly by as good Protestants as our Author himself Thus Camden a right English Protestant After this Augustine whom commonly they call the Apostle of the English men being sent hither by Gregory the Great having abolished these monstrous abominations of Heathenish impiety with most happy success planting Christ in their hearts conâ—erted them to the Christain faith Nor doth he speak this only in the voice of the common people but in another place more plainly as his own opinion A place there is about this Shire called Austins Oke at which Augustine the Apostle of the English men and the Bishops of Britain met c. Dr. Philemon Holland of Coventry a good Protestant also making an Index unto Camden speaks the self same language Augustine the Apostle of the English which is short but full Gabriel Richardson of Brazen Nose an honest Protestant in his laborious piece called the State of Europe telleth us of Canterbury that the Archbishops See was founded by King Ethelbert in the person of St. Austin the Apostle of the English More of this kinde might be produc'd were it not given us for a Rule in the holy Scripture Ex ore duorum testium vel trium that two or three witnesses were sufficient to confirm a truth The next thing here to be considered is whether Austin were not the Apostle of the English both in fact and title In order whereunto we must first take notice that the word being meerly Greek doth signifie in its natural and original sense a Messenger a Legat an Embassador from whom to whomsoever sent and though appropriated to the twelve as by way of excellence yet not improperly communicated unto others in succeeding times with reference to the Nations whom they had converted So Boniface an English man the first Archbishop of Ments is called by Dr. Holland as by many others the Apostle of Germany Palladius styled by Camden the Apostle of the Scottish Nation and the Irish would not think themselves to be fairly dealt with if their St. Patrick should not be honoured with that Title also In this sense Austin may be call'd and that not improperly the Apostle of the English Nation though a derivative Apostle an Apostle as our Author calls him in the way of scorn fol. 68. at the second hand though others propagated the Gospel further then he liv'd to do It was enough to entitle him to this Apostleship that he first publickly preacht the Gospel and brought the glad Tiding of Salvation amongst the English though he neither converted all the Nation nor travelled into all parts of the Land to attempt the same Neither St. Paul could be entituled the Apostle of the Gentiles St. Thomas of the Indians nor St. Matthew of the Ethiopians if it were necessarily required to their Apostleships that all the Nations of the Indians must be converted by the one or the vast Countries of the Ethiopians must be conveâ—ted by the other or finally if St. Paul to save them a labour must have reduced all the Gentiles to the faith of Christ. And this the Embassadors for the King of England at the Council of Basil understood right well when they contended for precedency with those of Castile For when the Castilians had objected that although Ioseph of Arimathea had preacht in England it was but in a corner thereof the grand body of Britain remaining Pagan many hundred years after the English Embassadors wisely answered that the Allegation was impertinent to the present purpose it being not the Universality but the first Preaching of the Christian Faith which gained the name of an Apostle there being no Disciple as they truly urged it that ever converted a Kingdom totally and entirely to Christianity for which consult our very Author Lib. 4. fol. 181. And yet the pains in preaching of Austin were not so limited and restrain'd to one Kingdom only but that he travel'd into most parts of the Saxon Heptarchy preaching the Gospel in all places to which the Spirit did conduct him or his business lead him Our Author grants him to have converted the Kingdom of Kent fol. 7. and to have taken care for planting the Gospel in the Kingdom of the East-Saxons and for that end ordaining Mellitus the first Bishop of London fol. 67. From hence he carries him to a conference with the British Bishops in the Countrey of the Wiccians now Worcestershire then part of the Kingdom of Mercia fol. 60. From thence to Richmondshire in the Kingdom of Northumberland where he is said to have baptiz'd above ten thousand in one day fol. 66. And finally to Cern in Dorsetshire part of the Kingdom of the West-Saxons where he destroyed the Idol of Heale or Aesculapius By which we see that he visited no fewer then five of the seven Kingdoms in the Saxon Heptarchie not only doing in each of them that particular work which he went about but preaching in all fit places as he passed along And this considered as it ought with reference to the distance of those several places to which our very Author brings him gives him just title to that honor which our Author would so willingly deprive him of when telling us how the Papists called him the English Apostle he adds these words how properly so called we shall see hereafter I have spent more time then I intended in defence of this Title and therefore think it seasonable to proceed from the Person to his Acts. Of which the first we meet with is the fixing of the Archiepiscopal See at Canterbury for which our Author amongst many other Reasons gives us this for one viz. That London by reason of the receipt thereof was likely to prove the residing place for the English Monarch and it was probable that the Archiepiscopal dignity would there be eclipst and oâ—tsâ—ined by the Regal Diadem But here I must needs aske our Author whether he thinks that this was really one of those many motives which occasioned Austin to resolve of Canterbury for his seat of residence If yea then must our Author grant him to be
at Hampton Court and that it was affirmed by some of the Bishops that the Crosse in Baptism was used in the time of Constantine Dr. Reynolds the most able Man of the opposiâ—e party who had before acknowledged it to have been in use in other cases from the very times of the Apostles had not one word to say against it And to say truth no man of modesty and Learning could have spoke against it when it was proved so clearly by Dr. Andrews then Dean of Westminster oâ—t of Tertullian Cyprian Origen each of which died long time befoâ—e Constantines Birth to have been used in immortali Lavacro in that blessed Sacrament That good old saying of Tertullian Caro signetur ut anima muniatur may serve once for all And therefore when our Author telleth us in the following words that in that age nothing was used with Baptism but Baptism it must be considered as a smack of that old Leaven which more and more will soure the lump of his whole discourse We have already had a taste of it in the very first Book we finde a continuance of it heâ—e and we shall see more of it hereafter Our Authoâ— not being coy in shewing his good affections not only to the Persons of the Non-conformists but their inconformity not to the men only but their Doctrines and Opinions also And this is that which we must trust to in the whole course of this History Having now done with the Acts of Austin we shall not keep our selves to so continued a diâ—course as before we did but take our Authors Text by piecemeal as it comes before us and making such Animadversions on the same as may best serve to rectifie the story and maintain the truth as namely Fol. 65. Thus the Italian Spanish and French Daughters or Neeces to the Latine are generated from the corrption thereof This is I grant the common and received opinion but yet me thinks our Author who loves singularities should not vouchsafe to travel on the publick Road. For in my minde it is affirmed with better reason by our learned Brerewood That those tongues have not sprung from the corruption of the Latine by the inundation and mixture of Barbarous people in those Provinces but from the first imperfect impression and receiving of it in those forein Countries For the Latine tongue was never so generally received in any of the conquered Provinces out of Italy as to be spoken ordinarily by the common people the Gentry and Nobility might be perfect in it for the better dispatch of their Affairs with the Roman Magistrates who had the Government and Lieutenancy in their several Countries And some 〈◊〉 of it might be found with the vulgar also who having continual intercourse with the Roman Souldiers and some recourse for Trade to the Roman Colonies could not but get a smattering of the Latine tongue Just so the Gentry and Nobility both in Wales and Ireland are trained up for the same reasons in the English tongue which notwithstanding could never get the mastery of the natural Languages 〈◊〉 much ground on those of inferior quality Secondly had these National Languages proceeded from the depravation of the Latine tongue by the mixture of the baâ—barous Nations it must needs follow that the Italian had not now been the language of all people in Italy nor the French of all the Nations which inhabit France sic de caeteris My reason is because the Heruli being setled in those parts which we now call Piedmont the Longobards more towards the East the Goths about the middle parts the Saracens and Greeks in the Realm of Naples there must needs be as many distinct languages in that one Continent as there were Barbarous Nations planted in it or at the least such different Dialects as could be scarse intelligible unto one another Whereas it is certainly and most plainly known that there is only one Language spoken in all that Countrey equally understood by all without so much as any sensible difference in pronunciation more then is usuall in all places between the Countrey Villages and the neighbouring Citizens The like may be affirmed of the antient Gallia planted on the Eastside of the Loyre by the Burgundians on the West side of that River and towards the Mediterranean the Pyrenies and the Aquitan Ocean by the Gothish Nations in most other parts of it by the Franks and yet all speaking with very little difference the same one Language which from the most predominant People we now call the French More to which purpose might be said were not this sufficient Ibid. The Hebrew the common Tongue of the whole world before it was inclos'd that is to say divided into several Languages An Opinion as common as the other and as weakly grounded such as I marvel at in our Author who having travel'd over all the Holy-Land should have been better studied in the true nature and original of the Holy-Tongue Nor is it the opinion only that this Tongue was spoken universally before the Flood and even in Paradise it self in the state of innocency but that it shall be spoken in the Celestial Paradise the language of the Saints in glory in somuch that some good women of my old acquaintance were once very eagerly bent to learn this Language for fear as I conceive they should not chat it handsomely when they came to heaven Now for the ground thereof it is no other then an old Iewish Tradition importing that this being the common Language of all people before the Flood was afterwards appropriated unto Phaleg the son of Heber and to his Posterity because not present with the rest aâ— the building of Babel and consequently not within the curse of conâ—ounded Languages But against this it is disputed first that it is but a Tradition and therefore of no sure foundation to build upon And secondly that it is such a Tradition as holds no good coherence with the truth of Story it being a most clear and demonstrative truth that the Hebrew Tongue was not the Language which Abraham brought with him out of Chaldea and Mesopotamia but that which he found spoken in the Land of Canaanâ—t â—t his coming thither to which both he and his posterity did conform themselves Or had it been the Language of Heber as they say it was but most undoubtedly was not yet thirdly had this been a priviledge conferred on Heber that he and his posterity should speak the Original Language without alteration or corruption it must have been extended to all those of the House of Iâ—cktan which descend from him as also to the House of Laban in Padan-Aram and to the Moabites and the Ammonites as the seed of Lot and finally to the Madianites Ishmaeelites and Idumaeans descended of Abraham and Esau and not be limited and confined only to the House of Iacob Now that the language which afterwards was and still is called by the name of the Hebrew was
â—ther things that the French King should marry the Laâ—y Mary King Henries Sister But he deceasing within few â—onthes aftter on the first of Ianuary the widow Queen â—as married in May next following Anno 1515. to Charles â—andon Duke of Suffolk The next accord which seemes 〈◊〉 be hear ment by the Historian was made between the 〈◊〉 King Henry and King Francis the first Anno 1518. 〈◊〉 which the surrendry of Tourney was agreed uâ—on and a â—pitulation made for marrying the young Dolphin of â—rance with another Mary being the daughter and not the Sister of King Henry then beiâ—g about two years old which is the marriage here intended thoâ—gh misâ—ook in the party fol. 2. Iames the fift the 108. King of Scotland Which may come some what neer the truth allowing the succession of the Scottiâ—h Kings 39. in number from the first Fergus to the second But that succession being discarded by all knowing Antiquaries King Iames the fift must fall so much short of being the 108. King of the Scottish Nation Nor can it hold exactly true as unto that number if that succession were admitted King Iames the first Monarch of great Britain and the Grandchild of this Iames the fift pretending onely to an hundred six Predecessors in the throne of Scotland as appears by this inscription which he somewhere used viz. Nobis haec invicta tulerunt Centum Sex Proavi Ibid. To palliat such potency he procures an interview with him at Nice a Maritine Town in the Confines of Provence A worse mistake in place and persons then we had before For if the interview procured was between King Henry and the Pope as by the Grammar of the Text must be unstood then is the Author much mistaken in the place and Persons but if he mean it of an interview between K. Hâ—â—â—y and King Francis it is true enough as to the Persons but not to the place An interview there was between the two Kings at Ardâ—es in the Marches of Calice far enough from the conâ—â—nes of Provence and a like interview there was between King Francis and the Pope at Nice here mentioned for enough from the borders of King Henries Dominions at which he neither was present nor desired to be fol. 8. Prelate Bishops brought in by Palladius The Author speaks not this as his own opinion but as the opinâ—on of some of the Scoâ—s who ground themselves on the Aâ—thority of Bâ—chanan a fiery Presbyâ—erian and consequnâ—â—â— a profest enemy to Bishops and his words are these Nam ad id nsque temâ—us Ecclesiae aâ—squâ— Episcopis per Monachos regebâ—â—ur that is to say the Church unto that time was governed by Mâ—nks without Bishops But Buchanan perhaps might borrow this from 〈…〉 another Writer of that Nation and of greater Credit who tells us this per Sacerdotes 〈◊〉 hos sine Episcopis Scoti in â—ide erudiebantar The Scots he said were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Mâ—nks without Bishops But I trow teaching and governing are two sâ—veral Offices And though it may be true that some particâ—lar persons of the Scotish Nation might be instrusted in 〈◊〉 Gospel by Priests and Monks withour help of Biâ—hops as is said by Major yet doth it not follow thereupon that their Churches were governed in the same manner as is said by Buchannan And yet upon these faulty grounds it is infered by the 〈◊〉 with great joy and triumph that in some places of the world the government by Bishops was never received for many years together For say they we read that in antient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks and were without Bishops 290. years Instructed possibly at the first without Bishops by such Priâ—sts and Monks as came thither out of Ireland or the 〈◊〉 of Man or the more Southern parts of Bâ—itain but not so governed when they were increased multiplied into several Churches and Congregations And so it is affirmed by Arâ—h-Bishop Spotswood who tellâ—th uâ—â—ut of 〈…〉 that antiently the Priests of Scotland whom they then called 〈◊〉 were wont for their better government to elect some one of their number by Common suffrage to be chief and principal amongst them without whose knowledge and conâ—â—nt nothing was done in any matter of importance and that the Person so elected was called Scotorum Episcopus the Scots Bishop or a Bishop of Scotland By which it doth appear most plainly first that the Prelate Bishop was not first ordained here by 〈◊〉 as the Scotish say and secondly that that Church was not so long a time without Bishops if it were at all as the English Presbyterians would fain have it fol. 15. Iohn Calvin a Freâ—â—hman of Aquitain â— Not so but a Native of Noyoâ—â— City of Picardie far enough from Aquitain as is affirmed by all others which have written of him The like mistake to which we finde fol. 9â— where it is said that the Lords of Aâ—bygny take name frâ—m Aubygny â— village in Aquitain Whereas indeed the Castle and Signeury of Aubygny from whence the younger house of Lenâ—â— takes their denomination is not within the Province of Aquitam but the Country of Berry fol. 20 And therefore to strike in with his Son and 〈…〉 his Fathers obsequies with magnifiâ—ent Solemnâ—ly in Pauls Church This spoken of the Obsequies of King Henry the second of France performed by Queen 〈◊〉 with great Magnificence not so much on the particular ground which I finde here mentioned as to preserve her Reputation and the Reputation of this Church by such Rites and Ceremonies with all forrain princes To which end she did Solemnize the Obsequies of such Kings and Emperors as died during her Reign in as great pomp and splendor as she did this Kings for before this in very Princely manner were performed solemn Obsequies for 〈◊〉 the fift a riâ—h â—all of gold laying upon the Herse the Emperours Embassador being chief Mourner accompanied with many Princes and Peers of England And after this 〈◊〉 did the like for many others with no great difficulty to 〈◊〉 found in our commâ—n Chronicles By means whereof 〈◊〉 did not onely maintain her own Estimation but caused thâ— Church of England to be looked on with greater veneratioâ— and 〈…〉 popish Princes then it hath been since thâ—â— leaving off 〈◊〉 due observances fol. 27. And â—y coâ—pute of their own Loâ—ds of the Congâ—gation a hundred marks a year was then sufficient for a single Minister Understand not here an hundred marks sterling at the rate of 13. s. 4. d. to the Mark as the English count it amounting to 66 l. 13. s. 4. d. in the total 〈◊〉 but an hundred Marks Scâ—tish each Mark containing no more then thiâ—teen pence halfe penny of our English money which make but 5. l. 13. s. upon our accompt A sorry pittance in it self though thought enough by their good Masters for their pains in preaching Fol. 53. Three of our Kings
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them