might not be aliened or made worse by the Possessor yet so that she left a gap open for herself and her Favorites to prey upon it which was after shut by King James and with great care secured by King Charls All this while grew up a Faction in Church and State which became the ruine of both For not only in the Church the Publique Liturgy Communion or Religion was vilified and defamed but the Governors reviled with all opprobrious names of Tyrannical Antichristian c. It is true the Majesty of the King was not so openly reviled yet was it insensibly daily undermined by them in which they were much assisted by a company of half-headed Lawyers who in all Assemblies distilled this doctrine into ignorant men That the Law was above the King and that they had Property against him in their estates and goods Whereby not only Citizens and Great places became generally inclined to this new doctrine of the Teachers and Lawyers but the Country-Gentleman thought himself independent from the King both in his life and estate the Yeoman cared not for the Gentleman and as little regarded the King so that the veneration of the Royal Name became every day more contemptible and despised all honor and reverence due to the King Church was converted unto these Patriots of their Countries Liberty and New Lights Nor could the Church relieve the Crown although the Governors were well-affected towards it being by all the Faction more hated than the King became despised until in the end the chief Governors both of Church and State not only became Victims to the rage and lust of seditious men but the Revenues of both a prey to their avarice And now what is left for this miserable Nation to expect having forfeited all Piety and Allegiance to Gods Church and his Anointed but after all this consumption of the Blood and Publique and Private Revenue of the Nation and having lost all Reputation and Commerce abroad for the future to be Turk-like governed by armed and hungry Soldiers without any probable hope of Redemption Object It may be it will be here objected That though poor and contemptible Princes be rarely long obeyed especially where their Subjects are opulent yet had the Church never so great veneration both for power and piety as when in the Primitive times it was poor whereas afterward when it became rich and mighty it did degenerate into many vices and heresies and lost much of estimation and piety which it had in its poverty Answ I grant that God did by his grace and power originally by a company of poor men and Fishermen against all the greatness of worldly power miraculously plant a Church and that those poor men sent by God were supernaturally inspired by his grace which not their poverty was the cause of their piety and sanctity and that they were so highly honored by primitive Christians yet sure when God hath supernaturally planted his Church it cannot be in reason expected he should preserve it always by miracle And sure those are very ungrateful men not to contribute ordinary means for the preservation of what God hath extraordinarily planted Nor is there any thing more vain then to imagine that men are better for being poor or that according to the ordinary course of things they will not be by men in general esteemed vile and contemptible who are so Nil habet infaelix paupertas durius in se Juveual Quâm quod ridiculos homines facit CHAP. VI. Of the Fathers power 1. UNumquodque resolvitur in id ex quo componitur Dust shall return to the Introduction earth as it was and the Spirit to God who gave it Eccle. 12. 7. It is not the good will and pleasure of the All-prepotent God that only the individuals of one age should see the greatness of his Majesty and power therefore he was pleased to create man as well as other Creatures in this inferior or be in a * If Adam had not been created in a Mortal State the Sacrament of the Tree of life had been a vain institution mortal state yet he endewed him generativa facultate that though he does dye in his person yet he should live in his posterity and as one generation passeth away so another commeth but the earth abideth for ever Eccle. 1. 4. 2. There is nothing more evident then that in perfect Creatures of The power of Parents alike over their Children which man is the most perfect that God is the prime and efficient cause or God working by naturall causes the Sun is the efficient cause and Male and Female the Instrumental Sol per hominem generat hominem See Harvey de generatione Animalium Cap. 33. Man and Woman therefore being the means whereby God does renew the species of Mankind and all Creatures having power over themselves in all things wherein they are not restrained by some natural or humane Law and every Child being alike part of either of his Parents the Power of Father and Mother is alike over their Children and so by consequence the subjection and obedience of every Child is alike due to Father and Mother And to honor thy Father and thy Mother is the First precept of the second Table of the Decalogue 3. Man and Wife being but one person and the Husband being the Why in Matrimony the power is in the Father head of the Wife and the Wife being in the power of the Husband the Husband hath the power and command as well of the Children as of the Mother yet the piety and observance of Children to their Mother is as much due as to their Father 4. Grotius cap. 5. art 2. de jure belli pacis out of Arist pol. 1. cap ult Grotius his opinion of the Fathers power eth 5. cap. 10. distinguisheth the Fathers power over Children into three times viz. 1. The time of their imperfect judgment 2. The time of their perfect judgment 3. The time when they are out of the Fathers family In the first all the actions of the Children are under the command of the Parents In the second time whenas judgment is matured by age and are of the family they are subject as part of the family In the third when he is matured by age and out of the family the Son is in all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his own right Yet he says and truly parag 5. The Fathers power so follows the Fathers person that it can never be pulled off nor transferred to any other for the Fathers power arising from generation is due to him by the Law of Nature and so always the same if not aliened by the act of God And therefore * Confuted Quando Ubi make no alteration in the Fathers power for it is the same when the Son is an Infant and when adult when he is part of the family and when not 5. Where the Law of Nature gives a
at all So that it may be rather termed a Representative of the Free Corporations then a Representative of the Freeborn people of England The House of Commons therefore cannot be a Representative of the Freeborn people of England But suppose them the Representatives of the Freeborn people of this Nor the Supreme Authority of the Nation Nation yet cannot they be the Supreme Authority of it for no power can act beyond the power of its being I say therefore that no Representative can be supreme or superior to the cause of its being The House of Commons therefore cannot be granting it the Representative of the Freeborn people of this Nation the Supreme Authority of the Nation But if the house of Commons be not sent by the people and their Representatives Who creates them and by what right do they make a house of Commons Before we answer this Quaere wee will see of what sorts of men a house Of what sorts of men the house of Commons is compounded of Commons is compounded A house of Commons is compounded of three sorts of men viz. Knights of Counties Citizens sent by Cities and Burgesses of Corporations Barons of the Cinque Ports are the same thing differently expressed with Burgesses of Corporations Now that all Cities Burroughs Corporations and Cinque Ports are not so jure naturali nor by any inherent birthright but from their Charter which is nothing else but the Kings grant is so manifest that I think no man in his wits will deny But all Cities and Corporations are not alike in priviledges but more or less as they are impowred by their Charter or Grant of the King Some Corporations have Liberties Priviledges and are impowred to send Burgesses others have Liberties and Priviledges but not qualified to send Burgesses nay some Cities have Liberties and Priviledges but not endewed with this right of having Representative in the house of Commons as the Cities of Durham and Ely And as neither Cities nor Burroughs are endewed with these their Liberties What creates the house of Commons and Priviledges by any inherent birthright so neither are the Counties nor Inhabitants endewed with any right of sending Knights of their Counties by any inherent birthright for then had all the Counties a like right one as another and all the Inhabitans a like vote and they mighr create representatives as often as they should see occasion But all these are most evidently false for we have shewed before that not only the division of this Nation into Counties was an act of the Kings but all Counties are not alike endewed with this Priviledge some Counties in Wales sending but one and the County of Durham none at all Nor have all men a like vote in electing and yet as much subject to Laws made in Parliament as other men but men only who have 40 s. yearly freehold rent nor can these 40 s. a year men when they will send their representatives What then does impower these to send representatives Why let Sir Ed. Coke say Inst 4. p. 1. Knights of Shires Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Burroughs are respectively elected by the Counties Cities and Burroughs by force of the Kings Writ So that the Kings Writ is the first and efficient cause of the pag. 28. house of Commons as well of the Knights as Citizens and Burgesses the Commons cannot begin nor be dissolved without the King in person or representation If then Rebellion be as the sin of Witchcraft as the Holy Ghost saies Annot. and if crimen lesae Majestatis be the highest crime and impiety as all Lawyers hold and if Gratitude be one the chief of all Moral virtues as all men hold for si ingratum dixeris omnia dixeris no man who is an ingrateful man but has rendred himself as if he had committed all manner of wickedness How impious then is it for men only from the Kings grace endewed with this high favor to convert it in opposition and derogation of that power and person from whence they originally received it But they say if the Commons did it then was it done by the people and so just and not to be questioned as if the people were not a thing to be governed and all as much subject to the King and Laws as every one or that a thing just or unjust in it self were more just or unjust because more or fewer did it Will any man say the crucifying of our Saviour was therefore just because many of the Jews did it or that a rout or riot is therefore lawful because done by many men or that it is not paricide or regicide if many Sons and Subjects kill their Parents and King As all the Members of both houses are created by the King so cannot The Parliament cannot begin but by the King these Members be formed into a body but by the King either by his Royal presence or representation By representation two waies either by a Guardian of England by Letters Patents under the great Seal when the King is in remotis out of the Realm or by Commission under the great Seal of Inst 4. p. 6. England to certain Lords of Parliament representing the person of the King he being within the Realm in respect of some infirmity This House is so far from being the Supreme Authority of the Nation The Jurisdiction of the Commons House that they are not a Court of Judicature nor can impose an Oath or take any mans Examination Yet Sir Ed. Coke says Inst 4. 28. that the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court because he says they cannot be prorogued or adjourned but by its self yet gives no more It is true indeed that to many purposes among themselves they do judge their Members and Elections and have a Committee for Religion but these things are more of custom whether good or bad I cannot tell then of any original right that I know or ever heard of And Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. 11. says They being the general Inquisitors of the Realm have principal care in the beginning of Parliaments to appoint Committees of Grievances both in Church and Commonwealth of Courts of Justice of Priviledges and of Advancement of Trade They have been wont too ever since the Statute de Tallagie non concedendo of course to grant the King Aids in extraordinary cases The House of Peers assisted as aforesaid are the Supreme Court of The Jurisdiction of the House of Lords Judicature in this Nation not only to judge whether matters presented to them by the Commons be fit or requisite for the King to pass into Laws as Monsieur Bodin well observes who disputes this better then any of our English Lawyers that I know of has done but also of Writs of Error and of matters of Fact either not determinable in other Courts or else when though they are determinable in other Courts yet in regard of nicety or
men and all the Commonalty assembled in Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were enacted by the King his Prelates An. 4. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other of the same Parliament at the request of the Commons Statutes made at Westminster The King by the assent of the Prelates An. 5. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other great men of the Realm at the request of his people granted and established c. Statutes made at York were enacted by the King in Parliament upon An. 9. Ed. 3. the Petition of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses Statute of Money made at York was enacted by the King with the An. 9. Ed. 3. assent of the Prelates Earls and Barons and the Commons not so much as named Statutes made at Westminster were made and established by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other Nobles of this Realm and at the request of the Knights and Commons Statutes of Purveyors made at Westminster were enacted by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and also at the request of the Knights of the Shires and the Commons by their petitions put in the said Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were to the honor of God and of Holy An. 14 Ed. 3. Church by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other assembled at Parliament And see almost all the Acts of Parliament in Ed. 3. his time after in Rich. 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Ed. 4. Rich. 3. the King always made the Law and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal did assent at the instance request or petition of the Commons or by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons which was not or but rarely used unless in Rich. 2. his time In Hen. 7. his time the Commons got to have their assent as well as the Lords in passing Laws And this manner of passing Laws continued generally until Edward the Sixth's time where they were sometime made by the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament and sometime by the Parliament But the form of enacting Laws by the King and the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons assembled in Parliament was seldom or never used before Queen Maries time So that it is as clear as the Sun at noon-day That a King of England Sessions of Parliaments do not derogate from Regal Power by the ancient usages of this Nation is as free and absolute in the Session of Parliament as out And the Act of a King in Parliament is the free and voluntary Act of an absolute Monarch for the Act of the King in Parliament passed by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at the Petition of the Commons is not less the act of the King because it is so passed unless a man will deny that my Will being a faculty of my Soul cannot imperate an act if it takes information from my Understanding or Reason Reason and Understanding being in proportion to the Will as Counsel is to a Law King Charles of Sacred memory commends to his Son the then Prince of Wales in his last Letter and Admonition to him though for his own particular he had little Reason God knows so to do the frequent use of Parliaments as the best means by which Laws may be received of the Subjects and diffused to all parts of the Nation and to hold a right understanding between the King and his Subjects But as nullum medicamentum est idem omnibus nay the same Medicine at one time may kill the same person which at another time may cure him And that thing which at one time may be a very probable reason of an action at another time may be none at all or quite contrary to Reason So in Reasons of State that may be a very probable reason at one time which may be none at all or perhaps destructive at another time As Henry the Third had great Reason of State to form a House of Commons and endue it with large priviledges to secure himself against a stubborn and rebellious Nobility But King Charles had not the same Reason of State to indulge the House of Commons contriving the destruction of himself the Church and Nobility Laws and Liberties of this Nation Edward the First had great Reason of State to call a Parliament and to pass the Act De Tallagio non concedendo for otherwise as the state of affairs then stood he could neither get money to assist his Friend and Ally the Earl of Flanders nor relieve his distressed Subjects in Aquitaine oppressed by the French King which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes but King Charles had not the same Reason of State to call the Parliament in 1640. who instead of assisting their natural Sovereign against a Rebellious Rabble of Mungrel Hebrides and Lysisks give them Three hundred thousand pounds to be exported out of the Kingdom for their Brotherly assistance Edward the First had great Reason of State to pass the Statute of Mortmaine when as men were so superstitiously given that no man thought he could merit Heaven if he gave nothing to the Church whereby such large Revenues accrued to the Church that the third part of the Revenues of the Nation was in Church-mens hands who pretending exemption from the Temporal Power if some remedy were not taken the King would probably be left destitute of means to protect himself and his Subjects yet is there not now that Reason of State when in a Sacrilegious age all the Patrimony of the Church goes to wrack and ruine and men of Badges of Sacriledge make marks of Saintship It were endless to enumerate how Reasons of State vary with the times It must suffice that there be means always in the Supream Power to remedy and cure the maladies and mischiefs of State as they arise and represent themselves Yet it is a remarkable thing That they who oblige Kings and Supream Powers to their own Laws will never be obliged by either their own or any Laws of God if ever the Supremacy comes to be vested in them and let any man shew me in Five hundred years one time wherein the Kings of England did alter the Laws out of Parliament and I will shew him an hundred times in seven years where men arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament have altered the Laws without the King They who oblige Supream Powers to Humane Laws the Conditions must oblige God too to such things as is contained in those Laws and Conditions or else it is impossible for Powers to protect their Subjects But Corruptio optimi est pessima there were never so vile things done as have been by Parliaments or by men calling themselves so Sir Edward Inst 4. page 37 38. Coke being always mightily in love with Parliaments gives instances but in two viz. Thomas Cromwel Earl of
as Judicial The end of the Fourth Book The Contents of the Fifth Book HAving before treated of the Causes of all Regal and Ecclesiastical power and having in the last Chapter of the Third Book treated of the Laws and Civil Government of this Nation being the exercise of Regal power in reference to the publick preservation of Peace and Society in it In this First Chap. we shall treat how far Ecclesiastical power has been exercised in this Nation and by whom Whether originally the Britanick and English-Saxon Churches were free or subject to the Papal power quoad exercitium And whether as well before the Conquest as after the Kings of this Nation were not Nursing Fathers to the Church of Christ And whether always before the Conquest the Royal Government did not extend as well to the Persons as Possessions of Ecclesiastical persons And whether all Bishopricks were not originally of the Kings foundation In the reciting the Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings and Queens of this Realm we shall observe three periods viz. The Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Kings of England before the Conquest The Laws made by the Conqueror and subsequent Kings until Henry the Eighth And lastly the Laws made by him and the Kings and Queens after him until the end of King Charls his Reign Note good Reader that in the reciting of these Laws I do not affirm that these Laws made by the Kings of this Realm did never incroach upon that Ghostly power which our Saviour by Divine positive institution left only to his Church and therefore make no construction upon them but only when they are recited and objected as Authorities against that Power My designe is to shew having already demonstrated that by the Law of Nature the persons of all Subjects born in the dominion of rightful Kings are their natural Subjects which is an indelible character and can never be washed out and therefore Subjects being Ecclesiastical persons cannot free them from it And that all priviledges and endowments which Ecclesiastical persons enjoy besides their ghostly power is created by the King That the exercise of the Kings power over the persons and possessions of Ecclesiasticks as also Laws made by them for the order and preservation of the extern peace of the Church is no new thing as hath been by some objected THE FIFTH BOOK CHAP. I. How far the Kings Popes and Bishops of England have exercised their Spiritual Jurisdiction in England before Henry the Eighth IT cannot sure be reasonably denied Apology by any man but that Ignorance is the mother of all Error nor is any man better in any kind whatsoever for being innurtured or ignorant We daily see no where more feuds If learning or knowledge were the cause of dissentions or distractions how then comes it to pass that all dissentions are determined by learned and knowing men or else they would be endless and dissentions then among ignorant and mean men which were there not Laws to decide their difference would be endless and Mankind left in a worse condition then any other creatures Nor is Education and Learning any cause of the dissentions and debates which arise among learned and better educated men but some internal cause proceeding from pride or some other appetitions or affection in them And though Education and Learning does not totally alter mens natures from bad to good yet does it soften mens manners and makes them not to be so bruitish as those who are destitute of Learning and Civil breeding For Didicisse fideliter Artes Emollit mores nec sinit esse feros It is true indeed that in that state in which God hath placed all men here they do not see all things truly but men are and always were and will be subject to humane error and frailty and in many things notwithstanding all the arts and helps which can be devised men will never be reconciled But that men should therefore condemn all Science and Learning is like to a man that if he sees and hears not all things distinctly and clearly although it may be he sees and hears well enough to do things which are necessary for his conservation that therefore he will put out his eyes and have his ears always stopped Nor shall ever ignorance of any mans duty totally excuse him for his not observance of Laws be they Divine or Humane Nor shall the blind belief of Subjects in their Superiors whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal ever totally excuse them from those things which are due and they believe that they owe to God I am not so very a Hobbian as to believe that it is impossible for Supreme powers to command any thing contrary to the Law of Nature nor yet so very a Papalian as to think that the Pope is infallible Especially since it is evident that Aarons joining with the people in their idolatry did not excuse Exod. 32. the Israelites of old nor did the command of both King and Priests ever under the Old Law excuse the subject Israelites from Gods judgments upon them for their idolatry Nor is this very opinion of them in the Church of Rome of the Popes infallibility believed by themselves however urged against others who are not of her communion For then were not only General Councils supervacaneous and useless things but also there could be no difference among them which is superior a Pope or General Council Nor do they less deny it in their practice then their opinion For when Sixtus Quintus had excommunicated 9 Sept. 1585. the King of Navar and Prince of Conde and as he affirmed made them uncapable of succession to the French Monarchy yet were most part of the French troubled at it doubting the Priviledges of the Gallic Church would be trodden under foot which they needed not have doubted or feared if they had believed the Pope to have been infallible and all the Parliament of Paris who were all of the Church of Rome desired the King Henry the Third to have the Bull torne in pieces as you may read Davila 575. And the Parliaments of Chalons and Tours did not only decree the Bull of Gregory 14. to the Prelates and Catholiques of the Kings party under pain of Excommunication of being deprived of their Dignities and Benefices and of being used as Hereticks and Sectaries that within a certain time they should withdraw themselves from those places that yielded obedience to Henry of Bourbon and from the union and fellowship of his Faction to be publikely burnt but it was so far rejected and scorned by the very Prelates and all other Catholiques of the Kings party that it did extreamly confirm them all in the Kings obedience being before unsetled and inclining to the Cardinal of Bourbons faction as you may read more at large in the Twelfth book of Davila's History But it may be they will say That this was not in matter of Faith and that the Popes infallibility is affixed to Faith
with the Opinion of Learned men That the marriage with his Brothers wife was contrary to the Law of God and void The King not expecting the Popes sentence anno 1533. marries his beloved Anne but such love is usually too hot to hold for about two years after he cut off her head yet the King did not wholly renounce the Papacy but still expecting the Popes sentence The Pope for the reasons aforesaid not desiring to end the business The slow proceedings of the Pope but to expect advantage from time reduces the matter into several points or heads which he would have particularly disputed and at the time of the Kings marriage with Anne was not got further then the article of Attentates in which the Pope gave sentence against the King that it was not lawful for him to put away his wife by his own authority without the Ecclesiastical Judge For which cause the King in the beginning of 1534. denied the Pope his obedience commanding his Subjects not to pay any money to Rome nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pence This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome and they daily consulted of a remedy Some thought to proceed against the King with censures and to interdict all Christian nations all commerce with England But the moderate counsel pleased best to temporise with him and to mediate a composition by the French King K. Francis accepted the charge and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome to negotiate a Pacification with the Pope where they still proceeded in the cause gently and with resolution not to come to censures if the Emperor did not proceed first or at the same time with his forces They had divided the cause into twenty three articles and then they handled whether Prince Arthur had had carnal conjunction with Queen Katherine in this they spent time till Midlent was past when the 19. of March news came that a Libel was published in England against the Pope and the whole Court of Rome and besides a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope and every Cardinal in particular For which cause all being inflamed with choler ran headlong to give sentence which was pronounced in the Consistory the 24. of the same month That the marriage between Henry and Katherine was good that he was bound to take her to wife and that in case he did not he should be excommunicated But the Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation For six days His rash censure repented of after the French Kings letters came That the King was content to accept the sentence concerning Attentates and to render obedience upon condition that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business and that persons not suspected should be sent to Cambray to take information â—and and the King had sent his Proctors before to assist in the Cause at Rome Wherefore the Pope went about to devise some pretence to suspend the precipitate sentence and again to set the cause on its feet But the King so soon as he had seen it said It was no matter for the Utterly loses the obedience of England Pope should be Bishop of Rome and himself sole Lord of his Kingdom And that he would do according to the antient manner of the Eastern church not leaving to be a good Christian nor suffering the Lutheran Heresie or any other to be brought into his Kingdom From that time forward Henry the Eighth of a zealous Assertor of the No anger lost between the King Pope Papacy both by pen and purse became the first and greatest Opposer of it of all the Western Christian Princes for the Eastern Christian Princes except sometimes the Emperors of Greece and the Kings of Holy Land did seldom or never submit to the Papacy in her Spirituals yet did he afterwards seed to be reconciled to the Pope even by means of his Nephew Charls the Fifth Nor were the Popes much behind hand with him For besides Clement's petty Excommunication Paul the Third Anno 1538. thundred out such a terrible Excommunication against him as the like was never heard of which deprived him of his kingdom and his adherents of whatsoever they possessed commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience and Strangers to have no commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against and persecute both him and his followers granting them their states and goods for their prey and their persons for slaves But the Popes anger ended in words whereas the Kings deeds took place against the Pope But what there was in all the Kings reign which might be called Reformation What was the Kings Reformation I do not understand For whatsoever the King took from the Pope except Peter-pence he ascribed to himself If the Pope would be Head of the Catholique Church the King would be Head of the Church of England If the Pope challenged Annates and First-fruits of the Bishops and Clergy the King would do no less If the Pope did give Abbots and Priors power being Ecclesiastical persons to make divers Impropriations to their benefit the King will take a power to take them all away and convert them into Lay-fees and incorporate them so into particular mens estates that they shall never return to the Church more Nor had he any love or desire of Reformation of the Church but only to the Church-lands for all the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of the Church of Rome was continued and that with such bloody cruelty that a Stranger going over Smithfield one day and seeing two men there executed one for denying the Kings Headship of the Church and another for subscribing to the Six Articles cryed out Bone Deus quomodo hic agunt vivi hic suspenduntur Papistae ibi comburuntur Antipapistae And so zealous did he continue herein that Pope Paul the Third after he had fulminated so dreadfully against him Hist Conc-Trid fol. 90 proposed him for an Example to be imitated by Charls the Fifth Although such was the temper of this Prince that he never spared man The exclusion of the Papai jurisdiction was an act of the King Kingdom and Church of England in his rage woman in his lust nor any thing which might be called sacred in his avarice yet so absolute was he that his Divorce was attested by both the Universities at home besides that at Paris abroad his freeing himself and the Nation from the jurisdiction of the Pope was not only assented to by a Synod and Convocation of all the Clergy of England but the English and Irish Nobility did make their submissions by an Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellinger then chief Governor of Ireland wherein they did acknowledge King Henry to be their lawful Soveraign and confessed the Kings Supremacy Bram. Vind. of the Church of England p. 43. in all causes and utterly renounced the Pope But Divorce banishing the Papal authority
excommunicated or damned who differ in some things from the doctrine of the Pope who appeal from his decrees and hinder the execution of the ordinances of him or his Legates Although the Sesession of the Church King and Kingdom of England The reformation of King 1 d. was not Schismatical from the Papacy were an Act of Schism yet being done in the Reign of H. 8. one of the greatest favorers of the Papacy that ever was King of England and to his death as great an assertor of the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of it and in such a state independent from the Church of Rome was the Church and Kingdom at the time of Edwards Reformation whatsoever therefore his Reformation was yet could it not be Schismatical Whatever the Romanists pretend to unity and peace in their Church yet The rites and ceremonies of Edwards reformation were more uniform then before it is most manifest that in the Realm of England and Dominion of Wales in several places were used divers forms of Prayer commonly called the Service of the Church viz. that of Sarum of York of Bangor and Lincoln but also of late divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in the Cathedral and Parishes Church of England and Wales as well concerning the mattens or morning prayer and evening song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of other Sacraments of See preamble to the Statute of 2 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. That the Scriptures Lords Prayer and Creed should be read in the English tongue is no new thing in England the Church whereas the service enjoyned in the Reign of Ed. 6 was uniform in all places of England and Wales as well in Parish Churches as Cathedrals In the Reign of King Ethelbald in the year of our Saviors incarnation 748. in a convocation held in the Prouince of Canterbury Cuthbert the Archbishop of his Clergy did Enact that the sacred Scriptures should be read in their monasteries the Lords Prayer and Creed taught in the English tongue Speed in the Reign of Ethelbald para 4. page 343. and how much it was against the Word of God and the custom of the ancient Church to use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayer and administration of Sacraments see the conference at Westminster an primo Eliz. which were never yet answered that I know of If any thing Heretical had been contained in the common Prayer administration Edwards reformation was not Heretical of Sacraments c. made in the Reign of Ed. 6. it would have been sufficiently shot at having so many adversaries at home and abroad but no such crime was ever that I ever heard of imputed to it if there be let the adversaries of it yet shew it affirmanti incumbit probatio If then not onely the Kings and supreme powers always under the old Covenant King Edwards Reformation was warrant-able materially and formally had this right of invoking the high Priest and other Priests and if God always punished the Kings of Judah and Israel for suffering the people to commit Idolatry and if God himself so often commends the zeal and reformation of Jehoshaphat Hezekiah Asa Josiah c. and if ever since Christianity the Bishops by that Divine Canon to Timothy have always had in 1 Tim. cap 2. their particular Churches right of composing publick Liturgies and in national Synods a right of composing publick and national Liturgies And the Liturgy of Edward being composed and received by the Bishops of the Church of England to that end convened and assembly by the King this Liturgy being neither schismattical nor containing any thing heretical is both for matter and form warrantable Object If the Sacriledge and extention of the civil Jurisdiction in giving the civil Magistrate licence to take cognizance of the publique Liturgy and administration of the Sacraments be objected The answer is easie Let the Courtiers and Parliament answer for it the Church was patient not agent in them The Church of Rome having robbed the poor laity of one half of the institution of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper and kept the people in such The King and Church had great reason to make Reformation in Religion stupid ignorance that in the publick worship and service of God they should neither use their reason nor understanding by imposing it upon them in an unknown tongue as if in the publick worship and service of God he were not to be served by intellectual and rational creatures and had filled the Mass with more prayers to the Virgin Mary and Saints which could no ways relieve them and so at best super fluous and vain there was great reason in the King and Church to a make a reformation of the Religion and publick Worship and Service of God Of Queen Maries Ecclesiastical Laws Although King Ed. were a Prince of transcendent Vertue and Learning far above his years yet doubtless his youth was not onely much abused in his Reign where a man might have seen all the woes pronounced by God upon that Nation where the King is a childe or where a company of men in Parliament arrogate to themselves the Politick capacity of a King abstracted from his person but also at his very death caused not without suspicion of poyson was he deluded upon specious pretences by his whole Councel but principally by the Duke of Northumberland to make way for the Lady Jane Gray in the time of his sickness married to his fourth son Guilford Dudley to declare the said Lady Jane the rightful heir and successor to the English Monarchy to the manifest wrong and injury not onely of Queen Mary and Elizabeth afterward Queens of England but also of Mary Queen of Scots heir to Margaret the eldest daughter of Henry the seventh whereas the Lady Janes Title was descended from Mary the younger daughter of H. 7. yet it so pleased God that this unjust Will should onely bring destruction both to the Lady Jane and her husband whereas the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth and the Posterity of Mary Queen of Scots did all succeed and enjoy the possession of the English Diadem of which they were debarred by this Will of King Edward That the Title of Head of the Church was continued by Queen Mary appears by the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the fifth of October in the first year of her Reign in the first and second session of it where she is stiled our Gracious Soveraign Lady Mary by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland but in the second Parliament of her Reign being holden at Westminster the second of April the first year of her Reign the Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland is not mentioned Declares
of the Commons Lawes of this Land yet a great assertor of them and in disgrace with him would oftentimes affirm that there was no time whenever he could speak reason but the King would hear him With the reputation of these virtues he governed these Islands in greater peace then posbly in the ordinary nature of things could be expected In the 3. year of his Reign viz. Anno Dom. 1605. was a most hainous and The cause of the many Laws made against Popish Recusants vile attempt intended not only against the very Person of the King but even of his Posterity which had not advanced the designe of the conspirators and the Church and all the Nobility not of their faction with the Commons in Parliament assembled And the conspirators had proceeded so far that they had not only made provision to have effected their purpose and intended the fifth of November being the day for the convention of the Parliament after their Proroguement and therefore probably expecting not only a more then usuall convention both of the Lords and Gentry but even of the King himself to have blown up the Parliament House But the designe being as foolish as desperate was discovered the night before it should have been executed although it is thought that it was known even to the King himself and the Earl of Salisbury before as by accident and so had no other effect then what the conspirators might reasonably have expected had it succeeded viz. ruine to themselves for their faction being so very few in proportion to the rest of the Nation and without either money Forts or Army in reason they could not have done any thing considerable in order to their further designes and severe Lawes against all which might be suspected to be of their faction to prevent any such further attempts It is true where Tacitus observes that the conspiracies of Subjects where His defects and frailties they succeed not doe advance the Soveraignty and verefied in this attempt of the Gunpowder-Treason for how many Lawes were that Parliament and afterward enacted against all Popish Recusants we have before shewed yet so it happened and so usually happens when not carefully minded by Princes that another faction far more formidable both to King and Church openly pretending assistance to the King and Church in persecuting this faction secretly acquired strength to themselves in so doing Nor was this unseen by this wise King being naturally a greater enemy to the Faction persecuting the persecuted but either not having that magnanimity which is so requisite in a Soveraign or apprehending he had not means sufficient to goe through he neglected to apply such medicines as were necessary to the curing of this Gangrene so dilating it self both in Church Court and State but desiring Peace especially at home although almost upon any termes he rather sought to repell the breaking out of Puritanisme during his Reign then to eradicate it for the future Add hereunto that being excessively addicted to Hunting and not greatly loving the Common Lawes and finding it impossible to govern this Nation otherwise and minding controversies in Divinity more than the management of his temporall affaires and though free from Sacriledge and Corruption in his person yet carelesse of it in his Favourites and Countrymen and nothing so prudent a Manager of the Revenues of the Crown as his Predecessor whereby being forced to recede from many of his Regalities the Reins of Government both in Church and State became so loose that in the ordinary nature of things it was very difficult they should be reassumed by his Successor Ecclesiasticall Laws made by King Charles THere were some few Lawes made against Interludes c. on the Lords day and 10. groats penalty for offence to be levied by Justices and Constables which a man may read in the first Car. 1. 3 Car. 1. There had never in any time been before this Kings Reign so long Peace The state of the Church State in the beginning of K. Charles his Reign viz. for neer 80 years in this Nation as in the beginning of his Reign but neither doth peace make mens minds peaceable nor were things otherwise well disposed for the continuance of it for not only the zealous and obsequious duty which the Subjects paid to the Royall name in the person of Queen Elizabeth was quite dead and almost forgotten the great wisedome and learning of his Father not to be hoped for in the tender years of the Son the Exchequer without money and yet the King engaged in a Warre against the Spaniard for recovery of the Palatinate but the Puritan Faction which Queen Elizabeth desired so much to suppresse and so much hated by his Father was grown so farre up in Church State and Court that in all they were far more numerous both in England and Scotland and all forein Plantations then all his other Subjects Nor was the condition of Ireland better for not only the Protestant party were jarring among themselves but the Popish intent upon their destruction which after they did execute in a terrible manner To these may be added the government both in Church and State so neglected that the exercise of any Lawes to reduce them to conformity would be imputed to have been Innovations and Tyranny The Kings Councell either uncapable of giving counsell or not faithfull to their Prince Nor was there any thing left to oppose all these growing calamities but the hopefull virtues of a young Prince unacquainted in Temporall affaires and a stranger to all worldly calamities which are of no more power to protect him against seditious and rebellious Subjects then the Lawes of God and all which may be called sacred will retain men in obedience where they are not restrained by a present coercive power But these stormes which after brought this Saintlike Prince and this wofull Church State to so lamentable a condition as they lately lay under did not breake out in the very beginning of his Reign but in all three Nations did gather into such black clouds in all his reigne that almost at once breaking forth in such a terrible Tempest as upon the matter it so overwhelmed King Church and Government that there was scarce any footsteps of them left I had here designed to have inserted a short History of the chiefe occurrences of his Reigne and by what degrees this saint-like Prince became a victim to the rage and lust of his seditious subjects and have the papers now by me but in regard it must needs rub soares which may rather in their tendernesse anger then ease them and also because the History of his life hath been by others more fully written but most of all because it is his Majesties pleasure to have the memory of things rather buried in oblivion then renued I shall forbeare and doe no more then give the description of him and shew the consequence of his calamities The Description of King
accounted Abrahams faith St. James 2. 23. That he would have offered up Isaac though by the law of nature Abraham should have preserved his sonne and so God ceased the motion of the Sun and Moon upon Joshua's prayer Jos 10. 12. And caused the same to go retrogade ten degrees upon the prayer of Hezekias and Isaiah 2 Kings 20. 11. It is true that nothing less then that power which made a Law can alter it the Laws therefore of God whether positive or natural have an eternal and immutable obligation upon all the men in the world but whatsoever power may make a Law that power may alter it Divine Laws therefore whether positive or natural cannot have any obligation upon God but he may alter them when he pleases CHAP. VI. The Obligation of Divine and Humane Laws upon the Consciences and Persons of Men. 1. COnscience comes of con and scio to know together with reason Conscience or some law Conscientia est animi quaedam ratio lex quâ de recte factis secus admonemur Conscience is a certain reason or law of the Mind whereby we are well or ill advised of our deeds The laws therefore of Man may not only be violated by doing contrary to them but by consenting to them As he which does contrary to that he thinks though the doing of the thing be just yet 't is unjustly done by him for whatsoever is not of faith is sin Rom. 14. 23. 2. The affirmative precepts of God they do semper obligare yet they The obligation of the laws of God do not oblige ad semper As when he commands us to pray continually it is not to be expected a man should be always in the act of prayer but so to live as he does nothing which may indispose him from praying But Gods negative precepts do not only always oblige but oblige ad semper too for there is no time at all wherein it is lawful for a man to kill to steal to commit adultery c. Deut. 5. 17 18 19 20 21. negative in all instances 3. Ecclesiastical laws do oblige in Conscience If thy brother shall neglect Ecclesiastical laws oblige in conscience to hear thee tell it to the Church but if he neglect to hear the Church let him be to thee as a heathen man or Publican Mat. 18. 17. And the Scribes and Pharises sit in Moses chair all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe and do but do not after their works for they say and do not Mat. 23. 2 3. If then by the law of our Saviour the Jews were to observe and do whatsoever the Scribes and Pharises commanded them because they sate in Moses seat sure with as much or much more reason ought Christians to observe and do whatsoever the Church which our Saviour Christ himself hath planted doth command them 4. My kingdom is not of this world Joh. 18. 36. God sent not his Son In conscience only into the world to judge the world but that by him he might save the world Joh. 3. 17. And O man who has made me a Judge or divider amongst you If then our Saviours kingdom were not of this world if God sent not his Son to judge the world and if our Saviour were not a Judge among men then cannot the Church of Christ have any power from Christ in the kingdoms of the world nor to judge the world nor to be a Judge or divider among men 5. Ecclesiastical laws according to the usage and custom of England To what things Ecclesiastical laws have reference relate to Blasphemy Apostacie from Christianity Heresies Schisms Holy Orders Admissions Institution of Clerks Celebration of Divine Service Rights of Matrimony Divorces general Bastardy Subtraction and Right of Tythes Oblations Obventions Dilapidations Excommunication Reparation of Churches Probate of Testaments Administrations and Accounts upon the same Simony Incests Fornications Adulteries Sollicitation of Chastity Pensions Procurations Appeals in Ecclesiastical cases Commutation of Penance which are determined by Ecclesiastical Judges 6. So that there is a mixt Conusance in the Ecclesiastical Judicature All things determinable by Ecclesiastical Judges are not meerly spiritual viz. of things meerly Spiritual by which they are impowered to judge and take conusance of and that by no humane power but only as they are impowered and sent by our Saviour and are only his Ministers viz. the taking conusance of Blasphemy Excommunication Heresie Holy Orders Celebration of Divine Service c. And this Ghostly power the Church and Ecclesiastical persons had before ever Temporal powers received the Gospel of Christ or were converted to Christianity And also after it pleased God that Nations and Kingdoms were converted to Christianity and that Kings did become nursing fathers and Queens nursing mothers Isa 49. 23. to Gods Church then did Kings cherish and defend Gods Church and endued it with many Priviledges and Immunities which ere while was persecuted by them or other Powers but yet could not these Immunities or Priviledges divest them of that Ghostly power which our Saviour by divine institution gave his Church It is true no question but that originally not only all Bishopricks and their bounds and the division of all Parishes and the conusance the Church hath of Tythes of Probate of Wills of granting of Letters of Administration and Accounts upon the same the right of Institution and Induction and the erection of all Ecclesiastical Courts c. were all originally of the Kings foundation and donation and that to him only by all divine and humane laws belongs the care and preservation of all his Subjects none excepted in all causes And therefore not only all those things which relate to the extern peace and quiet of the Church although exercised by Ecclesiastical persons but all those priviledges and immunities which the Church or Churchmen have in a Church planted which the Primitive Christians and Apostles had not in the persecution of the Church when planting are originally Grants of Kings and Supreme Powers and so Temporal or Secular Laws but in regard they accidentally have reference to the Church and are exercised by Ecclesiastical persons they are not improperly called the Kings Ecclesiastical Laws And sure either ignorance of this or faction hath made men run into two contrary extremes one That Kings have no right to their Crowns but in ordine ad bonum spirituale and so cannot be Kings or That all power and jurisdiction in all causes is from the King and so cannot there be any such thing as Christian faith Religion or any Ghostly power left by our Saviour with his Church to continue to the end of the world which every Christian man de fide ought to believe and submit to before any Temporal Law or Power in the world Object But beeause Ecclesiastical laws have not infallibility affixed to them if they command any thing repugnant to Divine laws do they then oblige Answer No for God
are often violated by Men and that God created Adam an universal Monarch or King over all his other Creatures is clearly said Gen. 1. 27 28. And God created man in his own image in the image of God created he him male and female created he them And God blessed them and God said unto them Be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth and subdue it and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the fowl of the air and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth And that this supreme power was given to Adam not as Father Husband or Master of a Family is manifest for he was neither Father Husband nor Master of a Family there being no Man or Woman in the world at that time 9. The Scripture does not only command Wives to be subject Adam had Dominion over Eve and not as Husband only to their Husbands but the Apostle gives reasons wherefore viz. That the man is not of the woman but the woman of the man Neither was the man created for the woman but the woman for the man 1. Cor. 11 8 9. Nor does he prove this subjection to be only due from the end of the womans creation and her being a part of Man but from Mans being first created and to whom God had first given Dominion over all Creatures before the Woman was made 1 Tim. 2. 13. 10. Although God gave to Adam only of Dominion over all Creatures yet was it not intended that he alone should so enjoy that his Dominion Adam had Dominion over his Children and not as Father only that others of his own kind should be wholly deprived of the use and benefit of them without which they could not possibly subsist When therefore that Cain and Abel were born although the Dominion of all the Creatures continued still in Adam yet had Cain and Abel property in the Fruit of the Ground and of Sheep But this property could not be given Gen. 4. 3. 4. to them by Adam as Father for the Fathers power arising from generation and the person being only generated the Fathers power extends no further The property therefore that Cain and Abel had in the Fruits of the Ground and Cattel was given them by Adam as King or Monarch 11. Not only the Scriptures and all Writers many times express different The state of Man before the flood and after Adams death was not Anarchy but in Society and under Monarchy Hereditary Gen. 23. 6. things equivocally by one word but also the same thing equivocally in different words As a Chief Governor is often called not only King but Prince Duke Sultan Pharoah Ptolomy Cham c. Paterfamilias signifies the Master of a Family whether he hath a son or daughter in it or not Our Saviour as the highest attribute of power begins the Lords prayer with Our Father So the Scriptures by Patriarch Prince and King understand the same thing The Patriarch Abraham is called a Prince of God or a mighty Prince A Prince sure he was that could give battel and overthrow four Kings at once Gen. 26. 16. And the King and Prince David is called by S. Peter the Patriarch David Act. 2. 29. And Patriarchs as well as Kings are called Christi Domini And that the Patriarchs mentioned in Gen. 5. were not only men endued with the ordinary power of Parents but Princes in their generations is manifest otherwise it had been a vain thing for the Scripture to have mentioned a Genealogie of the Patriarchs from Seth to Noah if every Father had had the same power with them Besides Cain who was elder then Seth had a wife and children yet was none of Gen. 4. 17. the Patriarchs and the reason was because God for the murder of his Gen. 5. 12. brother Abel made him a vagabond and fugitive upon the earth And as this Patriarchal or Regal power was with the Patriarchs before the Flood so was it hereditary where God did not interpose For from Seth to Noah only the First-born had it or are mentioned for Patriarchs in Scripture God no doubt by this great example teaching men that where he does not interpose this Patriarchal or Regal power is hereditary and descends only to the Eldest Son and Heir General 12. If as Grotius affirmeth the state of Man had been Jure naturali in The state of Man immediatly after the flood was not Anarchy but Society by the testimony of Scripture a parity or promiscuous condition immediately after the Flood and that this Jus naturale be immutable by God himself and that this Dominion which is now in use the will of Man brought in and that not the will of the party commanding but in subjection It had been a very vain curse in Noah or rather of God by Noah to have cursed Chanaan and made him a servant of servants to his brethren or that God should bless both Sem and Japheth and make Chanaan a servant to them both And let a man see the generations of Sem Ham and Japheth where the Grandchildren of Japheth by Javan divided the Isles of the Gentiles not in a promiscuous condition but Gen. 10. 5. after their tongue kindred and in their nation And so Nimrod the Grandchild of Ham by Chus became a mighty Hunter in the earth c. And the beginning of his Kingdom was Babel Erech Acad and Calneth in the land of Sinar There is great division among Writers about Nimrod whether he were the same with Belus and Ninus or not And as the posterity of Japheth did not inhabit the earth in a parity and equal condition so did not the posterity of Ham but in their kindreds tongues countries and nations Verse 20. And so did the posterity of Sem v. 31. And Gen. 11. gives the genealogie of Sem to Abram which came to pass in less then three hundred years after the Flood And in Abrahams time Pharaoh ruled in Egypt cap. 12. and Amraphel was King of Sinar Arioch King of Elazar Chodorlaomer King of Elam and Thidal King of the Nations and Bera King of Sodom Birsa Gen. 14. 1 2 3. King of Gomorrha Sinab King of Adma Semeber King of Seboiim and the King of Bela. There is no reason that I understand why men should affirm Nimrod to be Annot. the first Monarch after the Flood from Gen. 10. 8. He began to be a mighty one upon the earth and that the beginning of his kingdom was Babel Erech Accad and Calneth Which proves it no more then if a man should say That David was a mighty one upon the earth and the beginning of his kingdom was Judah and Jerusalem that therefore there was never any King before him 13. We begin with Diodorus Siculus who after that in the first Part The state of Man most antiently was never Anarchy but Monarchy by the authority of the most antient of Vulgar Histories of his first Book
from long received and established Laws which is the Princes greatest security and therefore in reason ought rather to suffer some mischief from them then venture an inconvenience by altering them Whereas in the other Governments where Factions and mens Interests bear so great a sway they are daily subject to mutilation and alteration And let any man see how unlike all the Parliaments since 1640. have been in their Interests and Factions and all of them would have innovated all the established Laws of this Nation if they could have agreed upon any thing in stead of them Thirdly That it is an unreasonable thing Mens lives and estates should terminate in the Will of one Man and it may be this Man a wicked and tyrannous Man But if it be necessary that these things must depend upon some Humane cause how much better is it for Men to be subject to one Man then many Nor can any thing be objected against Monarchy but will be of more force against either of the other Governments 15. Those Men who imagine to frame a Democracy or Common-wealth It is abhorrent and impossible to frame a Common-wealth in England from the example of the Romans and Athenians here in England from the example of the Romans or Athenians c. let them consider two things First That by a general abhorrence of Mankind Democracy hath been exploded upon the face of the Earth for above 1700 years if the Cantons of Switzerland be not Democratical who have almost ever since their Rebellion against Wenceslaus about the year 1400. when they first formed themselves into a Democracy continued mercenary Mankillers to the Interests of the Pope and the Kings of France and Spain Secondly The state of the Inhabitants of Rome and Athens were the People who were Civitate donati Libertines or absolute Slaves but with us the Case is quite another thing for every Man hath as much right to his Freedom as another by birth It is therefore meer folly from Causes so unlike to produce like things Besides if a man considers the condition of this Nation ever since Monarchy was rejected that in less then the revolution of Twenty years the Publique Charge hath been twenty times more then in Five hundred years before Not only the Nobility and Gentry in general sequestred and undone but the Publique Revenues both of Church and Crown wasted and sold all Veneration of Divine and Humane Laws lost and neglected all Commerce with Foreign Nations interrupted and the Nation hated and despised by Foreigners the most Renowned places which the Piety of our Ancestors founded for the Worship and Service of God prophaned and made Stables for Horses The Governors in stead of minding the Publick good intending only by all unjust means to prefer themselves and creatures And at this day a greater Debt upon the Nation then our Parliaments for 400 years have given our Kings except the sacrilegious gifts of Church-lands and the Nation still degenerating into worse sure no sober man would be in love with Commonwealths CHAP. V. Of Sedition 1. BEfore we proceed to the Fathers Husbands and Masters Power Of Sedition it will not be amiss to take a short view of Sedition and what disposes men to it of themselves and how they are disposed to it by them who are in supreame Authority Sedition properly signifies Seditio quid a going apart or asunder As the submitting and uniting of Subjects to their lawful head causes peace and quiet from whence follows ease and plenty so sedition causes discord and War which unless timely suppressed either ends in Tyranny that is by setting up one or more of the seditious in place of him who by right ought to command or opens a gap to be overwhelmed of forrain powers See Hobbs de Cive cap. 12. 2. This is the most antient sin the first of our first parents the desire The desire of judgment disposes men to sedition of being like to God judging good and evill Therefore God sent him out of the garden to till the ground Gen. 3. 22 23. Absoloms ambition was that he might judge the land 2 Sam. 15. 4. which only did belong to his Father and by the First proposition of cap. 3. lib. 2. all judgment belongs to him who is supream The opinion therefore that judgment of good and bad belongs to the Subjects in general or to any in particular is a seditious opinion It is impossible that judgment removed from the head should abide any where for the unreasonable appetite of men doth deem things good or bad not as they are in themselves but as they appear profitable or not to them from whence it comes to pass that the same action is praised by one man as virtuous and by another is blamed as vitious neither can there be any remedy for this thing but the submission of every mans judgment to the judgment of another Besides judgment of good and evil is to put an end to all difference and what end can there be of difference when as either every man may judge alike or no man can tell who shall be Judge 3. It was Adams answer to God when he asked him whether he had Disobedience to Lawes eaten of the tree whereof he commanded him not to eat The woman which thou gavest me gave me of the tree and I did eat It is usual with seditious men when they are disposed to sedition to oppose the laws of God against humane and plead conscience because through their stubbornness they will not receive humane laws What follows No private man but may assume to himself as much liberty as another and every man will desire to seem as tender-conscienced as another so that In nomine Domini incipit omne malum Men pretending conscience destroy all society and government It is therefore a seditious opinion to affirm that subjects sin obeying their Soveraigns in all things not contradicting Faith Religion or the Law of Nature 4. When men abound with wealth and ease partly by their own natural Ambition affection and excited by their flatterers deem themselves slighted if they have not honor and power in their conceipt proportionable to their wealth no wonder if they study novelty to acquire popular affection in lieu of what they call Court-favor 5. When men are over-conceited of their parts and abilities and because Envy they are not preferred in Church or State according to their desires use their abilities to promove the affections of a faction contrary to what is Trump as they call it which where liberty may be not only disputed but opposed to Prerogative shall never be wanting a small deale of wisdome serves the turn a little eloquence is enough if they can use some small flourish of words no matter whether they be to the purpose or not at Markets Sermons Bull-baitings c. and then tell the auditory that this thing done in State is against law and that thing
this opinion are all Christian Princes made in a worse condition then Infidel or Mahumetan and subject to the Spiritual powers in their Temporal jurisdiction But mutato nomine a new generation of men have sprung up and changed Bonum temporale sequitur in ordine ad bonum spirituale into The wicked have no right to their goods and It is lawful for the children of Israel to rob the Egyptians 11. The King is greater then the Singulars and less then all his Subjects Rex major singulis c. is a seditious opinion is a Fools bolt shot at such random that it is not worth the measuring whether it be near the mark or not For not only all Subjects owe their obedience as much as every one but never was any Prince universally rejected or disobeyed by his Subjects 12. See Sir Ed. Coke 3. par Inst pag. 9. On si homme leva guerre encontre That Subjects may upon any prerence levy war without consent of the Supreme power a seditious opinion See Calv. case 11 12. nostre Seignieur le Roy This was High Treason by the Common Law for no Subject can levy War within the Realm without authority from the King for to him it only belongeth And a little after If any levy War to expulse strangers to deliver men out of prisons to remove Councellors or any other end pretending Reformation of their own heads without warrant this is a levying of War against the King because they take upon them the Royal authority which is against the King 13. Let no Prince ever hope for obedience from his Subjects who Negligence in the worship of God takes no care that God be duly served by them For where the fear of God is not men will not honor their King but are disposed to sedition 14. Honor is nothing else then the estimation of anothers power Contempt of the Regal power disposes men to sedition viz. That a man hath power to protect reward and punish another And prudent Princes ought so to maintain the reputation of this in their Subjects that it may be received and believed of all For besides that ill men will where there is no fear of punishment become more licentious generally all men ambitiously where they are not restrained by fear desire to insult over their Superiors Aesop gives an Item of this last in the Fable of the Logg which Jupiter gave the Frogs for their King when they became fearless of it every one jumped insultingly upon it And examples of the former are clearly seen in men who condemned for offences to death they penitently acknowledge their faults and desire forgiveness of that Power that puts them to death whereas scarce any offender fearless of punishment did ever submit and ask forgiveness for it Princes therefore ought principally to take care how either by their vices remiss Government or otherwise they make their persons or power contemptible for when power is contemptible the exercise of it is never permanent 15. If the Age tends to worse and men of this latter Age have been Concessions of Princes to their Subjects disposes them to sedition worse then in the precedent as men generally hold and if Princes power in Ages when Mankind did not so fast degenerate into all forbidden wickedness were not sufficient at all times to restrain the seditions and disorders of their Subjects then is it a most unreasonable thing in Princes to indulge this ambitious desire of their Subjects by granting them liberties and priviledges which they had not before And if any man can shew that ever any where in the world Princes did make their Subjects better by granting them a more then usual liberty but only made them more arrogant to demand more until their Majesties and Authorities became so contemptible that in stead of governing their Subjects they must be content to have what terms their Subjects please to impose upon them or to reject them which in the end they will assuredly do I will be content to believe Princes do prudently by granting to their Subjects all their real Prerogatives and retaining only or some small matter more then the empty Title 16. It is not only the office of a Prince that good Laws be made but If Laws be not carefully executed that they be carefully put in execution There is no man who does not will and desire to be happy but few men who are daily sollicitous and industrious to attain to happiness It is the part of foolish men only to will and wish but the part of prudent men to do wisely A man shall see it in a family where the Master only commands and never looks to the doing that in a short time though he commands much he will have little performed And where Subjects have gotten a licentious habit of neglecting or transgressing Laws it will prove a hard thing to reclaim them whereas they might have been easily preserved in their obedience by careful execution of the Laws 17. There is nothing more dangerous in Church or State then Innovation Alterations of Laws It is therefore the most secure way of governing when mens manners and vices do not require new Laws by the antient and received Laws of a Nation This will secure the Prince from the imputation of Tyranny he may better hope to preserve a strong house built upon a sure foundation then by destroying it to undertake to build another which he either knows not how to finish or having built it cannot hope it will be better then the other or cannot tell whether it will be of any continuance but falling will overwhelm him in the ruine of it Besides the Subjects from the example of their Prince will become studious of innovation and censure whatsoever Laws he prescribes in lieu of the old ones Those he gives if they please one will displease another it will be the only talk of the City Country and Market If he punish any opposer for it is not possible but disadvantage will be to many and the loser will speak he shall by all his faction be cried up for a Martyr and Patriot of his Country and Laws It will make Subjects diffident of their condition and fearful that having Property by the old Laws they shall lose all by new ones Yet there is nothing in this world can secure men and make their condition permanent For what is usually objected by seditious men against their Prince viz. the invading and not suffering freeborn Subjects to have the benefit of their antient Laws and Customs was imputed a crime to our late King who was persecuted by his own Subjects because he adhered to the known and received Laws of the Land for after the year 1642. there was not any Petition presented to the King by one or both Houses of Parliament but was against the established Laws of this Nation But no question it was not the Kings adherence to the Laws but the iniquity
have their origination from God we Introduction have already in its proper place asserted And that these Kingdoms thus created by God have periods alterations and conversions set by him which cannot be foreseen or prevented by man is certainly as cleer and evident as the former and often owned by God himself in Sacred Writ as well over his own people as others But that therefore any man or men should therefore endeavour to make alterations in Kingdoms is like to a man who becaufe all men naturally die thinks he may kill any man and father the fact upon God And if God even over his own peculiar people did for the sins of the Kings and people especially the Israelites so often convert the line of the Kings then can it not in reason be expected in this Iron and much more sinful Age that God should every where continue a fixt and certain succession of Kings according to the ordinary course of Nature viz. Primogeniture But that therefore the Pope or any other creature may arrogate to themselves a right or power superior to the Law of Nature is no less absurd then that a Son may kill his Father because all Fathers have periods set by Nature which they cannot pass And that all Subjects do by birth owe a natural subjection to rightful Princes in whose dominion they were born which relations can never be dissolved but by God himself we have in their proper places demonstrated Yet may the exercise of this power be suspended so long as such Subjects come into the power of other Princes whether it be by conquest or otherwise and do owe them a temporary obedience so long as they continue there and their posterity born in their dominions owe such Princes a natural obedience which can never be dissolved And also that since there is no other Judge under Heaven to decide the controversie of Princes but their swords which can never be alledged by any Subjects who have Laws to decide their differences such decision is good as to the exercise of any Princes power over all them who fall under ir and all Subjects born in such exercise of power or dominion become natural Subjects to any Prince who by conquest acquires the dominion of another we have also demonstrated in its proper place Yet whether it were of old that Popes did arrogate to themselves this right of deposing Temporal Princes or debarring them of their right which about this time was frequently asserted by and practised by the Popes and which Pope Alexander was pleased to confer upon the Conqueror against all Right and Law to the manifest prejudice of Eadgar Athelin let us see the Epistle of S. Eleutherius to King Lucius as it is cited in chap. 17. of S. Edovards Laws In the year from the passion of Christ 169. or 156. our Lord Eleutherius the Pope wrote to Lucius King of Britain at the Petition of the King and Peers of the Kingdom of Britain You have required of us that the Roman Laws and of Cesar be transmitted to you which you would use in the Kingdom of Britain We can always reprove the Roman Laws and those of Cesar but not at all the Law of God For ye have by Gods mercy of late received into your Kingdom of Britain the Law and Faith of Christ you have of your self in your Kingdom sufficient Authority from whence through Gods grace by the advice of your Kingdom to make a Law and by it through Gods patience you shall rule the Kingdom of Britain And you are the Vicar of God in your Kingdom according to the Kingly Prophet The earth is the Lords and the fulness of all the world and all who inhabit therein And again according to the Kingly Prophet Thou hast loved Justice and hated iniquity and therefore thy God hath anointed thee with oyl of gladness above thy fellows And again according to the Kingly Prophet God is thy Judgement c. Therefore neither the Judgement nor Justice of Cesar for they are sons of the King Christian Nations and people of the Kingdom who live under your Protection and Peace and Reign and are according to the Gospel Even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings c. But they are Nations and your People of the Kingdom of Britain and who divided you ought to congregate recall nourish hold with your hand protect and rule into one for concord and peace and to the Faith and to the Law of Christ and his holy Church and always to defend it from evil doers and malitious men and its enemies Wo to the Kingdom whose King is a boy and whose Princes eat together in the morning I Do not call a King because of his small and tender age but because of his folly and iniquity and rage according to the Prophet King Men of blood and deceitful shall not live out half their days c. By eating we understand the Pallat by the Pallat Luxury by Luxury all things filthy and evil according to King Solomon Wisdom shall not enter into the soul of the evil doer nor shall dwell in a body subject to sins Rex dicitur à Regendo non à Regno A King thou shalt be so long as thou rulest well which thing if thou wilt not do the name of King shall not remain in thee and thou shalt lose the name of King which God forbid God Almighty grant to you so to Rule your Kingdom of Britain that you may Reign with him for ever whose Vicar you are in the Kingdom aforesaid who with the Father and Son c. Of the Right and Ecclesiastical freedom of Asylum's Cap. 1. That is to say Peace to the holy Church Of whatsoever forfeiture any one is guilty this time and he can come to the holy Church let him have peace of life and member and if any one hath set his hand against that which the Mother-Church shall require whether it be an Abby or Church of Religion let him restore that which he hath taken out and one hundred shillings for forfeiture and concerning the Mother-Parish-Church twenty shillings and concerning a Chappel ten shillings And according to the peace of the King in the Laws of the Mercians he shall make amends with En perchenâ—laâ— one hundred shillings accordingly as of Heinefare and prepensed lying in wait Of Peter-pence or Romescot Cap. 18. A Freeman who hath Field-Beasts valued at thirty pence shall pay a Peter-peny For four pence which the Lord shall give all his Borderers and his Boner and his Servants be quit A Burger who hath of his proper goods so much as shall be esteemed half a Mark let him pay a Peter-peny He who in the Law of the Danes is a Free-man and hath field-cattel which are valued worth half a Mark in silver ought to give a peny to St. Peter and for that peny shall all be quit who reside in his Demains Of them who do not pay the Roman
CHARLES IT is a thing very worthy of great consideration To thinke how the singular virtues and eminent qualities of so good and pious a Prince should come to so cruell so unfortunate an end for in him was all those amiable qualities which in another age would have rendred him reverenced and admired So singular Piety That the Portracture of King CHARLES in his sufferings will be a Character of it beyond all expression but his own so ardent a zeale in Religion that not any Regular in Religion was a more devout observer of his Order then the King was of the Rites and Liturgy of the Church So free from Simony that the suspicion of it in any man how deserving soever otherwise was sufficient bar from any advancement in the Church So just that though he every day saw the Puritan-faction budding out more formidably both in Church or State yet did he never proceede illegally or in an extrajudiciall manner against any man before the stormes of his Adversaries broke out upon him on every side So mercifull that the Scotish Lord Balmerino An. 1634. being legally convict of Treason was pardoned by him Nor was Louden proceeded against for holding correspondency with the King of France without the Kings privity and giving him the Title of Du Roy nor in all his Reigne how formidable soever the faction grew did he before the war brake out against him put any to death except one in the Lambeth conspiracy for fomenting and contriving the conspiracy against him To these may be added a profound Judgement in the affaires both of Church State how much it appeared in the former appears in the entercourse between him and Master Hinderson nor was his Pietie to his Parents lesse conspicuous being truly the principall Mourner at his Mothers funerall and chose rather to expresse the Piety hee owed to his Father in attending his dead body to his grave although contrary to the custome of his predecessors then to insist upon nicities of State So singular was his conjugall love and chastity to his Queene that a little before his death he commanded the Princesse Elizabeth his daughter to tell her Mother that his thoughts had never strayed from her and that his love should be the same to the last Jealous he was of the honour of the English Church and Nation and well understanding that where mens mindes are not well knit in Religion nothing will long keep their affections cemented He had a great desire to have finished King James his designe of uniting the Kirk of Scotland in an Uniformity with the Church of England who had made some progresse in an Assembly held at Aberdeen 1616. and afterward in another at Perth 1618. which King Charles got passed in Parliament of Scotland 1633. In him was a perpetuall love to the good and an infinite desire of doing good to all These noble vertues and graces towards God his Parents Wife and Subjects were adorned with most eminent and singular personall vertues and graces as moderation in prosperity magnanimity in adversity so wonderfull patience that after the fight of Cropredy-bridge in his march after the Earl of Essex it chanced that one of his Carriages brake in a narrow long Lane where his Majesty was to passe and gave a stop to him at a time when a great showre of rain happened to fall some of them who were neer about him offered to hew out a way through the hedges with their swords that he might get some shelter in the Villages adjoyning but he resolved not to forsake the Canon upon any occasion at which some seeming to admire his patience his Majesty lifting up his hat said That as God had given him afflictions to exercise his patience so he had given him patience to bear his afflictions So severe an observer of his words and actions that he was never observed to say any thing lightly or rashly or in his personall actions did any thing which might render his person or authority contemptible So temperate that in all his life he was never observed disorderly to exceed in eating or drinking affable yet conserving the dignity of his Majesty to all men free and open in his conversation little practicing the only lesson which Lewis the eleventh would learn his Son Charles the ninth Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare So frugall that though he had a Queen and plentifull Issue and expended much more in repairing the Navy for recovering the Soveraignty of the narrow seas then he received of his Subjects and the Exchequer left empty by his Father yet he encreased it before the first Scotish expedition to a greater mass then was ever found since it was exhausted by Henry the Eighth So elegant and pure a stile he had in writing that I expect to live to see it as much imitated by Englishmen as Caesar's was among the Romans Neither which is no lesse remarkable were any of these virtues stained with any suspected vice To the qualities of his mind were joyned Ornaments of his body every way answerable a venerable and gracious aspect yet best when he did not speak agility of members so disposed that in riding the great Horse running the ring vaulting shooting in the Crosbow Musket and sometime the great Ordinance He was thought to be the best Marksman and comliest manager of the great Horse of any man in the three Nations nor was lesse judicious in choosing a Winter Deere which is one of the hardest taskes of a Woodman then excellent in shooting a Deere Dr. Harvey Gen. Anim. exerc 64. pag. 422. propt med affirmes him to be delighted in observations the Dr. made of the causes of Generation from his dissection and Anatomies of the Deere in Hampton-Court c. but whether wanting that magnanimity of looking dangers in the face upon their first budding which is so necessary to the conservation of Regality or whether not having sufficiently understood that benefits conferred upon seditious men never begot any obligation of gratitude upon them but on the contrary they alwaies make advantage of them to get more untill not having more to expect grow jealous least their benefactors might by some means better reassume them then they extort them they hate them which usually ends in the murder of Princes but thinking to overcome his adversaries by his benefits example and clemency or to give satisfaction to all Factions of his Subjects he preferred all Factions in his Court and Councell though he excluded them out of the Church whereby he gave vent to all the Factions so as the veneration of the Royal name became every day more contemptible the Factions increased daily more formidable his counsels became distracted and betrayed and all the treasure he had gathered consumed in the first Northern expedition against the Scots where having many advantages to have subdued them he made a dishonorable peace with them io the increase of their reputation and losse of his own being destitute of treasure and
the Scots no whit edified by his concessions the next year upon no cause given by the King they not only arm but enter the Nation in open hostility from his granting them their concessions the English Faction urge his granting all things how dishonourable soever even to the shedding of humane blood nor would they have stayed there had not the Kings utmost necessities put him upon other resolutions of seeking his preservation otherwaies then by granting all the exercise of the Militia and Regalities to those men who made so bad use of his precedent benefits and favours Machivel in the 26. chap. lib. 1. de repub advises every new Prince that The Kings cause was most prudent as well as just unjustly possesses the City or Region of another that by how much he understands himself more weak to conserve his Empire either by lawfull ruling or by instituting a free Common-wealth by so much the more he intends this only that as he is a new Prince so in his Principality he does innovate all things that he create new Magistrates marked by new names and to them he choose new men that he distribute the goods of the rich to poor men and make them rich And as it is reported of King David so it may be said of him He hath filled the hungry with good things and the rich he hath sent empty away c. and the reason he gives is that no man in his Region that holds any thing but must confesse he obtained it of the Prince But if he be so great at policy in Princes who unjustly possesse anothers right to innovate all things then in reason besides the justness of it there can be no greater prudence in Princes who reign by inherent birth-right and to the wrong and prejudice of no man to rule and govern by the old received and established Lawes of the Nation to innovate nothing where there is no apparent necessity neither in Church or State in Lawes or Religion yet who hath not seen the most Saintlike and Glorious Monarch of the Western World whose right was derived from innumerable ancestors nor was there upon the face of the earth any one that could make any colourable pretence of right to his Crown prosecuted arraigned condemned and executed by his own naturall Subjects and his Queen and Posterity banished for no other reason but because he did endeavour to have governed and protected them by the known and established Lawes of the Nation So little avails the skilfulness of the Pilot how good great or just soever if the wind of divine favour wherewith eternall providence governs mortall affaires help not to bring our actions to their desired Port Sir Edward Coke in the Pleas of the Crown Cap. Petty Treason prop. sin A short view upon the 3. Nations since they cast off their obedience observes that in perusall of all books Histories and Records it was never found that Treason did ever attain the desired end but did alwayes prove fatall destructive to the undertakers Let any man but see Gods judgments upon the Kirkmen of Scotland and the Roman Catholicks of Ireland if they be not either vagabonds abroad or the most miserable slaves in the world at home for although it so pleased the divine providence that their iniquities prevailed against the King yet did the divine vengeance overtake them by a third faction so new contemptible and obscure that it was not only in their undertaking not feared but in the beginning never heard of in the world It is true indeed the English Presbyterians who had most basely accepted a canting thing called the Covenant from the Kirkmen of Scotland and as injuriously imposed it upon their fellow Subjects have not been so highly chastised in the generall by them as they in Scotland the Roman Catholicks in Ireland have yet were they so far from attaining their ends that since all this Nation abounded with factions that was the most hated and despised by all other Nor were the other Factions much more reconciled and true to one another then to the Presbyterians for the Army commanded by Oliver Cromwell turned out the Rump of the Long Parliament which headed the Independent party and after Cromwells death the Army receives the Rump and displaces his posterity and surely in this world is not to be found in any family so many and so great distractions and dissentions as were in the late Protectors nor did the Rump of the late Long Parliament maintain their long fought for and new restored Dominions but were rejected by those creatures that did restore them with very small hopes of ever attaining to it again Yet did the Rump after reassume their supremacy and proceeded as high and arrogantly as if they had never done wrong but suffered all injustice and wrong by their interruption when not only the Treasure of this Nation was exhausted and all Crown Church and Delinquents Lands and Compositions converted and consumed but the whole traffique of the Nation interrupted and destroyed And if it were so dangerous a thing to a Nation for one Faction to be formidable in Church or State how dangerous was it where there is no visible Church and nothing but Factions in all the State Although man by nature be a sociable creature and men do and ever did since there were any records of time live in society by right or usurpation to something superior to either the Fathers or Masters Power yet since the exercise of all power is politique humane or voluntary and therefore divers Princes govern by divers Lawes as they sort with the natures and dispositions of their Subjects and not only so but all Princes govern their own Subjects by differing Lawes according to their site and nature of their Subjects for it were a most unreasonable thing that the same Lawes should be imposed upon Mediterrane places where are observed in Maritime or that the Laws and Usages of the City of London should be required to be observed in every Country Village c. And since that some Nations doe almost without contradiction upon all occasions obey the Lawes of their Princes with out dispute as the Muscovites Armenians Persian Indians c. others scarce ever unlesse they be governed by their ancient received Laws ordinarily in extraordinary cases by Laws passed in some publick Assemblies as the Germans Swedes Polanders and Danes others are governed peaceably by their ancient received Laws in the usuall administration of Justice and in extraordinary cases doe admit of new ones having them rarely passed in publick Conventions such are the Italians Spaniards and French and this doth not proceed from any abject baseness or meanness of spirit for in the world are no where found men more generous and valiant And some are rarely governed long in peace although governed by old Lawes ordinarily and the consent of the major part of the Freeholders as they conceive by their representatives in passing new ones as