short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths desaâ—…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne p ace for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Perfidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of 〈◊〉 called the flowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and 〈◊〉 William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Marâ—… who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Margaâ—…t Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches â—…s the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Duâ—… Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we shall heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are the life of History and light of actions being knowne the actions themselves may be the better considered
I should die with the greater contentment for long since I heard a Prophesie that a dead man should winne a field and I hope in God it shall be I. Hereupon they covered his body with a cloake that it might not bee knowne and then hoiseing aloft his Standard and crying as the manner is a Douglas a Douglas most part repairing thither from all quarters they began the fight afresh for not onely the common sort of Souldiers came thither but the Earle of Murray also came with great speed thinking that the battell went hard on that hand for he had beaten those that he had to deal with and Sir John Mackyrell had taken the young Percie named Ralph and delivered him to his Master the Earle of Murray who had sent him being hurt to the Camp to bee cured as Froysard saith Hollinshed and Boetius agree that it was Keith Marshall that tooke him By this means the ardour of the battell being relented on that hand the fight was renewed and the strife redoubled on this side and the Earle Douglas followers who were gathered about his Ensigne did at last scatter and defeat the English weary with the former fight which had continued both day and night And in this assault the Earle of Montgomery tooke Henrie Percie their Captain prisoner whereupon the Army fled and turned their backs There were slain in this batteil 1840. of the English and 1040. taken prisoners 1000. also were hurt Of the Scots there were 100. slain and 200. taken prisoners whilest they followed over rashly fewer following more they turned and tooke those that would have taken them This is the battell at Otterburn memorable not onely for the magnanimity courage perseverance tolerance of travell and in victory modestie of Souldiers and Captains but also for the variable event where the victor in high expectation of glory prevenâ—…ed by death could not enjoy the fruit of his travels the vanquished albeit his Army was defeated and himselfe made a prisoner yet lived long after this battell with praise for it was no reproach to him to be overcome nor so great a blot to have been put to the worse as it was honourable to have so contended The event of battells is uncertain and onely in the hands of the highest if men do there endeavour what more can be required It is not the least part of the Percies honour that they did contest with the Douglasses and did sometimes overcome and sometimes were thus vanquished thought it were but seldome that the Douglasses got the worse when their forces were equall Here there was great inequalitie where notwithstanding he wonne the honour through the losse of himselfe neither was it accounted dishonour to his Army though more in number or to himselfe to have been thus overcome for they are recorded to have done their endeavours and discharged the parts of valiant men and were onely overmatched by excellency of valour as we have showne and as it may be seen by all Writers not by hunger or cold steepnesse of hills and mountains which I speake not to reproach any but to make known the truth and withall not to cover vertue on either side which was confessed of all in that age neither was any man found of another minde onely the Earle Marshall of England being a little after sent downe with a company to be Warden of the Borders during Percies captivitie who did build for his ransome the Castle of Penoun neare to Glasgow durst extenuate the vertue of the Scots with the reproach of his owne Countrey-men attributing the cause of this victory not to the valour of the Scots but to the cowardise of the English that fought against them boasting much of himselfe that if hee had beene present or if he should happen to have occasion to sight with the Scots he should doe great matters but his brags were soone made to appeare but idle words for moved by these his speeches the Governour of Scotland viz. Robert Earle of Fife having raised an Army went into England with Archbald Earle of Douglas called the Grimme brother to this deceased Earle and who did succeed him in the Earledome and made directly toward the Earle Marshall and as soone as they came in sight offered him battell and when they could not draw him out to fight they sent an Herauld to him to challenge him and provoke him to fight but all in vain for neither did hee send back any answer neither would hee come to an equall and even ground Therefore they having spoyled and wasted the Countrey with fire and sword in his sight and as it were under his nose returned home into Scotland to the great contentment of the Scots and no great discontentment of the English prisoners who were not sorry that his vanity was thus discovered Certainly the truth can hardly be belied and if partiality will not yet indifferency will beare witnesse to it Froysard a stranger and favouring more the English concludeth touching this battell that in all History there is none so notable by the vertue of the Captains and valour of the Souldiers fought so long so hardely so variable the victory enclining diveâ—…sly divers times and at last obtained not by the cowardise of the overcome but by the valour of the overcomers neither is that vertue of valour onely remarkable in this place and marked by him but their modestie when they had overcome rare and wonderfull to him as it is indeed to others but common enough to the Scottish Nation practised by them often in their victories and almost ever where some great enormitie hath not irritated them contrary to their nature and custome yet here very singularly for in the heat of the conflict no men ever fought more fiercely in the victory obtained none ever behaved themselves more mercifully taking prisoners and having taken them using them as their dearest friends with all humanitie courtesie gentlenesse tendernesse curing their wounds sending them home some free without ransome some on small ransome almost all on their simple word and promise to return at certaine times appointed or when they should be called upon So that of 1000. prisoners scarce 400. were brought into Scotland the rest all remitted in that same manner with Ralph Percie and by his example who because of his words desired this courtesie of the Earle of Murray and obtained it and was sent to Newcaste on his naked word to returne when hee should be called for But what courage and confidence was it that they durst adventure with so great perill to bee so courteous as they were when the Bishop of Durham approaching to invade them the next day 10000. as some say with 7000. as others of fresh men yet they would not kill their prisoners that were within their Campe equall almost to the halfe of their owne number but on their owne promises to remaine true prisoners how ever the field went and with a small guard having onely pinioned them together with small cords
greatnesse and that their furie should be powred forth on somewhat else While they remained yet at Stirlin the Earle of Athole died suddenly which was matter of much talk and gave occasion to Mortons enemies to lay that foule aspersion upon him that he had poysoned him For all the Doctours did affirme that he was poysoned save onely Doctour Preston who said it was no poyson but being desired to taste of it and having onely touched a little thereof with the tip of his tongue it had almost cost him his life and he did never after fully recover but languished and was sickly so long as he lived Wherefore seeing it was certainly poyson Who could give it him said they but Morton And yet they could never tell how he could doe iâ—… For hee was not in Mortons lodging nor Morton in his as they knew and doe themselves confesse Neither were any that belonged to Morton in his house and though they had beene they were neither Cooks nor Cup-bearers nor Carvers to him So blinde is malice or so malicious are impudent detractours Morton cleared himselfe of this imputation at his death And yet there are some to this day that are not ashamed to report it In the next yeare 1579. in June upon the Kings longing to be abroad it was concluded in Councell that he should go to Edinburgh the 25. of September next but he came not till the 30. day thereof Morton and Marre were still with him as his chief Counsellours They invited him to Dalkeith where hee remained a certain space and returned to the Abbey of Haly-rood-house the 16. of October The day following hee made his entry through the City of Edinburgh with great solemnity and pompe with great concourse and applause of people rejoycing to see him whom they loved heartily and dearly as they testified by their acclamations and prayers powred forth for his safety and welfare After this on the 20. of October he kept a Parliament extant in the printed Acts. Hitherto wee have seene our Earle of Morton though not an absolute Favourite of fortune yet so cherished by her that howbeit shee did now and then frown on him yet shee seemed rather to try his strength whether or not he were able to endure a storme and ride it out with resolution than that she meant to over-whelme him in her waves for the issue did ever prove advantagious to him and he became rather a gainer than a loser by his sufferings But now having raised him to the highest dignitie and pitch of greatnesse that a subject was capable of according to her accustomed levitie all of a sudden turning down that was up of her wheele she brings him so low as to lose life and estate There is nothing more deserves our observation than these vicissitudes of great places to see men of low made high and than again falling from their height and greatnesse to become low which is to be seen in this last Act and Catastrophe of his Tragedie so notably as is rare to be found elsewhere Who could and would truly discover the depth of the mysteries of these times and tell exactly who were the chief plotters and first movers of this work and who were the instruments and executers thereof as he should do a piece of good service for clearing of the truth of things to posterity the ages to come so do I confesse for my own part that it is too hard a task for my self to performe and more than I will undertake or promise to do All that I can do is to set down the actions which are evident in grosse and to follow such conjecturall probabilitie in the narration as my weak judgement can lead me to We have heard how the King Queens factions did long contend and how Morton had ever been on the Kings side and how in his Regencie he had so handled businesse that they that stood for the Queen had yeelded and acknowledged the King and him as Regent The keeping of the Castle of Edinburgh was the last Act of opposition and with the yeelding of it all was whisht Lithington and Grange were taken out of the way who were the strongest or the stoutest upholders thereof Yet the Society was not quite broken or extinguished with them Master John Metellane sometime Priour of Coldingame and brother to Lithington Sir Robert Melvin uncle to Grange Pittadraw the Bishop of Dunkell and some others remained These he had committed to prison for a short while afterward had pardoned them and set them at liberty They kept still their old minde entertained mutuall friendship and correspondence and wanted onely occasion to shew the effects of their former disposition Especially Master John Metellane and Sir Robert Melvin bore great hatred to Morton the one for putting his Nephew Grange to death the other because he supposed Morton would have done as much to his brother if he fearing so much had not prevented it by poysoning himself as the common rumour was Besides these private grudges the publick cause did also egge them on and animate them against him which they never forgot and looked upon him as the man who had beene the bane thereof Yet they set it on foot again by 〈◊〉 of it openly and advancing it all they could secretly and indirectly using all the means they could to make all things work for the Queenes advantage She had her Agents and Ambassadours in France together with her Uncles of Guise and wanted not her under-hand Favourers in England that still had their eye upon her as upon the rising Snnne whom they esteemed the hope of their Religion Their suite now was who would not think it so both plausible and modest to joyn the mother and the sonne in an equality of government being so near joyned in nature It could not but be for the good of the Countrey and make much to confirme and strengthen their title to England Thus they said but how can this bee done He is in possession of the Crown how can it be taken from him again How can he be desired to dimit And though he would demit yet those of his party will never be contented that he should doe it On the other side Shee is living and dis-possessed but who that hath ever worne a Crowne can live and bee content to want it What other mids then and meane can bee found out but association in the Crowne So shall both have it and both be satisfied a happy society from which will flow the sonnes love and the mothers blessing All shall so goe well and it will bee easie to perswade a childe though never so wise being unacquainted with such things especially one that is so gentle and of so towardly disposition onely the difficulty will bee to move his old friends thereto they will never consent to it they will bee jealous and fearefull of any party or equalitie in ruling though of never so neare and deare friends they
Ambassadour he approved himself to both Nations and gained great reputation of sufficiencie While he enjoyed the favour of his Princesse he was not puffed up and being in disgrace and banished he was not casten down He was a faithfull Colleague and fellow-governour with others and when he came to be sole and supream this Countrey never enjoyed greater peace and a more flourishing Regencie Being returned to the condition of a private Nobleman he obeyed as well as before he had commanded And last of all when he was accused condemned and executed he shewed himself to be himself and a good Christian. He was well skilled as in politick government so in oeconomie from the shrub to the scepter from planting of Cabbage in his Garden to the weelding of the Sword and Scepter in the seat of Justice The smallest and meanest points of husbandry did not escape him and the highest and deepest points of State were not above his reach So that the saying of the Hystorian concerning Cato Major In hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit ut quocunque loco natus esset fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuissevideretur Is no lesse true and mayas wel be applyed to Morton And that also which followes Nulla ars neque privatae neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit urbanas rusticasque res pariter callebat Hee was slow of speech by a naturall stayednesse and composed gravity He was of a middle stature rather square than tall having the hair of his head and beard of a yellowish flaxeri His face was full and large his countenance majesticall grave and Princely he was affable and courteous to all yet so as to keep bold encroachers aloofe and so familiar as not to forget to keep his distance He was given to gather riches yet without oppression or sordidnesse and basenesse For hee was liberall upon occasion and not unkinde or unmindefull of his friends Of which disposition I remember this instance when John Halden of Gleneagles with his friends of the house of Marre especially the Abbot of Driebrugh came to him to agree with him for his wardship hee being Regent told them that hee had bestowed it on Isabel Hume daughter to Sir David and sister to Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and that hee might take her and it together which hee did accordingly This came meerely of himself having never been spoken to and when there was none that belonged to the Gentlewoman near him to motion or suggest it to him He was also calme and not easily moved to anger and apt to forgive and forget injuries or contentions that had been betwixt him and any other This appeared in his carriage toward Master Knox who had used him roughly and rebuked him sharply for divers things but especially for his labouring to set up and maintaine the estate of Bishops For howsoever he took it hardly for the time yet when Master Knox lay a dying he went and visited him and after he was dead was present at his buriall where hee gave him this honourable and ingenuous testimonie Here lyest thou said he who â—…ert never afraid of the face of man in delivering thy message from GOD. Hee set a foot a great good work and would no question have seen it perfected if hee had brooked his Regencie a while longer which was the reducing of our Lawes into a more easie forme and method than now they are The care of this was committed to and the task laid upon Sir James Balfoure and Master John Skeene Clerk-Register and Master of the Rols The work as I am informed was well advanced but when he quit his authority they left off any further proceeding in it And I have heard since some question it whether or not it would have done good to the subjects as if it werâ—… to be doubted whether it were better to have some order than none at all So apt are men to calumniate any thing that hinders their particular emolument or limites their unwarrantable power and curbs them from doing what they list Hee kept a Concubine or two because of his Ladies being distracted and frantick and was even too much set to heap up treasure Yet his care was that his enemies should not be enriched by it and his luck was answerable to his care For those on whom he would have bestowed them if hee had had power and opportunitie to distribute them according to his minde by good fortune lighted on it I know not if they got all of it or if it were divided according to that proportion which he perhaps would have observed James Richisoâ—… of Smeeton his brother-in-law got a share of them having been trusted with the keeping thereof Jannet Sharpe his Lemmon another share James Douglas of Spot got some part thereof and some very small portion as is thought in respect of the whole summe came to the hands of Archbald Earle of Angus after his returne from his first banishment A notable example of the uncertainty of these corruptible riches and of worldly treasure which cannot be preserved from the digging through of the thief the eating and consuming of the moth or canker-worme or the dispersing and scattering of an unfaithfull hand and heaâ—…t Though he imployed himself much about it and thought it a great point of wisedome thus to store up wealth yet at his death hee saw and confessed it to be but vanity and folly If wee admit Morton to be a judge or witnesse and what better either judge or witnesse can we finde he will decide the question betwixt the two both self-pleasing parties which do challenge each to himself and derogates from the other that high honour and title of wisedome I mean betwixt him that seeks after and labours for worldly honour dignity and riches and him that having his minde raised higher and pitched upon better things slights these earthly things as trash not worthy of his thoughts or care The worldling cals and thinks him a foole and he esteems no better of the worldling and each laughs the other to scorne Who then shall be judge or witnesse Seeing all are parties and there is no man but is either of the one side or of the other Certainly we may judge best by the confession of the parties themselves Of which the last never yeelded never gaine-said or be-lyed their assertion while they live they avouch it and at their death they do confirme it much more Though Chrysippus tormenter do torture them though the world for the want of it do afflict them with contempt and despising still they stand fast and stick to their point unshaken and unmoved The worldlings by the contrary sometimes while they flourish in prosperity ever when they are in adversity Sometimes while they live and are in health ever when they lye in dying confesse against themselves and cals all their labour and pains about it folly and vanity So did Morton amongst others which the wise will lay to heart and
Lord Hammiltoun Abercorne Bothwel-haugh and Earle of Arran with a power almost absolute given or usurped under the name of Captaine of the Guard and the pretext of pursuing the Douglasses to apprehend imprison and put on the racke whomsoever he pleased Obignie was made Lord of Dalkeith Tantallon Darlin Torbouton and Duke of Lennox Keeper of the Castle of Dumbartan and great Chamberlaine of Scotland Thus did they overtop and overshadow the rest of the Peeres as tall Cedars doe small Shrubs to their great discontentment and disdaine The Gentlemen were so used by them that they esteemed themselves brought into a thraldome and slaverie none of them being sure of their estates which were wrung from them by colour of law the cloake of their oppression and all fearing the rage and unlimited violence especially of James Stuart who was composed of nothing else and whose actions were sutable to his disposition The Burrowes were alienated by being cut short in their priviledges liberties and immunities which were quarrelled retrenched cancelled and taken away according to their humours of avarice and desire of gaine and according to the pleasure and suggestions of their informers and parasites With this their exorbitant increase of power and insolencie as the hatred of others did increase toward them so did variance arise betwixt themselves The first occasion hereof was the carrying of the Crown at Parliament this was proper and is the hereditarie right and priviledge of the house of Angus and he being now banished and the Duke of Lennox having his estate either for that regard or because of his more honourable descent or by the advantage of the Kings favour which he had in greater measure then Arran we cannot affirme but so it was that he was preferred to bear it Arran stormed at this protested that his bearing of it at this time should not be prejudicial to his claim who being descended of the house of D. Mordack which was nearest to the King ought in reason to have carried it yet he renounced all title to the kingdom notwithstanding of this extraction of his pedegree and challenging of this honour This renunciation was derided by some and disdained by others as a great malapartnesse and high presumption in him who being but lately raised from so meane a fortune and estate durst utter such speeches as bewrayed such vast and high thoughts as to aime at no lesse then the Kingdome if ever the Kings owne race failing the right thereto should come in question and happen to be controverted And indeed his designes are thought to have flowne to no lower pitch which perhaps had beene no very hard or impossible taske for him if he could as well have kept out the Hammiltouns who could onely pretend right to it and the Douglasses whose power and authority was the greatest in the Countrey as hee found meanes to cast them out of Court and Countrey For then he had had no Competitor but the Duke of Lennox and him being a stranger and subsisting meerely by the present Kings favour he nothing doubted to supplant by his craft and violence joyned with such a colourable claim Another occasion of discord fell out by Sir John Seaton son to the Lord Seaton and Master of the Kings horses As the King was about to goe to his horse to ride a hunting Arran having something to speake to him in private all men were commanded to remove which all did saving Sir John who being by his place to wait upon the King and set him on his horse stayed still and did not remove with the rest Arran seeing him to stay behind the rest either threatned to throw his batton at him or did throw it indeed for hee carried a staffe or batton as Captaine of the Guard Sir John would have requited this affront but was hindred by the Guard who carried him downe staires and so parted them for that time The next day Sir John his brother Sir William and the Lord Seaton himselfe were all commanded to keepe their lodgings which the Duke who favoured them tooke so ill that he refused to come abroad that day At last they were so divided that the Duke carried the King with him to Dalkeith and Arran abode in the Palace of Halyrood-hoose There were with the Duke the Lord Seaton Maxwell then Earle of Morton with some others Argyle Ruthven then Thesaurer and lately made Earle of Gowrie the Secretarie the Controller and other Officers of State stayed with Arran and tooke upon them to make the body of the Kings Councell and to sit as such But all their Decrees and Conclusions were dashed by the King in person which they wanted These broiles lasted from the end of October till mid-Februarie about which time the King returning to Halyroodhouse from whence Arran had removed before and from thence going backe againe to Dalkeith he sent for him and reconciled him to the Duke after which they became greater friends then ever they had beene before so that Arran would doe nothing for any man but what hee knew stood with the Dukes good liking But this union betwixt themselves divided them the more from others and others from both of them for now hee that had any businesse with either behoved to sue to both and hee that disliked or bore ill-will to either was forced to fawne on him also or to hate both and seeke the overthrow of them both alike At the Justice Aires in Perth 1582. in July in some contest betwixt the Duke and the Earle of Gowrie the Duke spake some reproachfull words to him in French which Gowrie not understanding then afterward when he had learned what the meaning of it was he upbraided the Duke for ungratefulnesse telling him that was all the thanke he got for having twice saved him from being killed Thus was he alienated or thus did he bewray his alienation of minde which lay hidden till now it burst forth Another time the Chamberlaine Aires being indicted to be kept the 28. of August by the Duke then Chamberlaine which was a Court very odious to the Burrowes as being rather a legall robbery then a Court of Justice and upon which it is thought he was set of purpose that he might incurre more hatred which commonly falls out when a former generall dislike doth meet with private grudges This Court I say being indicted while the Duke was buâ—…ied in preparing for it and he with Arran having left the King were at Edinburgh and Dalkeith about such things as was necessary thereto the foure and twentieth of August the King came from his hunting in Athole to Ruthven where Gowrie assisted by some of the Nobilitie removed the Guard that were under the command of Arrane with no great adoe and laid hold also of the Earle himselfe as he entred into the house of Ruthven and conveighed him into a close roome where he was kept and not suffered to come neare the King He had upon the first surmising
he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste the rest of his houshold following after by easie journeyes Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him and many wayes did hee labour to keepe him from melancholy and to divert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condition there was no kinde of sport or game which he did not afford him with all the varietie he could devise to entertain him and to cheare him up till the court envying even this small contentment to him commanded the Constable also to goe off the Countrey yet was hee never destitute of friends such was the sweetnesse of his disposition and of such power and force was it that it wonne the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him such as the Innesses Dumbarres Hayes and others who did all strive who should shew most affection toward him by inviting him to their houses and feasting him by turnes and using of him with all courtesie and respect so that hee could not have beene more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends and nearest kinsfolkes Nay such was their love to him that hearing some surmises of no great good will borne to him by Huntley they of their own accord came to him and forbade him to bee afraid of him for they would spend their lives in his defence and for his safetie if the Earle of Huntley should attempt any thing against him Wherefore it was thought that they being thus affected he durst not adventure to execute any Court plot against him which he wanted no good will to do and otherwayes would have done Yet was this the place of the Kingdome where all Huntleyes power and friendship lay very neare at hand and where Angus had least acquaintance and fewest friends all of them being meere strangers to him without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation but what his vertue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and variance with the Ministers chiefly with Master James Lowson Master Walter Balcanquell John Durie Ministers at Edinburgh and Master Andrew Melvin Principall of the new Colledge of Saint Andrewes and Professour of Divinity there The occasion was this they had at a Generall Assembly approved the fact of Ruthven by the Kings especiall commandement and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemne it they refused to doe it Both sides alledged the Kings authority the Courtiers pleading that such was his will now and the Ministers that it was not such then The Courtiers said that he was a captive then and the Ministers replyed that perhaps he was so now that they saw not any thralling of him then and that it might as well be alledged hereafter that he was a captive now as it was alledged now that hee was a captive then As for the particular quarrels of either side they said they knew them not but one thing they knew that they were as good men as Noble as worthie as well affected to his Majestie who were with him then as those were who were about him now that they were as free from all suspition of unsoundnesse in Religion nay much freer the others being at least suspected In which regard they could not retract what they had done and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King men that were not altogether free of suspition What private ends or aimes they had was unknown to them as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had both pretended the Kings will but they were sure of this point that the removing of suspected men was a good office and made for his well being and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work whatsoever were their intentions Thus most of them spake Others expressed themselves more harshly saying that wicked men were removed and such as were enemies to the Church to the Countrey and to the Nobility who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all that they might be built upon the ruines of all these These speeches were very unfavourie to the Earle of Arran to the Colonell Stuart and the Prior of Pitten-weeme It rubbed upon them and by consequent as they would have it appeare reflected upon the King Wherefore they called it sedition and stirring up of dissention betwixt the King and his Subjects So they informe the King and by their Information animate him against them Wherefore John Dury behooved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse Master James Lowson and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked onely Master Walters Text was treason against the Courtiers and spake too much though hee had said nothing It was that passage of Ecclesiastes I saw Princes walking on foot and servants riding on horse-back that is Great and worthie men displaced and base men set up in their room to which doctrine hee added an admonition that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquitie should bee full Master Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Councell by one William Stuart that he had said in a Sermon of his That the King was unlawfully called to the Kingdome but he craved that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine that hee might bee tried by a Generall or Synodall Assembly who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit It was answered that he should have no other than the King and Councell who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in BlackNesse Whereupon hee fearing and informed that Colonell Stuart and Arran had no good meaning toward him fled secretly to Berwick Before his departure hee drew up his Apologie of which it will not be amisse to set down the summe as a testimony of his innocencie and equity of his cause as also of the violence and iniquity of those times that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things redressed and such enormous insolencies repressed First He protested solemnly before God and his Angels that he never uttered either in that Sermon or in any other any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Soveraigne the Kings Majestie but had ever exhorted all men to yeeld him all reverence and obedience that hee had ever and still did acknowledge him his lawfull Prince and supreame Governour in civill matters that he had ever and even then prayed for his preservation and prosperity Secondly that his desire to bee tried by a Synod of the Church did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesties authority in question but onely because they were appointed to bee the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching In primâ instantiâ He alledged for this a plaine Act of Parliament and a conâ—…erence betwixt certain Lords of the Councell and some Ministers deputed by
their no small disgrace and shame of the Countrey yea to his Majesties discredit in forraine Nations and suffer a doore to bee opened to those corruptions which had been kept out of the Church both in doctrine manners by vertue of that order which onely in their conscience was agreeable with Scripture This their zealous hearts could not endure let all perill be silent where conscience and Religion speak let no enemy breathe out his threatnings where the minde is set on God So it came to passe here For while the Acts were in proclaiming at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh the Pastours of that Towne Master James Lowson Master Walter Balcanquell Master Robert Punt taking their lives in their hands went boldly and made publick Protestation against that Act of the erection of Bishops as unlawfull in many respects whereof they took instruments Hereupon they being menaced to avoide their furie Master Walter Balcanquell flees to Berwick together with Master James Lowson Thither came also after them Master James Carmichael Minister at Hadinton Master John Davison and William â—…ird Ministers of the Suburbs of Edinburgh or some Churches neare to it also Master Patrick Galloway and Master James Melvin with divers others of the Ministerie Edinburgh being thus destitute of Pastours Master Patrick Adamson Archbishop of Saint Andrews was brought to supply their places and to maintaine the lawfulnesse of the office the seven and twentieth day of May being Wednesday which was an ordinary Sermon day but on which the Courtiers were not ordinary auditours But that day they would needs accompany their Bishop and grace him with the Kings personall presence Yet the people disgraced him by their absence they disdained to heare a Bishop other than a Pastour whose office is not ordained by GOD in the Scriptures and was ejected out of the Church of Scotland wherefore being grieved to see this Wolfe in their true Pastours place they go out of the Church and leave him to preach almost alone Besides the common people the Kings owne Ministers Master John Craig and John Brand also John Herriese with others preached against it and were therefore summoned to appeare before the Councell the five and twentieth day of August where they were reviled and rebuked with bitter words as sawcie and presumptuous fellowes and being demanded how they durst speak against the Kings Lawes they answered boldly that they both durst and would speak against such Lawes as were repugnant to the word of GOD. Hereupon the Earle of Arran starting up suddenly upon his feet in a great rage fell a swearing many an oath and with a frowning countenance said unto them that they were too proud to speak such language to the Councell adding that hee would shave their heads paire their nailes and cut their toes that they might bee an example to others Then hee warnes them to compeir before the King himself at Falkland the foure and twentieth day of September where they were accused againe by the Earle of Arran then Chancellour for breaking of the Kings injunctions in not acknowledging nor obeying his Bishops To which they answered that Bishops were no lawfull office of the Church having never beene instituted by Christ and that therefore they would not obey them nor no person else that would command without warrant of the word of GOD assuring him that GOD would humble all proud Tyrants that did lift up themselves against him as for them their lives were not so deare to them but that they would bee contented to spend them in that cause Arran arising from his seat and sitting down on his knees sayes to them scoffingly I know you are the Prophets of God and your words must needs come to passe behold now you see me humbled and brought low Well well saith Master John Craig mock on as you please assure your selfe GOD sees and will require it at your hands that you thus trouble his Church unlesse you repent Then they were remitted to the sixteenth day of November and in the mean time Master John Craig was discharged to preach About this time in November Master James Lowson died at London meekly and sweetly as he had lived Edinburgh had been all this while destitute of Pastours and did want preaching at sometimes for the space of three weeks This was very odious amongst the people and now Master John Craig being silenced they were like to want oftner than they had done to remedie this the Archbishop of Saint Andrews was ordained to preach to them and the Towne-Councell ordained to receive him as their ordinary Pastour The Councell obeyed but the people would not heare him and when they saw him come up to the Pulpit they arose and went forth at the Church doores The Ministers every where persisted to oppose that office and by common consent appointed a Fast to be kept the foure and twentieth day of October whereof they publickly and advowedly gave out these to be the causes First to stay the creeping in of Wolves meaning Bishops Secondly that GOD might send true Pastours Thirdly that he would repair the breaches and decayings of the Church which had been sometime the Lanterne of the world Fourthly that he might remove the causes of this decay tyranny and the flatterie of Courtiers This was plainer language than pleasant they behooved to be wisely dealt with There are two wayes to deal and work upon men by fear and by hope by terrifying and flattering they used both these toward them Wee heard how the sixteenth day of November was appointed for their compearance many therefore were warned against that day from divers parts When they were conveened they were pressed to allow of the Act concerning Bishops and in token of their approbation thereof to promise and subcribe obedience to their Ordinary To move them hereto they partly flattered and partly threatned them saying That all was well meant and no hurt intended to Religion Who was so well affected to it as the King Who so learned among Princes Who so sincere That he would respect and reward the worthy and obedient And by the contrary no Stipend should be payed to him that refused but hee should be deprived imprisoned banished When all this could not prevaile they devise how to temper and qualifie their promise of obedience which was conceived in these words You shall acknowledge and obey Bishops according to the word of God This seeming a restriction and limitation as if the meaning had been that they should allow of and obey Bishops as far as the word of God allowed and ordained them to be obeyed many took it for good Coyne and were so perswaded of it that some said in plaine terms Bring a Cart full of such Papers and we will subscribe them all For to obèy such a Bishop in such a sort according to the word of GOD that is so far as the word of God commands to obey him is not to obey him at all for the word of GOD commands not
Lowson Minister at Edinburgh the Laird of Dun Superintendent of Angus and Master John Spoteswood Superintendent of Lowthian and James or Master David Lindsay For the Regent there was the Justice-Clerk Master David Borthwick Sir James Balfoure and William Douglas of Whittingame These met at Edinburgh in the Abbey and conferred for the space of 12. or 13. dayes but hee finding no appearance of obtaining that point dissolved the meeting till a new appointment The Commons and chiefly the Town of Edinburgh were offended with him because he had diminished the value of a certain brasse or copper coyne called Hard-heads and abased them from three half pence to a penny and also the plack piece another brasse coyne from foure pence to two which was done notwithstanding by the consent of a very frequent Convention where the whole Nobility no Earle Lord or great man in Scotland being absent except the Lord Hamilton not then reconciled was present the 25. of February 1573. He licensed also the transporting of Corne out of the Countrey against which he himself had made an Act but now he dispensed with the Act for money He committed all the Butchers of Edinburgh for forestalling the Market and afterward dis-missed them having paid a Fine He held Justice Eyres and raised a taxation under colour to câ—… down the Woods of Hair-law on the Borders which was a place of retreat and refuge to out-laws theeves and rebels These things were interpreted to be done rather as a pretext to get Money than for any other good use or end He was in his own person loosely given his own Wife being frantick and his houshold servants were not much better as it commonly comes to passe by imitation They were also not altogether void of envie for their great wealth nor of hatred in regard of the way that men thought they got it which was by receiving and taking bribes from such as had suites to him for obtaining accesse to him or his favour by their means and some such indirect wayes Riches are ordinarly accompanied with hautinesse and disdaining of others either really or in mens opinion which doth again beget disdain in those that think them disdainfull This was the generall opinion men conceived of his servants from the highest to the lowest even of his door-keepers and grooms One thing did marvellously offend men George Authenleck of Bawmannow having I cannot tell what small quarrell against one Captain Nisbet being come out of Dalkeeth where the Regent kept commonly his residence and going up the Street he met this Nisbet where drawing his Rapier he thrust him through and leaving him as dead he held on his way to the Tolbooth where the Lords of the Session sate as though he had done no wrong with great indignation of the beholders and at night he returned to Dalkeeth where he waited upon the Regent as before This made the people to murmure both against him as the actour and against the Regent as conniving thereat who perhaps did not hear of it at least for a certain space This Authenlecks credit with the Regent was so great that all suites for the most part were obtained by him and therefore men of the best qualitie countenanced and followed him which was both observed and disdained One day this man being in the Tolbooth within the Inner-Barre Oliver Sinclar sometime Minion and Favourite to King James the fifth who was now at Court standing at the Middle Barre intreated earnestly to speak with him which having obtained with difficultie when the other asked him what he had to say to him Oliver answered I am Oliver Sinclar and without saying any more left him as if he should have said Be not too proud of your courtship I was once as you are you may fall to be as I am This was matter of much talk a long time The Nobilitie grudged to see the Regent and his servants to ingrosse all matters of profit and commoditie to themselves alone If any Writ were to passe it passed through at the highest rate few casualities were given cheap fewer gratis The marriages of Wards the gifts of escheit re-abling or naturalization were bestowed all upon his Domesticks They were neglected in these things and in other things also of a higher nature their advice was not often sought nor themselves much imployed as if he had not stood in need of them The Earle of Argyle was mightily incensed against him upon this occasion He had a Jewell which had sometime belonged to Queen Mary which was an ensigne of precious stones set in forme of the letter H for Henry which his Lady had either gotten from the Queen who was her sister to keep or some other way in a token perhaps the Regent re-demanded it as belonging to the King and when he got it not by request he sent an Officer of arms to him and charged for it whereupon it was delivered to him but with great alienation of his heart and affection ever after His most near and particular friends wanted not their own exceptions and grievances against him In the East and middle March he planted strangers amongst them as Arch. Auchenleck brother to George and Arch. Carmichael brother to John Carmichael of Carmichael in the Merse These he married to two Wards the last to one Hume Inheretrix of Edrem and the former to one Sleigh of Cumblege notwithstanding that she had gone away with Patrick Cockburne brother Germain to the Laird of Langton who had kept her certain dayes yet he caused an Officer of arms to charge him to deliver her and so she was exhibited and married to Auchenleck Both these march with the Lands of Bonckle belonging to the Earle of Angus and therefore this planting of these men there was not well taken but was interpreted as if hee had meant to strengthen himself there by them and to acquire dependers there for himself not leaning or trusting sufficiently to those of the Earle of Angus or his friends in that Countrey The purchasing of the Lands of Spot to his naturall son James wrought him both hatred and hurt in the end for it quite alienated Alexander Hume of Manderston This Alexander had to wife a sister of George Hume of Spot and by her divers children of which one was George afterward Earle of Dumbar George of Spot having but one daughter had taken to him and in a manner adopted this George sonne to Alexander with resolution to bestow his daughter on him in marriage and with her his whole estate It fell out afterward that John Cockburne of Ormeston married a daughter of Alexander of Manderston This John having some difference with Spot about some Lands the very day before his marriage rode with his Company and did eat up the Cornes that grew on the controverted Lands which Spot had sowne The next day Spot being at the Wedding of his sister daughter complained of the wrong done to him but received small satisfaction either of the Bride-groome
space of three houres with his owne hand to the King and afterward laid him downe againe and slept till nine These Letters were sent by the Ministers who came to visit him but Arran and Lennox would not suffer them to be received When he was up Master Walter Balcanquell and John Durie two of the Ministers of Edinburgh came to him and had long conference with him which is set downe at length in the Historie of Scotland written by Francis Boteville called Thin an Englishman and joyned to Hollinsheds Chronicle so that he who desires to know it may reade it there The summe of it is his confession concerning such things as they questioned him of 1. And first concerning the murthering of the King he said he was neither airt nor pairt thereof and that being prest by the Earle Bothwell he would never consent to it And although say the notes Bothwell alledged that the Queene had determined it and divers Noblemen had given their consent under their hand-writing and had sent to him to desire him to put to his hand also yet he answered resolutely that he would in no wise meddle in it nor be guilty of innocent bloud As for the Queen said he though it be so yet women will say and gain-say she may in her anger doe or say that which afterward she will repent her of Nay when Bothwell promised to bring her consent thereto under her hand-writing yet he refused to joyne with him upon any termes and to avoyd his importunitie he passed over to Saint Andrewes to vifit the Earle of Angus who was then a Student in the New colledge there neither did he see or meet with Bothwell after that untill such time as the fact was committed 2. As for poysoning the Earle of Athole at Stirling he said he was neither author of it if he were poysoned nor any wise accessary or conscious to it that he detested and abhorred all such formes of dealing even with enemies and was sorry to think that so base foule and wicked practice should creep into this Countrey which was already guilty of too many too common other sins of its owne he said also that he was not such an enemy to Athole as that he would have done him any hurt though he had found him lying asleep by the way side 3. Touching the Earle of Lennox he said he never wished him any hurt so farre was he from conspiring against him Onely it grieved him that he knew the estate of this Countrey no better and that he saw not what danger the King was in and that he was induced by perswasion to bring home such as were enemies to the true Religion which he purposed to have let him understand and hoped to have advised him better when they had beene better acquainted and more intimately familiar 4. And as for carrying the King to England he said he would not have done it for a world unlesse it had beene to have made him King of England that there was never such a motion made to him directly nor indirectly by the Queene or any other in England or Scotland that he never had any pension of her 5. As touching his setting up and maintaining the estate of Bishops whereof there had ensued great debate and contention betwixt him and the Ministery he said it did not proceed of any ill minde of any malice or contempt of them or their callings but meerly out of want of better knowledge thinking that form of government to be most conforme to the rules of policie and to be fittest for the times That if he had then knowne better he would have done otherwise and that he had intention if he had lived to have made amends 6. Concerning his incontinencie and worldly mindednesse he freely acknowledged and confessed it seriously repented and craved God pardon for it and said he firmely beleeved to obtaine it that â—…e saw mercy and had found more grace during the time of his trouble then ever hee had done all his life before 7. For his detaining of some Citizens of Edinburgh in prison he said he had not done it out of any spleene or private quarrell against the men but the matter of bringing in Bullion being then in hand and he being informed that these men did hinder it he thought it his best course to commit them till such time as the businesse were done Wherein if he had wronged them he was sorrie and craved them pardon forgivenes His counsell to the Earle of Angus his Nephew was doubtfull for he said he durst not advise him in any particular for the present because he thought it would endanger his life if he should come to Court and not to come if he were commanded would hazard his estate His best were to use what meanes he could to obtaine the Kings favour and leave that life and lands safe he might serve God and him in a private retired manner which he would wish him to doe in all humility and to submit himselfe and all to the Kings will and pleasure To the King his master with all submission yet in the name and fear of God he would exhort him to beware of Papists either profest known or suspected who as he thought were become too too familiar with him that he would continue in the true Religion and fear of God entertain in his company such as loved it according as he had bin bred and brought up not to make defection from it or slide back else it could not be well with him he feared there was danger which men should see when he was gone He remembred the admonition which master Knox gave him when he came to visit him on his death bed or a little before being newly made Regent God hath said Knox blessed you with many blessings he hath given you wisedome riches and friends and now he hath preferred you to the government of this Countrey use these things well and better than hitherto you have done alwayes to his glory who hath given them you first by advancing the Gospel and maintenance of the Ministers and the whole Church next by procuring the good and welfare of the King the Countrey and all good subjects which if you do not God shall rob you of them with shame and ignominie This he spake said he and this I finde now yet I doubt not but God will be mercifull unto me He was much with them in prayer and very earnest to have their aid assistance therein whereof he acknowledged that he received great comfort He reasoned of the natural fear of death which sticks and remains in men even though they have assurance of the forgivenesse of their sins wherein hee declared his own sense and the collections he had made in his reading since his going to Dumbartan He said that in the History of the Bible he had observed Gods wonderfull mercy toward the children of Israel who when they sinned against him he chastised them
make their use of it Jacobus Duglassius Mortonius Comes Prorex pro JACOBO Sexto Edinburgi securi percussus Anno 1581. Hunc specta Heroem celso cui spirat ab orâ—… Majestas toto pectore rarus honos Augustos inter terrarum lumina reges Pro Rege Domino regia sceptra tulit Consilium imperium virtus facundia census Quaeque homines capiunt quaeque dedêre dii Unus cuncta fuit Nihil ad fastigia summa Defuit aeternum si sua fata dâ—…rent Sed viden ' ut subito fatorum turbine versa Omnia in praeceps pondere pressasuo Discite mortales mortalia temnere illa Quaerere quae miseris non rapit aura levis Joh. Johnstonus in Heroibuâ—… James Douglas Earle of Morton Regent beheaded at Edinburgh 1581. Behold this Heros how his looks be grac't With Majestie what honour 's in his breast How high his port may to the world appear He rules a King and doth his Scepter bear Counsell commanding and perswasive Art What ever men injoy or gods impart Is found in him If Fortune did remain Constant no greater height he need obtain But ah what sudden change is here this state Falne with its own weight lyes opprest by Fate Observe it well and learn those goods to prise Which never can decay the rest despise Of Archbald the third of that name and ninth Earle of Angus NOw we come to Archbald himself the third bearing the name of Archbald son to David as hath been said He was thrice married first to Margaret Ereskin daughter to John Earle of Marre who was Regent of Scotland immediatly before Morton Shee was a beautifull chaste and vertuous Lady Shee lived with him but few years and died without children After her he was married to Margaret Leslie daughter to the Earle of Rothus She lived with him the space of years after which he was divorced from her for her adultery She likewise had no children His third wife was Jeane Lyon daughter to the Lord Glames Chancellour and Relict of Robert Douglas of Logh-leven She bare to him a daughter after his decease named Margaret who died about the age of fifteen years a maid unmarried He was bred and brought up with his Uncle Morton as wee have said who was his Tutor and Guardian He studied in S. Andrews in the New Colledge with Master John Douglas Provest of that Colledge and Rector of the Universitie till he was fifteen years of age After that he lived at Court with his Uncle having with him his Pedagogue Master John Provaine who endeavoured to instruct him in the Latine tongue and taught him his Logicks Rhetoricks but with such successe as is customable to youth and Nobilitie nature counsell and example drawing them rather to the exercises of the body which are more agreeable to their inclination and are esteemed more fit and proper for their place Whereas Letters are thought onely necessary and usefull for mean men who intend to live by them and make profession of some Art or Science for their maintenance but no wayes either suitable or requisite in Noblemen and such as are of any eminent rank or degree For these they are judged to be too base and he that affects them pedantick aâ—…d of a mean spirit Nay most men do accompt the studie and knowledge of them prejudiciall hurtfull and no small let and impediment to politick activenesse and that it doth abate the courage of the minde and vigour of action which is requisite for their charge and calling of being States-men and Warriours A perverse and pernitious Tenent and farre contrary to the practice of the most famous Captains and Princes in all ages such as were Julius Caesar Scipio Africanus Alexander the Great and Pompey called the Great also of Trajane Antonius Charlemaigne and almost of all the Grecian Worthies And yet we heare that the Nobility in France especially accompt it a reproach to be called or esteemed learned and deeme it honourable to be illiterate and ignorant Much good may this honourable ignorance do them ere any wise-man envie it As for the Earle of Angus sore did he repent him of this neglect and greatly did he blame himself for it Especially in the time of his last banishment during which he laboured to have repaired that losse and over sight of his youth by reading and hearing read to him Latine authours of all sorts both Historians and others chiefly â—…us and Tremellius translation of the Scripture which he took great pleasure and delight in And though the defect of practice in his youth could not be altogether and fully supplyed yet such was his naturall juâ—…gement that in expressing of his minde either by word or writ none câ—…ld do it more judiciously and sensibly and in dictating of Letters or any other thing he even equalled if not over-matched those who would challenge to be the greatest and most skilfull Artistes therein This was well known and ingenuously acknowledged and witnessed by Chancellour Metellane of honourable memorie who having lighted upon some letters of his written with his own hand so well conceived and penned that some who heard them read supposed they had not been of his own penning but that he had onely transcribed them that they might seem to be his own he on the contrary affirmed and it was true that they were of his penning and that he did seldome use any mans help that way being himself very sufficient and able to discharge it Concerning his actions in the time of his uncles Regencie wee have spoken of them above in his life as the fittest place for them to be remembred in and we need not repeat them here After his death finding no sure footing for him in Scotland amongst these who were authours of it and would seek to secure themselves from all revenge thereof by making him away in like manner being commanded by the King and summoned in his name to come to Court he retired into England There hee was kindly received and honourably entertained by the bountifull liberality of that worthie Queen Elizabeth partly in memorie of his uncle but no lesse for his own sake being of such great hope and expectation conceived by the appearance of his present vertues his wisedome discretion towardlinesse which made him acceptable to all and begot love and favour both from her Majesties self and her Councellours and Courtiers that then guided the State Such as Sir Robert Dudley Earle of Licester Sir Francis Walsinghame Secretary and more especially he procured the liking of him who is ever to bee remembred with honour Sir Philip Sidney I mean like disposition in curtesie of nature equality of age and years did so knit their hearts together that Sir Philip failed not as often as his affaires would permit him to visit him in so much that he did scarce suffer any one day to slip whereof hee did not spend the most part in his company He was then
any obedience at all to such a Bishop neither doth it ordain acknowledge or once name such a Bishop Thus either truly deceived or deceiving themselves that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding and cover their yeelding with an equivocation they found that it was all in vaine for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort whatsoever their meaning was but were forced to accept of the exposition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it who understood that phrase according to the word of God not as a limitation but affirmatively wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did command obedience to them and therefore they promised obedience according to that command Notwithstanding of all this divers stood out and would no wayes be moved neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly by equivocation or any other forme whatsoever but spake plainly against them and prayed publickly for the banished brethren Of these Master Nicholas Dagleish was one who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels He answered that they were no Rebels but true Subjects who had fled from tyranny and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience Hee was empannelled put to his triall by an assise and was cleansed in despite and maugre the Court so farre there remained conscience in men But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife which because shee could not well read the hand shee had given him to read to her and he had read it Hereupon he is again put to an asâ—…se and they not daring to cleanse him yet would they not finde him guilty but desired him to come into the Kings will Hee was contented to submit himself to the Kings pleasure for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter and so was sent to the Tolbooth where hee remained three weeks and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews And thus went Church-matters In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran he lacked the name of King but hee ruled as absolutely and commanded more imperiously than any King under the shadow of the Kings authority and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin he behooved also to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power Alexander Ereskin Uncle to the Earle of Marre was Captain of it hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction wherefore it was taken from him and given to Arran who was also made Provest of the Towne Hee was Chancellour of Scotland and having put out Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling hee made Master John Metellane Secretary Hee did whatsoever hee pleased if there were no Law for it it was all one hee caused make a Law to serve his ends 〈◊〉 was observed that his Lady said to one who alledged there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…or doing of what shee deâ—…red to have done It is no matâ—… 〈◊〉 shee wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it If 〈◊〉 â—…an reâ—…used to do oâ—… grant any thing hee craved they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee tossed and vexed for it even the chief of the Nobility 〈◊〉 Cassils and the Lord Hume were committed Athole beâ—…â—…ee would not divorce from his wife and entaile his estate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Earle or Master of Cassils because hee would not give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great summe of Money under the name of a Loane the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton 〈◊〉 â—…he Lord Maxwell then Earle of Morton was quarrelled be 〈◊〉 hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke and Maxwell 〈◊〉 â—…ld inheritance for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands which weâ—…â—…ow his by forfeiture Many Lands had hee taken from many but 〈◊〉 satisfied ever seeking to adde possession to possession 〈◊〉 was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Goldsmith a wittie and free-spoken man Hee had directed this Barton to maâ—…e him a Seale and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours This he did pretty well to his contentment but he left one quarter thereof blank and void Hereof when the Earle asked the reason he answered That there may be room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter Hee took for his Motto Sic fuit est erit mâ—…ning that it was an ordinary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at or to be envied And it is true if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse which ever was is and will be both envied and hated as it deserveth His ambition was such amongst other examples thereof that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter whose Ambassadour was present at the Christening His crueltie though conspicuous many wayes did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle and Master Douglas of Maines his sonne-in-law This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman and of an old house who himself in person had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox the Kings Grandfather and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome and was a youth of good expectation yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh The pretext was a forged conspiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting and to have carried him into England Their accuser was Robert Hamilton of Inshemachon who was as hee said himself upon the plot or at least as hee said had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath Edmiston being apprehended related How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses forsooth which had their eares their maynes and their tails cut themselves being disguised c. A tale which was so unhandsome toyish and ridiculous that no man did beleeve it but esteemed it a foolish fable yet did they make use of it to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared and to make themselves a terrour to all men To returne to the Earle of Angus he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle in May. So it seemed good to the State of England seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to their own Countrey to secure the Court of Scotland by taking that thorn out of their foot which was too near and too pricking at Berwick Besides these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden then Governour of Berwick for hee entertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction either out of his own inclination
or being directed so to do for reasons of State or for both hee so inclining and the State of England making use of that his inclination that by him they might understand and make use of the mysteries of the Court of Scotland and such as guided it But our Courtiers being rid of the fear of the Lords so near neighbourhood did the freelier vent themselves and discover their wayes and by discovering bewray their wickednesse and disgrace themselves As they went to New-castle they visited by the way Lord John Hamilton and Claud of Paslay his brother at Widdrington the place of their abode There had been some variance betwixt them but now being all involved in the same case of banishment it was to no purpose to entertain and keep in tâ—… sparkle of discord and therefore they were reconciled Being come to New-castle they stayed there a while not so much to enterprise any thing from thence upon any ground they had laid already as to wait for any occasion that should be offered Here did the Earle of Angus his kindenesse and bountifull disposition toward all men plainly shew it self For hearing that the Ministers were come to Berwick hee caused a Letter to bee written and sent to them from them all in common and hee himselfe wrote particularly to them besides and caused the rest of the Nobilitie to write also their private Letters wherein many arguments were used to perswade them to come to them Especially hee wrote very earnestly to Master James Lowson and Master James Carmichael not neglecting any of the rest fitting his argument according to his acquaintance and relation and according to the persons of the men pretending some such cause and necessitie of their coming as hee thought would bee most effectuall to move them but the true cause which moved him to send for them was because hee thought they all stood in need of supply in necessaries Besides hee caused one that was with him whom hee knew to bee very intimate with Master James Lowson to write to him for the same effect and to tell him that hee longed to see him and when Master James excused himselfe alledging that hee behooved to stay at Berwick because hee expected some things from Scotland hee would not accept of his excuse nor of the interpretation thereof that hee meant of Books that were to bee sent to him but caused returne him answer that hee took it ill that hee should think to lack any thing where hee was Wherefore hee entreated him to make haste to come to him by doing of which hee should do him a singular pleasure Hee dealt even so with others also and sought pretences to put curtesies upon them David Ereskin Abbot of Drieburgh being an exceeding honest modest and shamefast man and who had ever been readier to give than to take from any and Angus fearing that hee would not out of his bashfulnesse take any curtesie directly from him found out this way to fasten it upon him Hee pretended that hee had some Tithes of Lands in Tweddale which belonged to his Abbacie of Drieburgh for which hee did owe him some arrearage duties and meales which hee would needes pay him and under that colour gave him what he listed to take without acquittance The Miniâ—…ers were for a long time wholly maintained by him and he extended his liberalitie not onely to supply their necessities but even to furnish them with what Bookes they desired to buy And indeed there was no man that wanted in that company who did not taste of his bountie At last when all was gone for it could not last alwayes hee said to one with whom hee was pleased to bee familiar with a chearfull countenance Now it is gone and fare it well I never looked that it should have done so much good Meaning that being acquired by more rigorous exacting than either hee himselfe could allow of or the common people took well by the Earle of Morton in his Regencie for this was his treasure at least that part of it which came to his hands hee doubted whether it should have had such a blessing as to have done so much good to so many honest men Neither was this lavishnesse in him or superfluous waste so to bestow it in regard that their English allowance was spare enough and oftentimes very slowly furnished unto them So that having occasion to use moneyes and not knowing from whom to borrow any hee was forced to employ one of his followers to borrow from Master Archbald Douglas on his owne credit for my Lord himselfe would not be beholding to him nor use him so familiarly two hundred pounds Sterling which hee lent very courteously upon the Gentleman 's owne Bond knowing well enough that it was for my Lords use This was repayed to him when their allowance came in While they remained at New-castle Master John Colvill was sent to attend at Court about their affaires partly because of his acquaintance there with Secretary Walsinghame and others partly by the advice of the Master of Glames whose opinion and recommendation the rest did much respect He fed them with hopes and upon occasion of the preparing and rigging forth the Queenes Navie hee did insinuate by his Letters as if there had been some intention to have sent it into Scotland for their behoof which some did beleeve But they could not perswade the Earle of Angus of it he esteemed it but a dream as it was indeed no other When that hope was vanished and there was no appearance of any thing to be done of a sudden one whom he was pleased to use familiarly seeing no great use of his remaining there told him that he had a desire to go to London being loath to spend that time idlely that there he might the better advance his private studies and exercises as in a place more fit for bettering himselfe therein Hee most willingly and lovingly consented to the motion not onely to satisfie his desire herein but having a reserved intention to imploy him in their common businesse as occasion should serve or at least in his own particular to his particular friends which purpose he concealed then but shewed it afterward Hee had almost over diâ—…iked Master John Colvill and did many times in private complaine That hee could not finde that sinceritie in him which hee wished and which he said was seldome to bee found in any such as hee was who had left the Function of the Ministerie to follow the Court and worldly businesse And for him in particular he said hee was a busie man thrusting himselfe into all affairs and who sought onely his particular ends in doing of publick businesse without sinceritie or uprightnesse which sayes hee when it is wanting I know not what goodnesse can bee in him and if it bee not to bee found in the world as they say it is not I know not what can bee in the world but miserie For mine own part my heart cannot
like of such an one nor of such dealing It is true hee hath traffiqued with the States-men of England and others think fit to use him neither will I contest with them about it but truly I have no delight in such men But this was after at Norwich For that time hee said no more but desired him to write often to him both concerning businesse as hee could learn and other things as hee should also write to him upon occasion This was performed on both sides after such a private and secret way as they agreed upon before their parting For howsoever there was nothing passed betwixt them but what might have endured the censure of any man yet was it not fit that every man into whose hands their Letters might have falne should know all that was written familiarly betwixt them though the matter were never so good sincere and unblameable in regard that many are incapable of things many not able to discerne or judge of them many contemners and mockers many of a different and some of a contrary minde and judgement If theâ—…e Letters were extant there were nothing more fit to shew the Lineaments of his minde and most inward thoughts and to represent to the life his true disposition without all mask of dissimulation from which he was ever free or shadow of ceremonious reservednesse which even the best men for some one respect or other are forced to draw over their inclinations and wrap up and obscure their meaning in it at some times especially in publick Besides they would also conduce to cleare some historicall points more fully which neither can ones memory serve to do nor can any other now alive supply so certainly and unsuspectedly Now wee can but grieve for this losse To supply which defect so farre as they can doe it wee will set downe one or two of those that were written to him which being answers to his and containing so much of them as that the summe and substance of them may bee gathered from thence will beare witnesse of his Noble and Honourable disposition The first was written in October one thousand five hundreth eightie and foure the first yeare of his banishment to Newcastle where hee still remained as then Please your Lordship I Received your letter dated in September Master James hath promised to seeke out those bookes of which your Lordship wrote to him and is in good hope to come by some of them though it bee harder to finde them out then it was not long agoe Other things I hope your Lordship is advertised of at length by Master John Colvill What bookes these were and what Master James this was is quite forgotten save that it would seeme to have beene Master James Carmichael whom hee imployed in things of this kinde for most part But this being onely for show that the paper might not seeme blanke if it had fallen into such hands as would have opened the letter the maine businesse was written in such darke and unperceiveable manner that none could reade it but such as were acquainted with the wayes thereof And thus it was I have read your Lordships letter and am very glad that my opinion did so jump with your Lordship concerning that point whereof you wrote that you have not beene forgetfull and that you minde to hold your ground as neare as can bee from which you thinke that other matter to bee so farre different and so contrary to all reason that no man as you beleeve will propound it to you directly That which made mee feare that it would bee propounded besides the speeches sounding that way was the end of your Lordships letter written before wherein you make mention that some thought it necessary for your cause that yee should enter with them into some strait and indissolvable bond This I tooke to bee a mean to trie your Lordships minde First in that generall that afterward they might come to the particular which would bee that the best way to make it strait and indissolvable were to have it of your Lordships hand-writing For as concerning the lawfulnes thereof it did seem to some unlawfull as I wrote to your Lordship at greater length and I had heard also generally that there was some scruple made by your Lordship to enter into bond with them And because if I be well remembred before your comming from Scotland you were resolved to receive them into the societie of that common action and to compose any particular of your owne which you had against them I did the rather thinke that some new occasion had occurred which had made you nice and difficult to it now And if I have failed in my conjecture of the cause it is no wonder that not having knowledge of the particular circumstances whereof you now write I lighted upon that which seemed to me would breed greatest difficultie in this If it be not so I am contented to be deceived could wish that every mans minde that shall have hand in that action were as upright as your Lordships then we might hope that it would prosper so much the better However I cannot omit to put your Lordship in minde of this generall caveat to take heed and have a care that whatever bond be made it may bee perspicuous cleare plaine and as particular as may bee for the more particular it be it is the better for your Lordship who meaneth uprightly and for all others that have the same meaning and who doe desire that their upright dealing may be evident unto all men It will also being such bee lesse obnoxious and subject to the calumnies and sinister interpretation of the adversary and enemies who may seeke to traduce your Lordship and make you odious thereby It will likewise bee freest and not lyable to the sinister glosse and wrong interpretations of those who shall bee bound by it if they should perhaps hereafter seeke any evasion or subterfuge to frustrate it and make it void through the generality or ambiguitie thereof And by the contrary where a bond is couched in obscure generall and doubtfull words it is both more easie for them who list to deale after that sort to elude it by some wrested construction as also for such as would calumniate your Lordships intention to finde greater colour to doe it Concerning which purpose I remember a distinction which the Earle of Gowry made upon occasion of the bond which your Lordship remembers was presented to him to have signed it It is said hee very good and well penned but it is too prolixe to be a Bond and too short to bee a Proclamation or Declaration for a Bond said hee ought to bee short and generall but a Proclamation or Declaration would contain the particulars I was then and still am of a contrary minde for I thinke a Bond should bee cleare and speciall and contain the causes of their binding and that a Manifesto or Declaration should bee conformable to it and the
but small hope to prove yea or to colour their pretended accusations and that they diffide and distrust that they shall be able to doe it And most men thinke that if there bee nothing wrung out of John Hume by some one means or other as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentlemans honesty and constancy they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations which must needs tend to your Lordships good and honour clearing your innocency and confuting the calumnies of your enemies I received a letter by Master James Melvine and Master Walter Balcanquel who arrived here on friday last declaring the couragious and constant death of Maines who gave testimony of your Lordships innocency and loyall affection to his Majestie by his last words There was no other new matter of importance in it being dated the 18. of February not long after your Lordships coming from Newcastle But I shall have no more intelligence that way for the Authour is forced to flee hither having been searched for and escaped narrowly Hee was delated by the confession of William â—…ray my brother Wedderburnes servant who being booted confessed he had delivered him a letter from me It is done by Manderston to make it reflect upon my brother and he to recriminate hath accused his son George and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook John Johnston is also fled and great summes of money offered for him this other letter will shew what comfort I may expect from Scotland or he who is now in the same case There is sure word from France that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men some say against the King maniest against Navarre or Geneva So ceasing to trouble your Lordship I rest c. Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing together with the right and loyall disposition of the Earle of Angus whatever hath been set abroche or intended by any other as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him which his heart could not incline to nor his minde dispense with For certainly this feare could not arise without some great occasion and what it hath been or whether it did tend as also who are likeliest to have been Authours of it though it may be conjectured in some sort probably yet I will leave it to every mans consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joyning together For my taske being at this time to draw though with a rude hand as I can the true draughts of this Noblemans minde whom I have now in hand I could not omit this piece whereby though there were no more to bee found of him this generall may appeare that duetie justice and vertue were the men of his counsell and the square by which hee ruled all his actions from which no extremity or hard estate could ever divert him or drive him away but to touch upon any other man or glance at any thing which might rubbe a blot upon any is besides my purpose and no wayes incumbent to mee But to returne it fell out with them according to this last letter for as they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle to secure the Scottish Court so Newcastle being not so farre from Edinburgh but that within twentie foure houres or little more they could have been there upon a necessary occasion the Courtiers were put in feare by others or faigned and imagined feares to themselves for taking away of this suggested or apprehended feare as they had been removed from Newcastle to Norwich so now they are brought from thence to London as was pretended to answer to the Embassadours accusation but indeed to advise with him of the way how they might be restored to their Countrey and the Countrey rid of Arran who was now become odious both to Court and Countrey It is a true saying That there is no society amongst Pirats without Justice for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himselfe or if hee divide not the prey equally the rest will kill or forsake him The Earle of Arran knew not this rule or regarded it not for in parting of the spoile of these Noblemen their lands their goods honours government and places of Command hee dealt them unequally drawing most to himselfe and in Councell and guiding of the State he was the onely figure or number and the rest were but ciphers and instruments to execute his decrees There were then at Court of greatest note the Master of Gray a near Kinsman to the late Earle of Gowry and of the ancient Nobilitie who did hate and disdain Arran for that he had beene Authour of the death of his deare friend seized on his lands and did presumptuously take upon him to govern the whole Countrey alone being but newly raised to bee noble There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine of kinne likewise to Gowry an ancient depender on the house of Angus and Master John Metallane Secretary who had beene indeed an enemy to the Earle of Morton and was well contented that Arran should be imployed to work his ruine but he could not away with his peremptory and absolute domineiring These were the actours and great instruments of his fall Gray directly and of purpose the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it and they did rather give way to it then worke it They all thought it reason that they should at least have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion but they could not have it any wayes proportionable to their esteem of themselves There was besides these Francis Earle Bothwell who amongst other causes of discontentment was grieved at the banishment of the Earle of Angus his Ladies brother Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend Sir George Hume of Wedderburn and Sir James of Coldenknowes were knowne and professed friends to the Earle of Angus and Wedderburnc was of kinne to the Master of Glames and allied to the house of Marre Robert Carre of Cesford was also of the party what out of love to Angus what for emulation with the house of Farnhaste who were on the other faction His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan Douglas to his name was a speciall stickler in the businesse hee was very familiar and intimate with the Secretary Metellane who without his advice did almost nothing But above all the Lord Maxwell made Earle of Morton entred into open hostilitie for being charged to compeare he disobeyed and refused and by intelligence with the banished Lords hee levied souldiers slew one Captain Lammie that was sent against him with his companies whom Johnston did assist Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the Kings name that all that were able to beare armes should come and follow the King who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October