proofe cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready triall of the cause And in no wise to take any fee or duetie of the aforesaid English merchants for the said iudgement in Lawe We wil and commaund all this to be obserued and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subiects and authorised people by vertue of these our royal letters patents And the said letters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof by any persons howsoeuer they be named And whosoeuer shall withstand not regard these our gracious letters shal be in our high displeasure and shal incurre the losse of his life This our gracious letter was giuen in our kingdom and royal City of Mosco in the yere from the beginning of the world 7104. in the moneth of May. Subscribed by the Emperours Chancellour and Secretarie Vasili Shalcan The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you goe to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master Iohn d ee be there or where he is and when you finde him certifie him howe that I haue sent you purposely to knowe where hee doeth remaine and at your returne I will come and speake with him my selfe Also you may certefie him that the Emperour of Russeland hauing certaine knowledge of his great learning and wisdome is marueilous desirous of him to come into his Countrey And hath giuen me his letter with his hand and golden seale at it for to bring him into the Countrey with mee if it be possible and for his liuing shewe him that he shall be sure of 2000. pound yeerely and also all prouision for his table out of the Emperours kitching free and if he thinke this too little I will assure him that if he aske asmuch more hee shall haue it and for his charges into the Countrey I haue sufficient of the Emperours allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Countrey And because hee may doubt of these proffers hee shall remaine at the borders vntill the Emperour be certified of him and of his requests which he would haue And I am sure he shall be conueyed through the land with fiue hundred horses and hee shal be accompted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperour Also shew him howe that my Lord Protectour at my comming away did take me in his armes and desired me as hee should be my friend to bring him with me and he would giue him of his owne purse yeerely 1000. rubbles besides the Emperours allowance All these foresaide grauntes and demaunds doe I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to mee and to be sent to declare the same vnto Master Iohn Deeâ And in witnesse that this is of a trueth I haue written the same with my owne hand and thereunto set my name in Wittingaw otherwise called Trebona the 18. of September Anno 1586. By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull A letter to the right worshipfull M. Iohn Dee Esquire conteyning the summe and effect of M. Edward Garland his message deliuered to Master Dee himselfe Letterwise for a more perfect memoriall thereof Anno 1586. RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that I was senâ vnto you from the most mightie Prince Feodor Iuanowich Lord Emperour and great duke of Russia c. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich Lord Protector of Russia to giue your worship to vnderstand the great good will and heartie desire they beare vnto you for that of long time they haue had great good report of your learning wisedom as also of your good counsel vnto Princes whereupon his Maiesties most earnest desire and request is vnto you that you would take the paines to come vnto his citie of Mosco to visite his Maiesties Court for that hee is desirous of your company and also of your good counsell in diuers matters that his Maiestie shall thinke needfull And for the great goodwill that his Maiestie beareth vnto you he will giue you yeerely toward your mainteinance 2000. pound starling and the Lord Protectour will giue you a thousand rubbles as also your prouision for your table you shall haue free out of his Maiesties kitchin And further whatsoeuer you shall thinke needefull or conuenient for you in any part or parts of his dominion it shall be at your worships commaundement And this is the summe and effect of my message and commandement giuen me by his Maiestie and the Lord Protectour In witnesse whereof I haue written this with my owne hand the 17. of December 1586. By me Edward Garland In Trebona Castel otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia to which place this M. Edward Garland came to M. d ee with two Moscouites to serue him c. He had sixe more which by M. Dees counsell were sent backe Witnesse M. Edward Kelley and M. Francis Garland brother to foresaid Edward and diuers others IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protectour to his Maiestie was made vnto the learned and famous Mathematitian M. Iohn Dee partly to vse his counsell direction about certaine discoueries to the Northeast and partly for some other weighty occasions but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled for diuers other secret reasons it was for y e time with al thankfulnes refused A branch of a letter from M. Iohn Merick Agent vnto the Moscouie company in Russia closed vp in the Mosco the 14. of March Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich late Emperour of all Russia c. HAuing thus farre proceeded with this my answere vnto the chiefest points of your worships letters receiued my desire was to haue sent one vnto you long since as you may perceiue by the first date but by reason I could not get leaue I haue deferred it of till this instant for that there was none suffered to passe out of the land The causes may be iudged for that it pleased God to call out of this world the Emperour his Maiestie who departed about the 7. of Ianuary and euer since hath bene a mourning time no suites for any matter could be heard But it hath bene a very dead season Yet thankes be to God through the wise gouernment of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector vnto the saide late Emperour since his death all things haue bene very quiet without any dissention as the like in such a great kingdome I haue not heard of And now through the prouidence of Almightie God and by surrender of the late Empresse Irenia Feodoruna and the common consent of the Patriarch Nobles Bishops and the whole Cleargie with the whole Commons besides choise is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperour and great duke of all
the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruââia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râx Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌpton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâfercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâkhithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
beneath Scawe and at Anold tooke Thomas Adams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman marchants of Norwich in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald to the value of one thousande marks English and carried the persons and goods aforesaide away with them and the said Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow and there detained them vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe with butter masts sparres boordes questingstones and wilde werke to the value of an hundred marks and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession some of the Hans being their assistants in the promisses Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans of Rostok and of Wismer tooke vpon the coast of England neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yarmouth whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner and Robert Rigweys the master laden with bay salt to the quantitie of 130. wayes and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession the said Hugh being endamaged by the losse of his ship and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing in regard of their wages canuas and armour 200. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw a ship of Yarmouth the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith laden with salt cloth and salmon to the value of 40. pound and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley called the Friday whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities namely of artillery furniture and salt fishes being in the same ship to the value of 500. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret wherein Robert Robines was master and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodities namely of artillerie furniture and salt fishes to the value of 400. nobles and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned Item in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker with others their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas wherof Iohn Prest was master and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 320. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid the said Godekins and Stertebeker their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel whereof William Noie was master and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities as namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 406. nobles Item in the yeere next aboue mentioned vpon the Saterday about the foresaid feast the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpoÌ the sea a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley called the Helena wherein Robert Alwey was master also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commodities as namely salt fishes together with the ship itselfe Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel the foresaid Godekin Stertebeker with other their coÌfederats of the Hans took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley called the Peter wherein Thomas Smith was master the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away being worth 280. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Simon Durham called the Dogger-ship and the Peter of Wiueton laden with salt fishes whereof Iohn Austen was master vpon the coast of Denmarke And they caried away the saide Dogger with the furniture thereof and the foresaid salt fishes to the value of 170. pound Moreouer the master and 25â mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe and a certaine ladde of the saide Dogger they caried with tâem vnto Wismer Item in the foresaid yeere and about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker with other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyderpole and Iohn Coote of Wiueton and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe they villanously slue among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew the godsonne nephew and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham Which ship with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles Item in the very same yeere about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger wherein Geruase Cat was master lying at an anker while the companie were occupied about fishing and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes and furniture of the said ship Moreouer the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere the master and his said companie being endamaged thereby to the summe of 200. nobles Item in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer called the Buss of Zeland which one Iohn Ligate marchant and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia on the behalfe of
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râcompense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâon of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâs Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
and some other spices The saide shippe called the Holy Crosse was so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was layd vp in the docke and neuer made voyage after Another voyage to the Iles of Candia and Chio made by the shippe the Mathew Gonson about the yeere 1535 according to the relation of Iohn Williamson then Cooper in the same ship made to M. Richard Hackluit in the yeere 1592. THe good shippe called the Mathew Gonson of burden 300 tunnes whereof was owner old M. William Gonson pay-master of the kings Nauie made her voyage in the yere 1535. In this ship went as Captaine Richard Gray who long after died in Russia Master William Holftocke afterward Controuller of the Queenes Nauie went then as purser in the same voyage The Master was one Iohn Pichet seruant to old M. William Gonson Iames Rumnie was Masters mate The master cooper was Iohn Williamson citizen of London liuing in the yeere 1592 and dwelling in Sant Dunstons parish in the East The M. Gunner was Iohn Godfrey of Bristoll In this ship were 6 gunners and 4 trumpetters all which foure trumpetters at our returne homewards went on land at Messina in the Iland of Sicilia as our ship road there at anker gat them into the Gallies that lay neere vnto vs in them went to Rome The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men we were also furnished with a great bote which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibaltar into the maine Ocean We had also a great long boat and a skiff We were out vpon this voyage eleuen moneths yet in all this time there died of sicknesse but one man whose name was George Forrest being seruant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer In a great lygier booke of one William Eyms seruant vnto Sir William Bowyerâ Alderman of London bearing date the 15 of Nouember 1533 and continued vntill the 4 of Iuly 1544. I find that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio not only for his Master but also for the duke of Norfolkes grace for many other worshipful marchants of London among whom I find the accompts of these especially to wit of his said Master sir William Bowyer of William Nicholas Wilford Marchant-taylors of London of Thomas Curtis pewterer of Iohn Starky Merter of William Ostrige Marchant of Richard Field Draper And further I find in the said ligier booke a note of the said Eyms of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Bye in Chio who became his Masters factor in his roome and another like note of particulers of goods that he left in the hands of Oliuer Lesson seruant to William and Nicholas Wilford And for proofe of the continuance of this trade vntill the end of the yeere 1552. I found annexed vnto the former note of the goods left with Robert Bye in Chio a letter being dated the 27 of Nouember 1552 in London The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I le of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. HEre vnder lyeth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire who hath worthily serued not onely his Prince and Countrey but also the Emperour Charles the fift both at his conquest of Bârbarie and at his siege at Tunis as also in other places Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary Who dyed the 29 day of December in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541 drawen out of his booke De Republica Anglorum instauranda THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis studio Cantabrigensis educatione aulicus religione pius veréque Christianus fuit Itaque cum inuenilem aetatemâ mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisâo legato vnà cum illo profectus est tanquam familiaris amicus veleidem à confilijs Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis Thoma Chalonero Henrico Knolleo Henrico Isamo illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus pariterque militantibus mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est Nam triremi illa in qua fuerat vel scopulis allisa vel grauissimis procellis conquassata naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset deficientibus viribus brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura sese tandem recuperauit ac domum integer relapsus est The same in English THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner by studie a Cantabrigian by education a Courtier by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therfore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift he went with him as his familiar friend or as one of his Councell At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort with a mighty army by sea that honorable Kneuet the kings ambassadour Thomas Chaloner Henry Knolles and Henry Isham right worthy persons of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition serued him in that warre wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life For the gally wherein he was being either dashed against the rockes or shaken with mighty stormes and so cast away after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming when his strength failed him his armes hands being faint and weary with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable which was cast out of the next gally not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth at length recouered himselfe and returned home into his countrey in safety The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and Chio in the yeere 1550. IN the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend for my voiage to the Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant The master of my ship was one William Sherwood From thence we departed to âilbery hope and there remained with contrarie windes vntill the 6. of Ianuary 1551. The 6 of Ianuarie the M. came to Tilbery and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to
be neither Uenetian nor Englishman let not his goods perish among you Before this time one of our Chauses called Cerkes Mahomet chaus was sent with our commaundement to sende the money and marchandize of a dead marchant to our port and hitherto no letters or newes is come of this matter for which you shall be punished Wherefore beware and if he that is dead be neither Uenetian nor Englishman in veritie doe not loose the goods of the said dead marchant vnder the name of a Uenetian or Englishman doe not to the discommoditie of my treasurie for after it will be hard to recouer it The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie in the yeere 1583. with a ship called the Iesus wherein the aduentures and distresses of some Englishmen are trâely reported and other necessary circumstances obserued Written by Thomas Sanders THis voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne knight chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company and one master Richard Staper the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes called the Iesus she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth The owners were master Thomas Thomson Nicholas Carnaby and Iohn Gilman The master was one Aches Hellier of Black-wall and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place their Pilot was one Anthonie Ierado a French man of the prouince of Marseils the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman and Richard Skegs seruant vnto the said master Staper The owners were bound vnto the merchants by charter partie thereupon in one thousand markes that the said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie that is to say first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie from thence to S Lucar otherwise called Saint Lucas in Andeluzia and from thence to Tripolie which is in the East part of Africa and so to returne vnto London But here ought euery man to note and consider the workes of our God that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint The said master hauing some occasion to goe to Farmne tooke with him the Pilot and the Purser and returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde the boat wherein they were was drowned with the said master the purser and all the company onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe these were the beginnings of our sorrowes After which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage and the owner hearing of this misfortune and the vnwillingnesse of the masters mate did send downe one Richard Deimond and shipped him for master who did chuse for his Mate one Andrew Dier and so the said ship departed on her voiage accordingly that is to say about the 16 of October in An. 1583. she made saile from Portsmouth and the 18 day then next following she arriued at Newhauen where our saide last master Deimond by a surfeit died The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier being then masters mate to be their master for that voiage who did chuse to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship to wit Peter Austine and Shillabey and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges Afterward about the 8 day of Nouember we made saile forthward and by force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth where we renued our victuals and other necessaries and then the winde came faire About the 29 day then next following we departed thence and the first day of December by meanes of a contrarie winde wee were driuen to Plimmouth The 18 day then next following we made foorthward againe by force of weather we were driuen to Falmouth where we remained vntill the first day of Ianuary at which time the winde comming faire we departed thence and about the 20 day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar And about the 9 day of March next following we made saile from thence and about the 18 day of the same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie where we were verie well intertained by the king of that countrey and also of the commons The commodities of that place are sweete oiles the king there is a merchant and the rather willing to preferre himselfe before his commons requested our said factors to traffique with him and promised them that if they would take his oiles at his owne price they should pay no maner of custome and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile and afterwarde perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape notwithstanding the custome free they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at the pleasure of his commons for that his price did exceede theirs whereunto the king would not agree but was rather contented to abate hâs price insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome free and so laded the same aboord In the meane time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow who togother with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there Our French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the markeâ and wanting money desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging which he did and afterward the same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete and deliuered him money bound vp in a napkin saying master Dickenson there is the money that I borowed of you and so thanked him for the same hee doubted nothing lesse then falshoode which is seldome knowne among marchants and specially being together in one house and is the more detestable betweene Christians they being in Turkie among the heathen The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently vntill he came to his lodging and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred which was about three pounds for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him Sonnings answered an hundred Dickenson said no and so they protested and swore on both parts But in the end the sayd Romane Sonnings did sweare deepely with detestable othes and curses and prayed God that hee might shewe his workes on him that other might take ensample thereby and that he might be hanged like a dogge and neuer come into England againe if he did not deliuer vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes And here beholde a notable example of all blasphemers cursers and swearers how God rewarded him accordingly for many times it commeth to passe that God sheweth his miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers to the ensample of others as nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings There was a man in the said towne a pledge whose name was Patrone Norado who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto
voyages The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant in which voyage I went not but the causes they did not know of my let from the same nor of the other But first the very trueth is that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my great griefe And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie the liuing God knoweth that I say most true that when the great sweate was whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died that is to say Sir Iohn Lutterell Iohn Fletcher Henry Ostrich and others I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London and after it whether with euill diet in keeping or how I know not I was cast into such an extreame feuer as I was neither able to ride nor goe and the shippe being at Portesmouth Thomas Windam had her away from thence before I was able to stand vpon my legges by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound Besides I was appointed by them that died if they had liued to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores being noble men whereof one was of the Kings blood conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England Yours humble at your commandement Iames Alday The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke Sir William Gerard Sir Thomas Wroth Master Frances Lambert Master Cole and others Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage THe shippes that went on this voyage were three whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames That is to say the Lyon of London whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner of about an hundred fiftie tunnes The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales and fraighted for this voyage of summe sixtie tunnes The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire his Mate was Dauâi Landman The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia or Asafion the coast of Barbarie standing in 32. degrees of latitude and there put on land part of our marchandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco which being done and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water we went to the second port called Santa Cruz where we discharged the rest of our goods being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth corall amber Iet and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores In which road we found a French ship which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible crauing aide of the towne for her defence if need were which in deed seeing vs draw neere shot at vs a piece from the wals which came ouer the Lion our Admirall between the maine maste her foremast Whereupon we comming to an anker presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise were fully satisfied and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore where the Uiceroy whose name was Sibill Manache within short time after came to visite vs and vsed vs with all curtesie But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading which was Sugar Dates Almonds and Malassos or sugar Syrrope And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer yet none of our company perished by sicknesse Our ships being laden wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England But being at sea a great leake fell vpon the Lion so that we were driuen to Lancerota and Forteuentura where betweene the two Ilands we came to a road whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota with some dozen or sixteene of our company where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell suddenly came with force vpon our people among whom I my selfe was one tooke vs prisoners and spoiled the sugars which thing being perceiued from our ships they manned out three boates thinking to rescue vs and draue the Spaniards to flight whereof they slew eighteene and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age But chasing the enemie so farre for our recouerie as pouder and arrowes wanted the Spaniardes perceiuing this returned and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them Then a Parle grew in the which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be by them restored and they receiue their olde gouernour giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands what damages wee had there receiued the which damages were here restored and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England After wee had searched and mended our leake being returned aboord we came vnder saile and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie and both in our voiage the yeere before as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants that if they tooke vs in those partes they would vse vs as their mortall enemies with great threates and menaces But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes From this Iland shaping our course for England we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth from whence within short time wee came into the Thames and landed our marchandise at London about the ende of the moneth of October 1552. A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London in the yeere of our Lord 1553.
shippe From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593 and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning the Captaine and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes thinking to haue gotten some foode our victuals being all spent and we not able to proceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply We spent two or three daies in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie And comming downe to go aboord the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne they could not come on shore with the boate which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing to our great discomfort In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodnesse of God which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities we contented our selues with our poore estate and sought meanes to preserue our liues And because one place was not able to sustaine vs we tooke our leaues one of another diuiding our selues into seuerall companies The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water and nowe and then a pompion which we found in the garden of the olde Indian who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs and kept himselfe continually aloft in the mountaines After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe called the Luisa whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix vnto whom wee made a fire at sight whereof he tooke in his top sayles bare in with the land and shewed vs his flagge whereby we iudged him French so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered we making downe with all speede vnto him At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster and wânt along with him to the shippe This night he went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepeâ which remayned there vntill night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe who albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them yet came not downe Whereupon we departed thenceâ being deuided sixe into one ship and sixe into another and leauing this Island departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo where we remained vntill Aprill following 1494 and spent some two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey In this meane whâle there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona which was that two of them brake their neckes with âentring to take foules vpon the cliffes other three were slaine by the Spaniards which came from Saint Domingo vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe which was readie first to come away and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships where they were well intreated to come after him on sunday the seuenth of Apill 1594 they set homewarde and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after on the 19 of May where after we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selues and giuen humble thankes vnto God and vnto our friendly neighbours we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594 hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres sixe weekes and two dayes which the Portugales performe in halfe the time chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to let foorth in the beginning of our voyage We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke that they haue lately discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees finding the sea still open to the Northward giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage Witnesse Master Iames Lancaster Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill and the Riuer af Plate by the Edward Cotton a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton of Southhampton which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio graâde in Guinie the 17 of Iuly 1583. ARticles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southhampton and of all the marchandizes in her laden of the one part and William Huddie gentleman Captaine of the said ship Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant Iohn Foster Master Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage and William Cheesman marchant on the other part 1 TO obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ship and the companie to be called thereunto at the least once in the day to be pronounced openly 2 Item that they be ready with the first faire winde to set saile and sailes in the voyage and not to put into any port or harbour but being forcibly constrained by weather or other apparant and vrgent cause 3 Item that they take in at or about the Isles of Cape Verde to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt to be imployed among other the owners marchandize at Santos and S. Vincent to his onely behoofe and the rest of the salt so much as shall be needed for victuall and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities or els to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles at the discretion of the abouenamed 4 Item vpon the due performance of this voiage the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede to yeeld vnto any such of the companie as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England 20 markes a single share for the dutie of the whole voiage making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole 5 Item the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue named shall at all times be most ready
respecting whoÌ we tooke so that we might haue enriched our selues which was the cause of this our trauaile and for that we would not bee knowen of what nation we were wee displayed a white silke ensigne in our maine toppe which they seeing made accompt that we had bene some of the king of Spaines Armadas lying in wait for English men of war but when we came within shot of her we tooke downe our white flagge and spread abroad the Crosse of S. George which when they saw it made them to flie as fast as they might but all their haste was in vaine for our shippes were swifter of saile then they which they fearing did presently cast their ordinance and small shot with many letters and the draft of the Straights of Magelan into the Sea and thereupon immediatly we tooke her wherein wee also tooke a gentleman of Spaine named Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Straights of Magelan which saide Pedro we brought into England with vs and presented him to our soueraigne Lady the Queene After this lying off and about the Islands wee descried another saile and bearing after her we spent the maine maste of our Admirall but yet in the night our Uiceadmirall tooke her being laden with fish from Cape Blanke the which shippe wee let goe againe for want of men to bring her home The next day we discried two other sailes the one a shippe and the other a Carauel to whom we gaue chase which they seeing with all speede made in vnder the Isle of Graciosa to a certaine Fort there for their succour where they came to an anker and hauing the winde of vs we could not hurt them with our ships but we hauing a small boate which we called a light horseman wherein my selfe was being a Musqueter and foure more with Caliuers and foure that rowed came neere vnto the shore against the winde which when they saw vs come towards them they caried a great part of their marchandise on land whither also the men of both vessels went and landed and as soone as we came within Musquee shot they began to shoote at vs with great ordinance and small shot and we likewise at them and in the ende we boorded one shippe wherein was no man left so we âât her cables hoysed her sailes and sent her away with two of our men and the other 7. of vs passed more neere vnto the shoare and boorded the Carauel which did ride within a stones cast from the shoare and so neere the land that the people did cast stones at vs but yet iâdespight of them all we tooke her and one onely Negro thereinâ and cutting her cables in the hawse we hoysed her sailes and being becalmed vnder âhe land we were constrained to rowe her out with our boate the Fort still shooting at vs and the people on land with Musquets and caliuers to the number of â 50. or thereabout and we answered them with the small force wee had In the time of which our shooting the shot of my Musquet being a crosse harre-shot happened to strike the gunner of the fort to death euen as he was giuing leuell to one of his great pieces and thus we parted from them without any losse or hurt on our side And now hauing taken these fiue saâles of shippes we did as before turne away the shippe with the fish without hurting them and from one of the other shippes wee tooke her maine Maste to serue our Admirals turne and so sent her away putting into her all the Spaniards and Portugals sauing that gentleman Pedro Sarmiento with three other of the principal men and two Negroes leauing them all within sight of land with bread and water sufficient for 10. dayes if neede were Thus setting our course for England being off the Islands in the height of 41. degrees or there about one of our men being in the toppe discried a saile then 10. saile then 15. whereupon it was concluded to sende home those prizes we had and so left in both our Pinasses not aboue 60. men Thus wee returned againe to the Fleete wee had discried where wee found 24. saile of shippes whereof two of them were Caracks the one of 1200. and the other of a 1000. tunnes and 10. Galions the rest were small shippes and Carauels all laden with Treasure spices and sugars with which 24. shippes we with two small Pinasses did fight and kept company the space of 32. houres continually fighting with them and they with vs but the two Caracks kept still betwixt the Fleete and vs that wee could not take any one of them so wanting powder wee were forced to giue them ouer against our willes for that wee were all wholly bent to the gaining of some of them but necessâie compelling vs and that onely for want of powder without losse of any of our men which was a thing to be wondered at considering the inequalitie of number at length we gaue them ouer Thus we againe set our course for England and so came to Plimouth within 6. houres after our prizes which we sent away 40. houres before vs where wee were receiued with triumphant ioy not onely with great Ordinance then shot off but with the willing hearts of all the people of the Towne and of the Countrey thereabout and we not sparing our Ordinance with the powder wee had left to requite and answere them againe And from thence wee brought our prizes to Southampton where sir Walter Ralegh being our owner rewarded vs with our shares Our prizes were laden with sugars Elephants teeth waxe hides rice brasill and Cuser as by the testimonie of Iohn Euesham himselfe Captaine Whiddon Thomas Rainford Beniamin Wood William Cooper Master William Cornish Master Thomas Drake Corporall Iohn Ladd gunner William Warefield gunner Richard Moone Iohn Drew Richard Cooper of Harwich William Beares of Ratcliffe Iohn Row of Saltash and many others may appeare A briefe relation of the notable seruice performed by Sir Francis Drake vpon the Spanish Fleete prepared in the Road of Cadiz and of his destroying of 100. saile of barks Passing from thence all along the coast to Cape Sacre where also hee tooke certaine Forts and so to the mouth of the Riuer of Lisbon and thence crossing ouer to the Isle of Sant Michael supprized a mighty Carack called the Sant Philip comming out of the East India which was the first of that kinde that euer was seene in England Performed in the yeere 1587. HEr Maiestie being informed of a mightie preparation by Sea begunne in Spaine for the inuasion of England by good aduise of her graue and prudent Counsell thought it expedient to preuent the same Whereupon she caused a Fleete of some 30. sailes to be rigged and furnished with all things necessary Ouer that Fleete she appointed Generall sir Francis Drake of whose manifold former good seruices she had sufficient proofe to whom the caused 4. ships of her Nauie royall to be
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâe lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning âwo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâiae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâââe burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
and them for vs our heires and successours by that name doe incorporate and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue continuance for euer Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage we haue giuen graunted and confirmed and doe by these presents giue grant and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time and at all times hereafter to make order decree and enact constitute and ordeine and appoynt all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and actes as the sayd new corporation or body politique Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage shall thinke meete necessary and conuenient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme and of this our present graunt And we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of our authority of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion do establish confirme ratifie all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority as we our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt confirme or ratifie And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of authority for vs our heires and successours doe giue graunt establish confirme ordeine ratifie and allow by these presents to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer that shall hereafter trauaile sayle discouer or make voyage as aforesayd to any the Iles Mainelands Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles Mainelands and Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned shall haue and inioy all the priuileges of free Denizens as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England or within our allegiance for euer in such like ample maner and forme as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme any law statute proclamation custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding Moreouer for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert his heires and assignes for euer free libertie licence and priuilege that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediatly ensuing the date hereof if shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer to visit haunt frequent trade or make voyage to any Iles Mainlands Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Ports Bayes and Hauens nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be traded vnto without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert his heires or assignes first had in writing And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian his heires or assignes or any other person or persons whatsoeuer free of this discouery shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres that then the partie and parties so offending they and their heires for euer shall loose ipso facto the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt for vs our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof libertie and licence and sull authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his heires and assignes that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage to become mutinous sâdiâious disordered or any way virtuly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending such punishment correction or execution as the cause shall be âound in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto as in such a case apperteineth That expresse mention of the certaintie of the premisses or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents or any other lawe act statute prouiso graunt or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made patenâs Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the sixt day of Februarie in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis vndertaken in Iune 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage Written by M. Iohn Ianes Marchant sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson CErtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court Countrey with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the Northwest passage which heretofore had bene attempted but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for which turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose resolued after good deliberation to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie shipping and a fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise The setting forth of this Action was committed by the aduenturers especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Marchant of London who was so forward therein that besides his trauaile which was not small hee became the greatest aduenturer with his purse and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Dauis a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt Thus therefore all things being put in a readines wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage with two Barkes the one being of 50. tunnes named the Sunneshine of London and the other being 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons whose names are these following M. Iohn Dauis Captaine William Eston Master Richard Pope Masters mate Iohn Iane Marchant Henry Dauie gunner William Crosse boatswayne Iohn Bagge Walter Arthur Luke Adams Robert Coxworthie Iohn Ellis Iohn Kelley Edward Helman William Dicke Andrew Maddocke Thomas Hill Robert Wats Carpenter William Russell Chrstopher Gorney boy Iames Cole Francis Ridley Iohn Russell Robert Cornish Musicians The Mooneshine had 19. persons William Bruton Captaine Iohn Ellis
gotten and that stormes and tempests began to reigne in New-found land and that we were so farre from home not knowing the perils and dangers that were behind for either we must agree to returne home againe or els to stay there all the yeere Moreouer we did consider that if the Northerne winds did take vs it were not possible for vs to depart thence All which opinions being heard and considered we altogether determined to addresse our seluâs homeward Nowe because vpon Saint Peters day wee entred into the sayd Streite wee named it Saint Peters Streite Wee sounded it in many places in some wee found 150 fadome water in some 100 and neere the shoare sirtie and cleere ground From that day till Wednesday following we had a good and prosperous gale of winde so that we trended the said North shore East Southeast West Northwest for such is the situation of it except one Cape of low lands that bendeth more toward the Southeast about twenty fiue leagues from the Streight In this place we saw certaine smokes that the people of the countrey made vpon the sayd cape but because the wind blewe vs toward the coast we went not to them which when they saw they came with two boates and twelue men vnto vs and as freely came vnto our ships as if they had bene French men and gaue vs to vnderstand that they came from the great gulfe and that Tiennot was their Captaine who then was vpon that Cape making signes vnto vs that they were going home to their Countreys whence we were come with our ships and that they were laden with Fish We named the sayd Cape Cape Tiennot From the said Cape all the land trendeth Eastsoutheast and Westnorthwest All these lands lie low very pleasant enuironed with sand where the sea is entermingled with marishes and shallowes the space of twentie leagues then doth the land begin to trend from West to Eastnortheast altogether enuironed with Islands two or three leagues from land in which as farre as we could see are many dangerous shelues more then foure or fiue leagues from land How that vpon the ninth of August wee entred within White Sands and vpon the fift of September we came to the port of S. Malo FRom the sayd Wednesday vntill Saturday following we had a great wind from the Southwest which caused vs to run Eastnortheast on which day we came to the Easterly partes of Newfouâdland between the Granges and the Double Cape There began great stormie winds comming froÌ the East with great rage wherfore we coasted the Cape Northnorthwest to search the Northerne part which is as we haue sayd all enuironed with Islands and being neere the said Islands and land the wind âurned into the South which brought vs within the sayd gulfe so that the next day being the 9 of August we by the grace of God entred within the White Sands And this is so much as we haue discouered After that vpon the 15 of August being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady after that we had heard seruice we altogether departed from the porte of White Sands and with a happy and prosperous weather we came into the middle of the sea that is between Newfound land and Britanie in which place we were tost and âurmoyled three dayes long with great stormes and windy tempests comming from the East which with the ayde and assistance of God we suffred then had we faire weather and vpon the fift of September in the sayd yere we came to the port of S. Malo whence we departed The language that is spoken in the Land newly discouered called New France God the Sunne Isnez the Heauen camet the Day the Night aiagla Water amâ Sand estogaz a Saylâ aganie the Heaâ agonaze the Throate conguedo the Nose hehonguesto the Teeth hesangue the Nayles agetascu the Feete ochedasco the Legs anondasco a dead man amocdaza a Skinne aionasca that Man yca a Harchet asogne a Cod fish gadagoursere good to be eateâ guesande Flesh Almonds anougaza Figâ asconda Gold benyosco the priuie members assegnega an Arrow cacta a greene Tree haueda an earthen dish vndaâo a Bow Brasse aignetaze the Brow ansce a Feather yco the Moone casmogan the Earth conda the Wind canut the Raine onnoscon Bread cacacomy the Sea amet a Ship casaomy a Man vndo the Haires hoc hosco the Eyes âgata the Mouth hechâ the Eares hontasco the Armes ageseu a Woman enraseseo a sicke Man alonedeche Shooes atta a skinne to couer a mans priuy meÌbers ouscozon vondico red cloth cahoneta a Knife agoheda a Mackrell agedoneta Nuttes caheya Apples honesta Beanes sahe a Sword achesco A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the commandement of the King of France to the Islands of Canada Hochelaga Saguenay and diuers others which now are called New France with the particular customes and maners of the inhabitants therein Chap. 1. IN the yeere of our Lord 1535 vpon Whitsunday being the 16 of May by the commandement of our Captaine Iames Cartier and with a common accord in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we deuoutly each one confessed our selues and receiued the Sacrament and all entring into the Quier of the sayd Church wee presented our selues before the Reuerend Father in Christ the Lord Bishop of S. Malo who blessed vs all being in his Bishops roabes The Wednesday following being the 19 of May there arose a good gale of wind and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships that is to say tâe great Hermina being in burden about a hundreth or a hundreth and twânty tunne wherin the foresaid Captaine Iames Cartier was Generall and master Thomas Frosmont chiefe Master accompanied with master Claudius de Pont Briand sonne to the Lorde of Montâeuell and Cup-bearer to the Dolphin of France Charles of Pomeraies Iohn Powler and other Gentlemen In the second ship called the little Hermina being of three score tunne burden were Captaines vnder the sayd Cartier Mace Salobert and master William Marie In the third ship called the Hermerillon being of forty tunne iu burden were Captains M. William Britton anâ M. Iames Maingare So we sayled with a good and prosperous wind vntill the 20 of the said moneth at which time the weather turned into stormes and tempests the which with contrary winds and darkenesse endured so long that our ships being without any rest suffered as much as any ships that euer went on seas so that the 25 of Iune by reason of that foule and foggie weather all our ships lost sight one of another againe till wee came to Newfound land where we had appointed to meete After we had lost one another wee in the Generals ship were with contrary windes tost to and fro on the sea vntill the seuenth of Iuly vpon which day we arriued in Newefound land and came to the Island called The Island of Birds which lyeth from the maine land 14 leagues
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câme aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantââ with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by ãâã of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had âut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asââââ my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
their Mines they occupie great quantitie They haue much Alume and as good as any that is in all the Leuant so that they neede none of that commoditie They haue also of their owne growingâ much Cana fistula much Salsa Perilla which is marueilous good for many kind of diseases There are in Florida many Iarrefalcons and many other kinde of hawkes which the gentlemen of Noua Hispania send for euery yere The Spaniards haue two forts there chiefly to keepe out the Frenchmen from planting there A discourse written by one Miles Philips Englishman one of the company put on shoare Northward of Panuco in the West Indies by M. Iohn Hawkins 1568. conteining many special things of that countrey and of the Spanish gouernment but specially of their cruelties vsed to our Englishmen and amongst the rest to himselfe for the space of 15. or 16. yeres together vntil by good and happy meanes he was deliuered froÌ their bloody hands and returned into his owne Countrey An. 1582. Chap. 1. Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast of England with the number and names of the ships their Captaines and Masters and of our trafique and dealing vpon the coast of Africa VPon munday the second of October 1567. the weather being reasonable faire our Generall M. Iohn Hawkins hauing commanded all his Captaines and Masters to be in a readinesse to make saile with him hee himselfe being imbarked in the Iesus whereof was appointed for Master Robert Barreâ hoised saile and departed from Plimmouth vpon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa and America being accompanied with fiue other saile of ships as namely the Mynion wherein went for Captaine M. Iohn Hampton and Iohn Garret Master The William and Iohn wherein was Captaine Thomas Bolton and Iames Raunce Master The Iudith in whom was Captaine M. Francis Drake afterward knight and the Angel whose Master as also the Captaine and Master of the Swallow I now remember not And so sayling in company together vpon our voyage vntill the tenth of the same moneth an extreeme storme then tooke vs neere vnto Cape Finister which dured for the space of foure dayes and so separated our ships that wee had lost one another and our Generall finding the Iesus to bee but in ill case was in minde to giue ouer the voyage and to returne home Howbeit the eleuenth of the same moneth the Seas waxing calme and the winde comming faire hee altered his purpose and held on the former entended voyage And so comming to the yland of Gomera being one of the ylands of the Canaries where according to an order before appointed we met with all our ships which were before dispersed wee then tooke in fresh water and departed from thence the fourth of Nouember and holding on our course vpon the eightenth day of the same moneth wee came to an ancker vpon the coast of Africa at Cape Verde in twelue fadome water and here our Generall landed certaine of our men to the number of 160. or thereabout seeking to take some Negros And they going vp into the Countrey for the space of sixe miles were encountred with a great number of the Negros who with their inuenomed arrowes did hurt a great number of our men so that they were inforced to retire to the ships in which conflict they recouered but a fewe Negros and of these our men which were hurt with their enuenomed arrowes there died to the number of seuen or eight in very strange maner with their mouths shut so that wee were forced to put stickes and other things into their mouths to keepe them open and so afterward passing the time vpon the coast of Guinea vntill the twelfth of Ianuary wee obteined by that time the number of 150. Negros And being ready to depart from the Sea coast there was a Negro sent as an Ambassadour to our Generall from a King of the Negros which was oppressed with other Kings his bordering neighbours desiring our Generall to graunt him succour and ayde against those his enemies which our Generall granted vnto and went himselfe in person a lande with the number of two hundreth of our men or thereabouts and the said King which had requested our ayde did ioyne his force with ours so that thereby our Generall assaulted and set fire vpon a Towne of the said King his enemies in which there was at the least the number of eight or ten thousand Negros and they perceiuing that they were not able to make any resistance sought by flight to saue themselues in which their flight there were taken prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundreth which our Generall ought to haue had for his share howbeit the Negro King which requested our ayde falsifying his word and promise secretly in the night conueyed himselfe away with as many prisoners as he had in his custodie but our Generall notwithstanding finding himselfe to haue nowe very neere the number of 500. Negros thought it best without longer abode to depart with them and such marchandize as hee had from the coast of Africa towards the West Indies and therefore commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and fewel and so with speed to prepare to depart Howbeit before we departed from thence in a storme that wee had wee lost one of our ships namely the William and Iohn of which ship and of her people we heard no tidings during the time of our voyage Chap. 2. Wherein is shewed the day and time of our departure from the coast of Africa with the day and time of our arriuall in the West Indies also of our trade and trafique there and also of the great crueltie that the Spaniards vsed towards vs by the Vice-roy his direction and appointment falsifying his faith and promise giuen and seeking to haue intrapped vs. ALl things being made in a readinesse at our Generall his appointment vpon the thirde day of Februarie 1568. wee departed from the coast of Africa hauing the weather somewhat tempestuous which made our passage the more hard and sayling so for the space of 52. dayes vpon the 27. of March 1568. we came in sight of an yland called Dominica vpon the coast of America in the West Indies situated in 14. degrees of latitude and 322. of longitude from thence our Generall coasted from place to place euer making trafique with the Spaniards and Indians as hee might which was somewhat hardly obtained for that the King had straightly charged all his gouernours in those parts not to trade with any yet notwithstanding during the moneths of April and May our Generall had reasonable trade and trafique and courteous entertainement in sundry places as at Margarita Coraçao and else where til we came to Cape de la vela and Rio de Hacha a place from whence all the pearles doe come the gouernour there would not by any meanes permit vs to haue any trade
Swallow of 100. tunnes wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton and the third the Ionas a barke of 40. tunnes wherein the Master suppliâd the Captaines roome in which small fleete M. Hawkins tooke with him not aboue 100. men for feare of sicknesse and other inconueniences whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subiect With this companie he put off and departed from the coast of England in the moneth of October 1562. and in his course touched first at Teneriffe where hee receiued friendly intertainement From thence he passed to Sierra Leona vpon the coast of Guinea which place by the people of the countrey is called Tagarin where he stayed some good time and got into his possession partly by the sworde and partly by other meanes to the number of 300. Negros at the least besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldeth With this praye hee sayled ouer the Ocean sea vnto the Iland of Hispaniola and arriued first at the port of Isabella and there hee had reasonable vtterance of his English commodities as also of some part of his Negros trusting the Spaniards no further then that by his owne strength he was able still to master them From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto de Plata where he made like sales standing alwaies vpoÌ his guard from thence also hee sayled to Monte Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola and the last place of his touching where he had peaceable traffique and made vent of the whole number of his Negros for which he receiued in those 3. places by way of exchange such quantitie of merchandise that bee did not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides ginger sugars and some quantitie of pearles but he fraighted also two other hulkes with hides and other like commodities which hee âent into Spaine And thus leauing the Iland he returned and disemboqued passing out by the Ilands of the Caycâs without further entring into the bay of Mexico in this his first voyage to the West India And so with prosperous successe and much gaine to himselfe and the aforesâyde aduenturers he came home and arriued in the moneth of September 1563. The voyage made by M. Iohn Hawkins Esquire and afterward knight Captaine of the Iesus of Lubek one of her Maiesties shippes and Generall of the Salomon and other two barkes going in his companie to the coast of Guinea and the Indies of Noua Hispania begun in An. Dom. 1564. MAster Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubek a shippe of 700. and the Salomon a shippe of 140. the Tiger a barke of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tunnes being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundreth threescore and tenne as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voyage departed out of Plymmouth the 18. day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde at which departing in cutting the foresaile a maâueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the shippe who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queenes Maiestie whereof was Captaine Dauid Carlet and also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bounde to Guinea also who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting which done the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merlin of London which was a sterne out of sight leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort Thus sayling forwards on their way with a prosperous winde vntill the 21. of the same moneth at that time a great storme arose the winde being at Northeast about nine a clocke in the night and continued so 23. houres together in which storme M. Hawkins lost the compânie of the Iohn Baptist aforesayd and of his pinnesse called the Swallow his other 3. shippes being sorâ beaten with a storme The 23. day the Swallow to his no small reioycing came to him againe in the night 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister he hauing put roomer not bâing ablâ to double the Cape in that there rose a contrary winde at Southwest The 25. the wind continuing contrary hee put into a place in Galicia called Ferroll where hee remained fiue dayes and appointed all the Masters of his shippes an order for the keeping of good companie in this manner The small shippes to bee alwayes ahead and a weather of the Iesus and to speake twise a day with the Iesus at least if in the day the Ensigne bee ouer the poope of the Iesuâ or in the night two lights then shall all the shippes speake with her If there bee three lights aboord the Iesuâ then doeth she cast about If the weather bee extreme that the small shippes cannot keepe compânie with the Iesus then all to keepe companie with the Salomon and foorthwith to repaire to âhe Iland of Teneriffâ to the Northward of the road of Sirroes If any happen to any misfortune then to shew two lights and âo shoote off a piece of ordinance If any lose companie and come in sight againe to make three yawes and strike the Myson three times Serue God daily loue one another preserue your victuals beware of fire and keepe good companie The 26. day the Minion came in also where hee was for the reioycing whereof hee gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the courtesie of the sea for their welcome but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline whome at their departure from Master Hawkins vpon the coast of England they went to seeke and hauing met with her kept companie two dayes together and at last by misfortune of fire through the negligence of one of their gunners the powder in the gunners roome was set on fiâe which with the first blast strooke out her poope and therewithall lost three men besides many sore burned which escaped by the brigandine being at her sterne and immediatly to the great losse of the owners and most horrible sight to the beholders she sunke before their eyes The 20. day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and companie of the Minion hauing nowe both the brigandines at her sterne wayed anker and set saile on their voyage hauing a prosperous winde thereunto The fourth of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera and the sixt day of Teneriffe which they thought to haue beene the Canarie in that they supposed themselues to haue beene to the Eastward of Teneriffe and were not but the Minion being three or foure leagues ahead of vs kept on her course to Teneriffe hauing better sight thereof then the other had and by that meanes they parted companie For M. Hawkins and his companie went more to the West vpon
wee espied one gallie vnder our âee hard by vs boging vp with vs. Then because it was euening one of the great ships discharged sixe great shot at vs to the ende the gallies should knowe that wee were the shippe they looked for Then the gallie came vp and hayling vs of whence our shippe was a Portugall which wee had with vs made them answere that we were of the fleete of âierra firma and of Siuil with that they bid vs amaine English dogs and came vpon our quarter star-boord and giuing vs fiue cast pieces out of her prowe they sought to lay vs aboord but wee so galled them with our muskets that we put them from our quarter Then they winding their gallie came vp into our sterne and with the way that the gallie had did so violently thrust in the boordes of our captaines cabbin that her nose came into it minding to giue vs all their prowe and so to sinke vs. But wee being resoluteâ so plyed them with our small shot that they could haue no time to discharge their great ordinance and when they began to approch wee heaued into them a ball of fire and by that meanâs put them off whereupon they once againe fell asterne of vs and gaue vs a prowe Then hauing the second time put them off wee went to prayer and sang the first part of the 25. Psalme praysing God sor our safe deliuerance This being done we might see 2. gallies and a frigat all three of them bending themselues together to encounter vs hereupon we eftsoones commending our estate into the hands of God armed our selues and resolued for the honour of God her Maiestie and our countrey to fight it out till the last man Then shaking a pike of fire in dâfâance of the enemie and weauing them amaine we bad them come aboord and an Englishman in the gallie made answer that they would come aboord presently So managing our selues to our furniture and euery moment expecting the assault wee heard them parle to this effect that they determined to keepe vs companie till the morning and then to make an end with vs then giuing vs another shot from one of the gallies they fell asterne Thus our fight continued with the shippes and with the gallies from seuen of the clock in the morning till eleuen at night Howbeit God which neuer faileth them that put their trust in him sent vs a gale of winde about two of the clocke in the morning at Eastnortheast which was for the preuenting of their crueltie and the sauing of our liues Also the Lord be praised for it in all this dangerous fight wee had not one man slame and but 2. hurt but our sayles and ropes were so rent with their shot that it was wonderfull to behold our maine mast also was shot cleane through whereby wee were in exceeding great danger Thus our consortes forsooke vs and left vs in these extremities The next day being the 14. of Iune in the morning wee sawe all our aduersaries to lee-ward of vs and they espying vs chased vs till 10. of the clocke and then seeing they could not preuaile gaue vs ouer So that day about 5. of the clocke in âhe afternoone we bare vp to the Southwest in hope to finde our consortes but we had no sight of them at that time nor afterward Then stoode we in all that night for the Cape of S. Anthonie hoping there to see our Admirall according to his direction The 15. day of Iune early in the morning we desâryed the Spanish fleete againe being within 5. leagues of Cape S. Anthonie Then hauing no sight of our consortes wee stoode for the place according to the direction of our owner sir George Carcy where we did plie for the space of 23. dayes and neuer could see any sayle but two frigats which wee gaue chase vnto the 24. of Iune and could not fet them vp Thus we giue God most humble thankes for our fafe deliuerance from the cruell enemie which hath beene more mightie by the prouidence of God then any tongue can expresse to whom bee all prayse honour and glory both now and euer Amen Appendix THe barke called The Content had but one Minion one Falcon one Saker 2. port-bases She continued fight from seuen in the morning til sunset with 3. armadas of 600. and 700. tunnes apiece and one small shippe of 100. tunnes not being aboue musket shot from any of them And before the sunne was set there came vp to her two of the kings gallies Besides the Armadas shot their great ordinance continually at her not so few as 500. times And the sides hull and mastes of the Content were sowed thicke with musket bullets Moreouer all their sheats tops and shrowdes were almost cut insunder with their great small shot There passed from the galies each whereof came thrise vp to her discharged fiue great pieces at a time out of euery their prowes forthright within three yards of her poope through her maine saile 19. great shot through her main top-saile foure through her fore-saile seuen through her fore-top-saile fiue and through her maine maste one The vpper part of the Content was hurt in fiue places Onely 13. men continued this fight the rest being in holde A frigat of the Spaniards being afterward taken confessed that there were in the gallies aboue 40. Spaniards slaine and many were hurt in that combate The names of those 13. persons that continued the fight Nicolas Lisle Captaine M. Major Lieutenant William King Master Iohn Barwick Mrs. mateâ William Clement gunner Thomas Houldships Bote-swaine Charles Creame Thomas Godfrey Giles Thornton Iohn Pells Iohn Bourel Ralph Grey William Heore The names of the rest be these following Iohn Pie Iohn Smith Iohn White Iohn Butcher Iohn Brooke Iohn Twopenie Edmund Giggs William Bateman William White Laurence Shellie A true report of a voyage vndertaken for the West Indies by M. Christopher Newport Generall of a fleete of three shippes and a pinnesse viz. The golden Dragon Admirall whereof was Captaine M. Newport himselfe The Prudence Vice-admirall vnder the conduct of Captaine Hugh Merrick The Margaret vnder Captaine Robert Fred and The Virgin our pinnesse vnder Captaine Henry Kidgil Begun from London the 25. of Ianuarie 1591. Written by M. Iohn Twitt of Harewich Corporall in the Dragon In which voyage they tooke and burnt vpon the coast of Hispaniola within the bay of Honduras and other places 3. townes and 19. saile of shippes and frigatsâ THe 12. day of Februarie An. 1591. we set saile from Douer roade and hauing a prosperous winde the 27. day of the same moneth wee fell with Cape Cantin on the coast of Barbarie and on the 28. wee arriued at Santa Cruz roade where hauing refreshed our selues some 3. or 4. dayes we put off to sea againe and about the 5. of March wee passed by the Ilands of the Canaries and hauing a fauourable wind the 4. of April An. 1592. we fell
and thunder wee lost the Canter which we called the Christopher but the eleuenth day after by our Generals great care in dispersing his ships we found her againe and the place where we met our Generall called the Cape of Ioy where euery ship tooke in some water Heere we found a good temperature and sweete ayre a very faire and pleasant countrey with an exceeding fruitfull soyle where were great sâore of large and mightie Deere but we came not to the sight of any people but traueiling further into the countrey we perceiued the footing of people in the clay-ground shewing that they were men of great stature Being returned to our ships we wayed anchor and ranne somewhat further and harboured our selues betweene a rocke and the maine where by meanes of the rocke that brake the force of the sea we rid very safe and vpon this rocke we killed for our prouision certaine sea-wolues commonly called with vs Seales From hence we went our course to 36. degrees and entred the great riuer of Plate and ranne into 54. and 53. fadomes and a halfe of fresh water where wee filled our water by the ships side but our Generall finding here no good harborough as he thought he should bare out againe to sea the 27. of April and in bearing out we lost sight of our Flieboate wherein master Doughtie was but we sayling along found a fayre and reasonable good Bay wherein were many and the same profitable Islands one whereof had so many Seales as would at the least haue laden all our Shippes and the rest of the Islands are as it were laden with foules which is wonderfull to see and they of diuers sortes It is a place very plentifull of victuals and hath in it no want of fresh water Our Generall after certaine dayes of his abode in this place being on shore in an Island the people of the countrey shewed themselues vnto him leaping and dauncing and entred into traffique with him but they would not receiue any thing at any mans hands but the same must bee cast vpon the ground They are of cleane comely and strong bodies swift on foote and seeme to be very actiue The eighteenth day of May our Generall thought it needfull to haue a care of such Ships as were absent and therefore indeuouring to seeke the Flieboate wherein master Doughtie was we espied her againe the next day and where as certaine of our ships were sent to discouer the cââast and to search an harbour the Mary gold and the Canter being implâyed in that businesse came vnto vs and gaue vs vnderstanding of a safe harbour that they had found wherewith all our ships bare and entred it where we watered and made new prouision of victuals as by Seales whereof we slew to the number of 200. or 300. in the space of an houre Here our Generall in the Admirall rid close aboord the Flie-boate and tooke out of her all the prouision of victuals and what els was in her and halling her to the Lande set fire to her and so burnt her to saue the iron worke which being a doing there came downe of the countrey certaine of the people naked sauing only about their waste the skinne of some beast with the furre or haâre on and something also wreathed on their heads their faces were painted with diuers colours and some of them had on their heads the similitude of hornes euery man his bow which was an ell in length and a couple of arrowes They were very agill people and quicke to deliuer and seemed not to be ignorant in the feates of warres as by their order of ranging a few men might appeare These people would not of a long time receiue any thing at our handes yet at length our Generall being ashore and they dauncing after their accustomed maner about him and hee once turning his backe towards them one leapt suddenly to him and tooke his cap with his golde band off his head and ran a litle distance from him and shared it with his fellow the cap to the one and the band to the other Hauing dispatched all our businesse in this place wee departed and set sayle and immediatly vpon our setting foorth we lost our Canter which was absent three or foure dayes but when our General had her againe he tooke out the necessaries and so gaue her ouer neere to the Cape of Good hope The next day after being the twentieth of Iune wee harboured our selues againe in a very good harborough called by Magellan Port S. Iulian where we found a gibbet standing vpon the maine which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution vpon some of his disobedient and rebellious company The two and twentieth day our Generall went ashore to the maine and in his companie Iohn Thomas and Robert Winterhie Oliuer the Master gunner Iohn Brewer Thomas Hoâd and Thomas Drake and entring on land they presently met with two or three of the countrey people and Robert Winterhie hauing in his hands a bowe and arrowes went about to make a shoote of pleasure and in his draught his bowstring brake which the rude Sauages taking as a token of warre began to bend the force of their bowes against our company and droue them to their shifts very narrowly In this Port our Generall began to enquire diligently of the actions of M. Thomas Doughtie and found them not to be such as he looked for but tending rather to contention or mutinâe or some other disorder whereby without redresse the successe of the voyage might greââly haue bene hazarded whereupon the company was called together and made acquainted with the particulars of the cause which were found partly by master Doughties owne confession and partly by the euidence of the fact to be true which when our Generall saw although his priuate affection to M. Doughtie as hee then in the presence of vs all sacredly protested was great yet the care he had of the state of the voyage of the expectation of her Maiestie and of the honour of his countrey did more touch him as indeede it ought then the priuate respect of one man so that the cause being throughly heard and all things done in good order as neere as might be to the course of our lawes in England it was concluded that M. Doughtie should receiue punishment according to the qualitie of the offence and he seeing no remedie but patience for himselfe desired before his death to receiue the Communion which he did at the hands of M. Fletcher our Minister and our Generall himselfe accompanied him in that holy action which being done and the place of execution made ready hee hauing embraced our Generall and taken his leaue of all the companie with prayer for the Queenes maiestie and our realme in quiet sort laid his head to the blocke where he ended his life This being done our Generall made diuers speaches to the whole company perswading
desired in countreys where they shall traffique that it shall not bee lawfull for them or any of them to traffique or sell any thing thereof for their priuate accompt but the same shall bee prized by the most part of those that shall bee in commission in the places where the same may be so required rated at such value as it may bee reasonably worth in England and then solde to the profite of the whole voyage and to goe as in aduenture for those to whom it doeth appertaine 17 Item you your selfe shall in the Gallion keâpe one booke and the Factors appointed for the same shippe anoâher wherein shall bee a iust accompt kept aswell of the marchandise carried hence as of those you shall bring home And aswell at your setting foorth as from time to time as exchange shal be made you shall set your hand to their booke and they theirs to yours and the like order shal you see that the Captaine and the Factors in the Edward Bonauenture shall vse in their ship and the other Captaines and Factors in each other vesell 18 Item you shall giue straight order to restraine that none shall make any charts or descriptions of the sayd boyage but such as shall bee deputed by you the Generall which sayd charts and descriptions wee thinke meete that you the Generall shall take into your hands at your returne to this our coast of England leauing with them no copie and to present them vnto vs at your returne the like to be done if they finde any charts or maps in those countreys 19 Item you shall at your returne so direct your course that all the ships vnder your gouernment may come home together and arriue here in the riuer of Thames if it may conueniently be And wheresoeuer in this Realme you or any of the shippes shall arriue you shall giue speciall and straight order that no person of what condition soeuer he be shall vnlade or bring on land or forth of the vessels in which he came any part or parcel of marchandize or matter of commoditie brought in any of the sayd vessels vntill we being certified of your or their arriuall shall giue further order and direction therein vnder the penalties and forfeitures expressed in the fifteenth article against such as shall retaine any thing to their priuate vse as in the sayd article is further expressed 20 Item to the intent that all such persons as shall go with you in this voyage may better vnderstand what they ought to do and what to auoid wee thinke it requisite that aswell out of these as otherwise with the aduise of your Assistants and Masters of the ships you shall cause some conuenient order to bee set downe in writing for their better gouernment both at sea and land if they shall happen to goe on lande any where and the same to bee openly read and made knowen vnto them to the intent they may vnderstand how to behaue themselues and vpon any fault committed not to haue any excuse to pretend ignorance and so to auoid such punishment as it is requisite to haue ministred for the keeping of them in good order 21 And to the end God may blesse this voyage with happie and prosperous successe you shall haue an especiall care to see that reuerence and respect bee had to the Ministers appointed to accompanie you in this voyage as appertaineth to their place and calling and to see such good order as by them shall be set downe for reformation of life and maners duely obeyed and perfourmed by causing the transgressours and contemners of the same to be seuerely punished and the Ministers to remooue sometime from one vessell to another 22 Prouided alwayes that the whole direction and gouernment of the people life and limme excepted as in the fift article and the course of this voyage shall bee wholly at your disposition except in the course by the Streight of Magellan either outward or homeward and in your passage by the Northward of 40 degrees in latitude wherein you shall follow directions sât downe in the nine and ten articles as also in the displacing of the Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture and other captaines wherin you shall followe the order appointed in the sixt article Prouided that wee meane not by this article to derogate any thing from the authoritie of your assistants established in the third article or in any other article of these instructions 23 Item in all occasions and enterprises that may fall out to bee vpon the lande wee will that Captaine Carlile shall haue the generall and chiefe charge thereof 24 And finally wee require you and euery of you to haue a due regard to the obseruation and accomplishment of these our instructions and of all such other things as may any kind of way tând to the furtherance and benefite of this seruice committed to your charge The voyage intended towards China wherein M. Edward Fenton was appointed Generall Written by M. Luke Ward his Viceadmiral and Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture begun Anno Dom. 1582. THe second of April I departed with the Edward Bonauenture from Blackwall and the 19 of the same arriued in Nettle roade at Hampton where I found riding the Gallion Leicester and so remaining there till the first of May wee set saile thence in the forenoone being of vs in the whole fleete foure saile 1 The Gallion Leicester of 400 tunnes Admirall whereof was Generall Captaine Edward Fenton and William Hawkins the yonger liâutenant Generall in her and Christopher Hall Master 2 The Edward Bonauenture of 300 tunnes Uiceadmirall whereof was Captaine Luke Ward and Thomas Perrie Master 3 The Francis of fortie tunnes whereof was Captaine Iohn Drake and William Markam Master 4 The Elizabeth of fiftie tunnes whereof was Captaine Thomas Skeuington and Ralph Crane Master We spent by meanes partly of businesse and partly of contrary windes the moneth of May vpon the coast and then leauing the land wee put off to sea and proceeded on our voyage intended by the grace of God for China vntill the moneth of August âollowing nothing fell out much worthy the knowledge of the worlde which is not common to all nauigants but about the beginning of August aforesayd being somewhat neere the coast of Guinie vpon the shooting off a peece and the putting out of a flag in the Admiral I went on boord and M. Walker M. Shaw M. Geffreis our Master Pilot with me where the generall counsel was assembled to consider of two points viz. The first whether it were necessarie to wââer presently or not which was thought very needful of all men and so concluded The second where the best and aptest place was to water in which was thought of the greater number to be at Sierra leona on the coast of Guinie which was also concluded and by the Master and Pilots agreed to goe hence Southeast which determined wee returned aboord The 3 day wee went Southeast and
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
with another of 80 leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sayled 150 leagues before they could knowe whither it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that contiâent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellanâ for they coasted it to eighteene âegrâes and could not find the ende thereof The gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of golde hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the countrey and also for that the Indians were very stoue men and fought continually agaiâst them they could neuer leaue from whence that gold come nor yet what store was in the land These Indiâns vse to goe to sea in great Canoas that will carrie 100 men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small pinnesse and two faleâns a fewe may ouercome 100 of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whome on the sudden certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the ships boat and slewe all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too wary in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their pinnesse and burnt the towne and in this towne they found the small graines of gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the ende of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the wind continuing still in one place might bee an occâsion of longer tarying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-bourd and to lye nine moneths bearing it vp and downe in the sea before they could get into any harborow of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernement and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Streights of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needs runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as hogges hennes excellent almonds potatos sugar-canes with diuers other sortes fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of gold which the Indians will giue you in truck for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of gold brought home notwithstanding 40000 pezos with them besides great store of cloues and ginger and some sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the ende that the Spaniards supposing them to bee those Isles from whence Salomon fetched gold to adorne the temple at Ierusalem might bee the more desirous to goe and inhabite the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Isilands Captaine Drake entered the South sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the ende that such Englishmen and of other nations as passed the Streights of Magellan to goe to the Malâcos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire into the South sea and from thence round about the circumference of the wâole earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1586 and finishâd 1588. Written by Master Francis Pretty lately of Ey in Suffolke a Gentleman employed in the same action WEe departed out of Plimmouth on Thursâay the 21. of Iuly 1586. with 3. sayles to wit The Desire a ship of 120. tunnes The Content of 60 tuns and the Hugh gallant a barke of 40. tunnes in which small Fleete were 123. persons of all sortes with all kinde of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two yeeres at the charges of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Tââmley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire beeing our Generall On Tuesday the 26. of the same moneth we were 45. leagues from Cape Finis terrae where wee mette with 5. sayles of Biskaynes comming from the Grande Bay in Newfound-land as we supposed which our Admirall shot at and fought with them 3. houres but wee tooke none of them by reason the night grew on The first of August wee came in sight of Forteuentura one of the Isles of the Canaries about ten of the clocke in the morning On Sunday being the 7. of August we were gotten as high as Rio del oro on the coast of Barbarie On Munday the 19. we fell with cape Blanco but the winde blew so much at the North that we could not get vp where the Canters doe vse to ride and fish therefore wee lay off 6. houres West Southwest because of the sand which lieth off the cape Southwest and by South The 15. day of the same moneth we were in the height of cape Verde by estimation 50. leagues off the same The 18. Sierra leona did beare East off vs beeing 45. leagues from vs and the same day the winde shifted to the Northwest so that by the 20. day of the sayd moneth we were in 6. degrees ½ to the Northward from the Equinoctiall line The 23. we put roome for Sierra leona and the 25. day wee fell with the poynt on the South side of Sierra leona which Master Brewer knew very well and went in before with the Content which was Uice-admirall and we had no lesse then 5. fathoms water when we had least and had for 14. leagues in Southwest all the way running into the harbour of Sierra leona 16 14. 12. 10 and 8. fathoms of water The 26. of the said moneth âe put into the harborough and in going in we had by the Southermost point when we had least 5. fathoms water faire by the rocke as it lieth at the said point and after we came 2 or 3. cables length within the said rocke we neuer had lesse then 10.
hath 483383 great houses which pay tribute and 39400 men of warre The port of Cauchinchina standeth in the latitude of sixteene degrees and a halfe to the Northward The citie Champa standeth in foureteene degrees to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall The prouince of Enam hath 7. great cities and 13. small and 90. townes and castles and is 88. leagues broad and hath 589296. great houses that pay tribute and 15100. souldiers Horsemen 454528. Footmen 7459057. The totall summe 7923785. A briefe relation of a voyage of The Delight a ship of Bristoll one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made vnto the Straight of Magellan with diuers accidents that happened vnto the company during their 6. weekes abode there Begun in the yeere 1589. Written by W. Magoths THe fift of August 1589. the worshipfull M. Iohn Chidley of Chidley in the countie of Deuon esquire with M. Paul Wheele and Captaine Andrew Mericke set forth from Plimmouth with three tall ships and one called The wilde man of three hundred tunnes wherein went for General the aforesaid M. Iohn Chidley and Beniamin Wood as Master the other called The white Lion whereof M. Paul Wheele was captaine and Iohn Ellis Master of the burthen of 340. tunnes the third The delight of Bristol wherein went M. Andrew Merick as Captaine and Robert Burnet Master with two pinnesses of 14. or 15. tunnes a piece The Generall in his ship had 180. persons M. Paul Wheele had 140 in our owne ship we were 91. men and boyes Our voyage was intended by The Streight of Magellan for The South Sea and chiefly for the famous prouince of Arauco on the coast of Chili We kept company together to the yles of the Canaries and so forward to Cape Blanco standing neere the Northerly latitude of 20. degrees on the coast of Barbarie where some of our people went on shoare finding nothing to their content Within 12. dayes after our departure from this place The Delight wherein I William Magoths was lost the company of the other two great ships and the two small pinnesses Howbeit we constantly kept our course according to our directions along the coast of Brasil and by the Riuer of Plate without touching any where on land vntill we came to Port desire in the latitude of 48. degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctial Before we arriued at this place there died of our company by Gods visitation of sundry diseases 16. persons Wee stayed in this harborough 17. dayes to graue our ship refresh our wearied people hoping here to haue met with our consorts which fell out contrary to our expectations During our abode in this place we found two little springs of fresh water which were vpon the Northwesterly part of the land lighted vpon good store of seales both old and yong From hence we sailed toward the Streight of Magelan and entred the same about the first of Ianuary And comming to Penguin yland within the Streight we tooke and salted certaine hogsheads of Penguins which must be eaten with speed for wee found them to be of no long continuance we also furnished our selues with fresh water And here at the last sending off our boat to the yland for the rest of our prouision wee lost her and 15. men in her by force of foule weather but what became of them we could not tel Here also in this storme we lost two anckers From hence we passed farther into the Streight and by Porâ famine we spake with a Spaniard who told vs that he had liued in those parts 6. yeeres and that he was one of the 400. men that were sent thither by the king of Spaine in the yere 1582. to fortifie and inhabit there to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the South sea But that and the other Spanish colonie being both destroyed by famine he said he had liued in an house by himselfe a long time and relieued himselfe with his âalâ euer vntil our comming thither Here we made a boat of the bords of our chests which being finished wee sent 7. armed men in the same on land on the North shore being wafted on land by the Sauages with certaine white skinnes who as soone as they came on shore were presently killed by an 100. of the wilde people in the sight of 2. of our men which rowed them on shoare which two onely escaped backe againe to vs with the boaâ After this traiterous slaughter of our men we fell backe againe with our ship to the Northeastward of Port famine to a certaine road where we refreshed our selues with muskles and tooke in water wood At this time wee tooke in the Spaniard aforesaid and so sailed forward againe into the Streight Wee passed 7. or 8. times 10. leagues Westward beyond Cape Froward being still encountered with mightie Northwest winds These winds and the current were so vehement against vs that they forced vs backe asmuch in two houres as we were getting vp in 8. houres Thus after wee had spent 6. weekes in the Streight striuing against the furie of the elements and hauing at sundry times partly by casualtie and partly by sicknes lost 38. of our bestmen and 3. anckers and nowe hauing but one ancker left vs and small store of victuals and which was not the least mischiefe diuers of our company raising dangerous mutinies we consulted though some what with the latest for the safegard of our liues to returne while there was some small hope remayning and so set saile out of The Streight homeward about the 14. of Februarie 1590. We returned backe againe by The riuer of Plate and sailing neere the cost of Brasill we met with a Portugal ship of 80. tunnes which rode at an ancker vpon the coast who as soone as she descried vs to chase her incontinently weyed ran her selfe on ground betwene the yland of S. Sebastian and the maine land But we for want of a good boat and by reason of the foule weather were neither able to bord her nor to goe on shore Thence in extreme misery we shaped our course for the yles of Cape Verde and so passing to the yles of The Açores the Canaries being something out of our course the first land that wee mette withall in our Narrow sea was The yle of Alderney And hauing now but sixe men of all our company left aliue the Master and his two mates and chiefe Mariners being dead wee ran in with Monuille de Hage eight miles to the West of Cherbourg in Normandie Where the next day after our comming to an ancker hauing but one in all left being the last of August 1590. by the foule weather that rose the ancker came home and our ship draue on the rocks And the Normaâs which were commanded by the gouernour of Cherbourg who came downe to vs that night to haue layd out another ancker
Sedgewick at Noâogrode Masts of 30. yards An Arshine is 3. quarters of a yard or more A rope house ârâted at Colmogro A tarre house Robert Austen 1558 Lampas a great mate for the Samoeds in the North. What quantitie of âempe workmen will worke in a peere White hawks white beares prohibited without licence Master Grayes iourney to Lampas 1558 Doctor Standish the Emperours Phisition An attempt to hinder our trade to Moscouia by the Hans townes Easterlings 1559 Master Ienkensons voyage intended for Cathay The discouery of its Caspian sea Passage to and from Moscouia by Sweden This was a yong Tartar girle which he gaue to the Queene afterward Tallowe Waxe Traine oyles Sables Woluerings Luserns Lett es Ermines Squirels Flaxe Cables and ropes A proclamion against soârnâ Furres 3000. podes of Tallow a yere 500. Losh hides Note Hope of trade to be found by master Antonie Ienkinson Seale skinnes tawed Small cables best besidible Masts of all sorts to be prepared Astracan no great good marte Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer appointed Agents 1560. Stockholme Iohn Luck taken prisoner in Lieflando The Swallow The Philip and Marie The Iesus Nicholas Chancelour The salt of Russia is not so good as Bay salte Fore skinnes white blacke and russet vendible in England May 5. 1560. Triall by combat or loâ Iune Heilick IslaÌds in 66 degrees 40 minutes Rost Islands Malestrand a strange whirle poole Zenam Island Kettelwike Island Inger sound The North Cape Wardhouse Cattell fed with fish The Monastery of Pechinchow Arzina reca the riuer where sir Hugh Willoughbie was frozen The Lappians couered all sauing their eies The current at Cape Grace The entering of the Bay of S. Nicholas is seuen leagues broad at the least August Pinego riuer The towne of Yemps Vstiug The description of their Nassades Good counsell for trauellers December Presents vsed in Russia are all for the most part of victualâ The citie of Boghar They arriued at Mosco M. Standish doctor of Phisicke Long dinners Ordinance in Russia A yerely triumph The hallowing of the riuer of Mosco The Russes Lent The Emperor leadeth y e Metropolitanâ horse in procession Kissing vsed in the Greeke church With these letters M. Ienkinson tooke his voyage the same Apâil to Boghar The Emperours wardrobe â Or Basilius Note The hospitalitie of their monasteries Want of preachers cause of great ignoâaÌce and idolaâây Al their seruice to in their mother tonguâ The women of Russia paint their faces Bââad made of straw The vnmercifulnesse of the Russeâ toward the poore Stooues ãâã baths vsuall with the Mascouites Reported by Thomas Bulley Cazan The Island of marchants The riuer of Cama Nagay Tartars Hords The Crimme Tartars The riuer of Samar Licoris in great plentie Astracan Store of Sturgions The length of the Island of Astracan They enter into the Caspian sea Baughleata being 74. leagues from Volga Iaic riuer Serachick The Countrie of Colmack The port of Manguslaue They goe on land The countrey of Manguslaue 20. dayes trauaile in the wildernesse with scarcitie of water Another gulfe of the Caspian sea Will de Rubricis describeth this riuer of Ardok cap. 4. Sellizure or Shayzure Letters of safe-conduct Vrgence The countrey of Turkeman The riuer of Ardock falleth into the lake of Kitay The castle of Kait Diutuation by forcerie Handguns very profitable Bussarmans Caphar The riuer of Oxus A wildernes of sande Boghar a citie of Bactria A strange worme in mens legs The coyne of Boghar Marchandise of India Marchandise of Persia. Marchandise of Russia Marchandise of Cathay Taskent Cascar He returneth the eight of March 1552. Vrgence The king of Baâke oâ Balgâ The English flag in the Caspian sea A notable description of the Caspian sea His arriual at Mosco the 2. of September * ârâ Vrgeâââ Angrim Mandeuille speaketh hereof Oââitay Small people Pechora but six dayes iourney by land or water from Ob. Trauelling on dogs harts 1559 The trade to Narue forbidden by the ââ of Poland The ancient couenants of trafficke betweene England Prussia The olde libertie of trafficke The meanes of increase of the power of the Moscouite This letter was also written in Hebrew and Italian The passage of Noua Zembla Waights and drugs deliuered to M. Ienkinson The maine sea within thirtie dayes Eastward of Colmogro 1561 The Queânes letters to the Emperour of Russia Request to passe into Persia thorow Moscouie Osep Napea Ambassadour from the Emperor of Russia to Q. Mary An ambassador of Persia. Astracan M. Ienkinsons voyage to Boghar He passeth the Caspian sea The countreâ of Tumen The Island of Chatalet The land of Shiâuansha Derbent A mighty wall Or Tiphlis Fortie one degrees Shabran Alcan Murcy the gouernour King Obdolowcan The maiesty attire of king Obdolowcan The Queenes letters to the Sophy Casbin Multitude of concubines The description of Hircania Danger by diuersâtie in religion Barbarous crueltie The citie of Arrash or Erex The commodities of thiâ countreâ The strong castle of Gullistone defaced The towne of Yauate The city of Ardouil The city Tebâiâ or Tauris M. Ienkinsons arriuall at the Sophies court 2. Nouember 1562. The Turkes Ambassadour to the Sophy The Turkes merchauntâ withstand M. Ienkinson Shaw Thomas the Sophies name The Queeneâ letters deliuered The Sophies questions The curtesâe of Shally Murzey Warres intended against the Portingalsâ The king of Hircans sâcond letters in M. Ienkinsonâ behalfe Conference with Indian Merchants M. Ienkinsons returne Priuiledges obtained of Obdolowcan which are hereafter annexed An Armenian sent to M. Ienkinson from the king of Georgia Teneruk king of Chircassi The description of Persia. The chiefe Cities of Persia. The difference of religion The 30. of May 1563. New priuileges obtained hereafter following 28. Sâptemb 1564. A rubble is a marke English Casbin Leuuacta A Boserman to a Renegado Thomas Alcocke slaine in the way betweene Leuuacta and Shammaki Keselbash or Ieselbash Gillan in Persia 1565. Ieraslaue a towne vpon the riuer of Volga Richard Iohnson chiefe of the third voyage into Persia. A barke of 30. tunnes made at Ieraslaue 1564. to passe the Caspian seas 1566 They departed from Astracan the 30. of Iuly 1565. September Presents to the king Obdolowcan A hoâse giuen our men in Shamaki by the king The death of Abdollocan the 2. of October 1565. Mursay the new king of Media The death of Alexander Kitchin the 23. of October 1565. The Caspiaâ sea very shoald in diuers places The murthering of Thomas Alcock Cozamomet a noble man that fauoured our nation The value of a tumen What a batman is Varas a great mart for silke Gilan 7. dayes sailing from Astracanâ Alom Gilan 4. dayes iourney from Casbin From Casbin to Ormus a moneths trauel with camels The secret doings of the Moscouie company Orient reds of Venice die A shaugh is 6. d. English His arriual at Casbin the 25. of May. Conference demands of the Shaugh All sorts of cloth to be sent specially Westerne
with certeine agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage 179. 50 A new concord betweene king Henry the fourth and Vlricus de Iungingen 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth graunted in the fifth yeere of his raigne vnto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway Sweueland Denmarke and Finmarke 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. yeere of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruatiua Maris Or The pollicy of keeping the Sea 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth in the second yere of his raigne to the English merchants residing in the Netherland 208. 57 A perswasion of Robert Thorne merchant of Bristol and dwelling long in Siuil in Spaine to king Henry the eight of noble memory to set out and further Discoueries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorne written to Doctour Leigh the Kings Ambassadour in Spaine touching that matter 214. 59 A briefe treatise of the Emperour of Moscouia his genealogie 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot giuen to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleete in their voyage intended for Cathay 226. 61 The names of the twelue Counsellers appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt written at that time to all the Kings Princes and other Potentates of the Northeast 230. 63 The names of the Ships Captains Mariners and other officers of that first worthy enterprise 232. 64 The othe ministred to the Captaine of the Fleete 233. 65 The othe ministred to the Masters of the ships 234. 66 A testimonie of Richard Eden concerning Clement Adams his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage 242. 67 The letters of the Emperour of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt by Richard Chanceller 255. 68 The coynes waights and measures vsed in Russia 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queene Mary to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperor of Russia 258. 70 The Commission giuen to the merchants Agents resiant in Russia 259. 71 The othe ministred to the seruants of the Moscouie company 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fiâst Agent in Russia written to the Company 263. 73 The first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscouie company granted by Queene Mary 267. 75 Instructions giuen to the Pursers of the Moscouie voyage 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard Iohnson concerning the Samoeds 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassadour froÌ the Emperour of Russia 285. 78 Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscouie Company sayling towards the Bay of S. Nicolas Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscouie merchants vnto their Agents George Killingworth Richard Gray and Henry Lane in Russia 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscouie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie Company to M. Henây Lane at Mosco 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Poland 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda 305. 84 A letter of the Moscouie Company to their Agents in Russia M. Henry Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to S. Nicolas 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties 308. 86 The maner of Iustice by lotts in Russia written by M. Henry Lane 309. 87 The description of Russia with the customes and maners of the inhabitants 315. 88 Notes and obseruations gathered by Richard Iohnson of the seuerall wayes from Russia to Cathay ouer-land 335. 89 A letter of Sigismund king of Polonia 1559. vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 337. 90 The letters of the Queenes Maiestie written to the Emperour of Russia requesting licence and safe-conduct for Anthonie Ienkinson to passe through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the great Sophie of Persia sent by M. Anth. Ienkinson 340. 92 Instructions giuen by the Gouernours and Assistants of the Moscouie Company vnto M. Anthonie Ienkinâon 341. 93 The priuileges giuen by Obdoloucan K. of Hircania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 352. 94 Certaine letters of Arthur Edwards written out of Russia Media and Persia to the Company of the Moscouie merchants in London 354,355,358,361 95 The distance of diuers places in Russia 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea 364. 97 An Acte for the corporation of merchants Aduenâurers for the discouering of newe tradesâ made in the eighth yeere of the Queenes Maiestie 369. 98 The priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first Ambassage from the Ruâsian Emperour to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth 374. 100 A letter of her Maiestie sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella Messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their master 375. 101 The Ambassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquier from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 376. 102 The priuileges graunted to the English merchants at M. Randolfe his sute 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discouery to the Northeast by sea 382. 104 Instructions giuen to the discouerers for that action 383. 105 Certaine letters in verse written out of Moscouia by M. George Turberuile Secretary to M. Randolfe touching the state of the Countrey and maners of the people 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Obseruations of the Sophy of Persia and of the Religion of the Persians 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar 402. 109 The Ambassage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia Anno 1571. 402. 110 A briefe rehearsall of all the trauailes of M. Anthony Ienkinson 411. 111 A letter of Iames Alday to M. Michael Locke Agent in London for the Moscouie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the killing of
and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâque suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâlia sâ primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâes of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâdamages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌcel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
commandement to handle discusse and finally to determine the foresaid busines and with letters of credence vnto the right reuerend lord and master generall aforesayd Which ambassadours together with Iohn Beuis of London their informer and the letters aforesaid and their ambassage the said right reuerend lord and Master generall at his castle of Marienburgh the 28. of Iuly in the yeare aforesaid reuerently and honourably receiued and enterteined and in his minde esteemed them worthy to treate and decide the causes aforesayd and so vnto the sayd ambassadouurs he ioyned in commission on his behalfe three of his owne counsellers namely the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Seiffridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary and commander in Elburg Wolricus Hachenberger treasurer being all of the order aforesaid Which ambassadors so entreating about the premisses and sundry conferences and consultations hauing passed between them friendly and with one consent concluded an agreement and concord in manner following That is to say First that all arrestments reprisals and impignorations of whatsoeuer goods and marchandises in England and Prussia made before the date of these presents are from henceforth quiet free and released without all fraud and dissimulation insomuch that the damages charges and expenses occasioned on both parts by reason of the foresayd goods arrested are in no case hereafter to be required or chalenged by any man but the demaunds of any man whatsoeuer propounded in this regard are and ought to be altogether frustrate and voide and all actions which may or shall be commenced by occasion of the sayd goods arrested are to be extinct and of none effect Moreouer it is secondly concluded and agreed that all and singuler Prussians pretending themselues to be iniuried by the English at the Porte of Swen or elsewhere howsoeuer and whensoeuer before the date of these presents hauing receiued the letters of the foresaide right reuerende lord and Master generall and of the cities of their abode are to repayre towards England vnto the sayd hon embassadours who are to assist them and to propound and exhibite their complaintes vnto the forenamed lord and king The most gracious prince is bounde to doe his indeuor that the parties damnified may haue restitution of their goods made vnto them or at least complete iustice and iudgement without delay Also in like maner all English men affirming themselues to haue bene endamaged by Prussians wheresoeuer howsoeuer and whensoeuer are to haue recourse vnto the often forenamed right reuerend lorde the Master generall with the letters of their king and of the cities of their aboad propounding their complaints and causes vnto him Who likewise is bound to doe his indeuour that the sayd losses and damages may be restored or at the least that speedie iudgement may be without all delayes executed This caueat being premised in each clause that it may and shall be freely granted and permitted vnto euery man that will ciuilly make his suite and complaint to doe it either by himselfe or by his procurator or procurators Also thirdly it is agreed that whosoeuer of Prussia is determined criminally to propound his criminal complaints in England namely that his brother or kinseman hath beene slaine wounded or maimed by English men the same partie is to repayre vnto the citie of London in England and vnto the sayd ambassadors bringing with him the letters of the sayd right reuerend lord the master generall and of the cities of their abode which ambassadors are to haue free and full authority according to the complaints of the men of Prussia and the answers of the English men to make and ordaine a friendly reconciliation or honest recompence betweene such parties which reconciliation the sayd parties reconciled are bound vndoubtedly without delay to obserue But if there be any English man found who shall rashly contradict or contâmne the composition of the foresayd ambassadors then the sayd ambassadours are to bring the forenamed Prussian plaintifes before the presence of the kings Maiestie and also to make supplication on the behalfe of such plaintifes that complete iustice and iudgment may without delayes bee administred according as those suites are commenced Moreouer whatsoeuer English man against whom anie one of Prussia would enter his action shall absent himselfe at the terme the sayd ambassadours are to summon and ascite the foresayd English man to appeare at the terme next insuing that the plaintifes of Prussia may in no wise seeme to depart or to returne home without iudgâment or the assistance of lawe Nowe if the sayd English man being summoned shall be found stubborne or disobedient the forenamed ambassadours are to make their appeale and supplication in manner aforesayd And in like sorte in all respects shall the English plaintifes be dealt withall in Prussia namely in the citie of Daâtzik where the deputies of the sayd citie and of the citie of Elburg shal take vnto themselues two other head boroughs one of Dantzik and the other of Elburg which foure commissioners are to haue in al respects the very like authority of deciding discussing and determining all criminall complaints propounded criminally by English men against any Prussian or Prussians by friendly reconciliation or honest recompense if it be possible But if it cannot friendly be determined or if anie Prussian shall not yeeld obedience vnto any such order or composition but shal be found to contradict and to contemne the same from thenceforth the said foure deputies and headboroughs are to make their appeale and supplication vnto the Master generall of the land aforesayd that vnto the sayd English plaintifes speedy iudgement and complete iustice may be administred But if it shall so fall out that any of the principall offenders shall decease or already are deceased in either of the sayd countries that then it shall bee free and lawfull for the plaintife to prosecute his right against the goods or heires of the party deceased Also for the executing of the premisses the termes vnder written are appointed namely the first from the Sunday whereupon Quasi modo geniti is to be sung next ensuing vntill the seuenth day following The second vpon the feast oâ the holy Trinitie next to come and for seuen dayes following The third vpon the eight day after Saint Iohn Baptist next to come for seuen daies following The fourth last and peremptory terme shall be vpon the feast of S. Michael next to come and vpon seuen dayes next following And from thenceforth all causes which concerne death or the mayming of a member with all actions proceeding from them are to remaine altogether voide and extinct And if peraduenture any one of the foresayd ambassadours shall in the meane season dye then the other two shall haue authoritie to chuse a third vnto them And if after the date of these presents any cause great or small doth arise or spring foorth it must bee decided in England and in Prussia as it hath
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâsayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâd execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌd lord the Master general appointed as coÌmissioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâition expressed conditionaly thaâ our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâiation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
and messengers haue put to their seales Giuen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being in this behalfe sufficiently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours procurators messengers and commissioners by our said soueraigne lord the king namely in regard of the molestations iniuries and damages vniustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and Lord of Ireland by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten their common couÌsel being assembled for the same purpose authorized also and as well closely as expresly maintained and ratified by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans doe in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland being appointed for the very same occasion demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok and sufficiently ordeined by authority requisite in this behalfe to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities that conuenient iust and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties who are specified in the articles vnder written Imprimis that about the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren Godekin Michael Clays Sheld Hans Howfoote Peter Hawfoote Clays Boniface Rainbek and many others with them of Wismer and of Rostok being of the societie of the Hans tooke by maine force a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton Robert Gabiford Iohn Paulin and Thomas de Chester which ship together with the furnâture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds also the woollen cloth the red wine the golde and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide and there they imprisoned the sayde parties taken and to their vtter vndoing detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods anyâ marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia beeing then valued at 160. nobles Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule Clays Scheld Godekin Mighel and one called Strotbeker by force of armes and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok and others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway wickedly and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie fiue pieces of ware foure hundred of werke and halfe a last of osmundes and other goods to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe Hans van Gelder and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Terry of Hul called the Cogge with thirtie wollen broad clothes and a thousand narrow clothes to the value of 200. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe Wilmer Hans van Gelder Clays Scheld Euerade Pilgrimson and diuers others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie with diuers goods and marchandizes namely oyle waxe and werke to the value of 300. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans their confederates wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound marâhant of Hull two cakes of waxe to the value of 18. poundes out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel Clays Scheld Storbiker and diuers others of Wismer and Rostok and of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing the master whereof was called Henry Puys of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman Iohn Topeliffe aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke namely in werke waxe osmunds and bowstaues to the value of 1060. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland the master whereof was called Hinkensman 140. woollen clothes the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles from Thomas Thester of Yorke and a chest with armour siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas to the value of 9. pounds Item in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok and others their complices of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth greene cloth meale and fishes to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings besides 32. pounds in the sea called Northsound Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September one Godekin Wisle and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia wherof the master was named Rorebek from Iohn Seburgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. markes from Stephan Flispe and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth to the value of 60. pounds from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks from William Munde marchant of the same town two fardels of woollen cloth worth 40 li from Iohn Dawe and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne three packs of woollen cloth worth 200. marks Moreouer they tooke and imprisoned certaine English men which were in the said ship namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight which Thomas paid for this ransome 20. nobles of English money William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide which William by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment lost the sight of his eyes and Thomas Cornwaile marchant of the foresaide Towne which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok vpon the coastes of Denmarke and Norway
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâeing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâuagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâzius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by âorce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thârwith as them listed to the great impâuerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâaw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâes of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâds Sconâland whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainââ that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâh of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
subtile and false nor to be drawen into perill of losse for the desire of golde siluer or riches and esteeme your owne commodities aboue al other and in countenance shew not much to desire the forren commodities neuerthelesse take them as for friendship or by way of permutation 26 Item euery nation and region is to be considered aduisedly not to prouoke them by any disdaine laughing contempt or such like but to vse them with prudent circumspection withal gentlenes and curtesie and not to tary long in one place vntill you shall haue attained the most worthy place y t may be found in such sort as you may returne w t victuals sufficientâ prosperously 27 Item the names of the people of euery Island are to be taken in writing with the commodities and in commodities of the same their natures qualities and dispositions the site of the same and what things they are most desirous of what commodities they wil most willingly depart with what mettals they haue in hils mountaines streames or riuers in or vnder the earth 28 Item if people shal appeare gathering of stones gold mettall or other like on the sand your pinnesses may drawe nigh marking what things they gather vsing or playing vpon the drumme or such other instruments as may allure them to harkening to fantasie or desire to see and heare your instruments and voyces but keepe you out of danger and shewe to them no poynt or signe of rigour and hostilitie 29 Item if you shall be inuited into any Lords or Rulers house to dinner or other parliance goe in such order of strength that you may be stronger then they and be warie of woods and ambushes and that your weapons be not out of your possessions 30 Item if you shall see them weare Lyons or Beares skinnes hauing long bowes and arrowes be not afraid of that sight for such be worne oftentimes more to feare strangers then for any other cause 31 Item there are people that can swimme in the sea hauens riuers naked hauing bowes and shafts coueting to draw nigh your ships which if they shal finde not wel watched or warded they wil assault desirous of the bodies of men which they couet for meate if you resist them they diue and so will flee and therefore diligent watch is to be kept both day night in some Islands 32 Item if occasion shal serue that you may giue aduertisements of your proceedings in such things as may correspond to the expectation of the company and likelihood of successe in the voyage passing such dangers of the seas perils of ice intollerable coldes and other impediments which by sundry authors writers haue ministred matter of suspition in some heads that this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the North pole lacke of passage such like which haue caused wauering minds and doubtful heads not onely to withdraw themselues from the aduenture of this voyage but also disswaded others from the same the certaintie wherof when you shall haue tried by experience most certaine Master of all worldly knowledge then for declaration of the trueth which you shall haue experâed you may by common assent of counsell sende either by land or otherwaies such two or one peâson to bring the same by credite as you shal think may passe in safetie which sending is not to be done but vpon vrgent causes in likely successe of the voyage in finding of passage in towardlines of beneficiall traffike or such other like whereby the company being aduertised of your estates and proceedings may further prouide foresee and determine that which may seeme most good and beneficiall for the publike wealth of the same either prouiding before hand such things as shall bee requisite for the continuance of the voyage or else otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serue in which things your wisedomes and discretious are to be vsed and shewed and the contents of this capitule by you much to be pondred for that you be not ignorant how many persons as well the kings Maiestie the Lords of his honorable Counsel this whole companie as also your wiues children kinsfolkes allies friends and familiars be replenâshed in their hearts with ardent desire to learne and know your estates conditions and welfares and in what likelihood you be in to obtain this notable enterprise which is hoped no lesse to succeed to you then the Orient or Occident Indias haue to the high benefite of the Emperour and kings of Portingal whose subiects industries and trauailes by sea haue inriched them by those lands and Islands which were to all Cosmographers and other writers both vnknowne and also by apparances of reason voide of experience thought and reputed vnhabitable for extremities of heates and colds and yet indéed tried most rich peopled temperate and so commodious as all Europe hath not the like 33 Item no conspiracies parttakings factions false tales vntrue reports which be the very seedes and fruits of contention discord confusion by euill tongues to be suffered but the same all other vngodlines to be chastened charitably with brotherly loue and alwaies obedience to be vsed and practised by al persons in their degrees not only for duetie and conscience sake towards God vnder whose mercifull hand nauigants aboue all other creatures naturally bee most nigh and vicine but also for prudent and worldly pollicie and publike weale considering and alwaies hauing present in your mindes that you be all one most royall kings subiects and naturals with daily remembrance of the great importance of the voyage the honour glorie praise and benefite that depend of and vpon the same toward the common wealth of this noble Realme the aduancement of you the trauailers therein your wiues and children and so to endeuour your selues as that you may satisfie the expectation of them who at their great costs charges and expenses haue so furnished you in good sort and plentie of all necessaries as the like was neuer in any realme seene vsed or knowen requisite and needful for such an exploit which is most likely to be atchieued and brought to good effect if euery person in his vocation shall endeuour himselfe according to his charge and most bounden duetie praying the liuing God to giue you his grace to accomplish your charge to his glorie whose merciful hand shal prosper your voyage and preserue you from all dangers In witnes whereof I Sebastian Gabota Gouernour aforesaide to these present ordinances haue subscribed my name and put my seale the day and yeere aboue written The names of the twelue Counsellors appointed in this voyage 1 SIr Hugh Willoughby Knight Captaine generall 2 Richard Chancelour Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture and Pilot generall of the fleete 3 George Burton Cape marchant 4 Master Richard Stafford Minister 5 Thomas Langlie Marchant 6 Iames Dalabere Gentleman 7 William Gefferson Master of the Bona Speranza Admirall 8 Stephen Burrough Master of the Edward Bonauenture 9 Gornelius
Duâfurth Master of the Considentia 10 Roger Wilson Masters mates 11 Iohn Buckland Masters mates 12 Richard Ingram Masters mates Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex misit ad Principes Septentrionalem ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta mare glaciale nec non Indiam Orientalem Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo vltimo EDuardus sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex c. Omnibus Regibus principibus ac dominis cunctis Iudicibus terrae Ducibus eius quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo Pax tranquillitas honor vobis terris regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent cuique vestrum quemadmodum conuenit ei Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alijâ viuentibus cor desiderium tale vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire amare vicissim amari beneficijs afficere mutua accipere beneficia studeat ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere consetuare conuenit in illis autem maximè qui hoc desiderio adducti à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt Insuper etiam ad hoc nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant qui semper humanissimè susceperunt benignissimè tractauerunt illos qui tum à locis propinquis tââââà remotis cosamicè adibant eorum se protectioni commendantes Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt mare circumlustrantes aridam vt res bonas vtiles que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur ad remotissimas regiones regna adferant atque inde vicissim referant quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint vt populi ad quos eunt non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant Nam Deus coeli terrae humano generi maximè consulens noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueniâentur quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt vt inter nostros illos populos viam mercibus inferendis efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus Qui petitioni illorum annuentes concessimus viro honorabili forti Hugoni Wilibâo alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis charis vt pro sua voluntate in regiones eis priùs incognitas eant quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent Atque ita illis nobis commodum inde accedat sitque amicitia perpetua foedus indissolubile inter illos nos dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus superabundant in regnis suis nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res quibus destituuntur Rogamus itaque vos Reges Principes omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra vt viris istis nostris transitum permittatis per regiones vestras Non enâm tangent quicquam âx rebus vestris inuitis vobis Cogitate quòd homines ipsi sunt Et si qua re caruerint oramus pro vestra beneficentia eam vos illis tribuatis accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis Ita vos gerite erga cos quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos subditi nostri nos gereremus erga seruos vestros si quando transierint per regiones nostras Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo terra mari continentur perque vitam nostram tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint Atque à nobis subditis nostris ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur vt rependamus vobis benignitatem quam nostris exhibueritis Postquam vos Reges Principes c. rogauimus vt humanitate beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur pacem quae nullam habeat finem Scriptum Londini quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri Anno 5515. à creato mundo mense Iiar 14. die mensis anno septimo regni nostri The copie of the letters missiue which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings Princes and other Potentates inhabiting the Northeast partes of the worlde toward the mighty Empire of Cathay at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and Richard Chancelor with their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigneâ EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland c. To all Kings Princes Rulers Iudges and Gouernours of the earth and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same in all places vnder the vniuersall heauen peaceâ tranquillitie and honour be vnto you and your lands and regions which are vnder your dominions and to euery of you as is conuenient Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde aboue all other liuing creatures such an heart and desire that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other to loue and be loued also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites it is therefore the duety of all men according to their power to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man with well deseruing to all men and especially to shew this good affection to such as being moued with this desire come vnto them from farre countreis For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them Furthermore also the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them aswell from Countries neare hand as farre remote commending themselues to their protection And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants who wandering about the world search both the land and the sea to carry
riuer found about the mouth of S. Nicholas Bay that hath thirteen foot vpon the barre at a lowe water and is as neere Colmogro as S. Nicholas which will bee a great pleasure vnto vs. We will that Steuen Burrowe doe proceed on his voiage to discouer Also we haue sent you one Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman a man well trauelled whom we mind to vse in further trauelling according to a Commission deliuered him subscribed by master Anthonie Huse and others Wherefore we will you deliuer him one or more of such painfull young men as he shal thinke meetest for his purpose and likewise such money and wares as he shal think best to take with him He must haue fourty pounds a yeere for foure yeeres to be paid him by the halfe yeere or as he wil demaund it of you so let him haue it from Easter last Also the prices of wares here at this present are bale fâaxe twenty pound the packe and better towe flaxe twentie eight pound the hundred traine oyle at nine pound the tunne waxe at foure pound the hundred tallow at sixteene shillings the hundred cables and ropes very deare as yet there are no shippes come out of Danske Kept vntill the tenth day of this present As this day came the goods out of Scotland that were recouered out of the Edward Bonauenture and nowe we doe perceiue that the caske that the trayne oyle came in is verie good and much better then ours Therefore our minde is that you shall lade it all in such barrels of the bigger sort as you laded in the Edward and no long barrels nor small And that caske that wee haue sent may serue for the Tallowe or anie other ware that is not leakage Neuerthelesse this voyage you must take such as you can get Also if the Emperour bee minded to deliuer you any summe of money or good Waxe at as reasonable a price as you may buye for readie money wee will that you shall take it and lade it for our accomptes and to come at our aduenture and hee to bee payed at the returne of the shippes in Ueluets Sattens or any other kinde of silke or cloth of golde cloth of tissue or according as his Commission shall bee that hee shall sende vs in the shippes and according to such paternes as hee shall send Wee doe not finde the Ambassadour nowe at the laât so conformable to reason as wee had thought wee shoulde Hee is very mistrustfull and thinketh euerie man will beguile him Therefore you had neede to take heede howe you haue to doe with him or with any such and to make your bargaines plaine and to set them downe in writing For they bee subtill people and doe not alwaies speake the trueth and thinke other men to bee like themselues Therefore we would haue none of them to send any goods in our shippes at any time nor none to come for passengers vnlesse the Emperour doe make a bargaine with you as is aforesaid for his owne person Also we charge you not to suffer any of our nation to send any wares to their wiues or friends in any of our ships but to take their money there to be paied heere by the companie and not otherwise and to haue consideration how you doe take the roble For although we doe rate it after sixteene shillings eight pence of our money yet it is not worth past 12. or 13. shillings sterling Moreouer you had neede to sende newe accomptes for them that came in the Edward bee marred and torne so that we can make no reckoning by them and likewise to write vs a perfect note of all the goodes which you receiued the last voyage out of the Edward and heerein not to faile Andrew Iudde George Barne Anthonie Huse William Garrard William Chester A Letter of Master Thomas Hawtrey to the worshipfull Master Henrie Lane Agent at Colmogro written in Vologda the 31. of Ianuarie 1557. VVOrshipfull Sir heartie commendations premised These may bee to aduertise you that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert Best and brought with him two hundred robles that is one hundred for this place and one hundred for you at Colmogro As for hempe which is here at two robles and a halfe the bercouite master Gray hath written to buy no more at that price for Iohn Sedgewicke hath bought for sixe or seuen hundred robles worth at Nouogrode for one roble and a halfe the bercouite and better cheape and white Nouogrode flaxe is there at three robles the bercouite I trust hee will doe much good by his going thither As I doe vnderstand Richard Iohnson is gone to Nouogrode with money to him I doubt not but Master Gray hath aduertised you of all their doings both at the Mosco and at Nouogrod And touching our doings heere you shall perceiue that wee haue solde wares of this fourth voyage for one hundred and fourtie robles besides fiftie robles of the second and third voyage since the giuing vp of my last account and for wares of the Countrey you shall vnderstand that I haue bought tried and vntried for 77. robles foure hundred podes of tried tallowe besides foure hundred podes that I haue giuen out money for whereof God graunt good receipt when the time commeth which is in Lent And in browne flaxe and hempe I haue bought seuenteene bercouites sixe podes and sixteene pound which cost 28. robles eleuen altines two pence And as for other kindes of wares I haue bought none as yet And for mastes to bee prouided you shall vnderstand that I wrote a letter to Totma the 28. of this present for fiftie mastes to wit for 25. of fifteene fathoms and 25. of foureteene fathoms to be an arshine and a halfe at the small ende And more I haue written for 30. great trees to be two arshines and a halfe at the small end and for the other that were prouided the last yeere I trust they shall be sent downe in the spring of the yeere And as concerning the Ropemakers you shall vnderstand that their abiding place shall bee with you at Colmogro as I doe thinke Master Gray hath aduertised you For as Roger Bontinge Master of the woorkes doeth say there is no place more meete for their purpose then with you and there it will be made with lesser cost considering that the pale is the one halfe of it which is to set one pale more to that and so for to couer it ouer which as they say will be but little cost They doe pray that it may bee made sixeteene foote broade and one hundred and eightie fathoms long and that in the midde way twentie foote from the pale towarde the water side there may be a house made to tarre in standing alone by it selfe for danger of fire The Tarre house that they woulde haue made is to bee fifteene fathoms long and ten fathoms broade and they would that house should be made first for I
thinke they will not tarre before they come there And farther they desire that you will prouide for as much tarre as you may for heere wee haue small store but when the time commeth that it shoulde be made I will prouide as much as I can here that it may bee sent downe when the Nasade commeth The stuffe that they haue readie spunne is about fiue thousand waight and they say that they trust to haue by that time they come downe yarne ynough to make 20. cables As concerning a copie of the Alphabet in ciphers Master Gray hath written hither that Robert Austen had one which he willed that he shoulde deliuer to you Thus I surcease beseeching God to preserue you in health and to send you your hearts desire By yours to command to his power Thomas Hawtrey A Letter of Master Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie companie to Master Henrie Lane at Mosco written in Colmogro the 19. of Februarie 1558. VVOrshipfull Sir after heartie commendations c. You shall vnderstand that this Lent commeth to Lampas such a number of men of diuers nations with wares as hath not bene seene these ten yeeres Thither come many out of Vgori therefore I would haue bene there my selfe and also haue receiued such money as is owing vs in wares by Kerill his brother and Osep Boscouo For as you well know thence they will goe with their wares to the Mosco and make vs payment with delayes as they haue done these other yeeres past Colobone and his partner be departed towards Lampas with seuen âleddes laden with victuals Others also are gone to that Mart. As touching the bringing of money with you it will bee good for I assure you since our comming to this countrey haue not so many persons gone to the Sea as will doe this yeere Trusting that God will sând good store of traine oyle I will cause as much caske to bee in a readinesse as I can if you shall thinke it meete to send some money before All our olde hempe is spunne and wrought in tenne cables from fifteene ynches to ten the least and thirteene Hausers from sixe ynches to three ynches and all may weigh whiâe eight and twenty thousande pounde weight and vpwarde There is in hempe ockam fiue thonsand pound two hundred weight in twelue sackes at the least the flaxe that came downe in the Nassadaes with those seuen podes that came last is all spunne with a good part of that hempe that came last God send more shortly for all that is here and that is comming in the three other sleddes will bee dispatched by the fourth weeke in Lent Within these few dayes I bought thirteen podes seuen pound of hempe that cost two robles twenty eight alânes foure pence which together with that that was bought before shall bee laide in dipping and sounding lines for it is very good There are spent aboue fiftie barrels of tarre alreadie you shall vnderstand that these eight workemen will spinne and lay aboue fourescore and tenne thousand pound of hempe so it bee dressed readie to their hands hauing two to turne the wheeles and two to winde vp Therefore I haue agreed with these two boyes to serue the worshipfull companie foure yeeres a piece One of them windeth vp and is very apt to spinne therefore I will haue two other young men Russes to spinne if they can finde good sureties for their trueth I haue bene in hand with these two yong men that came out of the Trinitie and they with me but vnder seuen pound a yeere they will not serue nor Thomas Bunting that was Roger Bunting his seruant Therefore I would haue three Russes at the least to spinne fiue of them will be as good as these three and will not be so chargeable all as one of these would be I thinke it were good that our Nassada were somewhat strengthened in her floore on both sides with plankes of fiue or sixe ynches thicke from the stemme to the sterne as I haue written to Thomas Hawtrey at Vologda Also if you shall so thinke meet your waxe and tallowe shall bee laden in two Dosnickes for they bee meete to goe aboord the shippes I doe intend to set vp an house at Boroseua ouer against the place whereas the shippes shall ride your aduise therein I expect it shall not cost aboue three robles and yet if we will there shall be two warme roomes in it As for other matter at this present I haue not to trouble you withall and if it would please you I would be glad to heare some good newes of Master Ienkinson Thus Iesus be with you and be his guide Postscriptum As for these our Hawkes they bee not white but white and mayled but indeede are Iarfawkons These dayes past our Olen died So this yeere our Masters of the companie are like to haue none nor any white beares Neither may any passe out of the realme without a special licence from the Emperour I intend God willing to goe to Lampas if I doe I will take foure or fiue kerseys with me but as for money there is small store here to carte Yours Richard Gray A Letter of Thomas Alcocke to the worshipfull Richard Gray and Henrie Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Polonia written in Tirwill the 26. of Aprill 1558. MY duety premised vnto your worships with coÌmendations c. It may please you to be aduertised y t my last I sent froÌ SmoleÌsco which I trust you haue receiued w t other letters to diuers of our English men wherein I certified you of my long retayning there as also of my departure from thence and howe that I had hired a Totar to bring mee to Danske We came to a certaine village on Satterday the sixe and twentieth of Februarie and there remained that night and Sunday to refresh our horses intending to haue gone away on Munday earâly But on Saterday at night one of his neighbours departed to Tirwill and there declared to the Captaine howe that at such a place there was a Dutch man that was come from the Mosco and woulde ride to Danske saying for the one I cannot tell what he is The Captaine incontinent ridde to the King to shewe him thereof so that without any delay there was sent out for mee one of the Gentlemen of the Kings house and one of the Mesnickes of the Towne with sixe Officers to take mee They came thither in the night about midnight and there apprehended mee and tooke all that I had from me they lefâ mee nothing but my clothes to put on my backe and so brought mee to Tirwill to the Captaines house where before I dyned I had a payre of fetters clapped on my legges wherewithall I sate vntill it was Munday in the Easterwâeke On which day after long and earnest calling to the Captaine as hee ridde by the windowe hee commaunded the Marshall that mine yrons
are a man able to serue their worships in greater affaires then they haue heere to doe so farre as I perceiue As touching the Companies affaires heere I referre you to Christopher Hudsons letters for that I am but newly arriued Hauing here but litle businesse to doe I send you Richard Iohnson to helpe you there in your affaires Thus giuing you most heartie thanks for my wench Aura Soltana I commend you to the tuition of God who send you health with hearts desire Your assured to command Anthonie Ienkinson A Letter of the Moscouie companie to their Agents in Russia Master Henrie Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to Saint Nicholas with three ships the Swallowe the Philip and Marie and the Iesus the fifth of May 1560. AFter our heartie commendations to you The twelfth day of the last moneth here arriued in safety thanks be to God our two ships by them we receiued your letters inuoices very well perceiuing what you haue laden in them The tallowe came euill conditioned and broken by reason it came in Corrobias wee lose and spoyle more then the Caske will cost and much of this tallowe is verie euill blacke soft and putrified Touching the Waxe as yet wee knowe not howe the weight will rise by reason that some of it was lost in the barkes The weight of the last yeeres waxe did not rise so well as the other yeeres before it did There had neede good heede to bee taken in the weighing Also much of this Waxe had a great foote and is not so faire waxe as in times past wee haue had You must cause the foote to bee taken off before you doe weigh it or else you must seeke to haue a good allowance for it The traine Oyles which you laded this yeere came well conditioned and the caske was good and of a good sise But if they were made a little bigger it were the better for they be not hogshâads You haue written to vs to send you caske which is not heere to be had ueither doe wee thinke it so best if it were heere considering it must goe either shaken and bounde vp or else emptie which will bee pesterable and likewise will shrinke and drie and not be fitte to lade oyles in Therefore our minde is you shall cause so much caske to bee made there of the sise of hogsheads as will serue both for your oyles and tallowe and let them be well trimmed with pitch on the heads and seames and stand full of water three or foure dayes before you put Oyles in them Your Cowper may bee ouerseer to them that make them that they be well hooped and cleere tymber without knottes the woorst caske you may put the tallowe in Hee that seeth the filling of the oyles had neede to looke well to it for there was much water in this that came nowe Wee perceiue you haue bought and haue in a readinesse one hundred and fourtie tunnes of oyles and that if neede be you may haue more store Wherefore we doe minde to send you shipping for three hundred tunnes and vpwards because we would haue this next Sommer as great a returne as you can of the commodities of that Countrey as also such of our wares as you haue that are not vendible or will not be solde or bartered because we would haue a ful knowledge and state of our accounts The Sables which you sent this yeere be very base among them all we could not make one principall timber we haue alwayes written vnto you to send them that bee good or else none The Woluerings were indifferent and some of the wolues the rest verie base the Lusernes but meane the Lettes not so large skinnes as we haue had the best is they were of a new death As for the Ermines they cost more there with you then we can sell them for here Therefore buy no more of them nor of Squirels for wee lost the one halfe in the other The wares that we would haue you prouide against the comming of the shippes are Waxe Tallowe trayne Oyles Flaxe Cables and Ropes and Furres such as we haue written to you for in our last letters by the shippes and from hencefoorth not to make any great prouision of any rich Furres except principall Sables Lettes for now there is a Proclamation made that no furres shall be worne here but such as the like is growing here within this our Realme Also we perceiue that there might be a great deale of tallowe more prouided in a yeere then you send Therefore our minde is you should enlarge somewhat more in the price and to send vs if you can three thousand podes a yeere for we doe most good in it And likewise the Russes if you would giue them a reasonable price for their waxes woulde be the willinger to buy and sell with you and not to carie so much to Nouogrode as they doe but woulde rather bring it to Vologda to you both Waxe Tallowe Flaxe Hempe and all kinde of other wares fitte for our Countrey Our minde is you should prouide for the next ships fiue hundred Losh hides of them that be large and faire and thickest in hand and to be circumspect in the choosing that you buy them that bee killed in season and well dryed and whole If they bee good we may sell them here for sixteene shillings and better the piece wee would haue the whole skinnes that is the necke and legges withall for these that you sent now lacke their neckes and legges Neuerthelesse for this time you must sende them as you may get them if you coulde finde the meanes that the haire might bee clipped off them they woulde not take so much roome in the shippes as they doe We perceiue by your letters that the prices of Waxe doe rise there with you by reason that the Poles and Lifelanders doe trade into Russia by licence which if there shoulde bee peace betweene them woulde bee an occasion that all other commodities in Russia woulde rise to a bigger price and not bee sufficient to serue them and vs too and likewise woulde bring downe there the prices of our commodities Therefore we thinke it good you shoulde make a supplication to the Emperour in the name of The Companie to returne the trade from Rye and Reuel to vs especially for such wares as wee doe buy promising that wee will bee bounde to take them at a reasonable price as wee haue bought them in times past and likewise that wee will bring to them such wares of ours as are thought fitte for the Countrey and to sell them at such reasonable prices as wee haue done If this shoulde not come to passe wee might be out of hope of doing any good by the trade there but that we haue a further hope of some good trade to be found out by Master Antonie Ienkinson by
beene or what he had done he could not tell Also he wrote that one Iohn Lucke a Ioyner was taken by the Liefelanders and put in prison As yet wee haue not heard from the sayd Iohn Lucke nor know not whether he be released out of prison or not We suppose that by him you wrote some letter which as yet is not come to our hands so that we thinke hâe is yet in prison or otherwise dispatched out of the way The fifteenth day of December wee receiued a letter from Christopher Hodson dated in the Mosco the 29 of Iuly by the way of Danske which is in effect a copie of such another receiued from him in our shippes You shal vnderstand that we haue laden in three good shippes of ours these kind of wares following to wit in the Swallowe of London Master vnder God Steuen Burrow 34 fardels N o 136 broad short clothes and foure fardels N o 58 Hampshire Kersies and 23 pipes of bastards and seckes and 263 pieces of raisins and 4 hogsheds N o 154 pieces of round pewter and ten hogsheds and poncheons of prunes and one dryfatte with Almonds And in the Philip and Marie Master vnder God Thomas Wade 25 fardels N o 100 broad clothes and three fardels N o 42 Hampshire Kersies and thirtie pipes of seckes and bastards and 100 pieces of raisins And in the Iesus of London Master vnder God Arthur Pette 10 fardels N o 40 broade shorte clothes and twenty seuen pipes of bastards and seckes as by the Inuoices herewith inclosed may appeare Also you shall receiue such necessaries as you did write to bee sent for the rope makers trusting that you shall haue better successe with them which you shall send vs in these ships then with the rest which you haue sent vs yet for we as yet haue sold none of them And whereas we wrote vnto you in our former letter that we would send you a hundred tunnes of salte by reason it is so deare here we doe send you but nine tunnes and a halfe for it cost here ten pence the bushell the first penie namely in the Swallow 6 tunnes and a halfe in the Philip and Marie one tunne and a halfe and in the Iesus one tunne and a halfe The 4 hogsheds of round pewter goe in the Swallow and in the Philip and Marie N o 154 pieces as is aforesaid We send you three ships trusting that you haue prouided according to our former writing good store of lading for them If yee haue more wares then will lade the ships let it be Traine oyles that you leaue behinde the price is not here so good as it was it is worth here 9 pound the tunne We thinke it good you should let the smaller ship bring as much of the traine as she can cary And that the masters of the ships do looke wel to the romaging for they might bring away a great deale more then they doe if they would take paine in the romaging and bestowe the traine by it selfe and the ware and tallowe by it selfe for the leakage of the traine doth fowle the other wares much As for Allard the skinner if you thinke good he may come home in these shippes We haue no doubt but that you Henrie Lane if you minde to come home now in these ships as you requested will leaue such good order there with our seruants as shall bee for our most profite and their preferment if they doe their dueties diligently and truely If our friend Master Antonie Ienkinson bee returned and meane to come away in these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his trauaile if need require and he be so minded he may returne thither by land and be there by the fine of Ianuarie or before But as we be vncertaine whether he be returned or not so we know not what he hath done nor what benefite may rise hereafter of his trauaile Therefore in this wee remit it to his and your good discretions Wee send you Thomas Hawtrey which is our seruant for yeeres our minde is he should be placed where he may doe best seruice Also we send you Nicholas Chancelour to remaine there who is our apprentice for yeeres our minde is hee should be set about such businesse as he is most fit for he hath been kept at writing schoole long he hath his Algorisme and hath vnderstanding of keeping of bookes of reckonings We send you now but 100 Kersies but against the next yeere if occasion serue wee will send you a greater quantitie according as you shal aduise vs One of the pipes of seckes that is in the Swallow which hath 2 round compasses vpon the bung is to be presented to the Emperour for it is special good The nete waight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds 1 pound It is written particularly vpon the head of euery puncheon and the nete weight of the fatte of almonds is 500 li. two quarters The raisins prunes and almonds you were best to dispatch away at a reasonable price and principally the raisins for in keeping of them will be great losse in the waight and the fruit will decay We thinke it good that you prouide against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes 20 or 30 bullockes killed and salted for beefe is very deare here Therefore you were best to saue some of this salt that we doe send you in these ships for the purpose The salte of that countrey is not so good In this you may take the opinion of the masters of the shippes Foxe skins white blacke and russet will be vendible here The last yere you sent none but there were mariners that bought many If any of the mariners doe buy any trifling furres or other commodities we will they shall be registred in our pursers bookes to the intent we may know what they be We desire to know how the Emperour tooke the letter which we sent in our ships as an answere to the letter that came in his name and vnder his seale for the sixe thousand dallers Thus wee rest committing you to God from London the fift day of May 1560. For lacke of time the gouernours haue not firmed this letter which is the copie of the other two letters firmed by them Yours William Mericke Yours Blase Sanders The maner of Iustice by lots in Russia written by Master Henrie Lane and executed in a controuersie betweene him and one Sheray Costromitskey in Mosco 1560. AFter the comming home into Russia of Ioseph Napea the first ambassadour to Queene Marie I remaining the Agent there sundrie Russian marchants by Iosephs procurement obtained letters from the Emperour to freight goods and passe in our ships for England which thing vpon good consideration I answered and refused They were then driuen to credite vs and compound in value vntill the next returne At which time notwithstanding good accompt in the value of 600 robles
the king would shewe vs no fauour and also hearing from Shammaki that the Russes sent their goods to the sea side for that they feared that the king of Persia should haue knowledge of the death of the Boserman willed mee to depart to Shammaki with all such goods as he had brought with him from Casbin I leauing him at the Court. The thirde day after mine arriuall at Shammaki I had newes that Thomas Alcocke was slaine comming on his way towards me Then the king Obdolocan vnderstanding of his death demaunded whether he had euer a brother Some said I was some saide I was not his brother When this fell out your worships had no other seruant there but mee among those heaâhen people Who hauing such a summe of goods lying vnder my handes and seeing howe the Russes sent their goods with as much hast as they might to the sea side and hauing but foure men to sende our wares to the sea side I vsed such diligence that within two dayes after Thomas Alcocke was slaine I sent in company with the Russes goods all your worships goods with a Mariner William August and a Swethen for that they might the safer arriue at the seaside being safely layd in All which goods afterwards arriued in Russeland in good condition Master Glouer hauing the receipt of all things which I sent then out of those parties into Russeland Concerning my selfe I remained after I had sent the goods into Russeland sixe weâkes in Shammaki for the recouery of such debts as were owing and at last with much trouble recouered to the summe of fiftene hundreth rubbles or there aboue which M. Glouer receiued of me at my comming to Mosco and all such goods as I brought with me out of Keselbash as by a note of my hand that hee hath shall appeare Also he hauing the receipt of all such goods as I sent into Russeland by these two aboue named he then had that voyage in venter of his owne better then an hundreth rubbles one Richard Iohnson twentie rubles one Thomas Pette fiftie rubles one Euan Chermisin a Tartar seuentie rubles All these had their returne M. Glouer allowed himselfe God knoweth howe I then being in Persia in your worships affaires And whereas he saith the Emperour had but for his part a dobble as farre as I can see knowing what the wares cost in those partes hee had treble If they gaue him so much wares all charges turned to your worships as well of the Emperours as of their owne returnes I haue sowen the seede and other men haue gathered the haruest I haue trauailed both by lande and by water full many a time with a sorrowfull heart aswell for the safegarde of their goods as yours how to frame all things to the best and they haue reaped the fruites of my trauaile But euer my prayer was to God to deliuer mee out of those miseries which I suffered for your seruice among those heathen people Therefore knowing my duetie which I haue done as a true seruant ought to do I beseech your worships although I haue but small recompence for my seruice yet let me haue no wrong and God will prosper you the better Also to informe your worships of your Persian voyage what I iudge it is a voyage to bee followed The king of Gillan whereas yet you haue had no traffique liueth at by marchandise and it is neere Casbin and not past six weekes trauaile from Ormus whither all the spices be brought and here I meane at Gillan a trade may be established But your worships must send such men as are no riotous liuers nor drunkards For if such men goe it wil be to your dishonour and great hinderance as appeared by experience the yeere 1565. when as Richard Iohnson went to Persia whose iourney had bene better stayed then set forward For whereas before wee had the name among those heathen people to be such marchants as they thought none like in all respects his vicious liuing there hath made vs to be compted worse then the Russes Againe if such men trauaile in your affaires in such a voyage you shall neuer know what gaine is to be gotten For how can such men imploy themselues to seeke the trade that are inclined to such vices or howe can God prosper them in your affaires But when a trade is established by wise and discreet men then wil it be for your worships to traffique there and not before for a voiage or market made euil at the first is the occasion that your worships shal neuer vnderstand what gaine is to be gotten thereby hereafter The thirde voyage into Persia begun in the yeere 1565. by Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards A letter of Arthur Edwards to M. Thomas Nicols Secretarie to the worshipful company trading into Russia and other the North parts concerning the preparation of their voyage into Persia. MAster Nicols my bounden duetie remembred with desire of God for the preseruation of you and yours you shall vnderstand that the second of March I was sent by M. Thomas Glouer your Agent vnto Ieraslaue appointed to receiue such goods as should come from Vologhda as also such kinde of warâs as should be bought and sent from Mosco by your Agent and M. Edward Clarke thought meete for your voyage of Persia. And further I was to prouide for biscuit beere and beefe and other victuals and things otherwayes needful according to aduise Thus I remained here vntil the comming of your Agent which was the 12. of May who taried here three dayes to see vs set forwards on our voyage and then he departed towards Colmogro hauing appointed as chiefe for your voyage of Persia Richard Iohnson For my part I am willing as also haue bene shal be content to submit my selfe vnder him whom the Agent shall appoint although he were such a one as you should thinke in some respects vnmeete Thirtie two packes of carseis are all of that kinde of cloth that we shall haue with vs. The other 18. packs that should haue gone were sold in Mosco What other goods are shipped for our voyage you shall vnderstand by your Agents letters Whereas Edward Clarke being an honest man was appointed Agent for Persia as one for those parts more fit then any I do know here God hath taken him vnto his mercie who departed this present life the 16. of March last past I wished of God for my part he had liued for my desire was in his company to haue traueiled into Persia. Your barke or craer made here for the riuer of Volga and the Caspian sea is very litle of the burthen of 30. tunnes at the most It is handsomly made after the English fashion but I thinke it too litle for your goods and prouision of victuals If the worshipful company would send hither a Shipwright being skilfull to make one of the burden of 60. tunnes or more drawing but sixe foote
I hope in God to vse things in such order that yeerly you shall haue returne of your goods from hence as you haue forth of Russeland and in those ships For if we may as I doubt not with diligence prouide to make sales in time and with speed receiue silke at the Shaughs hand and other mens that it may be sent from hence to be in Astracan at the beginning of Aprill from whence it may be sent to Colmogro in three moneths and lesse and there to be ready with the rest of your goods by the end of Iune for your ships to receiue that will be time inough This I doubt not to bring to passe within a yeere or two when we are throughly setled in these parts and better knowen Moreouer you shall vnderstand that at my last being in the presence of the Shaugh it was sayd to mee that M. Anthonie Ienkinson did proffer to take all the rawe silke in those parties deliuering cloth and other commodities for the same I assure you there is in those parts to be had three or foure thousand horses lading euery horse load being 50. or 60. batmans beside silke of Grosin Great abundance of silke at times is sent out of these parts to wit 4. or 5. hundred horse lodes at a time by the Turkes who bring great store of siluer to be coined to wit Dollars at ten shaughs the piece The Hungarie Ducket is at 12. shaughs And hauing money in readines at the time of the yeere they buy silke the better cheape when the countrey men bring it first to be sold. If your worships may bargaine with the Venetians to take silke at your hands or otherwise deale with them I doe not mistrust but to haue at the Shaughs hand sixe batmans of silke for two pieces and a halfe of karsies Your good aduise herein and in other matters I trust you will write with conuenient speed Master Antonie Ienkinson hath deserued great commendation at all your worships hands for the good report of his well and wise doings in those parts was oftentimes a comfort to me to heare thereof and some good helpe to me in my proceedings To this day I neuer heard from any of our merchants God graunt me in health to see your worships for I haue had a carefull trauell with many a sorowfull day and vnquiet sleepes Neither had I the company of one English person to whom sometimes I might haue âased my pensiue heart as God well knoweth who hath deliuered me from mine enemies Thus almightie God graunt you in health and wealth long to liue Your humble seruant at commandement during life Arthur Edwards Another letter of Arthur Edwards written in Astracan the 16. of Iune 1567â at his returne in his first voiage out of Persia to the right worshipfull Companie trading into Russia Persia and other the North and Northeast partes IT may please your Worships that herein I haue written not onely certaine articles of your priuiledge but also the Gouernours names with the Consuls Assistants and generalitie Also such commodities as the Prince or Emperour of the Countrey hath written in one of his letters directed to your Worships to be sent him with other notes which I thought good to be remembred as may appeare hereafter following Your priuiledge is written graunted and giuen in the names of these sixe persons following to wit sir William Garrard sir William Chester gouernours sir Thomas Lodge master Anthony Ienkinson master Thomas Nicols and Arthur Edwards 1 First it is granted that you shall pay no maner of customes or tols any kinde of wayes now nor in time comming vnto his heires after him And that all English merchants such as you shall appoint now and hereafter shall and may passe and repasse into all places of his dominions and other countries adioining in the trade of merchandize to buy and sell all maner of commodities with all maner of persons 2 Item that in all places where any of our merchants shall haue their resort or abiding his chiefe Gouernours Rulers and Iustices shall take heed vnto vs being our aide defence against all euil persons punishing those that shall do vs any wrong 3 Item that for all such debts as shall be owing by any maner of person iustice shal be done on the partie and we paid at the day 4 Item that no maner of persons of whatsoeuer estate or degree they be of shall be so hardie as to take any kind of wares or any gifts without any leaue and good will 5 Item if by chance medley any of our merchants or seruants as God forbid should kill any of his subiects that no part of your goods shall be touched or medled withall neither any partie but the offendour and true iustice to bee ministred and being any of vs not to suffer without the Princes knowledge and aduise 6 Item that all such debts as are now owing or hereafter shall be are to be paied vnto any of vs in the absence of the other be the partie dead or aliue 7 Item that no person returne any kind of wares backe againe being once bought or sold. 8 Item that when God shall send your goods to shore presently his people shall helpe vs on land with them These articles before written I trust in God wil content your minds vntill your farther letters be hitherto written vnto the Prince who I am assured will graunt your farther reasonable requests which his maiestie hath promised For I moued the question declaring vnto him that I thought your Worships would write your letters of requests to craue his farther good will as should be thought meet for your better assurance in the trade of merchandize you will hardly beleeue what long and gracious talke he had with mee which I assure you continued two houres which was strange vnto the people other merchant strangers For betwixt euery question that his maiestie moued when I had answered him hee would talke with his Nobles and other his seruants hauing some knowledge of our Westerne parts commodities and then againe would demaund other questions He caused his Secretarie to write the articles before namedâ in all of his foure letters giuen me whereof two as I required are in the Turkish tongue to be sent you On the backe side of one hee hath written what wares his Maiestie would haue you to send him He held me one houre within night before I departed from him These bee the names of the wares or commodities which on the backe side of one of his letters the Shaugh hath written to you to be sent him FIrst some cloth of Gold with cloth of Tissue and cloth of Botky as Ueluets wrought with gold Item good veluets to wit crimosins purples reds greenes and blackes These colours his maiestie requireth for they are most worne And though there be some of these wares made in his citie of Cassan yet nothing like in goodnes to those that you may procure for
voluntate expresso nostro mandato curauimus vt non solum vestrae Maiestatis pro illis postulationi sed eorundem etiam hominum expectationi plenè satisfactum esse confidamus Id quod eo fecimus studiosius quod plane perspectum probèque cognitum habeamus nostros omnes quibona cum gratia nostra nostrarúmque literarum commendatione isâuâ sub vestro imperio negotiaturi veniunt pari cum vestrae Maiestatis fauore tum vestrorum subditorum humanitate vbiuis acceptos esse Quae nostra vtrobÃque mutuae inter nos amicitiae gratae inter nostros beneuolentiae officia vt crebra perpetua existant nos admodum postulamus Quem animi nostri sensum fusius hi vestri opportunius suo sermone coram declarabunt Quibus non dubitamus quin vestra Maiestas amplam fidem sit tributura Deus c. Grenouici nono die Maij 1567. The Ambassage of the right worshipfull Master Thomas Randolfe Esquire to the Emperour of Russia in the yeere 1568 briefly written by himselfe THe 22 day of Iune in the yere of our Lord 1568 I went aboord the Harry lying in the road at Harwich with my company being to the number of fortie persons or thereabout of which the one halfe were gentlemen desirous to see the world Within one dayes sailing we were out of the sight of land and following our course directly North till we came to the North Cape we sailed for the space of twelue dayes with a prosperous winde without tempest or outrage of sea hauing compassed the North Cape we directed our course flat Southeast hauing vpon our right hand Norway Wardhouse Lapland all out of sight till we came to Cape Gallant and so sailing betweene two dayes the two and thirtieth day after our departure from Harwich we cast ancre at Saint Nicholas road In all the time of our voyage more then the great number of Whales ingendering together which we might plainly beholde and the Sperma Cetae which we might see swimming vpon the sea there was no great thing to be woondered at Sometimes we had calmes wherein our Mariners fished and tooke good store of diuers sorts At S. Nicholas we landed the 23 of Iuly where there standeth an abbey of Monks to the number of twentie built all of wood the apparell of the Monks is superstitious in blacke hoods as ours haue bene Their Church is faire but full of painted images tapers and candles Their owne houses are low and small roomes They lie apart they eat together and are much giuen to drunkennesse vnlearned write they can preach they doe neuer ceremonious in their Church and long in their prayers At my first arriuall I was presented from their Prior with two great rie loaues fish both salt and fresh of diuers sorts both sea fish and fresh water one sheepe aliue blacke with a white face to be the more gratefull vnto me and so with many solemne words inuiting me to see their house they tooke their leaue Towne or habitation at S. Nicholas there is none more then about foure houses neere the abbey and another built by the English Company for their owne vse This part of the countrey is most part wood sauing here and there pasture arable ground many riuers and diuers Islands vnhabited as the most part of the countrey is for the coldnesse in Winter S. Nicholas standeth Northeast the eleuation of the pole 64 degrees The riuer that runneth there into the sea is called Dwina very large but shallow This riuer taketh his beginning about 700 miles within the countrey vpon this riuer standeth Colmogro and many prety villages well situated for pasture arable land wood and water The riuer pleasant betweene hie hils of either side inwardly inhabited and in a maner a wildernesse of hie firre trees and other wood At Colmogro being 100 versts which we account for three quarters of a mile euery verst we taried three weeks not being suffered to depart before the Emperour had word of our comming who sent to meet vs a gentleman of his house to conuey vs and to see vs furnished of victuals and all things needfull vpon his owne charge The allowance of meat and drinke was for euery day two rubbles besides the charge of boats by water and foure score post horses by land with aboue 100 carts to cary my wines and other cariage Colmogro is a great towne builded all of wood not walled but scattered house from house The people are rude in maners and in apparell homely sauing vpon their festiuall and marriage dayes The people of this town finding commodity by the English mens traffike with them are much at their commandement giuen much to drunkennesse and all other kinde of abominable vices In this towne the English men haue lands of their owne giuen them by the Emperour and faire houses with offices for their commodity very many Of other townes vntill I come to Vologda I write not because they are much like to this and the inhabitants not differing from them I was fiue whole weeks vpon the riuer of Dwina till I came to Vologda being drawen with men against the streame for other passage there is none Vologda standeth vpon the riuer of Vologda which commeth into Dwina The towne is great and long built all of wood as all their townes are In this towne the Emperour hath built a castle inuironed with a wall of stone and bricke the walles faâre and hie round about Here as in all other their townes are many Churches some built of bricke the rest of wood many Monks and Nunnes in it a towne also of great traffike and many rich merchants there dwelling From hence we passed by land towards Mosco in poste being 500 versts great which are equall with our miles In their townes we baited or lay being post townes The countrey is very faire plaine pleasant well inhabited corne pasture medowes enough riuers and woods faire and goodly At Yeraslaue we passed the riuer of Volga more then a mile ouer This riuer taketh his beginning at Beal Ozera descendeth into Mare Caspium portable thorow of very great vessels with flat bottomes which farre passe any that our countrey vseth To saile by this riuer into Mare Caspium the English company caused a barke to be built of 27 tunns which there was neuer seene before This barke built and ready rigged to the sea with her whole furniture cost not the company aboue one hundreth marks there To Mosco we came about the end of September receiued by no man not so much as our owne countreymen suffered to meet vs which bred suspition in me of some other course intended then we had hitherto found We were brought to a house built of purpose by the Emperour for Ambassadours faire and large after the fashion of that countrey Two gentlemen were appointed to attend vpon me the one to see vs furnished of
of your maiesties Countries according to the priuiledge giuen vnto vs we pray for your maiesties health with prosperous successe to the pleasure of God From Narue the 15. of Iuly Anno 1570. Your Maiesties most humble and obedient Christopher Hodsdon William Borough A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henrie Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar written in Rose Island the 5. day of August 1571. MAster Lane I haue me commended vnto you The 27. of Iuly I arriued here with the Magdalene and the same day and houre did the Swalow and Harry arriue here also At our comming I found master Proctor here by whom wee vnderstand very heauie newesâ The Mosco is burnt euery sticke by the Crimme the 24. day of May last and an innumerable number of people and in the English house was smothered Thomas Southam Tofild Wauerley Greenes wife and children two children of Râââ more to the number of 25. persons were stifeled in our Beere seller and yet in the same seller was Rafe his wife Iohn Browne and Iohn Clarke preserued which was wonderfull And there went into that seller master Glouer and master Rowley also but because the heate was so great they came foorth againe with much perill so that a boy at their heeles was taken with the fire yet they escaped blindfold into another seller and there as Gods will was they were preserued The Emperour fled out of the field and many of his people were cariâd away by the Crimme Tartar to wit all the yong people the old they would not meddle with but let them alone and so with exceeding much spoile and infinite prisoners they returned home againe What with the Crimme on the one side and with his cruâltie on the other he hath but few people left Commend me to mistresse Lane your wife and to M. Locke and to all our friends Yours to command Richard Vscombe A note of the proceeding of M. Anthonie Ienkinson Ambassadour from the Queenes most excellent Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia from the time of his arriuall there being the 26. of Iuly 1571. vntill his departure from thence the 23. of Iuly 1572. THe said 26. day I arriued with the two good ships called the Swalow and the Harry in safetie at the Baie of S. Nicholas in Russia aforesayd and landed at Rose Island from whence immediately I sent away my interpreter Daniel Siluester in post towards the Court being then at the Mosco whereby his maiestie might as well bee aduertised of my arriuall in his Dominions as also to know his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse And remaining at the sayd Island two or three dayes to haue conference with your Agent about your affaires I did well perceiue by the wordes of the sayd Agent and others your seruants that I was entred into great perill and danger of my life for they reported to mee that they heard said at the Mosco that the princes displeasure was such against me that if euer I came into his countrey againe I should loose my head with other words of discouragement Whereat I was not a litle dismaid not knowing whether it were best for me to proceed forwards or to returne home againe with the ships for the safegard of my life But calling to mind mine innocencie and good meaning and knowing my selfe not to haue offended his Maiestie any maner of wayes either in word or deed or by making former promises not performed heretofore by mine enemies falsly surmised and being desirous to come to the triall thereof whereby to iustifie my true dealings and to reprooue my sayd enemies as well here as there who haue not ceased of late by vntrue reports to impute the cause of the sayd Emperors displeasure towards you to proceed of my dealings and promises made to him at my last being with him although by his letters to the Queenes Maiestie and by his owne words to me the contrary doeth appeare I determined with my selfe rather to put my life into his hands by the prouidence of God to prosecute the charge committed vnto me then to returne home in vaine discouraged with the words of such who had rather that I had taried at home then to be sent ouer with such credite whereby I might sift out their euil doings the onely cause of your losse Wherefore leauing the said ships the nine and twentieth day of the moneth I departed from the seaside and the first of August arriued at Colmogro where I remained attending the returne of my said messenger with order from his Maiestie But all the Countrey being sore visited by the hand of God with the plague passage in euery place was shut vp that none might passe in paine of death My messenger being eight hundreth miles vpon his way was stayed and kept at a towne called Shasko and might not bee suffered to goe any further neither yet to returne backe againe or sende vnto me by meanes whereof in the space of foure moneths I could neither heare nor know what was become of him in which time my said messenger found meanes to aduertise the Gouernour of the Citie of Vologda as well of his stay as of the cause of his comming thither who sent him word that it was not possible to passe any neerer the Prince without further order from his Maiestie who was gone to the warres against the Swethens and that he would aduertise his highnesse so soone as he might conueniently And so my said messenger was forced to remaine there still without answere During which time of his stay through the great death as aforesaid I found meanes to send another messenger with a guide by an vnknowen way through wildernesse a thousand miles about thinking that way he should passe without let but it prooued contrary for likewise hee being passed a great part of his iourney fell into the handes of a watch and escaped very hardly that hee and his guide with their horses had not bene burnt according to the lawe prouided for such as would seeke to passe by indirect wayes and many haue felt the smart thereof which had not wherewith to buy out the paine neither could that messenger returne backe vnto me And thus was I kept without answere or order from his Maiestie and remained at the saide Colmogro vntill the 18. of Ianuary following neither hauing a Gentleman to safegard me nor lodging appointed me nor allowance of victuals according to the Countrey fashion for Ambassadours which argued his grieuous displeasure towards our nation And the people of the Countrey perceiuing the same vsed towards mee and my company some discourtesies but about the 28. day aforesaid the plague ceased and the passages being opened there came order from his Maiestie that I should haue poste horses and bee suffered to depart from Colmogro to goe to a Citie called Peraslaue neere to the Court his Maiestie being newly returned from the said warres And I arriued at the
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâlowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to âur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
thence till the 23. foure a clocke in the morning they sailed Southsouthwest three leagues and a halfe then could they get no ground in two and fiftie fathoms deepe From thence vntill noone they sayled South nine leagues then the latitude obserued was 42. degrees 20. minuts From that till the 24. day at noone they sayled South by West seuenteene leagues and a halfe then the latitude obserued was 41. degrees 32. minuts From noone till seuen of the clocke at night they sailed Southsouthwest foure leagues then had they perfect sight of high land or hilles which were almost couered with snow and the mids of them were West from the ship being then about twelue leagues from the nearest land they sounded but could finde no ground in two hundred fathoms From thence they sailed Southwest vntil midnight about three leagues from thence till the 25. day foure of the clock in the morning they sayled West three leagues being then litle winde and neere the land they tooke in their sayles and lay hulling at noone the latitude obserued was 40. degrees 54. minuts they sounded but could get no ground in two hundred fathoms At four of the clocke in the afternoone the winde Northwest they set their sailes from thence till the 26. day at noone they sailed East southeast foure leagues From thence they sailed till eight of the clocke at night Southwest three leagues the winde then at North. From thence they sailed vntill the 27. day two of the clocke in the morning Westsouthwest eight leagues the winde blowing at North very much From the sayd two til foure of the clocke they sailed South by West one league then being day light they saw the land plaine which was not past three leagues from them being very high ragged land There were certaine rocks that lay farre off into the sea about fiue leagues from the same land which are called Barmake Tashâ they sayled betweene those rocks and the land and about fiue of the clocke they passed by the port Bilbill where they should haue put in but could not and bearing longst the shoare about two of the clocke afternoone they came to Bildih in the countrey of Media or Sheruan against which place they ankered in 9. foot water Presently after they were at anker there came aboord of them a boat wherein were seuen or eight persons two Turks the rest Persians the Turkes vassals which bade them welcome and seâmed to be glad of their arriuall who told the factors that the Turke had conquered all Media or the countrey Sheruan and how that the Turks Basha remained in Derbent with a garrison of Turkes and that Shamaky was wholly spoyled and had few or no inhabitants left in it The factours then being desirous to come to the speech of the Basha sent one of the Tisikes or merchants that went ouer with them from Astracan passingers and one of the companies seruants Robert Golding with those souldiours to the captaine of Bachu which place standeth hard by the sea to certifie him of their arriuall and what commodities they had brought and to desire friendshippe to haue quiet and safe traffike for the sâme Bachu is from Bildih the place where they road about a dayes iourney on foote easily to be trauelled which may be sixe leagues the next way ouer land it is a walled towne and strongly fortified When the sayd messenger came to the captaine of Bachu the said captaine gaue him very friendly intertainment and after he vnderstood what they were that were come in the shippe and what they had brought he seemed to reioyce much thereat who gaue the said Golding licence to depart backe the next day being the eight and twentieth day and promised that he would himselfe come to the shippe the neât day following with which answere the said Golding returned and came to the shippe the sayd eight and twentieth day about nine of the clocke at night The nine and twentieth day in the morning the factours caused a tent to be set vp at shoare neare the shippe against the comming of the sayd captaine who came thither about three of the clocke after noone and brought about thirtie souldiers that attended on him in shirts ââ male and some of them had gauntlets of siluer others of steele and very faire The factors met him at their tent and after very friendly salutations passed betweene them they gaue him for a present a garment of cloth of veluet and another of scarlet who accepted the same gratefully After they had talked together by their interpretors as well of the state of the voyage and cause of their comming thither as also learned of the sayde captaine the state of that countrey the factours made request vnto him that he would helpe them to the speech of the Basha who answered that their demand was reasonable and that he would willingly shew them therein what pleasure he could and sayd because the way to Derbent where the Basha remayned was dangerous he would send thither and certifie him of their arriuall and what commodities they had brought and such commodities as they would desire to exchange or barter the same for he would procure the said Basha to prouide for them and therefore willed the factors to consult together and certifie him what they most desired and what quantitie they would haue prouided so whilest the factors were consulting together thereupon the captaine talked with a Tisike merchant that came ouer in the ship with them from Astracan which Tisike among other matters in talke certified the captaine that the night before the factors their company were determined to haue returned backe againe to Astracan and that they were about to wey their ankers which in deed was true but the maister of the barke Thomas Hudson of Limehouse perswaded them that the wind was not good for them to depart c. When the factors came againe to talke with the captaine they desired to goe to the Basha and that he would safely conduct them thither he granted their requests willingly desiring them to goe with him to a village hard by and there to abide with him that night and the next day they should go to Bachu and from thence proceede on their iourney to Derbent They were vnwilling to go that night with him because their prouision for the way was not in readinesse but requested that they might stay til the morning Thereupon the captaine sayd it was reported vnto him that they ment the night before to haue gone away and if it should so happen he were in great danger of loosing his head for which cause he requested to haue some one for a pledge wherefore M. Garrard one of the factors offered himselfe to go who because he could not speake the Russe tongue tooke with him Christopher Burrough and a Russe interpretour that night they road from the seaside to a village about ten miles off where at supper time the
part of Scotland vpon a rocke was also lost and Master Chanceller with diuers other drowned The sayd Russe ambassadour hardly escaping with other his men mariners some goods sauer were sent for into Scotland from the King Queene and Merchants the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie and others And then as in the chronicles appeareth honorably enterteined and receiued at London This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse named the Serchthrift to discouer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas There was in her Master and Pilot Stephen Burrough with his brother William and eight other Their discouery was beyond the Bay towarde the Samoeds people dwelling neare the riuer of Ob and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats first by them put into the Carde or Mappe In that place they threw snowe out of their said pinnesse with shouels in August by which extremitie and lacke of time they came backe to Russia and wintred at Colmogro Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships sent backe the said Russe ambassadour and in company with him sent as an Agent for further discouery Master Anthony Ienkinson who afterward anno 1558 with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia and his letters passed the riuer Volga to Cazan and meaning to seeke Cathay by land was by many troupes and companies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred and in danger but keeping company with merchants of Bactria or Boghar and Vrgeme trauelling with camels he with his company went to Boghar and no further whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master Ienkinson which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie And in anno 1560. he with Henry Lane came home into England which yeere was the first safe returne without losse or shipwracke or dead fraight burnings And at this time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia which confines with Lituania all the dominions of Russia and the markets faires commodities great townes riuers were sent vnto by diuers seruants the reports were taken by Henry Lane Agent and deliuered to the companie 1561. The trade to Rie and Reuel of old time hath bene long since frequented by our English nation but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia who the next yeere after passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan and ouer the Caspian sea arriued in Persia and opened the trade thither Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master Ienkinsons were made by Thomas Alcock Arthur Edwards Master Thomas Bannister and Master Geffrey Ducket whose returne if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues had altogether salued and recouered the companies called the olde companies great losse charges and damages but the saying is trueâ By vnitie small things grow great by contention great things become small This may be vnderstood best by the company The frowardnesse of some few and euill doing of some vniust factors was cause of much of the euill successe Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan About which matters are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire Ambassador anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries freedomes and priuileges wherewith I meddle not But in conclusion for their paines and aduentures this way as diuers do now adayes other wayes as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes to doe their countrey good I put them in your memorie with my hearty farewell From S. Magarets neere Dartforth in Kent Yours Henry Lane The most solemne and magnificent coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia c. the tenth of Iune in the yeere 1584. seene and obserued by Master Ierom Horsey gentleman and seruant to her Maiesty a man of great trauell and long experience in those parts wherwith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land from Mosco to Emden WHen the old Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died being about the eighteenth of Aprill 1584. after our computation in the citie of Mosco hauing raigned 54. yeeres there was some tumult annd vprore among some of the nobilitie and cominaltie which notwithstanding was quickly pacified Immediately the same night the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Knez Iuan Pheodorowich Mesthis Slafsky Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky Mekita Romanowich Bodan Iacoulewich Belskoy being all noble men and chiefest in the Emperors Will especially the Lord Boris whom he adopted as his third sonne was brother to the Empresse who was a maÌ very wel liked of al estates as no lesse worthy for his valure wisedome all these were appointed to dispose settle his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich hauing one sworne another and all the nobilitie and officers whosoeuer In the morning y e dead Emperor was layd into the Church of Michael the Archangel into a hewen sepulcre very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose and present Proclamation was made Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Ruâsia c. Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward with souldiers and gunners good orders established and officers placed to subdue the tumulters and mainteine quietnes to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding This being done in Mosco great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bordering Townes as Smolensko Vobsko Kasan Nouogorod c. with fresh garrison and the old sent vp As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held wherein were assembled the Metropolitane Archbishops Bishops Priors and chiefe clergie men and all the nobility whatsoeuer where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose yet all tended to a new reformation in the gouernmentâ but especially the terme and time was agreed vpon for the solemnizing of the new Emperors coronation In the meane time y e Empresse wife to the old Emperor was with her child the Emperors sonne Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich of one yeres age or there abouts sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay that kindred being 5. Brothers to a towne called Ouglets which was giuen vnto her and the young Prince her sonne with all the lands belonging to it in the shire with officers of all sortes appointed hauing allowance of apparell iewels diet horse c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a princesse The time of mourning after their vse being expired called Sorachyn or fortie orderlie dayes the day of the solemnizing of this coronation with great preparations was come being vpon the 10. day of Iune 1584. and that day then Sunday he being of the age of 25. yeeres at which time Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for and placed in a fit roome to
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâe
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withân musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naây being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great âkarcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
the imprisonment of M. Newbery and M. Fitch at Goa and of their escape from thence which happened while himselfe was in Goa 265 70 The money weights measures and customes vsed in Babylon Balsara Ormuz Goa Cochin and Malacca written from Alepo in Syria by M. William Barret Anno 1584. 271 71 The charge of a iourney by land and riuer from Alepo in Syria to Goa in the East India 276 72 A declaration of all the places from whence each particular commoditie of the East Indies commeth 277 73 The times or seasonable windes called Monsons wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies 278 74 A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the Portugales in their returne from the East India 280 75 A Priuiledge granted by Peter Prince of Moldauia to the English merchants Anno 1588. pag. 290 76 A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly payments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signor out of his treasury to the officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees pag. 290 77 The chiefe officers of the great Turkes Empire the number of souldiers attending vpon each of his Beglerbegs the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court his yeerely reuenues and his allowances to forren Ambassadours 292,293,294 78 The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signor An. 1590 to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England signifying that vpon her request and for her sake especially he granted peace vnto the king of Poland 294 79 The second letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to the right wor. company of the English merchants for the Leuant in the yere of our Lord 1592. 295 80 A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signor Sultan Murad Can to her most sacred Maiesty of England Anno 1594. 311 A briefe Catalogue of the principall English Voyages made without the Straight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world contayned in the second part of this second volume immediatly following Wherein also mention is made of certaine Sea-fights and other memorable acts performed by the English Nation 1 THe voyage of Macham the first discouerer of the Isle of Madera in the yeere 1344. pag. 1 2 The first voyage to Barbary Anno 1551. pag. 7.8 3 The second voyage to Barbary Anno 1552. pag. 8.9 4 The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the kingdom of Benin Anno 1553. pag. 9 5 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Guinea Anno 1554. 14 6 The first voyage of Master William Towrson marchant of London to Guinea in the yeere of our Lord 1555. 23 7 The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and the castle of Mina An. 1556. 36 8 The third voyage of the sayd M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the riuer of Seâtos Anno 1557. 44 9 A voyage made to Guinea at the charges of Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester c. Anno 1562. 54 10 The successe of another voyage made to Guinea at the direction of the said Sir William Gerard and others Anno 1564. 56 11 The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the Isles of Capo Verde An. 1566. 57 12 The voyage and ambassage of Master Edmund Hogan to the Emperour of Marocco Anno 1577. 64 13 The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary 1578. 67 14 The voyage of Thomas Steuens about the Cape of Buona Esperanza vnto Goa in the East India Anno 1579. 99 15 The memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster about the Cape of Buona Esperanza along the Easterne coast of Africa beyond Cape Comori as far as the maine land of Malacca and from thence home againe begun in the yeere 1591. 102 16 The voyage and ambassage of Master Henry Roberts to Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco Anno 1585. 117 17 The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plimouth to the Azores which tooke the gouernour of the Isle of S. Michael and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Streights of Magellan in the yere 1586. 120 18 The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz and the memorable exploits and seruices performed by him as well there as at diuerse other places vpon the coast of Spaine and Portugale and his taking of the great East Indian Carak called The Sant Philip neere the Isle of S. Michael Anno 1587. 121 19 A voyage to Benin beyond the countrey of Guinea made by Master Iames Welsh who set foorth in the yeere 1588. 126 20 The second voyage made by M. Iames Welsh to Benin in Africa An. 1590. 130 21 The voyage to Spaine and Portugale written as it is thought by Colonell Anthonie Wingfield An. 1589. 134 22 The voyage of the Right honourable the Earle of Cumberland to the Azores in the yeere 1589. 155 23 A fight performed by ten marchants ships of London against 12 Spanish gallies in the Streit of Gibraltar An. 1590. 166 24 The valiant fight performed in the Streit of Gibraltar by the Centurion of London against fiue Spanish gallies An. 1591. 168 25 A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores betweene the Reuenge one of her Maiesties ships vnder the conduct of Sir Richard Grinuile and an Armada of the king of Spaine An. 1591. 169 26 A voyage of certaine ships of London to the coast of Spaine and the Azores Anno. 1591 Reported by M. Robert Flick 176 27 The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the riuers of Senega and Gambra neere the coast of Guinea Anno 1591. 188 28 The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and with the Popes Bulles bound for the west Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amitie of London An. 1592. 193 29 The taking of the mightie and rich Carak called The Madre de Dios and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600 tunnes as likewise the firing of another great Carak called The Santa Cruz Anno 1592. 194 30 The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called The Cinquo Chaguas or The fiue woundes by three ships of the R. H. the Earle of Cumberland Anno 1594. 199 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses and other necessary matters of circumstance appertaining to the voyages in the second part of this second volume next ensuing 1 A Note concerning the ayde and assistance giuen to king Iohn the first of Portugale by certaine English merchants for the winning of Ceut in Barbary Anno 1415. pag. 1 2 2 The Ambassage of Iohn the second king of Portugale to Edward the 4. king of England to stay Iohn Tintam and William Fabian Englishmen preparing for a voyage to Guinea Anno 1481. pag. 2. 3 A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of English marchants to the Canarie Isles Anno 1526. 3 4 A description of the Canarie Islands with their strange fruits and
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ Râger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌmercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
loro per il tempo che restarano qua siportorno da fideli Catholici Christiani che sua sanctita habbia trouato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso per il timor della armata Tuâkesca di altri vaselli de mimici inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá massime per che hauera de andare passare per diuersi lochi tanto lontani come Ingilterra Flandra tutti parti di ponente in altroue a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente come fidele conuersatore nostro accio piu securamente sensa obstaculo possa andare ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con alire a loro bennista Per tanto donque tutti ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione alla quale detto magnifico Giouani Keale Dauid Filly a nome quo supra con la naue marinari de detti loro principali o altricaschera nauigare passare venire sicuramente alla libera sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate facciate lasciare stare passare tornare quando li parera partire talmente che per amore contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue marinari mercantia non habbi difficulta fastidio ritentione alcuna anzi se gli dia ogni agintâ fauore cosa degnadi voi giusta a noi gratissima de recompensaruila con vguale maggior seruitio quando dall ' occasione ne saremo rechiesti Et finalmente commandammo a tutti qual si voglia relligiosi frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia coÌditione grado stato che siano a tutti riceuitori procuratori nostri in tutti qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia atutti nostri vassalli alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti che in tale per tale tenghino reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra naue marinari mercantia sensa permittere che nel detto suo viaggio o in alcun altro luogo sia molestato o in qual si voglia manera impedito anzi tutte lecose sue negotij loro sian da voi agâoutati continuamente fauoriti In cuius rei testimonium Bâlla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa Datae Melitae in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij 1582. The same in English FRier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala by the grace of God master of the holy house the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ to all euery prince ecclesiastical secular archbishops bishops Dukes Marqueses Barons Capteines Uicelords Maiors Castellanes Admirals and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies or other greater shippes and gouernors of cities potentates and magistrates and other officers and persons whatsoeuer of what dignitie degree state and condition soeuer they be dwelling in all places and landes greeting We make it knowne and in the word of truth do witnesse that in the moneth of May last past our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master and our men willing to know what ship it was they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie maister and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies and because she would not strike amaine her sayle according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master the said ship was brought backe againe vnto the present port of Malta according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies and in being there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage They therefore the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Eward Osborne Alderman and Richard Staper English marchants of the noble citie of London haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser pilots master and mariners that we would giue our letters patents and safe conducts that they might goe and returne when they shall see opportunitie with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust and that it might be for the prosite of our religion and of these strangers by the tenor of these presents we haue granted the same to them yet with the conditions here under written viz. That euery time the said marchants of the said ship or with any other shall not bring such marchandize as is forbidden and that by sufficient proofe and letters testâmoniall it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague they may victuall themselues with all necessarie victuals and traffike with vs and in this Iland and dominion and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Leuant or else where as all other vessels and especially of France and other nations do and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good Item that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush saltpeâter cole of Newcastle plates of lattin tinne steele yron coÌmon karsies white course canuas to make saile for the gallies balies of yron for shot fine milstones trees masts for gallies litle and others and in conclusion hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie and other vessels of the enemie submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off as England Flanders and all parts Westwards and in other places we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents as our faithfull assistant so as more surely and without let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good with the said ship or with others at their pleasure We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction vnto the which the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie by name abouesaid with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or
the two ship boates to be had out and they towed the ship till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta The 9 day of Aprill we came to Zante and being before the towne William Aldridge seruant to Master Thomas Cordall of London came aboord vs with whom our Master and twelue more of our company thought to haue gone on shoare but they could not be permitted so we all came aboord againe and went to Patras where we arriued vpon good Friday and lay there with good entertainement at the English house where was the Consull Master Grimes Ralph Ashley and Iohn Doddington who very kindly went with vs and shewed vs the pleasures of the towne They brought vs to the house of the Cady who was made then to vnderstand of the 20 Turks that wee had aboord which were to goe to Constantinople being redeemed out of captiuitie by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies and brought with him into England and by order of the Queenes Maiestie sent now into their Countrey Whereupon the Cady commaunded them to be brought before him that he might see them and when he had talked with them and vnderstood howe strangely they were deliuered hee marueiled much and admired the Queenes Maiestie of England who being but a woman is notwithstanding of such power and renowne amongst all the princes of Christendome with many other honourable wordes of commending her Maiestie So he tooke the names of those 20. Turkes and recorded them in their great bookes to remaine in perpetuall mâmory After this our foresaid countreymen brought mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew where his tombe or sepulchre is and the boord vpon which hee was beheaded which boord is now so rotten that if any man offer to cut it it falleth to powder yet I brought some of it away with me Upon Tuesday in Easter weeke wee set out towards Zante againe and the 24. of April with much adoe wee were all permitted to come on shoare and I was caried to the English house in Zante where I was very well entertained The commodities of Zante are Currans and oyle the situation of the Towne is vnder a very great hill vpon which standeth a very strong Castle which commaundeth the Towne At Zante we tooke in a Captaine and 16. souldiers with other passengers Wee departed from Zante vpon Tuesday the 15. of April and the next day we ankered at a small Island called Striualia which is desolate of people sauing a fewe religious men who entertained vs well without taking any money but of courtesie we bestowed somewhat vpon them for their maintenance and then they gaue vs a couple of leane sheepe which we caried aboord The last day of Aprill wee arriued at Candie at a Castle called Sowday where wee set the Captaine Souldiers and Mariners ashoare which wee tooke in at Zante with all their carriage The second day of May wee set saile againe and the fourth day came to the Islands of Milo where we ankered and found the people there very courteous and tooke in such necessaries as we wanted The Islands are in my iudgement a hundred in number and all within the compasse of a hundred miles The 11. day the Chaus which is the greatest man there in authoritie for certaine offences done in a little Chappell by the water side which they saide one of our shippe had done and imputed it to mee because I was seene goe into it three dayes before came to vs and made much a doe so that we were faine to come out of our shippe armed but by three pieces of golde the brabling was ended and we came to our shippe This day wee also set saile and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto which is an old ruinated thing and standeth vnder a hils side The 13. day we passed by the Island of Paris and the Island of the bankes of Helicon and the Island called Ditter where are many boares and the women bee witches The same day also wee passed by the Castle of Tino standing vpon a very high mountaine and neere vnto it is the Island of Diana The 15. of May wee came to Sio where I stayed thirtie and three dayes In it is a very proper Towne after the building of that Countrey and the people are ciuil and while we were here there came in sixe Gaâlies which had bene at Alexandria and one of them which was the Admiral had a Prince of the Moores prisoner whom they tooke about Alexandria and they meant to present him to the Turke The towne standeth in a valley and a long the water side pleafantly There are about 26. winde-mils about it and the commodities of it are cotton wooll cotton yarne mastike and some other drugs As we remained at Sio there grew a great controuersie betweene the mariners of the Hercules and the Greekes of the Towne of Sio about the bringing home of the Turkes which the Greekes tooke in ill part and the boyes cried out Viue el Re Philippe whereupon our men beate the boyes and threwe stones and so a broile beganne and some of our men were hurt but the Greekes were fetcht out of their houses and manaâled together with yrons and threatned to the Gallies about fourtie of them were sent to the prison and what became of them when we were gone we know not for we went thence within two dayes after which was the 19. of Iune The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place the substance of the ground there is brimstone and burneth sometimes so much that it bloweth vp the rockes The 24. of Iune wee came to Cyprus and had sight in the way of the aforesaide sixe Gallies that came from Alexandria one whereof came vnto vs and required a present for himselfe and for two of the other Gallies which we for quietnesse sake gaue them The 27. of Iune wee came to Tripolie where I stayed till the fift of Iuly and then tooke passage in a smal barke called a Caramusalin which was a passage boat and was bound for Bichieri thirteene miles on this side Alexandria which boate was fraighted with Turkes Moores and Iewes The 20. day of Iuly this barke which I passed in ranne vpon a rocke and was in very great danger so that we all began some to be ready to swimme some to leape into the shippe boate but it pleased God to set vs quickly off the rocke and without much harme The 28. of Iuly I came to Bichieri where I was well entertained of a Iewe which was the Customer there giuing me Muskadine and drinking water himselfe hauing broken my fast with him he prouided mee a Camell for my carriage and a Mule for mee to ride vpon and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria who had charge to see mee safe in the English house whither I came but found
no Englishmen there but then my guide brought mee aboord a ship of Alderman Martins called the Tyger of London where I was well receiued of the Master of the said ship whose name was Thomas Rickman and of all the company The said Master hauing made me good cheere and made me also to drinke of the water of Nilus hauing the keyes of the English house went thither with me himselfe appointed mee a faire chamber and left a man with me to prouide me all things that I needed and euery day came himselfe to me and caried me into the City and shewed me the monuments thereof which be these He brought mee first to Pompey his pillar which is a mighty thing of gray marble and all of one stone in height by estimation aboue 52. yards and the compasse about sixe fadome The City hath three gates one called the gate of Barbaria the other of Merina and the thirde of Rossetto He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie whereupon S. Marke was beheaded to the place where S. Katherine died hauing there hid herselfe because she would not marry also to the Bath of S. Katherine I saw there also Pharaos needle which is a thing in height almost equall with Pompeys pillar and is in compasse fiue fadome and a halfe and all of one stone I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath where we washed our selues the Bath being of marble and of very curious workemanship The Citie standeth vpon great arches or vawtes like vnto Churches with mightie pillars of marble to holde vp the foundation which arches are built to receiue the water of the riuer of Nilus which is for the vse of the Citie It hath three Castles and a hundred Churches but the part that is destroyed of it is siâe times more then that part which standeth The last day of Iuly I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boate wherein first I went to Rossetto standing by the riuer side hauing 13. or 14. great churches in it their building there is of stone and bricke but as for lodging there is litle except we bring it with vs. From Rossetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus which is so famous in the world twise as broad as the Thames at London on both sides grow date trees in great abundance The people be rude insomuch that a man cannot traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him The time that I stayed in AEgypt was the Turkes and Moores Lent in all which time they burne lamps in their churches as many as may hang in them their Lent endureth 40. dayes and they haue three Lents in the yere during which time they neither eate nor drink in the day time but all the night they do nothing else Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and townes and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred miles To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August where I found M. William Alday and William Caesar who intertained me in very good sort M. Caesar brought me to see the Pyramides which are three in number one whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe the tombe it selfe is almost in the top of it the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square and euery of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe and as high as a Church I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those Pyramides The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro which is a sumptuous thing hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars all gilt with gold but I saw it not being then lame The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro to let in the water of the riuer of Nilus which was done with great ioy and triumph The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe and came thither the 14. of August The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes and Moores which lasted two dayes and for a day they neuer ceased shooting off of great Ordinance From Alexandria I sailed to Argier where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation who vsed me most kindly and at his owne charge Hee brought mee to the kings Court and into the presence of the King to see him and the maners of the Court the King doeth onely beare the name of a King but the greatest gouernment is in the hands of the souldiers The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier who comming to Constantinople to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke was betrayed by his owne nephew who wrote to the Turke that hee went onely as a spy by that meanes to get his kingdome I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time cast away at a towne called Formentera three of them were of Argier the other foure were the Christians We found here also 13. Englishmen which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tunis where they were very ill vsed by the Moores who forced them to leaue their barke whereupon they went to the Councell of Argier to require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie They were all belonging to the shippe called the Golden Noble of London whereof Master Birde is owner The Master was Stephen Haselwood and the Captaine Edmond Bence The thirde day of December the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London came to Argier with a prize which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine laden with sugar hides and ginger the pinnesse also belonging to the Golden Noble and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods where wee left them at our comming away which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie and the first day of February I landed at Dartmouth and the seuenth day came to London with humble thankes to Almightie God for my safe arriuall A true report of a worthy fight performed in the voyage from Turkie by fiue Ships of London against 11. Gallies and two Frigats of the King of Spaines at Pantalarea within the Streights Anno 1586. Written by Philip Iones THe Marchants of London being of the incorporation of the Turky trade hauing receiued intelligences and aduertisements from time to time that the King of Spaine grudging at the prosperitie of this kingdome had not onely of late arrested al English ships bodies and goods in Spaine but also maligning the quiet trafique which they vsed to and in the dominions and prouinces vnder the obedience of the Great Turke had giuen order to the Captaines of his gallies in the Leuant to hinder the passage of all English ships and to endeuour by their best meanes to intercept take and spoile them their persons and goods they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleete for Turkie in such strength and abilitie for their defence that the purpose of their Spanish enemie might
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
articles which I haue receiued but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee with the best helpe and counsell I can Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562 by Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester M. Thomas Lodge the sayd Antony Hickman and Edward Castelin which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker WOrshipfull sir my duty remembred this shal be to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage since our departure out of England from Dartmouth at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure which was the 25 of February 1562. Thân hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March making no abode there but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning hauing the sight of a Frenchman who assoone as he perceiued vs set saile and made to the sea in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode and after that he had espied our flag perceiuing vs to be Englishmen he bare with the shore hailed our ships with his ordinance at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike and had vnderstanding of the Negros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming so we concluded together that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike we would not suffer him vntill we had taken further order with their captaine marchants In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall which was done At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes and suffer vs quietly to traffike wherewith they were not well pleased Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis which he did to hinder our traffike that way wherefore the marchants of the Minion we concluded forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst that we should go before to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen which thing we did and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis by whom we passed arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre in which very day the Minion came vnto vs telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina who gaue chase vnto them and shot freely at them and the Minion in her defence returned her the like but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle if by any meanes wee might and when wee were come to the Cape we lay a hull one night and two dayes and doubting they had bene past the Minion went neere the shore and sent her merchants to a place called Anta where before-tune we had traffâke and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile and bare with the formost of them hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them but we came short of our purpose which was no small griefe vnto vs all and when they had gotten the castle to friend they shot at vs freely and we at them and the castle at vs but we profited litle In the afternoone we set saile came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis for at that time Don Iuan was dead and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle minding to keepe vs from our traffike The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre which is some 3 leagues behind and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold but Anthonio don Luis his sonne and Pacheco were aboord the Minion And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs the weather being very calme they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times and shortly after the wind came from the shore at which instant we discried the ship the carauell comming towards vs then we weighed and set saile and bare as neere vnto them as we could but it was night or euer wee met with them and the night being very darke we lost them The next day plying to the shore at night we agreed to go with Cormantin but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies hauing no wind at all and the carauell hard aboord the shore Then being calme came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion and fought with her the most part of the forenoone and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire where with were hurt the master gunner the steward and most part of the gunners which the galies perceiuing began to be more fierce vpon them and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done at which time they were sore discomftted Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that
deliuered to wit The Bonauenture wherein himselfe went as General the Lion vnder the conduct of Master William Borough Controller of the Nauie the Dread-nought vnder the command of M. Thomas Venner and the Rainebow captaine whereof was M. Henry Bellingham vnto which 4. ships two of her pinasses were appointed as haud-maids There were also added vnto this Fleet certaine tall ships of the Citie of London of whose especiall good seruice the Generall made particular mention in his priuate Letters directed to her Maiestie This Fleete set saile from the sound of Plimouth in the moneth of April towards the coast of Spaine The 16. of the said moneth we mette in the latitude of 40. degrees with two ships of Middle-borough which came from Cadiz by which we vnderstood that there was great store of warlike prouision at Cadiz thereabout ready to come for Lisbon Upon this information our Generall withal speed possible bending himselfe thither to cut off their said forces and prouisions vpon the 19. of April entered with his Fleet into the Harbor of Cadiz where at our first entring we were assailed ouer against the Towne by sixe Gallies which notwithstanding in short time retired vnder their fortresse There were in the Road 60. ships and diuers other small vessels vnder the fortresse there fled about 20. French ships to Port Real and some small Spanish vessels that might passe the sholdes At our first coÌming in we sunke with our shot a ship of Raguza of a 1000. tunnes furnished with 40. pieces of brasse and very richly laden There came two Gallies more from S. Mary port and two from Porto Reale which shot freely at vs but altogether in vaine for they went away with the blowes well beaten for their paines Before night we had taken 30. of the said ships became Masters of the Road in despight of the Gallies which were glad to retire them vnder the Fort in the number of which ships there was one new ship of an extraordinary hugenesse in burthen aboue 1200. tunnes belonging to the Marquesse of Santa Cruz being at that instant high Admiral of Spaine Fiue of them were great ships of Biskay whereof 4. we fired as they were taking in the Kings prouision of victuals for the furnishing of his Fleet at Lisbon the fift being a ship about 1000. tunnes in burthen laden with Iron-spiâes nailes yron hoopes horse-shooes and other like necessaries bound for the West Indies we fired in like maner Also we tooke a ship of 250. tunnes laden with wines for the Kings prouision which wee caried out to the Sea with vs and there discharged the said wines for our owne store and afterward set her on fire Moreouer we tooke 3. Flyboats of 300. tunnes a piece laden with biscuit whereof one was halfe vnladen by vs in the Harborow and there fired and the other two we tooke in our company to the Sea Likewise there were fired by vs ten other ships which were laden with wine raisins figs oiles wheat such like To conclude the whole number of ships and barkes as we suppose then burnt suncke and brought away with vs amounted to 30. at the least being in our iudgement about 10000. tunnes of shipping There were in sight of vs at Porto Real about 40. ships besides those that fled from Cadiz We found little ease during our aboad there by reason of their continuall shooting from the Gallies the fortresses and from the shoare where continually at places conuenient they planted new ordinance to offend vs with besides the inconuenience which wee suffered from their ships which when they could defend no longer they set on fire to come among vs. Whereupon when the flood came wee were not a little troubled to defend vs from their terrible fire which neuerthelesse was a pleasant sight for vs to beholde because we were thereby eased of a great labour which lay vpon vs day and night in discharging the victuals and other prouisions of the enemie Thus by the assistance of the Almightie and the inuincible courage and industrie of our Generall this strange and happy enterprize was atchieued in one day and two nights to the great astonishment of the King of Spaine which bread such a corrasiue in the heart of the Marques of Santa Cruz high Admiral of Spaine that he neuer enioyed good day after but within fewe moneths as may iustly be supposed died of extreame griefe and sorrow Thus hauing performed this notable seruice we came out of the Road of Cadiz on the Friday morning the 21. of the said moneth of April with very small losse not worth the mentioning After our departure ten of the Gallies that were in the Road came out as it were in disdaine of vs to make some pastime with their ordinance at which time the wind skanted vpon vs whereupon we cast about againe and stood in with the shoare came to an anker within a league of the towne where the said Gallies for all their forâer bragging at length suffred vs to ride quietly We now haue had experience of Gally-fight wherein I can assure you that onely these 4. of her Maiesties ships will make no accompt of 20. Gallies if they may be alone and not busied to guard others There were neuer Gallies that had better place and fitter opportunitie for their aduantage to fight with ships but they were still forced to retire wee riding in a narrow gut the place yeelding no better and driuen to maintaine the same vntill wee had discharged and fired the shippes which could not conâeniently be done but vpon the flood at which time they might driue cleare off vs. Thus being victualed with bread and wine at the enemies cost for diuers moneths besides the prouisions that we brought from home our Generall dispatched Captaine Crosse into England with his letters giuing him further in charge to declare vnto her Maiestie all the particularities of this our first enterprize After whose departure wee shaped our course toward Cape Sacre and in the way thither wee tooke at seuerall times of ships barkes and Carauels well neere an hundred laden with hoopes gally-oares pipe-staues other prouisions of the king of Spaine for the furnishing of his forces intended against England al which we burned hauing delt fauorably with the men and sent them on shoare We also spoiled and coÌsumed all the fisher-boats and nets thereabouts to their great hinderance and as we suppose to the vtter ouerthrow of the rich fishing of their Tunies for the same yere At length we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre where we went on land and the better to enioy the benefite of the place and to ride in harborow at our pleasure we assaâlâd the same castle and three other strong holds which we tooke some by force and some by surrender Thence we came before the hauen of Lisbon ankering nere vnto Cascais where the Marques of Santa Cruz was with his Gallies who seeing vs chase his ships a shoare take
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleât sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâuen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâiued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâle to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats âurnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or âlse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to âonfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâtes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
China and the East India by the Northwest Ann. Dom. 1577. BEing furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties named The Ayde of two hundred tunne and two other small barks the one named The Gabriel the other The Michael about thirty tun a piece being fitly appointed with men munition victuals and all things necessary for the voyage the sayd captaine Frobisher with the rest of his company came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall intending with Gods helpe to take the first winde and tide seruing him the 25 day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1577. The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery and the number of souldiers and mariners in ech ship as followeth ABoord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers the rest sufficient and tall Sailers Aboord the Gabriel being Uiceadmirall were in all 18 persons whereof sixe were Souldiers the rest Mariners Aboord the Michael were 16 persons whereof fiue were Souldiers the rest Mariners Aboord the Ayde was Generalll of the whole company for her Maiesty Martin Frobisher His Lieutenant George Best His Ensigne Richard Philpot. Corporall of the shot Francis Forder The rest of the gentlemen Henry Carew Edmund Stafford Iohn Lee. M. Haruie Mathew Kinersley Abraham Lins. Robert Kinersley Francis Brakenbury William Armshow The Master Christopher Hall The Mate Charles Iackman The Pilot Andrew Dier The Master gunner Richard Cox Aboord the Gabriell was Captaine Edward Fenton One Gentleman William Tamfielâ The Maister William Smythâ Aboord the Michaell was Captaine Gilbert Yorke One Gentleman Thomas Chamberlainâ The Maister Iames Beareâ ON Whit sunday being the 26 of May Anno 1577 âarly in the morning we weighed anker at Blackwall and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend where we remained vntill Monday at night On munday morning the 27 of May aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Miniâter of Graueâend and prepared vs as good Christians towards God and resolute men for all fortunes and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope Tuesday the eight and twenty of May about nine of the clocke at night we arriued at Harwitch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals vntill Friday being the thirtieth of May during which time came letters from the Lordes of the Councell straightly commanding our Generall not to exceede his complement and number appointed him which was one hundred and twentie persons whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling mindes departed He also dismissed all his condemned men which he thought for some purposes very needefull for the voyage and towarde night vpon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile and put to the Seas againe And sayling Northward alongst the East coasts of England and Scotland the seuenth day of Iune we arriued in Saint Magnus sound in Orkney Ilands called in latine Orcades and came to ancker on the South side of the Bay and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set saile first leagues Here our companie going on lande the Inhabitants of these Ilandes beganne to flee as from the enemie whereupon the Lieutenant willed euery man to stay togither and went himselfe vnto their houses to declare what we were and the cause of our comming thither which being vnderstood after their poore maner they friendly entreated vs and brought vs for our money such things as they had And here our Goldfiners found a Mine of siluer Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades and standeth in the latitude of fiftie nine degrees and a halfe The countrey is much subiect to colde answerable for such a climate and yet yeeldeth some fruites and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poorely to liue There is plentie ynough of Poultrey store of egges fish and foule For their bread they haue Oaten Cakes and their drinke is Ewes milke and in some partes Ale Their houses are but poore without and sluttish ynough within and the people in nature thereunto agreeable For their fire they burne heath and turffe the Countrey in most parts being voide of wood They haue great want of Leather and desire our old shoes apparell and old ropes before money for their victuals and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coine The chiefe towne is called Kyrway In this Iland hath bene sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus being on the West side of the I le whereof this sound beareth name through which we passed Their Gouernour or chiefe Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward who at our being there as we vnderstood was in durance at Edenburgh by the Regents commandement of Scotland After we had prouided vs here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight of Iune wee set sayle againe and passing through Saint Magnus sound hauing a merrie winde by night came cleare and lost sight of all the land and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two dayes the winde shifted vpon vs so that we lay in trauerse on the Seas with contrary windes making good as neere as we could our course to the westward and sometime to the Northward as the winde shifted And hereabout we met with 3 saile of English fishermen froÌ Iseland bound homeward by whom we wrote our letters vnto our friends in England We trauersed these Seas by the space of 26 dayes without sight of any land and met with much drift wood whole bodies of trees We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules which seemed to liue onely by the Sea being there so farre distant from any land At length God fauoured vs with more prosperous windes and after wee had sayled foure dayes with good winde in the Poop the fourth of Iuly the Michaell being formost a head shot off a peece of Ordinance and stroke all her sayles supposing that they descryed land which by reason of the thicke mistes they could not make persit howbeit as well our account as also the great alteration of the water which became more blacke and smooth did plainely declare we were not farre off the coast Our Generall sent his Master aboord the Michaell who had beene with him the yeere before to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof who descryed not the land perfect but sawe sundry huge Ilands of yce which we deemed to be not past twelue leagues from the shore for about tenne of the clocke at night being the fourth of Iuly the weather being more cleare we made the land perfect and knew it to be Frislande And the heigth being taken here we found our selues to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a halfe and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land Betweene Orkney and Frisland are reckoned leagues This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high lande hauing the mountaines almost couered ouer with snow
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâus idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌmendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the âeceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius Nel 1517. Vn Corsaro Inglese sotto colore di venire á discoprire se ne venne con vna gran naue alla volta del Brasil nella costiera di Terra ferma indi attrauerso á questa isola Spagnuola giunse presso la bocca del porto di questa città di S. Domenico mando in terra il suo battello pieno di gente chiese licentia dipotere qui entrare dicendo che venia con mercantie a negotiare Ma in in quello instante il castellano Francesco di Tapia fece tirare alla uaue vn âiro d' artiglieria da questo castello perche ella se ne veniua diritta al porto Quando gli ânglesâ viddero questo si ritirarâno fuori quelli del battello tosto si raccolsero in naue Et nel vero il Castellan fece errore perche se ben fossenaue entrata nel porto non sar ebbono le genti potuto smontare à terra senza volontâ della città del castello La naue adunque veggendo come vi era riceââta âââò la volta dell isola di San Gionanni entrata nel porto di San Germano parlarono gli Inglesi con quelli della terra dimandarono vettouaglie fornimenti per la naue si lamentarono di quelli di questa città dicendo che essi non veniuano per fare dispiacere maper contrattare negotiare con sââi danari mercantie Hora quiui hebbero alcune vettouaglie in compensa essi diedero pagarono in certi stagni lauorati altre cose Et poi si partirono alla volta d' Europa doue si crede che non gungessero perche non se ne seppe piu nuoua mai This extract importeth thus much in English to wit That in the yeere 1517. an English Rouer vnder the colour of trauelling to discouer came with a great shippe vnto the parts of Brasill on the coast of the firme land and from thence he crossed ouer vnto this Iland of Hispaniola and arriued neere vnto the mouth of the hauen of this citie of S. Domingo and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare and demaunded leaue to enter into this hauen saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique But at that very instant the gouernour of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship for she bare in directly with the hauen When the Englishmen sawe this they withdrew themselues out and those that were in the shipboate got themselues with all speede on shipboord And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an ouersight for if the shippe had entred into the hauen the men thereof could not haue come on lande without leaue both of the citie and of the castle Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were receiued sayled toward the Iland of S. Iohn and entring into the port of S. Germaine the English men parled with those of the towne requiring victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo saying that they came not to doe any harme but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise In this place they had certaine victuals and for recompence they gaue and paid them with certain vessell of wrought tinne and other things And afterward they departed toward Europe where it is thought they arriued not for wee neuer heard any more newes of them Thus farre procâedeth Gonsaluo de Ouiedo who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rouer yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words that they came to discouer and by their traffique for pewter vessell and other wares at the towne of S. Germaine in the Iland of S. Iohn de puerto rico it cannot bee denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange But whosoeuer is conuersant in reading the Portugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats rouers and theeues which visite any heathen coast that they haue once sayled by or looked on Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee preiudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable trauels in discouerie A briefe note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Tiâon an English man made before the yeere 1526. to the West Indies of his abode there in maner of a secret factor for some English marchants which vnder hand had trade thither in those dayes taken out of an olde ligâer-booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of Bristol IT appeareth out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custodie of mee Richard Hakluyr written 1526. by master Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristol vnto his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his seruant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia that before the sayd yeere one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the aforesayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd This Thomas Tison so farre as I can coniecture may seeme to haue bene some secret factour for M. Thorne and other English marchants in those remote partes wherereby it is probable that some of our marchants had a kinde of trade to the West Indies euen in those ancient times and before also neither doe I see any reason why the Spaniards should debarre vs from it at this present The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauie Roial made to the West Indies 1562. MAster Iohn Haukins hauing made diuers voyages to the Iles of the Canaries and there by his good and vpright dealing being growen in loue and fauour with the people informed himselfe amongst them by diligent inquisition of the state of the West India whereof hee had receiued some knowledge by the instructions of his father but increased the same by the aduertisments and reports of that people And being amongst other particulars asâured that Negros were very good marchandise in Hispaniola and that store of Negros might easily bee had vpon the coast of Guinea resolued with himselfe to make âriall thereof and communicated that deuise with his worshipfull friendes of London namely with Sir Lionell Ducket sir Thomas Lodge M. Gunson his father in law sir William Winter M. Bromfield and others All which persons liked so well of his intention that they became liberall contributers and aduenturers in the action For which purpose there were three good ships immediatly prouided The one called the Salomon of the burthen of 120. tunneâ wherein M. Haukins himselfe went as Generall The second the
leuied a thousand mariners of Catalunna and Genoa to bee diuided among the Fleete and bee conducted as they were for the Fleete of Terçera furthermore that sixe thousande souldiers bee leuied giuing commaundement to presse a greater number to the ende that these may bee able men for seruice Moreouer it is needfull for this armie that 20. pataches be brought from Biscay and 20. Azabras from Castro That the pataches bee from 50. to 60. tunnes and that the Azabras bee like those which were in the expedition to Terçera That sufficient prouision be made of artillerie powder match and lead and harquebuzes muskets and chosen pikes for the keeping of the coast It is also meete to prouide another army of two ships of 400. tunnes apiece and other foure of 200. tunnes and foure pataches and a thousand souldiers besides mariners Hauing seene and considered that the Englishmen with their marchants ships onely that trauerse these seas haue made such hauocke in two moneths and that it is to bee thought that they will doe the like against the fleetes which goe and come from the Indies it is expedient that as by order in time of peace the fleete hath an Admirall and Uiceadmirall that now it should haue two more at the least in eche Fleete and neuerthelesse they are to bee wafted home with an armie In mine opinion all these prouisions ought to bee made onely in regard of the English army and the rest of the ships which haue bene set out of that kingdome But in case that Don Antonio should come with an armie and should seeke to inuade this kingdome these prouisions following would be needesull THat warning be giuen to the Conde de Beneuenta to the Marques de Soria to the Conde of Altamira to the Conde of Monterey to the Marquesse of Zerraluo and to the rest of the Lordes and Knights which are to haue order to bee in a readinesse against hee come vnto this kingdome That the people also be trained of the cities of Toro Zamora and Salamanca to bee ready to succour the countrey betweene the riuers of Doro and Minno and the people of Estremadura and Siuilla are likewise to bee trained to be ready to succour the citie of Lisbon and the countrey about the same Also that the castles of this citie riuer and territorie be victualled and prouided of gunpowder match and lead and all things else belonging to the artillerie as I haue requested in the relations which I sent vnto his maiestie the 7. of March of this present yeere 1585. That the gaâlies be furnished for foure moneths and that sixe more bee brought from Spaine to this riuer of Lisbon with an hundred and twentie souldiers for ech gallie that they may be deuided among the eight gallies which remaine here And in case it fall out that the armie of the English goe not for the Indies but occupie themselues vpon this kângdome for there may be English ships which may attend the one and the other we shal be enforced to make another armie besides that for the Indies of twelue ships foure pataches and a thousand fiue hundred souldiers In mine opinion all this is meet for his maiesties seruice to be foresâene to be made ready with great diligence and care and to prouide money needfull for the same without neglecting the one or the other but that âll these things be done without delay Referring my selfe in all things to those of wisâr iudgement Written in Lisbon the 26 of October 1585. A summarie and true discourse of sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage begun in the yeere 1585. Wherein were taken the cities of Saint Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the towne of Saint Augustine in Florida Published by M. Thomas Caâes THis worthy knight for the seruice of his Prince and countrey hauing prepared his whole fleete and gotten them downe to Plimmouth in Deuonâhire to the number of fiue and twenty saile of ships and pinnesses and hauing assemâled of souldiers and mariners to the number of 2300. in the whole embarked them and himselfe at Plimmouth aforesaid the 12. day of September 1585. being accompanied with these men of name and charge which hereafter follow Master Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general a man of long experience in the warres as well by sea as land who had formerly caried high offices in both kindes in many fights which he discharged alwaies very happily and with great good reputation Anthonie Powel Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Captaine Iohn Sampson Corporals of the field These officers had commandement ouer the rest of the land-Captaines whose names hereafâer follow Captaine Anthony Plat. Captaine Edward Winter Captaine Iohn Goring Captaine Robert Pew Captaine George Barton Captaine Iohn Merchant Captaine William Cecill Captaine Walter Bigs Captaine Iohn Hannam Captaine Richard Stanton Captaine Martine Frobisher Uiceadmirall a man of great experience in sea-faring actions who had caried the chiefe charge of many ships himselfe in sundry voyages before being now shipped in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Reere admirall in the Galeon Leicester Master Thomas Vennor Captaine in the Elizabeth Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Master Edward Winter Captaine in the Aide Master Christopher Carleil the Lieutenant generall Captaine of the Tygar Henry White Câptaine of the sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Scelie Captaine of the Minionâ Baily Captaine of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse Captaine of the Bark Bond. George Fortescue Captaine of the Barke Bonner Edward Carelesse Captaine of the Hope Iames Erizo Captaine of the White Lyon Thomas Moone Captaine of the Francis Iohn Riuers Captaine of the Vantage Iohn Vaugham Captaine of the Drake Iohn Varney Captaine of the George Iohn Martin Capâaine of the Beniamin Edward Gilman Captaine of the Skout Richard Hawkins Captaine of the Galiot called the Duckâ Bitfield Captaine of the Swallow After our going hence which was the foureteenth of September in the yeere of our Lord 1585. and taking our course towards Spaine wee had the winde for a fewe dayes somewhaâ skant and sometimes calme And being arriued neere that part of Spaine which is called thâ Moores wee happened to espie diuers sailes which kept their course close by the shore the weather being farre and calme The Generall caused the Uiceadmirall to goe with the pinnesses well manned to see what they were who vpon sight of the said pinnesses approching neere vnto them abandoned for the most part all their ships being Frenchmen laden all with salt and bound homewards into France amongst which ships being all of small burthen there was one so wel liked which also had no man in her as being brought vnto y e general he thought good to makâ stay of her for the seruice meaning to pay for her as also accordingly he performed at our returneâ which âarke was called the Drake The rest of these ships being eight or nine were dismisseâ without any any thing at all taken from them Who
and from thence arriued at the mouth of the riuer of Santo Domingo And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we tooke a boat of fifteene tunnes which had certeine iarres of malosses or vnrefined sugar with three men which men with their boat wee caried with vs to Cape Tiburon which in respect of seruice done vnto vs in furnishing vs with fresh water we dismissed Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of Iamaica and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but sound nothing Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes and landed at Grand Caiman being the Westermost where we found no people but a good riuer of fresh water and there we turned vp threescore great tortoises and of them we tooke our choise to wit fifteene of the females which are the best and fullest of egges whereof two serued an hundred men a day And there with stones we might kill turtle doues wilde geese other good fowles at our pleasures Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water and from thence to Cape S. Antonio and so went ouer for the Tortugas without taking of any new prize and thence cut ouer to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba There we tooke a small barke of twenty tunnes with foure men and forty liue hogs with certeine dried porke cut like leather ierkins along and dried hogs tongues and neats tongues and 20 oxe hides Then passing thence within foure dayes we tooke a ship of 80 tunnes laden with hides indico salsa perilla North of an headland called Corugna theâce the current set vs to the East to the old chanel There we tooke a frigat of 20 tunnes hauing certeine pieces of Spanish broad cloth other small pillage there continuing off the Matanças 12 dayes with the winde so Westerly that we could hardly recouer Hauana in the moneth of May. Here we tooke two boats laden with tortoises which we sunke sauing some of the tortoises setting the men on shore Then at length we recouered vp to Hauana where we came so neere to the forts that for one houres fight they ouer-reached vs with their long ordinance Then came out the two gallies hauing 27 banks on a side and fought with vs another houre which for that time left vs by reason of the increasing of the winde Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour hauing three fadome water at the flood able within to receiue a thousand saile where we found hog-houses which they terme coralles and tooke away certeine hogs and pigs As we came out of this harbour the weather being calme we were incountered by the gallies which had followed vs and fought with them three houres oftentimes within caliuer shot but wee made such spoile of their men and oares that they beganne to be weary and gaue vs ouer with their great losse Here within foure dayes after as we lay to the Northward sixe leagues off this harbour of Cauannas we met with master captaine Lane Generall of master Wats his fleet and captaine Roberts in the Exchange a ship of Bristol of an hundred and forty tunnes and master Beniamin Wood with his foure ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth All we being heere together espied a ship of some 50 tunne which we chased with their boats but my shallope first boorded her and tooke her which had in her sacke Canary-wine muscadell tent in iarres and good store oâ oâle in iarres The ship we vnladed and burned the men ran on shore Hence wee came all together being about 13 sailes before Hauana but passing by we gaue chase to a ship of 60 tun which entred into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Hauana which with boats was boorded and found to be of Puerto de Cauallos in the bay of Honduras laden with tanned hides salsa perilla Indico raw hides and good store of balsamum and she had foure chests of gold which they got on land before we could come to them We brought this ship into England Thus spending a seuen night in lying off and on for purchase and finding nothing come I set saile for England and arriued at Douer about the tenth of Nouember 1592â A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies begun the 10 of April 1591 wherein were three tall ships the Penelope of Captaine Raimond Admirall the Merchant royall whereof was Captaine Samuel Foxcroft Viceadmirall the Edward Bonauenture whereof was Captaine M. Iames Lancaster Rereadmirall with a small pinnesse Written by Henry May who in his returne homeward by the West Indies suffred shipwracke vpon the isle of Bermuda wherof here is annexed a large description THe tenth of April 1591 we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesayd In May following wee arriued at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands Also toward the end of this moneth we tooke a Portugall shippe being bound for Brasil within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall which serued greatly to our refreshing The 29 of Iuly following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour neere the cape of Buona Sperança where we stayed about a moneth with the Merchant royall which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with diuers weake men Here we bought an oxe for a knife of three pence a sheepe for a broken knife or any other odde trifle of the people which were Negros clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides both men and women The 8 of September the Penelope the Edward Bonauenture weyed anker and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Sperança The 12 following we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano This euening we saw a great sea breake ouer our admirall the Penelope and their light strooke out and after that we neuer saw them any more In October following we in the Edward fell with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight knowing not where we were Also the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Moçambique where the Portugals of the isle of Moçambigue fetch all their fresh water Here we tooke â pangaia with a Portugall boy in it which is a vessell like a barge with one mat saile of Coco nut leaues The barge is sowed together with the rinâes of trees and pinned with woodden pinnes In this pangaia we had certeine corne called millio hennes and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth The Portugall boy we tooke with vs and dismissed the rest From this place we went for an island called Comoro vpon the coast of Melinde which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial in which
of vs. On Sunday morning being the last of Nouember wee saw three or foure little Islands called the Monjes betwixt Aruba and the next North point of the maine At 12 of the clocke we sawe the maine where we saw a great current setting to the Westward and also the water changing very white The Phenix the carauell and one of the catches kept within and at midnight came vnder Cape de la Vela and made a fire whereby the rest of the fleeâe came to anker vnder the Cape where is a very good rode faire sholding and sandie ground fourteene twelue and tenne fadoms neere the shore Toe Cape is a bare land without trees or shrubs and falleth in eight or ten leagues Southeast and Northwest and a saker shot off the point standeth a little Island like Mewestone neere Plimmouth but somewhat bigger In the morning the first of December wee imbarked all our souldiers for Rio de la Hacha which is a towne twenty leagues to thâ Westwards one of the ancientest in all the maine although not very bigge but it standeth in a most fertile and pleasant soyle Our men tooke it by ten of the clock in the night The ships bearing all that night and the day before in 5 and 6 fadomes the lesser ships in 2 fadomes and an halfe water the Phenix went so neere the shore by the Generals commandement that shee strake on ground but got off againe There lieth to the Eastward of the towne some mile thereabout a shold of sand therefore giue a birth some halfe league or more before you come right against the town There wee came to anker in two fadomes but the great ships rode off in fiue ând siâe fadomes There is a fresh riuer about a bow-shot to the Eastward of the towne whâreinto our pinnesses could scarce enter by reason of a barre of sand in the riuers mouth but within it is nauigable for barkes of twenty or âhârây âunnes some sixe or eight leagues vp The siâth day the Spaniards came in to talke about the ransome of the towne but not to the Generall his liking and that night Sir Thomas Baskeruil marched vp into the countrey to ouer-runne those parâs and the Generall the same night with some hundreth and fifâie men went by water sixe leagues to the Eastward and tooke the Rancheria a fisher towne wherâ they drag for pearle The people all fled eâcept some sixteen or twenty souldiers which fought a little but some were taken priâoners besides many Negros with some store of pearles and other pillage In the houses we refreshed our selues and were all imbarked to come away and then had sight of a brigandine or a dredger which the Generall tooke within one houres chase with his two barges she had in her Indie-wheat which we call Maiz and some siluer and pearle but of small value On Saturday the seuenâh master Yorke captaine of the Hope dyed of sicknes and then master Thomas Drake the Generals brâther was made captaine of the Hope and master Ionas Bodenham captaine of the Aduenture and master Chaâles Caesar captaine of the Amitie The tenth day the Spaniards concluded for the ransome of the towne for 24000 ducats and one prisoner promised to pay for his ransome 4000 ducats The fourteenâh day they brought in the townes ransâme in pearles but rated so deare as the Genârall after conference with them misliking it sent it backe againe giuing them foure houres respite to cleere themseluâs wiâh their treasure The siâteenth the gouernour came into the towne about dinner and vpon conference with the Gânerall told him plainely that he cared not for the towne neither would he ransome it and that the pearle was brought in wiâhout his command or consent and that his detracting of time so long was onely to sând the other townes word that were not of force to withstand vs whereby they might conuey all their goods cattell and wealth into the woods out of danger So the Genâral gaue the gouernour leaue to depart according to promise hauing two houres to withdraw himselfe in safety The seuânteenth Sir Thomas Baskeruil with the Elizabeth Constance of Phenix the carauâl wiâh fâure or fiue piânâsses went some fiue leagues to the Wesâward landing marched some foure leagues vp into the countrey to a place called Tapia which he tooke burned certain villâges ând ferme houses about it He had some resistance as he passed ouer a riuer but had but one man âurt which he brought aboord aliue with him he marched one league farther and burnt a village called Sallamca and so returned with some prisoners the souldiers hauing gotten some pââlâgâ The 18 the Rancheria and the towne of Rio de la Hacha were burnt cleane downe to the ground the Churches and a Ladies house onely eâcepted which by her letters written to the Generall was preserued That day wee sât sayle and fell to lâe-ward to meete with Sir Thomas Baskeruil The 19 we weighed and stood to leeward for Cape de Aguja wâich the twentieth at sunne rising we saw It is a Cape subiect much to flawes by reason it is a very hie land and within the cape liâth an Island within the mouth of the sound which hath a white cliffe or spot in the Westnorthwest part of the Island The land all about the cape riseth all in hemocks or broken steâpie hils A league Southwest within that for so falleth the land thereabout thâre standeth on the top of a cliffe a watch-house and a little within that a small Island you may goe in betweene the maine and it or to leeward if you lust and hard within that iâ the rode and towne of Santa Martha which at 11 of the clocke we tooke the people all being sled except a few Spaniards Negros IndiaÌs which in a brauado at our landing gaue vs some 30 or 40 sâot so ran away That night their Lieutenant generall was taken and some little pillage brought in out of the woods for in the town nothing was left but the houses swept clean In all the main is not a richer place for gold for the hops were mixt with the earth in euery place and also in the sând a little to the leewards of the towne In the bay wee had a bad rode by reason of a small moone for euery small moone maketh foule weather all the maine along The 21 the Generall caused the towne to be burnt and all the ships to wey and stood out many of the souldiers being imbarked where the Generall had appointed in the small ships which rode neerest the shore We lost that night the company of the Phenix captaine Austin Peter Lemond and the Garlands pinnesse which stood along the shore and being chased off by gallies out of Carthagena Peter Lemond with nine of our men was taken the rest came safe âo our fleete The 26 we saw the Ilands some twelue leagues to the Eastward of Nombre
buy bread and other victuals for them in Orenoque Marowgo and Desekebe Upon Fryday the sixth of May we weighed and made downe the riuer and upon Sunday the eighth we gat cleare of it This riuer is much like vnto Marawynne in bredth and about fiftie leagues from the mouth to the first falles full of Islandes as the other in which three riuers Mano Tapuere and Tabuebbi otherwise Tapuellibi with sixe Townes Warrawalle Mawranamo Maapuere Maccharibi Yohóron and Vapéron And so clering our selues of this coast wee tooke our course to the Islands of the West Indies Now I thinke it not amisse to speak something of this countrey And first touching the climate though it stand within the Tropick and something neere to the Equinoctial so that the Sunne is twise a yeere ouer their heads neuer far from them yet is it temperate ynough in those partes For besides that wee lost not a man vpon the coast one that was sicke before hee came there was nothing sicker for being there but came home safe thanks be to God And for mine owne part I was neuer better in body in all my life and in like sort fared it with the rest of the company for indeed it is not so extreame hote as many imagine The people in all the lower parts of the countrey goe naked both men and women being of seuerall languages very tractable and ingenious and very louing and kinde to Englishmen generally as by experience we sound and vpon our owne knowledge doe report In the vpper countreys they goe apparelled being as it seemeth of a more euill disposition hauing great store of golde as we are certeinely inâormed by the lower Indians of whom we had some golde which they brought and bought in the high countrey of Wiana being able to buy no more because they wanted the things which now wee haue left among them They keepe no order of marriage but haue as many wiues as they can buy or win by force of their enemies which principally is the cause of all their warres For bread there is infinite store of casaui which is as good bread as a man need to eate and better then we can cary any thither We spent not a bit of our owne all the while we were vpon the coast It is made of a root so called which they take and scrape and crush all the iuyce out being poison and when it is drie it is as fine floure as our white meale maketh which dry as it is without any moisture they strew vpon a round stone hauing a still fire vnder it and so it congealeth to a cake and when it commeth new off it eateth like to our new white bread Besides there is great store of Guiny-Wheat whereof they make passing good drinke which after it is once sowed if you cut off the âare on the same stalke groweth another For victuals wee âither did not or at least needed not to haue spent any of our owne for there is great store of as good fish in the riuers as any is in the world Great store of fowle of diuers sorts Tortoise-âlesh plentifull and Tortoises egges innumerable Deere swine conies hares cockes and hennes with potatoes more them wee could spend Besides all kinde of fruits aâ all times of the yeere and the rarest fruits of the world the pine the plantan with infinite other variable and pleasant growing to their handes without planting or dressing For commodities though wee had but small time to search because wee spent so much time in searching the riuers yet wee haue brought examples of some which the countrey yeeldeth in great plenty as a kinde of long hempe like vnto steele hempe fine cotton wooll which the trees yeeld great store of and wherewith the women make a fiue threed which will make excellent good fustians or stockings Great store of pitch diuers sorts of sweet gummes West Indian pepper balsamum parrots and monkies Besides diuers other commodities which in good time may be found out to the benefit of our countrey and profit of the aduenturers who as yet hauing ventured much haue gained litle Now leauing the riuer of Coritineâ passing by Saint Vincent Santa Lâcia and Matalina we came to Dominica vpon the Friday following being the the thirteenth of May hauing lost the banke that came out with vs the Wednesday before Upon Sunday morning the fifteenth of May we came to Guadalupe where wee watered at the Souther part of the Island and hauing done by night we set saile and stood away to the Northward but were becalmed all night and vntill tenne of the clocke on Munday night at which time hauing a faire gale at East and after at Southeast wee passed along in the sight of Monserate Antigua and Barbuda Upon the ninth of Iune being Thursday we made the Islands of Flores and Coruo and the eight and twentieth of Iune we made the Lisart and that night came all safe to Plymmouth blessed be God Betweene the Isle of Barbuda in the West Indies and England we had three mighty stormes many calmes and some contrary windes And vpon the foureteenth of Iune 1597 there being diuers whales playing about our pinnesse one of them crossed our stemme and going vnder rubbed her backe against our keele but by none of all these we susteined any losse Thanks be to him that gouerneth all things Written by Master Thomas Mashamâ CERTAINE BRIEFE TESTIMONIES CONcerning the mightie Riuer of Amazones or Orellana and of the most wonderfull downefall or cataract of waters at the head thereof named by the Spaniards El Pongo together with some mention of the rich and stately Empire of Dorado called by Sir Walter Ralegh and the natural Inhabitants Guiana and of the golden countrey of Paytity neere adioyning with other memorable matters Taken out of Iosephus de Acosta his naturall and morall Historie of the West Indies The first Testimonie out of Iosephus de Acosta lib. 2. cap 6. BUt when we intreat of Riuers that which some men call the riuer of Amazones others Marannon others the riuer of Orellana doeth iustly put to silence all the rest whereunto our Spaniards haue gone and sayled And I stand in doubt whether I may cal it a riuer or a sea This riuer runneth from the mountaines of Piru from which it gathereth infinite store of waters of raine and riuers which runneth along gathering it selfe together and passing through the great fieldes and plaines of Paytiti of Dorado and of the Amazones and falleth at length into the Ocean sea and entreth into it almost ouer against the Isles of Margarita and Trinidad But it groweth so broad especially towardes the mouth that it maketh in the middest many and great Isles and that which seemeth incredible sayling in the middle chanel of the riuer men can see nothing but the skie and the riuer although men say that there are hilles neere the bankes thereof which can not be kenned through the greatnesse of the
and as wee haue at your request bene at great charges in sending these men so we pray you let vs haue lawful fauour in like courtesie to further all our causes And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect of displeasure against their company or in hope of preserment of mariage or otherwise would procure to tary and dwell there and leaue his charge and office that then you will bee a means to the Iustice that such fugitiues should bee sent abord the ship as prisoners for as you know without our men wee cannot bring home our ship Wee haue giuen order to our factours to vse your counsell and helpe in their affaires and to gratifie you for the same as to your courtesie and faithfull friendship shall appertaine to your good liking and in the meane time for a token of our good willes towards you we haue sent you a field-bed of walnut tree with the canopy valens curtaines and gilt knops And if there be any commoditie else that may pleasure you or your friends wee haue giuen order that they shall haue the refusing of it before any other giuing for it as it is worth And thus to conclude promising to performe all the foresaide things on our parts in euery condition we commit you to God whoeuer preserue you with all his blessings Your louing friends Christopher Hodsdon Anthonie Garrard Thomas Bramlie Iohn Bird. William Elkin Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasill with the Minion of London aforesaid in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of the said ship THe thirde day of Nouember in the yeere abouesaid we departed in the Minioâ of London from Harwich from which time no great thing worth the knowledge or regard of others happened vntil the 22. of December the next moneth which day for our owne learning vse wee obserued the setting of the Sunne which was Westsouthwest we then being vnder the line Equinoctiall where we found the aire very temperate and the winde for the most part Southeast and East southeast The same day we also obserued the rising of the moone being one day after the full which rose at East northeast The first land that wee fell with vpon the coast of Brasill was the yland of S. Sebastian where we arriued the 14. day of Ianuary in the yeere 1581. The 16. day Thomas Babington and others in our pinnesse went a shoare to Guaybea where they met with Iohn Whithall his father and mother in lawe who hauing receiued letters from thence to be deliuered at Santos came abord and then we weyed and set saile and the 28. day wee arriued at the yland of Santa Catelina neere the entrance of Santos Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West and betwixt the Southwest and by West and West southwest This yland of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the yland of Girybia Wee ankâred at nine fathome blacke osâe ground Upon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees but no fresh water is there to be found The third day of February we arriued before the towne of Santos and were there well receiued and intertained of the Captaine the kings officers and all the people The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beâfe aliue which serued for the victualling of the ship and the refreshing of our men and to make vs the merrier at Shrouetide The eight day we deliuered to M. Iohn Whithall a bedstead with the appurtenances which were sent to him from our marchants of London The 18. day the captaine of Santos came abord our ship by whom we had knowledge of foure great French ships of warre that had bene at the riuer of Ienero which there tooke three Canoas but were driuen from thence by their castles sorts and were looked for here at Santos Whereupon the Captaine requested vs to lend them some armour and artillery and we lent them twentie caliuers and two barrels of powder The 19. day our skiffe which we had sent to Alcatrarzas and had bene away sixe dayes came againe and brought good store of great and good fish and tolde vs that there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hooke and as much wood as we would haue of the Palmito-tree The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale one of our company fell ouer our shippes side and was drowned in the port of Santos before the towne where our ship rode at anker The 22. day two of the Canoas which the Frenchmen tooke in the riuer of Ienero returned to Santos and reported that the foure French ships were past to the southwards as they thought for the Straights of Magellan and so into the South sea The 23. day the aforesaide Nicholas Gale who fell ouerbord two dayes before was found againe and taken vp three miles from our ship and our company went to his buriall in the Church at Santos This day the Captaine and Iustices of Santos wished vs to tary in their road till the last of April for they had sent a barke of Santos to Baya at the kings charges to know whether we should haue trade or no and this barke could not returne before that time About this time there arriued at Feânambuck a shippe from Portugall which brought newes that the Islands Indies and Portugall it selfe was molested and troubled by the Spaniârds and that the Portugales had both English and Frenchmen to Lisbone to defend them against Spaine The 25. day wee sent two of our men namely Thomas Michael and Simon Thorne to Baya in a barke that went thither from Santos The two and twentie day of Aprill our Master and Thomas Babington hauing some talke and conference with the Padres of Santos they our men being ready to go to the Riuer of Ienero tolde them that they were sorry for our banishment from the Church and that the Ministrador had written from Rio de Ienero that forasmuch as these twentie yeres or more the English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceedings therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of vs should come to their Church the Padres willed vs herein to haue patience and to take it in good part and promised to stand our friends in their word and writing both to the Ministrador and to the bishop at Baya and further requested all our English company to haue no ill opinion of them The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ship The 21. of May we tooke in fresh victuals from Santos The 10. day of Iune wee gratified one Iosto Thorno dwelling in Santos with some of our English victuals and intertained him in good sort in our ship and this day wee were promised to haue a Pilot at Santos to cary vs to Baya The 11. day we went to fish to make prouision for our ship and men and from that time till the eighteenth day wee fet water and cut wâod for our fire and trimmed
our ship of the harmes and leakes which the wormes had made in her while wee ridde at the yland of S. Sebastian and in the meane time we departed from before the towne of Santos Our Master sent his skiffe from the barre of Santos thinking to haue brought Thomas Babington and William Euet with the Pilot which wee had âarried for three dayes and as the skiffe was going William Euet being by the Riuers side called to our pinnesse and sent a letter to our Master which Thomas Babington had written wherein were no newes but that the Ministrador was arriued at Santos from the Riuer of Ienero and would speake with our Master but he willed that whatsoeuer Thomas Babington did write no credit should be giuen to it And further he wished vs presently to depart for Sant Sebastian and there to dispatch our businesse and then to sende backe for Babington and himselfe to Guaybea where he if he were well would giue his attendance to come abord As we rid two leagues a sea-bord the barre of Santos wee broke a cable in the open sea which happened the 15. day of this moneth We arriued at S. Sebastian the 15. day and there shifted our balast and had in stones and halled our ship a ground to stop our leakes caried our caske a shoare to be hooped for water which indeed might better haue bene done in Santos before the Ministrador came thither yet we finished all things pertaining to our ship by the 22. of this moneth at S. Sebastian The first day of Iuly Thomas Babington came abord with William Euet in our pinnesse and the rest of our men that went for them but there was no Pilot brought according to promise to cary vs to Baya The things that we obserued and noted in the time of our being at Santos were these All such wares and marchandizes as owe no custome in Brasill their vse is to set a price vpoâ the same how they shal be sold which is done by the magistrates of the towne according to the ordinances of their king But for all such marchandizes as do owe custome there the marchants are to sell them according as they may to the greatest profit and aduantange that they can Concerning the prouince of Peru wee learned that one part of it by land water is but twelue dayes iourney from the towne of Santos and from thence it may be about foure or fiue dayes iourney by water to the maine riuer of Plate From the head of the riuer of Plate and from their chiefe townes there they doe trade and trafique by lând into Peru by waggons and horses or mules The saide riuer of Plate is so full of sands and dangers and the fresh to fierce sometimes that no shipping dares to deale with it small barks to their knowledge may go vp it and not els The Portugales here cannot bee suffered to vse their Mines of treasure in these parts vpon paine of death the contrary being commanded by the king and the Uice-roy who is as their king in place of authoritie About twentie leagues from Santos there is a certaine kinde of wilde Sauages lying in the mountaines which are in friendship with the Portugales and they haue continuall warres with certaine other Sauages that dwell towards the borders of Peru which is distant from Santos about 400. or 500. leagues Those Sauages of Peru haue store of gold and siluer but they knowe not the vse of it Looke what Sauages of their enemies they take they sell them to the Portugales for kniues combes ares or hatchets and other ârifles they will sell one for a pennie-knife to a Portugal and after two yeeres they are worth twentie or thirtie duckets to the Portugal This people haue also continuall warres with the Spaniards and this was tolde vs by one of those Sauages which hath âwelt among the Portugales these seuen yeeres with his master called Sennor Manoel Veloso And this fellowe âould willingly haue come with vs for England There are certaine rockes that lie off betweene the yle of Alcatrarzas and S. Sebastian about two leagues which are to be taken heed of which a farre off in faire weather shewe like the sailes of ships There are other rocks that lie off S. Catelina also fiue leagues to the East and by South into the sea off the yland At our comming vp to Santos we found foure fadom and a halfe water in the shallowest place and the like we found within a league after we were departed from S. Catelina litle more or lesse but after you haue runne in the depth of foure fadome and a halfe about a mile or lesse then you shall haue it deeper againe more and more Before the towne of Santos we rode in eight and tenne fadome water A letter of Francis Suares to his brother Diego Suares dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasill in Iune 1596. concerning the exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barks of 30. and 40. tunnes SIr we set saile from Lisbon the fourth of April 1596. and arriued here in this riuer oâ Ienero the twentie seuenth of Iune next ensuing And tâe same day the Visitadores did visit our ship with great ioy thinking that those commodities which wee brought with vs had bene for the marchants of this countrey but it prooued to the contrary The pilot brought with him in the sayd shippe two pipes of wine which were taken from him and solde by the Iustice for foure and twenty reals euery gallon But I solde mine for two and thirty and sixe and thirty reals the gallon If I had brought any great store of wine I should haue made a great gaine of it for I should haue gotten eight reals for one The next day in the morning wee went all on shore and gaue God thanks for our prosperous voyage and good successe which he had sent vs. And because the gouernour of this countrey was gone from this Towne to another house of his three leagues vp into the riuer beyond the place where we rode at anker I desired the captaine of our shippe after dinner that we might take the shippe boat and goe to the place where the gouernour did lie And so going vp the riuer we met with a canoa which was comming downe the riuer and going aboord our shippe which canoa was laden with fresh victuals and in the same was one Portugall which met vs and tolde vs that the gouernour of that captaine shippe had sent vs a present which we receiued very thankefully and sent it aboord And we went vp the riuer to the place where the gouernour did dwell and comming to the place where we landed hard by the the riuers side the gouernour came thither and receiued vs very courteously So we remained at his house two dayes talking of many matters of Portugall then we departed from him
a clocke in the morning I in my skiffe and Captaine Parker in his pinnesse went downe to the West point and there wee landed with 11 men in all well furnished and searched the woods plaines and plashes after an Elephant finding the haunt footing and soyle of many newly done yet wee saw none of them Wee saw hogs goates or fawnes and diuers sorts of fowles very wilde and hauing trauailed about 2 leagues about noone wee returned to the point where wee landed and met our boates which had beene at sea and taken plentie of good fish there wee refreshed our selues with such victuals as wee had and came aboord our seuerall ships where I found the Portugals and Negros who had dined and after supped aboord with mee The 2 of September we set saile at sixe of the clock in the morning wânt out West betweene 7 and 10 fathom with a pretie gale at East til 8 then it waxed calme wee being shot out of the harbour a league and a halfe It continued calme this day till one in the afternoone and then it blewe vp at Westsouthwest a good gale so wee stood off Northnorthwest and Northwest till 5 in the afternoone then wee ankered in 12 fathom being 6 leagues off the point West by North. The 3 day about eight a clocke in the forenoone the Generall came aboord to mee complaining that his maine crosse-trees were broken and therefore determined to goe into Sierra leona againe when the winde blewe at 12 at noone wee set saile and went in Eastsoutheast and Southeast and Southsoutheast being carried to the Northward with the flood And at 7 at night wee ankered in eight fathom three leagues off the entrance Westnorthwest The 12 day came downe the riuer a boate with three oâher Portugals with whom the General bargained to let them haue barrels of salt for 5 barrels of rice and after that rate to exchange for 40 barrels which hee acquainted mee with afterwards I dined among the Portugals with him after dinner I went on shoare to the ouen and to the carpenters After I had bene on shoare and seene the worke there I returned aboord there supped with mee the Generall M. Maddox Captaine Hawkins and seuen Portugals after supper each man returned to his place The 13 in the afternoone the Portugals came againe aboord me and brake their âaââ with me aftâr I sent by them vp the riuer in my skiffe 12 barrels of salt and gaue them a bottell of wine for one of the sauage Queenes The 15 after dinner the Master M. Walker and I accompanied with 12 other trauelled ouer a great deale of ground to finde some cattell but found none and comming home thorâw the Oyster bay I found of my company and of the Admirals together rosting of oysters and going from them Thomas Russell one of my companie sawe a strange fish named Vââlif which had âought with a crocodile and being hurt came neere the shoare where hee waded in and by the taile drew him a lande and there slewe him and sent the Generall the hinder halfe of him the headâ part I kept in whose nose is a bone of two foot long like a sword with three and twentie pricks of a side sharpe and strange The bodie wee did eate and it was like a Sharke The 30 and last day of September the Francis cooke came aboord about seuen a clocke in the forenoone from fishing with my net and brought among other fish a Sea calfe as wee called it with haire and lympits and barnacles vpon him being seuen foote long âoure foote nine inches about which to see I sent for the Generall and such as pleased to come see it out of the Admirall who came and brought with him M. Maddox Captaine Hawkins Captaine Parker and most part of his companie who hauing viewed the beast which was oughly being aliue it being ââayed opened and dressed prooued an excellent faire and good meate broyled rosted sodde and baked and sufficed all our companies for that day The first day of October in the morning wee tooke in to make vp our full complement of rice twentie barrels for the twelue barrels of salt deliuered the Portugall Lewis Henriques beâore The 2 day about sixe a clocke in the morning wee set saile hauing little winde the Captaine with the Master and other of their companie of the Portugals came aboord meâ complaining that the carfey by them receiued for the foure Negros of the Generall was not sufficient for their payment whereupon I gaue them scaâlet caps and other things to their contânt who finding themselues well pleased departed away in the Gundall and we hauing little winde got downe thwart of the fishing bay and there came to anker about nine a clocke the same forenoone The third day about two a clocke in the morning wee set saile and went hence Southwest by West till two in the afternoone then being little wind at fiue wee ankered sixe leagues Eastsoutheast of the Southermost part of the land in fifteene fathomâ and there wee rode till ââght a clocke ãâã night and set saile with a stiâfe gale at Northeast which sometime blewe and sometime was ãâã winde and âo continued all night The first day of Nouembeâ in the forenoone wee tooke in our maine saile to mend ãâ¦ã meane time the Admirall came vp by vs and desiring mee with my Master and M. Blackeâââeâ to come aboord to him about certaine conference hee sent his boate âor vs where by him wââ propounded whether it were best for vs to stand on with the coast of Brasil as wâe did âr âlie âo stand about starboord tacked to the Eastwards whereupon diuers of their charts and reckoningâ werâ shewâd by some it appeared wee wâre a hundreâ and fiftenne leagues by some a hundred and fiftie leagues by some a hundred and fortie leagues and some a great deale further short of Brasil next hand Northeast of vs but all agreed to bee within twentie minutes of the line âome tâ the North some to the South of the line After many debatements it was agreed by most consent to stand on for the coast of Brasil ââcept the wind changedâ and there to doe as weather should compell vs. In this consultation wee had speaches of courses and places of meeting if by misfortune wee should bee separated whârein was no full order concluded but that we should speake euery night with the Admirall if wee conueniently might and so to appoint our course from time to time if wee lost companie to stay fifteene dayes in the riuer of Plate and from thence to go for the streights and there to ride and âââer and trimme our ships The 12 in the afternoone M. Maddoâ M. Hall M. Bannister and others came aboord to ââsire M. Walker After a time of abode with him they returned to the gallion all againe except M. Maddox who remained with M. Walker here aboord This night M. Maddox and I
but notwithstanding the time that they had to strengthen themselues and the towne yet to giue an attempt for the winning of it and therefore wee prouided our pinnesses carauels and boates for the enterprise and as we were departing from our shippes the winde turned directly contrary to our course so that our determination for that time was broken and wee returned againe to our ships and to say the trueth if the weather and winde had serued our attempt had bene very desperate considering the number of Portugals and Indians which were then gathered together to the number of seuen or eight thousand and their artillery vpon the shore playing vpon vs but neuerthelesse we had proceeded if the winds had fauoured vs. The 16 day we went to certaine Ingenios of the Portugals where we found the people fled and we entred their houses without resistance We found in their purging house 1000 pots of sugar some halfe purged some a quarter and some newly put into the pots so that euery man tooke his pot of sugar for their prouision and set all the rest on fire The 17 day wee all weyed to goe to another Ingenio to see if wee could find there better sugar and in the way we met with a prize which was a carauel which wee found driuing with the weather and entred her and had in her onely three Faulcons of yron which our pinnesse brought away and set the ship on fire Dalamor in the small prize ran so farre in that hee brought his ship on ground where shee lay three or foure houres till such time as there came from the towne fiue carauels full of men which being perceiued of vs our captaine with our men went to him to ayde him The carauels came within Faulcon shot of vs but durst come no neerer lest they might haue tasted of the like banket that they receiued the last time About halfe flood came the galley againe and three carauels more but before they came the barke was a floate and set sayle and then they all went to gard their Ingenios which we had purposed to visit but the night comming on perswaded vs to the contrary The 19 day we set sayle to goe into the roade of Baya againe with our pinnesses and a flag of truce to see if we could recouer our foure men which remained aliue of those ten that perished in our boate of whom we spake before which foure were vnfortunately fallen into their hands but they at our approching neere the towne shot at vs and wee as ready as they gaue them in all 27 shot and so ankored a little from the towne to see what they would doe The 20 day riding still before the towne our Admirall sent a Negro ashore with letters from the Portugals that wee had prisoners aboord the effect of which letters was that if we might haue our men released and deliuered vs they should haue theirs from our ships The next day in the morning in stead of their bloody flagge they put vp two white flagges and sent a Gângatho off to vs with two Indians with letters of answere from the Gouernour but they would not consent in any case that we should haue our men and willed their Portugals to take their captiuitie patiently for they would not redeeme them a motion they made in their letters to buy againe one of their prizes which we had taken out of the rode but our admirall answered them no seeing they detained our men wee would keepe both their men and ships tooâ The same euening we weyed and came out of the hauen halfe a league to seaward The 22 we set saile to sea and the 23 came to an Island twelue leagues to the Southward of Baya to wood and water The 24 day being aboord with our pinnesses we met with a Canoa wherein was one Portugall and siâe Indians we shot at the Canoa and killed an Indian and tooke the Portugall and one of the Indians and ârought them aboord our shippes we there examined them and the Portugal confessed that there was a shippe âaden with meale and other victuals bound for Fernambuck but put into a creeke because she dursâ not goe along the coast hearing of our shippes Whereupon we manned both our pinnesses and tooke the Portugal with vs to goe and seeke the same ship but that night we could not find her The 26 day we went againe and found her being halled vp inâo a creeke where a man would haue thought a shippe boate could not haue entred wee found her indeede laden with meale principally but she hâd also in her fourteene chests of sugar of which two were in powder and twelue in loaues This ship was of the burden of one hundred and twenty tunnes and a new ship this being the first voyage that euer she made and as the Portugall confessed shee was straighted for Fernambuck but the men of Baya hauing great want of bread bought both the ship and her lading and so thought to stay her in this creeke till we were gone off the coast but it was our good hap to disappoint their pretense and to fetch her from thence where they thought her as safe as if she had bene at Lisbon The 28 day we deuided the meale amongst vs according to the want of euery ship The 30 day 16 or 17 Dutchmen went with their boate from the hulke to shoare to fill water and vpon a sudden they were assaulted with fifty or sixty Portugals and so many more Indians armed with shot and other weapons and they slew their Master and Purser and the rest were hurt but yet escaped with their liues a good warning for vs to bee circumspect and carefull in our landing The last day of May wee câst off one of our prizes which wee called the George and our Admirall and the hulke tooke the men and other necessaries out of her into them The same day the Portugals which had hurt the Dutchmen came to the shore and dared vs to come on land wherevpon wee went into our pinnesses with fortie shot but the cowardly villanes ranne all away to the hils from the watââ side but master Lister with nine men followed them and they fled still before them and durst not stay their approch so they came backe againe and wee filled water quietly and at our pleasure The third day of Iune our captaine master Lister hauing a great desire for the performance of this voyage according to my Lords direction went to our admirall and requesâed him to giue him siâe buts of wine one barrell of oile three or foure barrels of flesh and to haue Thomas Hood and seuen or eight seamen for some of our landmen and by Gods help he with the barke Clifford would alone proceede for the South sea but the admirall mightily withstoode his motion and would grant no iote of his particular requests The 7 of Iune hauing no vse at all of our prizes we burnt one and
no lesse store of fesants in the yland which are also marueilous bigge and fat surpassing those which are in our countrey in bignesse and in numbers of a company They differ not very much in colour from the partridges before spoken of Wee found moreouer in this place great store of Guinie cocks which we call Turkies of colour blacke and white with red heads they are much about the same bignesse which ours be of in England their egges be white and as bigge as a Turkies egge There are in this yland thousands of goates which the Spaniards call Cabritos which are very wilde you shall see one or two hundred of them together and sometimes you may beholde them going in a flocke almost a mile long Some of them whether it be the nature of the breed of them or of the country I wot not are as big as an asse with a maine like an horse and a beard hanging downe to the very ground they wil clime vp the cliffes which are so steepe that a man would thinke it a thing vnpossible for any liuing thing to goe there We tooke and killed many of them for all their swiftnes for there be thousands of them vpon the mountaines Here are in like maner great store of swine which be very wilde and very fat and of marueilous bignes they keepe altogether vpon the mountaines and will very seldome abide any man to come neere them except it be by meere chance when they be found asleepe or otherwise according to their kinde be taken layed in the mire We found in the houses at our comming 3. slaues which were Negros one which was borne in the yland of Iaua which âolde vs that the East Indian fleete which were in number 5. sailes the least whereof were in burthen 8. or 900. tunnes all laden with spices and Calicut cloth with store of treasure and very rich stones and pearles were gone from the saide yland of S. Helena but 20. dayes before we came thither This yland hath bene found of long time by the Portugals and hath bene altogether planted by them for their refreshing as they come from the East Indies And when they come they haue all things plentiful for their reliefe by reason that they suffer none to inhabit there that might spend vp the fruit of the yland except some very few sicke persons in their company which they stand in doubt will not liue vntill they come home whom they leaue there to refresh themselues and take away the yeere following with the other Fleete if they liue so long They touch here rather in their comming home from the East Indies then at their going thither because they are throughly furnished with corne when they set out of Portugal but are but meanely victualed at their comming from the Indies where there groweth little corne The 20. day of Iune hauing taken in wood water and refreshed our selues with such things as we found there and made cleane our ship we set saile about 8. of the clocke in the night toward England At our setting saile wee had the winde at Southeast and we haled away Northwest and by West The winde is commonly off the shore at this yland of S. Helena On wednesday being the thirde day of Iuly we went away Northwest the winde being still at Southeast at which time we were in 1. degree and 48. minuts to the Southward of the Equinoctial line The twelfth day of the said moneth of Iuly it was very little winde and toward night it was calme and blew no winde at all and so continued vntil it was munday being the 15. day of Iuly On Wednesday the 17. day of the abousaid moneth wee had the winde skant at West northwest Wee found the wind continually to blow at East and Northeast and Eastnortheast after we were in 3. or 4. degrees to the Northward and it altered not vntill we came betweene 30. and 40. degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line On Wednesday the 21. day of August the wind came vp at Southwest a faire gale by which day at noone we were in 38. degrees of Northerly latitude On friday in the morning being the 23. day of August at foure of the clocke we haled East and East and by South for the Northermost ylands of the Açores On Saturday the 24. day of the said moneth by 5. of the clocke in the morning we fel in sight of the two ylands of Flores and Coruo standing in 39. degrees and ½ and sailed away Northeast The third of September we met with a Flemish hulke which came from Lisbone declared vnto vs the ouerthrowing of the Spanish Fleete to the singuler reioycing and comfort of vs all The 9. of September after a terrible tempest which caried away most part of our sailes by the mercifull fauour of the Almightie we recouered our long wished port of Plimmouth in England from whence we set foorth at the beginning of our voyage CERTEINE RARE AND SPECIAL NOTES most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish next before described concerning the heights soundings lyings of lands distances of places the variation of the Compasle the iust length of time spent in sayling betweene diuer placesâ and their abode in them as also the places of their harbour and anckering and the depths of the same with the obseruation of the windes on seuerall coastes Written by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich who was Master in The desire of M. Thomas Candish in his foresaid prosperous voyage about the world A note of the heights of certaine places on the coast of Barbarie INpriâis Cape Cantin standeth in the latitude of 32. degr 4. minâ Item the yland of Mogador standeth in 31. degr 30. min. Item Cape d'oro standeth in 30. degr 20. min. Item the ylands of the Canaries abouâ 28. degr Item Cape Bâjador standeth in 27. degr 30. min. Item Cape Verde standeth in 14. degr 30. min Item the Cape of Sierra Liona in 8. degr Item an yland called Ilha Verde in 7. degr 20. min A note of the heights of certaine places from the coast of Brasill to the South sea INprimis Cape Frio standeth in the latitude of 23. degr 30. min. Item the yland of S. Sebastian in 24. degr Item Port desire standeth in 47. degr 50. min Item Seales bay standeth in 48. degr 20. min. Item Port S. Iulian standeth in 50. degr Item The white riuer standeth in 50. degr 30. min. Item Cape Ioy standeth in 52. degr 40. min. Item Port famine within the Straights of Magellan standeth iâ 53. degr 50. min Item Cape froward within the Straights of Magellan standeth in 54. degr 15. min. Item Cape desire in the entring into the South sea standeth in 53. degr 10. min. A note of the heights of certaine places on the coast of Chili and Peru in the South sea INprimis the yland of Mocha âtandeth in the latitude of 38. degr 30. min.
as we were taking in of water by Port Famine out boate-swaine the hooper and William Magoths being on shoare Matthew Hawlse did hallow to haue them in all the haste come on-bord saying therewithall these words He that will come in this voyage must not make any reckoning to leaue two or three men on shore behinde him whereas we had so lately lost all the foresaide men hauing then but sixe sailers left vs on-bord Also the saide Matthew Hawlse did cary a pistoll for the space of two dayes secretly vnder his gowne intending therewithall to haue murthered Andrew Stoning and William Combe as by confession of Hawlse his man William Martin it is manifest for the saide William Martine reported vnto two of his friends viz. Richard Hungate and Emanuel Dornel that he kneeled vpon his knees one whole houre before Matthew Hawlse in his owne cabin desiring him for Gods cause not to kill either of them especially because the saide Stoning and Martin came both out of one towne Also the said Hawlse at our second time of watering in the place aforesaide came into the Gunners roome to speake with you your selfe with the master Gunner Thomas Browne and his mate William Frier being then present demanding of you if he should send certaine men to Port famine being two leagues from the ship by land Thomas Browne answered him presently that he should send none for feare least the wind might arise and by that meanes we should loose so many of our men more to whom Matthew Hawlie replied that it was not material for that he had made choyce of a company for the very same purpose whose names were Emmanuel Doânel Richard Hungate Paul Carie Iohn Dauis Gabriel Valerosa a Portugall and Peter a Britaine and the Spaniard which we had taken in at the same place at our first time of watering And thus we end desiring God to sende vs well into our natiue countrey In witnesse whereof wee haue subscribes our names Thomas Browne Gunner Iohn Morrice c. The last voyage of the worshipfull M. Thomas Candish esquire intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with 3. tall ships and two barks Written by M. Iohn Iane a man of good obseruation imployed in the same and many other voyages THe 26. of August 1591. wee departed from Plimmouth with 3. âall ships and two barkes The Galeon wherein M. Candish went himselfe being Admiral The Roebucke viceadmirall whereof M. Cocke was Captaine The Desire Rere-admirall whereof was Captaine M. Iohn Dauis with whom and for whose sake I went this voyage The Blacke pinnesse and a barke of M. Adrian Gilbert whereof M. Randolfe Cotton was Captaine The 29. of Nouember wee fell with the bay of Saluador vpon the coast of Brasil 12. leagues on this side Cabo Frio where wee were becalmed vntill the second of December at which time wee tooke a small barke bound for the Riuer of Plate with sugar haberdash wares and Negros The Master of this barke brought vs vnto an yle called Placencia thirtie leagues West from Cabo Frio where wee arriued the fift of December and rifled sixe or seuen houses inhabited by Portugales The 11. wee departed from this place and the fourteenth we arriued at the yle of S. Sebastian from whence M. Cocke and Captaine Dauis presently departed with The Desire and the blacke pinnesse for the taking of the towne of Santos The 15. at euening we anckered at the barre of Santos from whence we departed with our boates to the towne and the next morning about nine of the clocke wee came to Santos where being discouered wee were inforced to land with 24. gentlemen our long boat being farre a sterne by which expedition wee tooke all the people of the towne at Masse both men and women whom wee kept all that day in the Church as prisoners The cause why master Candish desired to take this towne was to supply his great wants For being in Santos and hauing it in quiet possession wee stood in assurance to supply all our needes in great abundance But such was the negligence of our gouernour master Cocke that the Indians were suffered to carry out of the towne whatsoeuer they would in open viewe and no man did controll them and the next day after wee had wonne the towne our prisoners were all set at libertie onely foure poore olde men were kept as pawnes to supply our wants Thus in three dayes the towne that was able to furnish such another Fleete with all kinde of necessaries was left vnto vs nakedly bare without people and prouision Eight or tenne dayes after master Candish himselfe came thither where hee remained vntill the 22. of Ianuary seeking by increatie to haue that whereof we were once possessed But in conclusion wee departed out of the towne through extreeme want of victuall not being able any longer to liue there and were glad to receiue a fewe canisters or baskets of Cassaui meale so that in euery condition wee went worse furnished from the towne then when wee came vnto it The 22. of Ianuary we departed from Santos and burnt Sant Vincent to the ground The 24. we set saile shaping our course for the Streights of Magellan The seuenth of February we had a very great storme and the eight hour Fleet was separated by the fury of the tempest Then our Captaine called vnto him the Master of our ship whom hee found to be a very honest and sufficient man aâd conferring with him he concluded to goe for Port Desire which is in the Southerly latitude of 48. degrees hoping that the Generall would come thither because that in his first voyage he had found great reliefe there For our Captaine could neuer get any direction what course to take in any such extremities though many times hee had intreated for it as often I haue heard him with griefe report In sayling to this port by good chance we met with The Roe-bucke wherein master Cocke had endured great extremities and had lost his boate and therefore desired our Captaine to keepe him company for hee was in very desperate case Our Captaine hoiâed out his boate and went abord him to know his estate and returning turning tolde vs the hardnesse thereof and desired the Master and all the company to be carefull in all their watches not to loose The Roe-bucke and so wee both arriued at Port Desire the sixth of March. The 16. of March The Blacke pinnesse came vnto vs but master Gilberts barke came not but returned home to England hauing their Captaine abord the Roe-bucke without any prouision more then the apparell that hee wore who came from thence abord our ship to remaine with our Captaine by reason of the great friendship betweene them The 18. the Galeon came into the road and master Candish came into the harborough in a boat which he had made at sea for his long boat and light-horseman were lost
sight of y e Sauages Salmon Fiue Englishmen intercepted and taken Taking of the first Sauage Frobishers returne The taking possession of Meta incognita How the ore was found by chance Many aduenturers In the second voâage commission was giuen onely âor the bringing of ore They receiuâ the communion The numbeâ of men in thiâ voyage The condemned men discharged The first arriâuall after one departing frâ Englandâ A Mine of sâlâer foânâ in Oâkney Kyrway the chiefe towne of Orkney S. Magnus sound why so called Great bodies of trees driuing in the seas Monstrous fish strangâ foule liuing onely by the Sea Water being blacke and smooth signifieth land to be neere Ilands of yce The first sight of Frisland the 4. of Iuly Frisland described An easie kind of Fishing White Corrall got by sounding Monstroâs Isles of yce in taste fresh wherehence they are supposed to come The opinion of the frosen Seas is destroyed by experience The Stirrage of the Michaell broken vp tempest The first entrance of the straights Halles Iland The description of the straights No more gold Ore found in the first Iland Egs foules of Meta incognita Siâares set to catch birds withall The building of a Columne called Mount Warwicke The first sight of the countrie people waâting with a flagge The meeting a part of two Englishmen with two of that countrey The order of their traffique Another meeting of two of our men with two of theirs The Englishmen chased to their bâates One of that Countreymen taken The Ayde set on fire The great danger of those rockes of yce Night without darknes in that countrey Our first comming on the Souâherland of the sayd straights A Mine of Blacke lead Iackmans sound Smiths Iland The finding of an Vnicornes horne Beares sound Lecesters IlaÌd A tombe with a dead mans bones in it Bridles kniues and other instruments found hid among the Rockes They vse great dogs to draw sleds and litle dogs for their meat Thirty leagues discouered within the straites A good president of a good Captain shewed by Captain Frobisher The maner of their houses in this countrey Whales bones vsed in stead of timber The sluttishnesse of these people A signe set vp by the sauage captiue the meaning therof The sauage capâiue amazed at his coââtreimans picture Another shew of twenty persons of that countrey in one boate Yorkes sound The apparel found againe of our English men which the yere before were taken captiue A good deuise of Captaine Yorke The Sauages haue boats of sundry bignes The English men pursue those people of that countrey The swift rowing of those people The bloody point Yorkes sound A hot skirmish betweene the English and them of that countrey The desperate nature of those people The taking of the woman her child A prety kind of surgery which nature teacheth The narrowest place of the Straites is 9. leagues ouer The Queenes Cape The maner of the meeting of the two captiues and their entertainment The shame fastnes and chastity of those Sauage captiues Another appearance of the countrey people Thâsâ people know the vse of writing A letter sent vnto the fiue English captiues Postscript The cause why M. Frobisher entred no further within the Streits this yere Bests bulwarke Their King called Catchoe How he is honoured A bladder changed for a looking glasse No newes of the English captiues To what end the bladder was deliuered Those people dancing vpon the hil toppeâ A skirmish shewed to those people Their ââags made of bladders Great offerâ A hundreth Sauages They returne Snow halfe a foote deepe in August The Master of the Gabriel strooken ouer-boord The Rudder of the Aide torne in twain How the latitudes were alwayes taken in this voyage ratherwith the Staffe then ââârolabe The arriual of the Aide at Padstow in Cornewall Our comming to Milford Hauen The arriuall of the Gabriel aâ Bristow The Michael arriued in the North parts Only one man died the voyage M. Frobisher coÌmended of her Maiestie The Gentlemen commended CoÌmissioners appointed to examine the goodnesse of the Ore A name giuen to y e place new discouered The hope of the passage to Cataya A forte to be built in Meta Incognita A hundreth men appointed to iuhabitâ there Fifteene sayle A chaine of gold giuen to M. Frobisher Cape Cleare the sixâ of Iune A charitable deââe Marke this current West England Frisland supposed to be âââtânent with Groenland The 23 of Iune Charing crosse A Whale strooke a ship Frobishers Streites choked vp with yce Salt water cannot freeze Barke Dennis sunâe Part of the house lost Another assault Fogge snow and mistes hinder the Mariners markes A swift current from the Northeast A current Iames Beaâe a good Mariner Christopher Hall chiefe Pylot Hard shifts to saâe mens ââes The coast along y â South-side of Gronlând 60 leagues Mistaken straights which indeedâ are no straights Frobisher could haue passed to Cataia Faire open way Reasons to prooue a passage here Great indrafts A current to the West Nine houres flood to three houres ebbe The sea moneth from East to West continually Authoritie Hard but yet possible turning backe againe Traffique Returne out of the mistaken straights Great dangers Anne Francis met with some of the fleete Francis The foure and twentieth of Iuly we met with the Francis of Foy of Foy. Bridgwater ship The Streits frozen ouer A valiant mind of M. Frobisher Snow in Iuly Extreme winter Great heat in Meta Incognita Unconstant wâather The Generall recouereth his port Master Wolfall Preacher The aduentures of Captaine Fenton and his companie Extremitie causeth men to venise new arts aud remedies Yard shifts Strange wonders Consultation for inhabiting Meta incognita An hunderd men appointed to inhabite No habitation this yeere The Moone The Anne Francisâ the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone consult Captaine Bests resolution A Pinnisse for the inhabiters Bestes blessing Anne Francis in danger The Moone in harborough Hattons Hedland Pretie stoneâ A mightie white Beare A Pinnesse there buââ They aduenture by the streight in a weake Pinnesse 40. leagues within the streights Gabriels Ilands P ãâ¦ã mibi Captain Yorke arriued None of the people will be taken A house builded and left there M. Wolfall a gâdly Preacher Consultation for a further discouery Broken Ilands in maner of an Archipelagus Returne homewârd An vnknowen channell into the Northeast discouered by the Busse of Bridgewater A fruitful new Island discouered A Topographicall deâcription of Meta Incâgnita The people of Meta Incognita like vnto Samoeds Their naâiuâ colour Their apparâl The accidentall cause of the cold ayre at Meta Incognita The Sauages delight in Musicke âard kind of liuing Their weaponâ Their chastity Their boates Traffique with some other nation vnknowen Gold The ââewell How they make fire Their kettleâ aâd pannes The people eatâ grasse and âhâuâs A strange kind of gnat Inchanters The beasts and foules of the Countrey The length of their
paces another marble pillar being round called Pompey his pillar this pillar standeth vpon a great square stone euery square is fifteene foote and the same stone is fifteene foote high and the compasse of the pillar is 37 foote and the heigth of it is 101 feete which is a wonder to thinke how euer it was possible to set the said pillar vpon the said square stone The port of the said Citie is strongly fortified with two strong Castles and one other Castle within the citie being all very well planted with munition and there is to the Eastward of this Citie about three dayes iourney the citie of Grand Cayro otherwise called Memphis it hath in it by report of the registers bookes which we did see to the number of 2400 Churches and is wonderfully populous and is one dayes iourney about the wals which was iourneyed by one of our Marriners for triall thereof Also neere to the saide citie there is a place called the Pyramides being as I may well terme it one of the nine wonders of the world that is seuen seuerall places of flint and marble stone foure square the wals thereof are seuen yards thicke in those places that we did see the squarenes is in length about twentie score euery square being built as it were a pointed diamond broad at the foote and small or narrow at the toppe the heigth of them to our iudgement doth surmount twise the heigth of Paules steeple within the saide Pyramides no man doth know what there is for that they haue no entrance but in the one of them there is a hole where the wall is broken and so we went in there hauing torch-light with vs for that it hath no light to it and within the same is as it were a great hall in the which there is a costly tombe which tombe they say was made for king Pharao in his life time but he was not buried there being drowned in the red sea also there are certaine vauts or dungeons which goe downe verie deepe vnder those Pyramides with faire staires but no man dare venter to goe downe into them by reason that they can cary no light with them for the dampe of the earth doth put out the light the red sea is but three daies iourney from this place and Ierusalem about seuen dayes iourney from thence but to returne to Cayro There is a Castle wherin is the house that Pharaoes wiues were kept in and in the Pallace or Court thereof stande 55 marble pillars in such order as our Exchange standeth in London the said pillars are in heigth 60 foote and in compasse 14 foote also in the said Citie is the castle where Ioseph was in prison where to this day they put in rich men when the king would haue any summe of money of them there are seuen gates to the sayd prison and it goeth neere fiftie yardes downe right also the water that serueth this castle commeth out of the foresaide riuer of Nilus vpon a wall made with arches fiue miles long and it is twelue foote thicke Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries the one called S. Georges the other S. Maries in the Courts where the Churches be was the house of king Pharao In this Citie is great store of marchandize especially pepper and nutmegs which come thither by land out of the East India and it is very plentifull of all maner of victuals especially of bread rootes and hearbes to the Eastwards of Cayro there is a Well fiue miles off called Matria and as they say when the Uirgin Marie fled from Bethleem and came into AEgypt and being there had neither water nor any other thing to sustaine them by the prouidence of God an Angell came from heauen and strake the ground with his wings where presently issued out a fountaine of water and the wall did open where the Israelites did hide themselues which fountaine or well is walled foure square till this day Also we were at an old Citie all ruinated and destroyed called in olde time the great Citie of Carthage where Hannibal and Queene Dido dwelt this Citie was but narrow but was very long for there was and is yet to bee seene one streete three mile long to which Citie fresh water was brought vpon arches as afore aboue 25 miles of which arches some are standing to this day Also we were at diuers other places on the coast as we came from Cayro but of other antiquities we saw but few The towne of Argier which was our first and last port within the streights standeth vpon the side of an hill close vpon the seashore it is very strong both by sea and land and it is very well victualed with all manner of fruites bread and fish good store and very cheape It is inhabited with Turkes Moores and Iewes and so are Alexandria and Cayro In this towne are a great number of Christian captiues wherof there are of Englishmen onely fifteene from which port we set sayle towardes England the seuenth of Ianuarie Anno 1587 and the 30 day of the sayd moneth we arriued at Dartmouth on the coast of England The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the Cities of Alexandria and Cayro in Aegypt Anno 1586. I Embarked my selfe at Bristoll in the Hercules a good ship of London and set saile the 21 day of Februarie about ten of the clocke in the morning hauing a merry winde but the 23 day there arose a very great storme and in the mids of it we descried a small boate of the burden of ten tunnes with foure men in her in very great danger who called a maine for our helpe Whereupon our Master made towardes them and tooke them into our ship and let the boate which was laden with timber and appertained to Chepstow to runne a drift The same night about midnight arose another great storme but the winde was large with vs vntill the 27 of the same moneth which then grew somewhat contrary yet notwithstanding we held on our course and the tenth day of March we descried a saile about Cape Sprat which is a litle on this side the streight of Gibraltare but we spake not with her The next day we descried twelue sayle more with whom we thought to haue spoken to haue learned what they were but they made very fast away and we gaue them ouer Thursday the 16 of March we had sight of the streights and of the coast of Barbary The 18 day we passed them and sailed towards Patras Upon the 23 of March we met with the Centurion of London which came from Genoa by whom we sent letters to England and the foure men also which we tooke in vpon the coast of England before mentioned The 29 of March we came to Goleta a small Iland and had sight of two shippes which we iudged to be of England Tuesday the fourth of Aprill we were before Malta and being there becalmed our Maister caused