villa Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam Norwegiaâ— The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway Maior Communitas stapulae Charta anno regni sexto conâ—ecta A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne Eâ—â—seri seatres The first war mooued against the Prussian infifidels anno â—om 1239. The Prussians abandon Christianitie A memorable stratageme 4000â— This man sent an ambassage to Richard the second The great master ouercommeth the king of Polonia The king by treason ouerthroweth the Master The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels Edward the 3. The arresting of the English goods and marchants 1388. An ancient custome The priuiledges of the English marchaÌ„ts in Prussia 1403. 1405. 1406. These ships were taken by the English y e 20. of Iuly 1404. Hamburgh Bremâ— Stralessund Lubec Gripeswold Campen 1403. ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at Câ—leis The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen at Orwel and Zepiswich Note well 1403. The anâ—cient friendship betweene England and Prussia Margaret queen of Denmarke 1403. The coÌ„plaints of the Liuonians Note well 1400. Newcastle An English ship of 200. tunnes â—ull Hull Hull Hull Hull Yorke Yorke London London Colchester Yermouâ—h Norwich Yermouth Longsound in Norway Yermouth Yermouth Selaw in Norway Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley â—â—â—eton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Lenne Lenne 21. houses of English marchants burnt at Norbern in Norway The Vitalians Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Hanâ— The ancient customes of wools Pence for the towne of Cales The great charter of marchants A speciall Charter The customers of the pety custome 1405 The customers of the subsidie The Hans societie determineth the ouerthrow of English marchaÌ„ts Statutes against y e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland How many which be the Hans townes A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. Here relation is had vnto y e king of the Romans Septem 27. 1408. A motion for a perpâ—tuall league A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes ‖ 1404. ‖ Notaâ— Naues maximae Henrici quinti. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praesertiâ— arcti inter Doueram Galisiam Sigismond died 1438. He was here 1416. Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suoâ— oculos ait regi Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerâ—ntur in monetâ— aurea Anglicâ— quae dicitur Nobile scilicet Rex Nauis gladius Mare Quae designant potestatem Anglicoâ—um super Mare In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores Flandrenses alij dicunt Anglicis Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem imponite onem Intendentes quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris modo his diebus sunt vâ—â—ordes victi ad bellâ—ndum Mare obseruandum velut oâ—es Figges â—aisins Wine Bastard Datâ—s Lycoâ—as â—iuil Oyle Graynes White Pastel Sopâ— Waxe Iron Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell Saffron Quickesiluer Flemish cloth made of English Wooll The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders Wine Osey Waxe Graine Figs Reisens Hony Cordeweyne Dates Salt Hides Note well The Britons great Rouers and Theeues Historia oâ—â—endenâ— quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris ad debellandum eos subiugandum Britannos minores Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14 Pitch Tarre Board Flexe Collein threed Fustian Canuas Cardes Bokeram Siluer-plate Wedges of Siluer and Metall ‖ 〈◊〉 Woad An example of deceite ‖ Or loue Note diligeÌ„tly A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants The pâ—aâ—se of Richard of Whitingdon marchant Mader Woad Garlicke Onions saltfish What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other Of Hankin lions Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause False colouring of goods by Lombards Alas for bâ—ibes gift of good feasts other means that sâ—oppen our policie This is the very state of our time It to a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y e land may haue no remedie of so many as take heÌ„selues wise men of gouernance * Or hunting Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland This is now to be greatly feared This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter that he would vndertake iâ— nâ— pain of losse of al his liuelihood But this proffer could not be admiâ—ted Ergo malè The trade of Bristow to Island The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. Thâ— ioy of Sigiâ—mond the Emperour that â—aleâ—s was English Harflew was loâ—t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth * Dieit Chronica quod isle Edgaru cunctis praedâ— ceâ—io ibu â—uiâ— faelicâ—or nolli sâ—â—utaâ—â— inferior omnibus moâ—um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucr◠〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t◠〈◊〉 quam Cyris Persia Catolin Fâ—anci Homulus verò Romanis Dicit Chronica preparauerâ—t naueâ— rob utissi nas numero â—ria millia sexcenta in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeuÌ„ a suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu ciâ—cumnauigate consâ—euerno Dicit Châ—onica c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita boâ—orum operum mercolem donauerit cum aliquando ad maximâ—m cius festiuitatem reger comites mulâ—aâ—umque prouineiarum protector es conuenissent c. Caleis was yeâ—lded to y e English 1347. King Edward has 700 English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis The battell of Scluse by sea The great ships of Henry the fift made at Hampton Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford 1416. The French name thus onerâ— Hâ—owen was of fiue hundred saile The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost Exâ—ortaâ—io generalis in cuslodiam toâ—lus Angliae per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa littoâ—a eiusdem quae debeâ— esse per vnanimiâ—aâ—é Consiliaâ—ioâ—um regis hominum bonae vâ—luâ—tâ—tiâ— Tâ—â—â—â—unâ— câ—uâ—ae predictae custodiae sâ—ilicet hoâ—oâ— commodum â—egni opproâ—â—â—m iâ—iâ—â—iâ—is Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur Cum placuâ—â—ine Domino viae hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet Vibs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke 1462 A secrete The discouery of the North. By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo that came to S. Domingo Note Nauigation vnder the Pole Tartaria China New found land discouered by y e English Doctor Leys
graciously affected vnto the Master generall which nowe is and vnto his famous Predecessour in due consideration of the premisses and in regard also of diuers other affaires which are at this present to be propounded vnto your Highnes the foresaid Master general which now is hath caused vs his messengers to be sent with letters of credence vnto your Maiestie humbly praying and earnestly beseeching your roial clemency that in times to come the said Master general his successors our whole Order may of your bounty most graciously obtaine the same fauour beneuoleÌ„ce and stedfast amity friendship which hath bin continued from the times of your foresaid predecessors in regard wherof we do offer the said Master of ours and our whole company vnto your highnes as your perpetual and deuote friends Notwithstanding most souereigne Prince certaine other things we haue to propound vnto your Grace in the name behalfe of our saide Master and Order by way of complaint namely that at certaine times past and especially within the space of x. yeres last expired his subiects and marchants haue sustained sundry damages and ablations of their goods by diuers subiects and inhabitants of your realme of England and that very often both by sea and land the which for the behalf and by the appointment of the Master general aforesaid of his predecessor are put downe in registers and recorded in the writings of his cities in the land of Prussia Of which parties damnified some haue obtained letters froÌ„ the Master-general that now is also from his predecessor vnto your renoumed grandfather K. Edward of famous memory and sundry times vnto your highnes also to haue restitution made for their goods taken from them whereby they haue nothing at al preuailed but heaping losse vpon losse haue misspent their time their charges both because they were not permitted to propound exhibit their complaints letters before your maiesty and also for diuers other impediments Certain of them also considering how others of their countriemen had laboured in vain fearing the like successe haue troubled the Master general very often with grieuous and sundry complaints crauing humbly beseeching at his hands that he would vouchsafe graciously to prouide for theÌ„ as his faithful loial subiects as touching the restitution of their losses especially seeing y t so much wealth of the English marchants was euery yeere to be found in Prussia as being artested they might obtaine some reasonable satisfaction for their losses Which thing the Master general aforesaid his predecessor also haue deferred vnto this present albeit to y e great losse of their subiects therby hauing meere principal respect vnto those special curtesies and fauours which your excellent Maiesty your worthy progenitors haue right graâ—iously vouchsafed vpon our Masters and Order neither yet for the iniuries aforesaid was there euer any maner of offence or molestation offered vnto any of your subiects noble or ignoble whatsoeuer Moreouer in the name behalfe of our foresaid Ma. general we do propound vnto your excellency by way of coÌ„plaint that in the yere last past 6. dayes after y e feast of the Ascension certain persons of your realm of England with their ships captains comming vnto the port of Flanders named Swen finding there amongst sundry other 6. ships of Prussia resident which had there arriued w t diuers goods marchandises and being informed that they were of Prussia their friends they caused them their ships to remain next vnto their owne ships protesting vnto them that they should in no sort be molested or damnified by theÌ„selues or by any other of their company that they would faithfully defend them as if they were their own people froÌ„ y e hands of their aduersaries for their farther security trust they deliuered some of their own men their standerds into our mens ships howbeit a while after being stirred vp bent far otherwise they took out of y e foresaid ships al kind of armors wherwith they were to gard defeÌ„d themselues froÌ„ pirats they deteined the masters of those ships not suffring them to return vnto their own ships coÌ„panies one also of y e said ships hauing taken al the goods out of her they coÌ„sumed with fire And within 3. daies after they came with one accord vnto y e abouenamed ships and tooke away from them all goods and marchandises which they could find and all the armour and weapons of the said ships the chestes also of the marchants of the ship-masters of other persons they brake opeÌ„ taking out money iewels garments diuers other commodities and so they inflicted vpoÌ„ them irrecouerable losses and vnkind grieuances And departing out of the foresaid hauen they caried 2. of the Prussian ship-masters with theÌ„ as their captiues vnto an hauen of England called Sandwich Who being afterward released were compelled to sweare that they should not declare y e iniuries offred vnto them either before your roiall maiesty or your hon Councell or your chaÌ„celor neither were they permitted to come on shore And being offred such hard measure when they made pitiful mones complaints vnto your foresaide subiects amongst other matters they spake on this wise vnto them Do you complain of iniuries losses offered vnto you Loe in your own couÌ„trey of Prussia there are English marchants goods sufficient go your waies home therfore recouer your losses taking two for one and in this maner they were left so departed Afterward returning vnto y e land of Prussia they their friends repaired vnto the Mast. general iointly and w t one consent making their complaint vnto him of the losses which had bin inflicted vpon theÌ„ by your subiects And prostrating theÌ„selues at his feet they all and euery of them made their humble sutes y t he would haue compassion on them as vpon his poore subiects regarding theÌ„selues their wiues children and pitying their distres and penury and that he would graciously procure some redresse for them And when he offred his letters vnto them wishing them to prosecute their cause before your highnes they answered that they were no way able to defray the expenses and that others who were in like sort damnified had laboured that way altogether in vain to no purpose beseeching him again and again that he would by another kind of means namely by arresting of your marchants and their goods procure theÌ„ restitution of their losses At length the Master general being moued by so many and so great complaints and by the molestation of his subiects caused albâ—eit full sore against his will a certaine portion of English marchants goods to be laid hold on and to be arrested in his cities of Elburg Dantzik and to be bestowed in sure places vntil such time as he might conueniently by his messengers propound and exhibit all and singular the premisses vnto your highnes And
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
our selues or of any appertayning vnto vs but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust weighty reasonable cause forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale yea of nature it selfe Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther requested vs that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing be released we answere vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged not in words only but actually really in deeds or by some course of law or friendly composition For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended because they are not mooued with like affections For the remeÌ„brance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger Also such a kind of temperature or permixtion as it were by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes more hate then loue whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues might be occasioned The lord knoweth that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects Furthermore whereas your maiesties request concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia is that we would defend them vnder our protection be it knowen vnto your highnes that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils for the repelling and auoiding of iniuries we haue sent forth our armie against them Howbeit for a certaine time a â—ruce is concluded on both parts so that our people are actually returned home Farre be it from vs also that our subiects being occupied in warres should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers of what landes or nations soeuer not being our professed enemies For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty to condemne the iust for the vniust then which nothing can be more cruel nor a reuenge of greater impietie In very deede most gracious prince and lorde we are mouâ—d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment wishing from the bottome of our hearts that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie and that continually The like whereof wee hope from you most humbly commending our selues and our whole Order vnto your highnes Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh the 16. day the moneth of Iuly in the yere of our Lord 1404. An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors commissioners messengers of the most mighty prince and lord our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland for the repayring reformaâ—ion and amâ—nds of whatsoeuer damages grieuances excesses violences and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted done or offered by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem or his subiects and for the requiring demanding and receiuing of such like reparations reformations amends by the foresayd lord the Master generall for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer from in the name of our soueraign lord the king his subiects vnto the sayd Master general into his land of Prussia by our souereigne lord the king appointed as ambassadors on the one party And betweene the hono Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander Warnherus de Tetâ—ingen chiefe hospitalary commaÌ„der in Elbing Arnold de Hacken treasurer the procurators commissioners of the great mighty lord the Master general being in like equal sort and in all respects as the ambassadours of England are authorized on the contrary side by the authoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part witnesseth That diuers treaties conferences being holden between the said ambassadors messengers procurators or coÌ„missioners of concerning the reparations reformations amends of certaine damages grieuances excesses violences iniuries offered and attempted aswel by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts in conclusion after the sayd treatise the foresayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted and with one consent agreed vnto the articles vnder written Inprimis that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect between our said soueraign lord the king his liege people subiects the subiects people inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall it is agreed and concluded that all liege marchants of England whatsoeuer shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes goods and marchandises whatsoeuer at any Porte of the land of Prussia and also the sayd goods and marchandises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine euen as heretofore and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners that whereas of late namely in the yeare of our lord 1403 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik and Henry Monek of Elbing his ambassadors messengers for this purpose hath caused certain articles namely 20 in number containing in them matters of damages molestations violences and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall his subiects by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects liege people to be exhibited giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
times together And as they were thus singing out calling I sawe a thing like a finger of a man two times together thrust through the gowne from the Priest I asked them that sate next to me what it was that I sawe and they saide not his finger for he was yet dead and that which I saw appeare through the gowne was a beast but what beast they knew not nor would not tell And I looked vpon the gowne and there was no hole to bee seene and then at the last the Priest lifted vp his head with his shoulder and arme and all his bodie and came forth to the fire Thus farre of their seruice which I sawe during the space of certaine houres but how they doe worship their Idoles that I saw not for they put vp their stuffe for to remoue from that place where they lay And I went to him that serued the Priest and asked him what their God saide to him when he lay as dead Hee answered that his owne people doeth not know neither is it for them to know for they must doe as he commanded This I saw the fift day of Ianuarie in the yere of our Lord 1556. after the English account A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia in the yeere of Christ 1556. and in the third yeere of the raigne of Queene Marie seruing for the third voyage to Moscouie Registred by Master Iohn Incent Protonotarie IT is here recorded by writing and autenticall testimonie partly for memorie of things done and partly for the veritie to be knowen to posteritie in time to come that whereas the most high and mightie Iuan Vasiliuich Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Moscouia and Nouogrode Emperor of Cassan and of Astrachan Lord of Pleskie and great Duke of Smolenskie Tuerskie Yowgoriskie Permskie Viatskie Bolgarskie and Sibierskie Emperour and great Duke of many others as Nouogrode in the nether countries Chernigoskie Rezanskie Polodskie Rezewskie Bielskie Rostoskie Yeraslaueskie Bealozarskie Oudarskie Obdorskie Condenskie and manie other countries and lord ouer all those partes in the yeere of our Lord God folowing the account of y e Latin church 1556. sent by the sea from the port of S. Nicholas in Russia his right honorable ambassador sirnamed Osep Napea his high officer in the towne and countrey of Vologda to the most famous and excellent princes Philip and Mary by the grace of God king and Queene of England Spaine France and Ireland defenders of the faith Archdukes of Austria dukes of Burgundie Millaine Brabant counties of Haspurge Flanders and Tyroll his ambassador Orator with certaine letters tenderly conceiued together with certain presents and gifts mentioned in the foot of this memorial as a manifest argument and token of a mutual amity and friendship to be made and continued betweene their maiesties subiects respectiuely for the commoditie and benefit of both the realmes and people which Orator was the 20. day of Iuly imbarked and shipped in and vpon a good English ship named the Edward Bonauenture belonging to the Gouernor Consuls and company of English marchants Richard Chancelor being grand Pilot and Iohn Buckland master of the said ship In which was laden at the adueÌ„ture of the foresaid Ambassador and marchants at seuerall accounts goods merchandizes viz. in waxe trane oyle tallow furres felts yarne and such like to the summe of 20000. li. sterling together with 16. Russies attendant vpon the person of the said Ambassador Ouer and aboue ten other Russies shipped within the said Bay of S. Nicholas in one other good ship to the said company also belonging called the Bona Speranza with goods of the said Orators marchants to the value of 6000. lib. sterling as by the inuoises and letters of lading of the said seueral ships wherunto relation is to be had particularly appeareth Which good ships comming in good order into the seas trauersing the same in their iourney towards the coast of England were by contrary windes and extreme tempests of weather seuered the one from the other that is to say the saide Bona Speranza with two other English ships also appertaining to the saide company the one sirnamed the Philip and Mary the other the Confidentia were driuen on the coast of Norway into Drenton water where the saide Confidentia was seene to perish on a Rocke and the other videlicet the Bona Speranza with her whole company being to the number of foure and twentie persons seemed to winter there whereof no certaintie at this present day is knowen The third videlicet the Philip and Mary arriued in the Thames nigh London the eighteenth day of April in the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and seuen The Edward Bonauenture trauersing the seas foure moneths finally the tenth day of Nouember of the aforesaide yeere of our Lorde one thousand fâ—ue hundred fiftie and sixe arriued within the Scottish coast in a Bay named Pettislego where by outragious tempests and extreme stormes the said ship being beaten from her ground tackles was driuen vpon the rockes on shore where she brake and split in pieces in such sort as the grand Pilot vsing all carefulnesse for the safetie of the bodie of the sayde Ambassadour and his trayne taking the boat of the said ship trusting to attaine the shore and so to saue and preserue the bodie and seuen of the companie or attendants of the saide Ambassadour the same boat by rigorous waues of the seas was by darke night ouerwhelmed and drowned wherein perished not only the bodie of the said grand Pilot with seuen Russes but also diuers of the Mariners of the sayd ship the noble personage of the saide Ambassadour with a fewe others by Gods preseruation and speciall fauour onely with much difficultie saued In which shipwracke not onely the saide shippe was broken but also the whole masse and bodie of the goods laden in her was by the rude and rauenous people of the Countrey thereunto adioyning rifled spoyled and caried away to the manifest losse and vtter destruction of all the lading of the said ship and together with the ship apparell ordinance and furniture belonging to the companie in value of one thousand pounds of all which was not restored toward the costs and charges to the summe of fiue hundred pound sterling As soone as by letters addressed to the said companie and in London deliuered the sixt of December last past it was to them certainely knowen of the losse of their Pilote men goods and ship the same merchants with all celeritie and expedition obteined not onely the Queenes maiesties most gracious and fauourable letters to the Ladie Dowager and lordes of the Councell of Scotland for the gentle comfortment and entertainment of the saide Ambassadour his traine and companie with preseruation and restitution of his goods as in such miserable cases to Christian pitie princely honour and meere Iustice appertaineth
beene or what he had done he could not tell Also he wrote that one Iohn Lucke a Ioyner was taken by the Liefelanders and put in prison As yet wee haue not heard from the sayd Iohn Lucke nor know not whether he be released out of prison or not We suppose that by him you wrote some letter which as yet is not come to our hands so that we thinke hâ—e is yet in prison or otherwise dispatched out of the way The fifteenth day of December wee receiued a letter from Christopher Hodson dated in the Mosco the 29 of Iuly by the way of Danske which is in effect a copie of such another receiued from him in our shippes You shal vnderstand that we haue laden in three good shippes of ours these kind of wares following to wit in the Swallowe of London Master vnder God Steuen Burrow 34 fardels N o 136 broad short clothes and foure fardels N o 58 Hampshire Kersies and 23 pipes of bastards and seckes and 263 pieces of raisins and 4 hogsheds N o 154 pieces of round pewter and ten hogsheds and poncheons of prunes and one dryfatte with Almonds And in the Philip and Marie Master vnder God Thomas Wade 25 fardels N o 100 broad clothes and three fardels N o 42 Hampshire Kersies and thirtie pipes of seckes and bastards and 100 pieces of raisins And in the Iesus of London Master vnder God Arthur Pette 10 fardels N o 40 broade shorte clothes and twenty seuen pipes of bastards and seckes as by the Inuoices herewith inclosed may appeare Also you shall receiue such necessaries as you did write to bee sent for the rope makers trusting that you shall haue better successe with them which you shall send vs in these ships then with the rest which you haue sent vs yet for we as yet haue sold none of them And whereas we wrote vnto you in our former letter that we would send you a hundred tunnes of salte by reason it is so deare here we doe send you but nine tunnes and a halfe for it cost here ten pence the bushell the first penie namely in the Swallow 6 tunnes and a halfe in the Philip and Marie one tunne and a halfe and in the Iesus one tunne and a halfe The 4 hogsheds of round pewter goe in the Swallow and in the Philip and Marie N o 154 pieces as is aforesaid We send you three ships trusting that you haue prouided according to our former writing good store of lading for them If yee haue more wares then will lade the ships let it be Traine oyles that you leaue behinde the price is not here so good as it was it is worth here 9 pound the tunne We thinke it good you should let the smaller ship bring as much of the traine as she can cary And that the masters of the ships do looke wel to the romaging for they might bring away a great deale more then they doe if they would take paine in the romaging and bestowe the traine by it selfe and the ware and tallowe by it selfe for the leakage of the traine doth fowle the other wares much As for Allard the skinner if you thinke good he may come home in these shippes We haue no doubt but that you Henrie Lane if you minde to come home now in these ships as you requested will leaue such good order there with our seruants as shall bee for our most profite and their preferment if they doe their dueties diligently and truely If our friend Master Antonie Ienkinson bee returned and meane to come away in these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his trauaile if need require and he be so minded he may returne thither by land and be there by the fine of Ianuarie or before But as we be vncertaine whether he be returned or not so we know not what he hath done nor what benefite may rise hereafter of his trauaile Therefore in this wee remit it to his and your good discretions Wee send you Thomas Hawtrey which is our seruant for yeeres our minde is he should be placed where he may doe best seruice Also we send you Nicholas Chancelour to remaine there who is our apprentice for yeeres our minde is hee should be set about such businesse as he is most fit for he hath been kept at writing schoole long he hath his Algorisme and hath vnderstanding of keeping of bookes of reckonings We send you now but 100 Kersies but against the next yeere if occasion serue wee will send you a greater quantitie according as you shal aduise vs One of the pipes of seckes that is in the Swallow which hath 2 round compasses vpon the bung is to be presented to the Emperour for it is special good The nete waight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds 1 pound It is written particularly vpon the head of euery puncheon and the nete weight of the fatte of almonds is 500 li. two quarters The raisins prunes and almonds you were best to dispatch away at a reasonable price and principally the raisins for in keeping of them will be great losse in the waight and the fruit will decay We thinke it good that you prouide against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes 20 or 30 bullockes killed and salted for beefe is very deare here Therefore you were best to saue some of this salt that we doe send you in these ships for the purpose The salte of that countrey is not so good In this you may take the opinion of the masters of the shippes Foxe skins white blacke and russet will be vendible here The last yere you sent none but there were mariners that bought many If any of the mariners doe buy any trifling furres or other commodities we will they shall be registred in our pursers bookes to the intent we may know what they be We desire to know how the Emperour tooke the letter which we sent in our ships as an answere to the letter that came in his name and vnder his seale for the sixe thousand dallers Thus wee rest committing you to God from London the fift day of May 1560. For lacke of time the gouernours haue not firmed this letter which is the copie of the other two letters firmed by them Yours William Mericke Yours Blase Sanders The maner of Iustice by lots in Russia written by Master Henrie Lane and executed in a controuersie betweene him and one Sheray Costromitskey in Mosco 1560. AFter the comming home into Russia of Ioseph Napea the first ambassadour to Queene Marie I remaining the Agent there sundrie Russian marchants by Iosephs procurement obtained letters from the Emperour to freight goods and passe in our ships for England which thing vpon good consideration I answered and refused They were then driuen to credite vs and compound in value vntill the next returne At which time notwithstanding good accompt in the value of 600 robles
Caspian sea and from thence by the countreis of Russie or Moscouia by riuers euen vnto the citie of Yeraslaue and from thence by land 180. miles to Vologda and from thence againe all by water euen vnto England The merchandises which be had out of Persia for the returne of wares are silke of all sortes of colours both raw and wrought Also all maner of spices and drugs pearles precious stones likewise carpets of diuers sortes with diuers other rich merchandises It was told me of them that came last from Persia that there is more silke brought into some one city of Persia then is of cloth brought into the city of London Also that one village of Armenia named Gilgat doeth carie yeerely fiue hundred and sometime a thousand mules laden with silke to Halepo in Soria of Turkie being 4. dayes iourney from Tripoli where the Uenetians haue their continuall abiding and send from thence silks which they returne for English karsies and other clothes into all partes of Christendome The maner how the Christians become Busormen and forsake their religion I Haue noted here before that if any Christian wil become a Busorman that is oue that hath forsaken his faith and be a Mahumetan of their religion they giue him many gifts and sometime also a liuing The maner is that when the deuill is entred into his heart to forsake his faith he resorteth to the Soltan or gouernor of the towne to whom hee maketh protestation of his diuelish purpose The gouernour appointeth him a horse and one to ride before him on another horse bearing a sword in his hand and the Busorman bearing an arrow in his hand and rideth in the citie cursing his father and mother and if euer after he returne to his owne religion he is guiltie of death as is signified by the sword borne before him A yong man a seruant of one of our merchāts because he would not abide the correction of his master for his faults was minded to forsake his faith But as God would he fell suddenly sicke and died before he gaue himselfe to the deuill If he had become a Busorman he had greatly troubled the merchants for if he would then haue said that halfe their goods had bene his they would haue giuen credite vnto him For the auoiding of which inconuenience it was granted in the priuileges that no Busorman c. as there appeareth In Persia in diuers places oxen and kine beare the tents and houshold stuffe of the poore men of the countrey which haue neither camels nor horses Of the tree which beareth Bombasin cotton or Gossampine IN Persia is great abundance of Bombasin cotton very fine this groweth on a certaine litle tree or brier not past the height of a mans waste or litle more the tree hath a slender stalke like vnto a brier or to a carnation gillifloure with very many branches bearing on euery branch a fruit or rather a cod growing in round forme containing in it the cotton and when this bud or cod commeth to the bignes of a walnut it openeth and sheweth foorth the cotton which groweth still in bignes vntill it be like a fleece of wooll as big as a mans fist and beginneth to be loose and then they gather it as it were the ripe fruite The seeds of these trees are as big as peason and are blacke and somewhat flat and not round they sowe them in plowed ground where they grow in the fields in great abundance in many countries in Persia and diuers other regions The writing of the Persians ARthur Edwards shewed me a letter of the Sophie written in their letters backward subsigned with the hands both of the Sophy his Secretarie The Sophies subscription was onely one word his name I suppose was Shaugh written in golden letters vpon red paper The whole letter was also written on the same piece of red paper being long narow about y e length of a foote and not past three inches broad The priuate signet of the Sophie was a round printed marke about the bignes of a roial onely printed vpon the same paper without any ware or other seale the letter seem so mishapen and disordered that a man would thinke it were somwhat scribled in maner at aduentures Yet they say that almost euery letter with his pricke or circumflexe signifieth a whole word Insomuch that in a piece of paper as big as a mans hand their writing doeth containe as much as doeth ours almost in a sheet of paper The fift voiage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister and master Geofrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouie companie begun from England in the yeere 1568. and continuing to the yeere 1574. following Written by P.I. from the mouth of M. Lionel Plumtree VPon the 3. day of Iuly 1568. they embarked themselues at Yeraslaue being accompanied with Lionel Plumtree and some 12. English men more in a Barke called the Thomas Bonauenture of the burden of 70. tunnes taking also along with them of Russes to the number of 40. for their vse and imploiments It fell out in the way before they came to Astracan by 40. miles that the Nagaian Tartars being a kind of thieuish and cruel people made an assault vpon them with 18. boates of theirs each of them being armed some with swords some with speares and some others with bowes and arrowes and the whole number of them they discouered to be about 300. men They for their parts although they could haue wished a quiet voyage and iourney without blowes and violence yet not willing to be spoiled with such Barbarians as they were began to defend themselues against their assault by meanes whereof a very terrible fierce fight folowed and continued hot sharpe for two houres wherein our men so wel plaied their parts with their caliuers that they forced the Tartars to flee with the losse of 120. of them as they were afterwards enformed by a Russe prisoner which escaped from the Nagaians and came to them to Astracan at which towne they arriued the 20. of August In this towne of Astracan they were somwhat hindered of their iourney and staied the space of sixe weekes by reason of a great army of 70000. Turkes and Tartars which came thither vpon the instigation of the great Turke hoping either to haue surprised it suddenly or by continuance of siege to win the same But in the end by reason that the winter approched as also because they had receiued newes of a great expedition which the Emperour of Russia was in prouiding for the defence of the said place they were constrained to raise their siege to leaue the town as they found it Upon their departure our men had oportunitie to proceed on their voyage and vsing the occasion they left Astracan and came to Bilbil towards the end of October from whence they went to Shauaran where as they lodged in their tentes they were greatly molested with strange troopes of
Ambassador for want of a good Interpretor was not well vnderstood and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy highnes commendations and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador and how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times vsing him with such honour in all points for thy sake Lord her louing brother as the like was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme and how honourably with full answere in all things her Maiestie dismissed him when hee had finished all thy princely affaires as it seemed to his owne contentation it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes letter vnto thee Lord by her messenger Robert Beast and her Maiestie did suppose that that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly and that by him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things otherwise she would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe But now her highnes perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satisfied in thy Princely affaires neither by Thomas Randolfe her highnes Ambassador nor by thine owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the said Andrea and also vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure towards sir William Garret and his company merchants traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto thee Lord Emperor and great duke as wel with her highnes ful mind touching thy princely affaires as also to know the iust cause of thy Maiesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants and hath commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe and according to their true meanings For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation to proceede rather vpon the euill and vntrue reports of thy late Ambassador in England and of such wicked persons of our nation resident here in thy highnes dominions rebels to her Maiestie and their Countrey then of any iust deserts of the said merchants who neuer willingly deserued thy highnesse displeasure but rather fauour in all their doings and meanings And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions which is now nineteene yeres the said merchants haue bene and are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things meete for thy Treasurie in time of peace and of warre in despite of all thy enemies although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe the sound and the way to the Narue and haue brought and do bring from time to time such commoditie to thee Lord as her Maiestie doeth not suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other Prince of the world And what great losses the said sir William Garret with his company hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade as well by Shipwracke as by false seruants it is manifestly knowen and what seruice the said companies Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies two yeeres past in going to the Narue when they sought with the king of Poles shippes Freebooters and burnt the same and slew the people and as many as were taken aliue deliuered vnto thy Captaine at the Narue I trust thy highnesse doth not forget Wherefore most mighty prince the premises considered the Queene her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister doeth request thy highnes to restore the said sir William Garret with his company into thy princely fauour againe with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy accustomed goodnes and iustice to be ministred vnto them throughout all thy Maiesties dominions as aforetime and that the same may be signified by thy Princely letters directed to thy officers in all places any thy highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding And further that it will please thy Maiestie not to giue credite to false reports and vntrue suggestions of such as are enemies and such as neither would haue mutuall amitie to continue betwixt your Maiesties nor yet entercourse betwixt your countries And such rebels of our nation as Ralfe Rutter and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions seeking to sowe dissenâ—ions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises spending away their masters goods riotously and will not come home to giue vp their accompts aduancing themselues to be merchants and able to serue thy highnes of all things fit for thy treasurie whereas indeed they be of no credite nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all the Queenes highnes request is that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home least by their remayning here and hauing practises and friendship with such as be not thy highnesse friendes their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garret and his company who haue true meaning in all their doings and are ready to serue thy highnesse at all times vsing many other words to the aduancement of your credits and the disgracing of your enemies and so I ended for that time Then sayd his Maiestie We haue heard you and will consider of all things further when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters to whom I answered that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand her highnesse full minde to his contentation and what wanted in writing I had credite to accomplish in word Wherewith his Maiestie seemed to be wel pleased and commaunded me to sit downe And after pawsing a while his Maiestie said these words vnto me It is now a time which we spend in fasting and praying being the weeke before Easter and for that we will shortly depart from hence towards our borders of Nouogrod wee â—an not giue you answere nor your dispatch here but you shall goe from hence and tary vs vpon the way where wee will shortly come and then you shall knowe our pleasure and haue your dispatch And so I was dismissed to my lodging and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie with great store of drinkes of diuers sorts and the next day following being the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde the chiefe Secretary to his Maiesty sent vnto mee a Gentleman to signifie vnto mee that the Emperours Maiesties pleasure was I should immediatly depart towards a Citie called Otwer three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda and there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts three score miles from the sayd Otwer Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary requesting him to further and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes which they should haue occasion to moue in my absence who sent me word againe that they should be wel assured of his friendship and furâ—herance in all their sutes And forthwith post horses were sent me with a Gentleman to conduct me And so departing from the said Sloboda I arriued at the said Otwer the 28. of March aforesaid where I remained til the
part of Scotland vpon a rocke was also lost and Master Chanceller with diuers other drowned The sayd Russe ambassadour hardly escaping with other his men mariners some goods sauer were sent for into Scotland from the King Queene and Merchants the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie and others And then as in the chronicles appeareth honorably enterteined and receiued at London This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse named the Serchthrift to discouer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas There was in her Master and Pilot Stephen Burrough with his brother William and eight other Their discouery was beyond the Bay towarde the Samoeds people dwelling neare the riuer of Ob and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats first by them put into the Carde or Mappe In that place they threw snowe out of their said pinnesse with shouels in August by which extremitie and lacke of time they came backe to Russia and wintred at Colmogro Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships sent backe the said Russe ambassadour and in company with him sent as an Agent for further discouery Master Anthony Ienkinson who afterward anno 1558 with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia and his letters passed the riuer Volga to Cazan and meaning to seeke Cathay by land was by many troupes and companies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred and in danger but keeping company with merchants of Bactria or Boghar and Vrgeme trauelling with camels he with his company went to Boghar and no further whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master Ienkinson which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie And in anno 1560. he with Henry Lane came home into England which yeere was the first safe returne without losse or shipwracke or dead fraight burnings And at this time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia which confines with Lituania all the dominions of Russia and the markets faires commodities great townes riuers were sent vnto by diuers seruants the reports were taken by Henry Lane Agent and deliuered to the companie 1561. The trade to Rie and Reuel of old time hath bene long since frequented by our English nation but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia who the next yeere after passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan and ouer the Caspian sea arriued in Persia and opened the trade thither Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master Ienkinsons were made by Thomas Alcock Arthur Edwards Master Thomas Bannister and Master Geffrey Ducket whose returne if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues had altogether salued and recouered the companies called the olde companies great losse charges and damages but the saying is trueâ— By vnitie small things grow great by contention great things become small This may be vnderstood best by the company The frowardnesse of some few and euill doing of some vniust factors was cause of much of the euill successe Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan About which matters are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire Ambassador anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries freedomes and priuileges wherewith I meddle not But in conclusion for their paines and aduentures this way as diuers do now adayes other wayes as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes to doe their countrey good I put them in your memorie with my hearty farewell From S. Magarets neere Dartforth in Kent Yours Henry Lane The most solemne and magnificent coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia c. the tenth of Iune in the yeere 1584. seene and obserued by Master Ierom Horsey gentleman and seruant to her Maiesty a man of great trauell and long experience in those parts wherwith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land from Mosco to Emden WHen the old Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died being about the eighteenth of Aprill 1584. after our computation in the citie of Mosco hauing raigned 54. yeeres there was some tumult annd vprore among some of the nobilitie and cominaltie which notwithstanding was quickly pacified Immediately the same night the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Knez Iuan Pheodorowich Mesthis Slafsky Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky Mekita Romanowich Bodan Iacoulewich Belskoy being all noble men and chiefest in the Emperors Will especially the Lord Boris whom he adopted as his third sonne was brother to the Empresse who was a maÌ„ very wel liked of al estates as no lesse worthy for his valure wisedome all these were appointed to dispose settle his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich hauing one sworne another and all the nobilitie and officers whosoeuer In the morning y e dead Emperor was layd into the Church of Michael the Archangel into a hewen sepulcre very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose and present Proclamation was made Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Ruâ—sia c. Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward with souldiers and gunners good orders established and officers placed to subdue the tumulters and mainteine quietnes to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding This being done in Mosco great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bordering Townes as Smolensko Vobsko Kasan Nouogorod c. with fresh garrison and the old sent vp As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held wherein were assembled the Metropolitane Archbishops Bishops Priors and chiefe clergie men and all the nobility whatsoeuer where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose yet all tended to a new reformation in the gouernmentâ— but especially the terme and time was agreed vpon for the solemnizing of the new Emperors coronation In the meane time y e Empresse wife to the old Emperor was with her child the Emperors sonne Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich of one yeres age or there abouts sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay that kindred being 5. Brothers to a towne called Ouglets which was giuen vnto her and the young Prince her sonne with all the lands belonging to it in the shire with officers of all sortes appointed hauing allowance of apparell iewels diet horse c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a princesse The time of mourning after their vse being expired called Sorachyn or fortie orderlie dayes the day of the solemnizing of this coronation with great preparations was come being vpon the 10. day of Iune 1584. and that day then Sunday he being of the age of 25. yeeres at which time Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for and placed in a fit roome to
and some other spices The saide shippe called the Holy Crosse was so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was layd vp in the docke and neuer made voyage after Another voyage to the Iles of Candia and Chio made by the shippe the Mathew Gonson about the yeere 1535 according to the relation of Iohn Williamson then Cooper in the same ship made to M. Richard Hackluit in the yeere 1592. THe good shippe called the Mathew Gonson of burden 300 tunnes whereof was owner old M. William Gonson pay-master of the kings Nauie made her voyage in the yere 1535. In this ship went as Captaine Richard Gray who long after died in Russia Master William Holftocke afterward Controuller of the Queenes Nauie went then as purser in the same voyage The Master was one Iohn Pichet seruant to old M. William Gonson Iames Rumnie was Masters mate The master cooper was Iohn Williamson citizen of London liuing in the yeere 1592 and dwelling in Sant Dunstons parish in the East The M. Gunner was Iohn Godfrey of Bristoll In this ship were 6 gunners and 4 trumpetters all which foure trumpetters at our returne homewards went on land at Messina in the Iland of Sicilia as our ship road there at anker gat them into the Gallies that lay neere vnto vs in them went to Rome The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men we were also furnished with a great bote which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibaltar into the maine Ocean We had also a great long boat and a skiff We were out vpon this voyage eleuen moneths yet in all this time there died of sicknesse but one man whose name was George Forrest being seruant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer In a great lygier booke of one William Eyms seruant vnto Sir William Bowyerâ— Alderman of London bearing date the 15 of Nouember 1533 and continued vntill the 4 of Iuly 1544. I find that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio not only for his Master but also for the duke of Norfolkes grace for many other worshipful marchants of London among whom I find the accompts of these especially to wit of his said Master sir William Bowyer of William Nicholas Wilford Marchant-taylors of London of Thomas Curtis pewterer of Iohn Starky Merter of William Ostrige Marchant of Richard Field Draper And further I find in the said ligier booke a note of the said Eyms of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Bye in Chio who became his Masters factor in his roome and another like note of particulers of goods that he left in the hands of Oliuer Lesson seruant to William and Nicholas Wilford And for proofe of the continuance of this trade vntill the end of the yeere 1552. I found annexed vnto the former note of the goods left with Robert Bye in Chio a letter being dated the 27 of Nouember 1552 in London The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I le of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. HEre vnder lyeth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire who hath worthily serued not onely his Prince and Countrey but also the Emperour Charles the fift both at his conquest of Bâ—rbarie and at his siege at Tunis as also in other places Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary Who dyed the 29 day of December in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541 drawen out of his booke De Republica Anglorum instauranda THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis studio Cantabrigensis educatione aulicus religione pius veréque Christianus fuit Itaque cum inuenilem aetatemâ— mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisâ—o legato vnà cum illo profectus est tanquam familiaris amicus veleidem à confilijs Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis Thoma Chalonero Henrico Knolleo Henrico Isamo illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus pariterque militantibus mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est Nam triremi illa in qua fuerat vel scopulis allisa vel grauissimis procellis conquassata naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset deficientibus viribus brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura sese tandem recuperauit ac domum integer relapsus est The same in English THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner by studie a Cantabrigian by education a Courtier by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therfore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift he went with him as his familiar friend or as one of his Councell At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort with a mighty army by sea that honorable Kneuet the kings ambassadour Thomas Chaloner Henry Knolles and Henry Isham right worthy persons of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition serued him in that warre wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life For the gally wherein he was being either dashed against the rockes or shaken with mighty stormes and so cast away after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming when his strength failed him his armes hands being faint and weary with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable which was cast out of the next gally not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth at length recouered himselfe and returned home into his countrey in safety The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and Chio in the yeere 1550. IN the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend for my voiage to the Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant The master of my ship was one William Sherwood From thence we departed to â—ilbery hope and there remained with contrarie windes vntill the 6. of Ianuary 1551. The 6 of Ianuarie the M. came to Tilbery and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to
loro per il tempo che restarano qua siportorno da fideli Catholici Christiani che sua sanctita habbia trouato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso per il timor della armata Tuâ—kesca di altri vaselli de mimici inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá massime per che hauera de andare passare per diuersi lochi tanto lontani come Ingilterra Flandra tutti parti di ponente in altroue a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente come fidele conuersatore nostro accio piu securamente sensa obstaculo possa andare ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con alire a loro bennista Per tanto donque tutti ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione alla quale detto magnifico Giouani Keale Dauid Filly a nome quo supra con la naue marinari de detti loro principali o altricaschera nauigare passare venire sicuramente alla libera sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate facciate lasciare stare passare tornare quando li parera partire talmente che per amore contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue marinari mercantia non habbi difficulta fastidio ritentione alcuna anzi se gli dia ogni agintâ— fauore cosa degnadi voi giusta a noi gratissima de recompensaruila con vguale maggior seruitio quando dall ' occasione ne saremo rechiesti Et finalmente commandammo a tutti qual si voglia relligiosi frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia coÌ„ditione grado stato che siano a tutti riceuitori procuratori nostri in tutti qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia atutti nostri vassalli alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti che in tale per tale tenghino reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra naue marinari mercantia sensa permittere che nel detto suo viaggio o in alcun altro luogo sia molestato o in qual si voglia manera impedito anzi tutte lecose sue negotij loro sian da voi agâ—outati continuamente fauoriti In cuius rei testimonium Bâ—lla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa Datae Melitae in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij 1582. The same in English FRier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala by the grace of God master of the holy house the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ to all euery prince ecclesiastical secular archbishops bishops Dukes Marqueses Barons Capteines Uicelords Maiors Castellanes Admirals and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies or other greater shippes and gouernors of cities potentates and magistrates and other officers and persons whatsoeuer of what dignitie degree state and condition soeuer they be dwelling in all places and landes greeting We make it knowne and in the word of truth do witnesse that in the moneth of May last past our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master and our men willing to know what ship it was they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie maister and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies and because she would not strike amaine her sayle according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master the said ship was brought backe againe vnto the present port of Malta according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies and in being there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage They therefore the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Eward Osborne Alderman and Richard Staper English marchants of the noble citie of London haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser pilots master and mariners that we would giue our letters patents and safe conducts that they might goe and returne when they shall see opportunitie with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust and that it might be for the prosite of our religion and of these strangers by the tenor of these presents we haue granted the same to them yet with the conditions here under written viz. That euery time the said marchants of the said ship or with any other shall not bring such marchandize as is forbidden and that by sufficient proofe and letters testâ—moniall it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague they may victuall themselues with all necessarie victuals and traffike with vs and in this Iland and dominion and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Leuant or else where as all other vessels and especially of France and other nations do and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good Item that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush saltpeâ—ter cole of Newcastle plates of lattin tinne steele yron coÌ„mon karsies white course canuas to make saile for the gallies balies of yron for shot fine milstones trees masts for gallies litle and others and in conclusion hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie and other vessels of the enemie submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off as England Flanders and all parts Westwards and in other places we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents as our faithfull assistant so as more surely and without let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good with the said ship or with others at their pleasure We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction vnto the which the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie by name abouesaid with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or
shippe fo leake that he was not able to keepe her aboue the water and therefore requested vs to go backe againe to the Iland that we might discharge her and giue her vp but we intreated him to take paine with her a while and we put a French Carpenter into her to see if he could finde the leake This day we tooke a view of all our men both those that were hole and the sicke also and we found that in all the three ships were not aboue thirty sound men The 25 we had sight of the I le of S. Nicholas and the day following of the other Iles S. Lucia S. Vincent and S. Anthony which foure Iles lie the one from the other Northwest and by West Southeast and by East The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony and could not double the Cape This day Philip Iones the Master of the Christopher came aboord vs who had beene aboord the Tyger and tolde vs that they were not able to keepe the Tyger because she was leake and the Master very weake and sayd further he had agreed with the Master and the company that if the next day we could double the Iland we should runne to the leeward of it and there discharge her but if we could not double it then to put in betwixt the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony to see if we could discharge her The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger with the Master and marchants with me to view the shippe and men and we found the shippe very leake and onely six labouring men in her whereof one was the Master gunner so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship agreed to take in the men and of the goods what we could saue and then to put the ship away The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger The eight day hauing taken out the artillery goods victuals and gold of the Tyger we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores S. Mary and S. Michael The fourth of October we found our selues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from the line The sixt day the Christopher came to vs and willed vs to put with the Cape for they also were so weake that they were not able to keepe the sea and we being weake also agreed to goe for Vigo being a place which many English men frequent The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape but we hauing a mery wind for England and fearing the danger of the enemies which ordinarily lie about the Cape besides not knowing the state of our countrey and Spaine and although it were peace yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands considering the voyage that we had made and we also being so weake that by force and violence we could come by nothing and doubting also that the King of Portugall knowing of our being there might worke some way with the Councell of Spaine to trouble vs and further considering that if we did put in with any harbor we should not be able to come out againe till we sent for more men into England which would be a great charge and losse of time and meanes of many dangers All these things pondred we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance to warne the Christopher and then we went our course for England she hearing our pieces followed vs and we carried a light for her but the next day in the morning it was thicke and we could not see her in the afternoone neither so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine or els that she should put foorth more sailes then we in the night and was shot a head of vs so that then we put forth our top-sailes and went our course with England At the time when the Christopher left vs we were within 120 leagues of England and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister and at the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe Marchants in health which was buâ— weake company for such a ship to seeke a forren harbour The 16 day about sixe of the clocke at night we met with a great storme at the West-south-west West and our men being weake and not able to handle our sailes we lost the same night our maine saile foresaile and spreetsaile were forced to lie a hulling vntill the eighteenth day and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile and put it to the yard and therewith finding our selues far shot into the sleeue we bare with our owne coast but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres before it was blowen from the yard with a freat and then we were forced to lie a hull againe vntill the nineteenth day of October in the morning and then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard which by the good blessing and prouidence of God brought vs to the I le of Wight where we arriued the 20 of October in the afternoone The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie betwixt Sierra Liona and the furthest place of the Mine MAnils of brasse and some of leade Basons of diuers sorts but the most lattin Pots of course tinne of a quart and more Some wedges of yron Margarites and certaine other sleight beads Some blew Corall Some horse tailes Linnen cloth principally Basons of Flanders Some red cloth of low price and some kersie Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles Some great brasse basons graued such as in Flanders they set vpon their cupboords Some great basons of pewter and ewers grauen Some lauers such as be for water Great kniues of a low price Sleight Flanders-caskets Chests of Roan of a lowe price or any other chests Great pinnes Course French couerings Packing sheets good store Swords daggers frise mantels and gownes clokes hats red caps Spanish blankets axe heads hammers short pieces of yron sleight belles gloues of a lowe price leather bags and what other trifles you will Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok by Sir VVilliam Gerard Knight M. William Winter M. Beniamin Gonson M. Anthony Hickman and M. Edward Castelin the 8 of September 1561 touching a voyage to Guinea A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie FIrst when God shal send you thither to procure as you passe alongst the coast to vnderstand what riuers hauens or harboroughs there be and to make to your selfe a plat thereof setting those places which you shall thinke materiall in your sayd plat with their true eleuations Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you shall touch and what may be good for them It is thought good that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king of Habaans country it would serue to great purpose wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the
prouince of Iapan called Zuegara situate thirtie dayes iourney from Miacó which argueth the Isle of Iapan to be of greater extension Northward then it is ordinarily described in maps or supposed to be together with mention of a certaine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China neuer heard of in these parts before taken out of an Epistle written 1596 from Iapan by Fryer Luis Frois vnto Claudius Aquauiâ—a c. Printed in Latine at Mentz in Germanie 1599. NOt many dayes ago was baptized a certaine honourable personage called Iohn Vongui the sonne of Taigarandono who is gouernour of a certaine princedome situate on the borders of Iapan towardes the North being distant from Miacó thirtie dayes iourney And after a fewe lines it followeth This Taigorandono being the most Northerly gouernour in all Iapan hath traffique with the Iezi who are a nation of Tartars which from the maine continent resort vnto the Isle of Mateâ—mai being about twelue or fifteene leagues distant from the foresayd Northerly princedome of Zuegara where they sell fishes the skinnes of beasts and certaine heâ—bes of the sea vsed by â—he Iaponians for foode with other such like commodities On the other side the said Iezi Tartari buy of the Iaponians cloth to make them gaâ—mâ—nts with weâ—pons and other instruments These Tartars they say are a most barbarous kinde of people of a browne colour with long haire on their heads and beardes like the Moscouites they liuâ— by hunting and fishing and neglâ—ct husbandry This Norâ—herly princedome of Zuegata as the sayd gouernour reported to our Fathâ—rs aboundeth with excellent grapes both black and white which without the labour of man grow naturally in all places and he promisâ—d the Fathâ—rs to bring sâ—me of these viâ—es to Miacó that they might be plaâ—ted there Aduertisements touching the shippes that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine together with some notes of the Contractation house in Siuil YOur Pilot must be examined in the Contractation house and allowed by such as be appointed for the examination of Pilots that hee be a sufficient man to take the charge iâ— hand and that which belongeth thereunto and to gouerne and lead the same ship directly by his onely commandement to such ports as are conuenient for the voyage that hee taketh in hand You must haue a Master that must giue in sureties to the value of 6000 dukats and such as be his surâ—ties must be landed men and their lands worth to the value of that summe aforesayd if the sayd ship be betweene three or foure hundred tunnes And if shee be more or lesse of burthen then he must giuâ— sureties of a greater summe or lesse according to the proportion of her burden He shall in all his voyage giue a iust and true accompt of all such goods and marchandizes as shall in all that voyage come into the ship as also of such place and money as shal be registred in the Kings Register appertayning to the King or any other particuler marchant and if any default be hee or his sureties are to pay all such losses as thereof shall growe as also to see the mariners payed well and truely the third part of all such fraights as the sayde shippe shall get going and comming The ship being fraighted by her merchants the Master shall take order that there be sufficient mariners abourd her to take in such lading from time to time as the marchant shall send to her And also the Purser must be a man sufficient of abilitie to take to giue account of all such goods marchandize siluer and golde as shall come in and out of the sayd shippe that present voyage as also giue sureties of 1500 dukats at the least to come backe from the Indies in the said shippe and not to â—arrie there if hee liue The Master must prouide a perfect mariner called a Romager to raunge and bestow all marchandize in such place as is conuenient and that it be not put in place where it may perish â—or lack that it be not fast sure and drie according to the qualitie and forme of the sayd marchandize When it is all bestowed and the shippe able to beare no more then a mariner called the Countermaster or Masters mate hath chaâ—ge to locke fast the hatches that none of the marchants wines or oyles or any other kind of marchandize be robbed or spoyled by the mariners And if it fortune that any bee so spoyled then the mariners are to pay for it out of the third part of all â—he whole fraight of the shippe that doth appertaine to the sayd marchants The shippâ— being laden goeth to the port wherehence she sailâ—th to goe towards the Indies called S. Lucar and there one of the chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house commeth downe to dispatch the shippes that goe together in that fleete And that Iudge goeth abourd euery ship and with him hee doth carrie an expert mariner or two called Uisitors of the shippes to know whether the sayd shippe or ships be well tackled whether they haue men sufficient and in euery ship euery mans name is taken and if he haue any marke in the face or hand or aâ—me it is written by a Notarie as well as his name appertaining to the Contractation house appointed for these causes Also the Master is bound to bring backe euery mariner againe and to leaue none behinde him there vpon great paines vnlesse he be a passenger appointed by the King at the court and bringeth his licence from thence for the same purpose The ship must be well appointed with ordinance of braâ—se and yron according to The orders of their house of that there must want nothing and euery ship is appointed according to her burthen in all kinde of artillerie as peeces of brasse and yron hand-guns crosbowes pikes swords daggers targets and for all ordinance double shot with powder with new cables and ankers sufficient for the voyage And moreouer it is ordeined that the shippes haue double sailes that is that they bee thorowly sayled and moreouer all newe sayles of fore-sayle and maine-sayle of coarse and bonneâ— newe made and kept in some driefat or chest in the same ship that if the weather take the one from them the other may be in râ—adines Euery shâ—p must haue their master sworne before the sayd Iudge of the Contratacion that all this is in a readinesse in the shippe as also so many newe pipes of fresh water so many buttes of good rackâ— wine so mâ—ny kintals of bread so many iarres of oyle so many iarres or Botijas of vineger so much flesh so much fish and such quantitie of euery kinde of victuall as the burthen of the shippe requireth whâ—rein euery shippe according to her greatnesse is appointed by The ordinances of the house Also so many gunners so many maâ—inâ—rs so many groâ—â—ettes so many pages and â—o many souldiers
with certeine agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage 179. 50 A new concord betweene king Henry the fourth and Vlricus de Iungingen 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth graunted in the fifth yeere of his raigne vnto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway Sweueland Denmarke and Finmarke 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. yeere of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruatiua Maris Or The pollicy of keeping the Sea 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth in the second yere of his raigne to the English merchants residing in the Netherland 208. 57 A perswasion of Robert Thorne merchant of Bristol and dwelling long in Siuil in Spaine to king Henry the eight of noble memory to set out and further Discoueries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorne written to Doctour Leigh the Kings Ambassadour in Spaine touching that matter 214. 59 A briefe treatise of the Emperour of Moscouia his genealogie 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot giuen to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleete in their voyage intended for Cathay 226. 61 The names of the twelue Counsellers appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt written at that time to all the Kings Princes and other Potentates of the Northeast 230. 63 The names of the Ships Captains Mariners and other officers of that first worthy enterprise 232. 64 The othe ministred to the Captaine of the Fleete 233. 65 The othe ministred to the Masters of the ships 234. 66 A testimonie of Richard Eden concerning Clement Adams his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage 242. 67 The letters of the Emperour of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt by Richard Chanceller 255. 68 The coynes waights and measures vsed in Russia 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queene Mary to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperor of Russia 258. 70 The Commission giuen to the merchants Agents resiant in Russia 259. 71 The othe ministred to the seruants of the Moscouie company 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fiâ—st Agent in Russia written to the Company 263. 73 The first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscouie company granted by Queene Mary 267. 75 Instructions giuen to the Pursers of the Moscouie voyage 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard Iohnson concerning the Samoeds 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassadour froÌ„ the Emperour of Russia 285. 78 Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscouie Company sayling towards the Bay of S. Nicolas Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscouie merchants vnto their Agents George Killingworth Richard Gray and Henry Lane in Russia 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscouie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie Company to M. Henâ—y Lane at Mosco 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Poland 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda 305. 84 A letter of the Moscouie Company to their Agents in Russia M. Henry Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to S. Nicolas 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties 308. 86 The maner of Iustice by lotts in Russia written by M. Henry Lane 309. 87 The description of Russia with the customes and maners of the inhabitants 315. 88 Notes and obseruations gathered by Richard Iohnson of the seuerall wayes from Russia to Cathay ouer-land 335. 89 A letter of Sigismund king of Polonia 1559. vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 337. 90 The letters of the Queenes Maiestie written to the Emperour of Russia requesting licence and safe-conduct for Anthonie Ienkinson to passe through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the great Sophie of Persia sent by M. Anth. Ienkinson 340. 92 Instructions giuen by the Gouernours and Assistants of the Moscouie Company vnto M. Anthonie Ienkinâ—on 341. 93 The priuileges giuen by Obdoloucan K. of Hircania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 352. 94 Certaine letters of Arthur Edwards written out of Russia Media and Persia to the Company of the Moscouie merchants in London 354,355,358,361 95 The distance of diuers places in Russia 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea 364. 97 An Acte for the corporation of merchants Aduenâ—urers for the discouering of newe tradesâ— made in the eighth yeere of the Queenes Maiestie 369. 98 The priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first Ambassage from the Ruâ—sian Emperour to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth 374. 100 A letter of her Maiestie sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella Messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their master 375. 101 The Ambassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquier from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 376. 102 The priuileges graunted to the English merchants at M. Randolfe his sute 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discouery to the Northeast by sea 382. 104 Instructions giuen to the discouerers for that action 383. 105 Certaine letters in verse written out of Moscouia by M. George Turberuile Secretary to M. Randolfe touching the state of the Countrey and maners of the people 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Obseruations of the Sophy of Persia and of the Religion of the Persians 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar 402. 109 The Ambassage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia Anno 1571. 402. 110 A briefe rehearsall of all the trauailes of M. Anthony Ienkinson 411. 111 A letter of Iames Alday to M. Michael Locke Agent in London for the Moscouie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the killing of
to ease themselues the filthy lozels had not the maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs then a beane can bee cast Yea like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence while they were yet talking with vs many other things they committed which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But abâ—ue all things it grieued me to the very heart that when I would vtter ought vnto them which might tend to their edification my foolish interpreter would say you shall not make me become a Preacher now I tell you I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such wordes And true it was which he saide For I perceiued afterward when I began to haue a litle smattering in the laâ—guage that when I spake one thing he would say quite another whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an interpreter I resolued much rather to holde my peace and thus we traueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging till at the length a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene we arriued at the banke of the mightie riuer Tanais which diuideth Asia from Europa euen as the riuer Nilus of AEgypt disioyneth Asia from Africa At the same place where wee arriued Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine cottage to be built vpon the Easterne banke of the riuer for a companie of Russians to dwell in f to the ende they might transport Ambassadours and merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part oâ— the riuer First they ferried vs ouer and then our carts putting one wheele into one lyter and the other wheele into another lyter hauing bounde both the lyters together and so they rowe them ouer In this place our guide played the foole most extreamely For hee imagining that th e said Russians dwelling in the cottage should haue prouided vs horses sent home the beasts which we brought with vs in another cart y t they might returne vnto their owne masters And when we demanded to haue some beasts of theÌ„ they answered that they had a priuiledge from Baatu wherby they were bound to none other seruice but only to ferry ouer goers commers and that they receiued great tribute of marchants in regard therof We staied therfore by the said riuers side three daies The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut the second day they bestowed rye bread and a litle flesh vpon vs which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for vs and the third day dried fishes which they haue there in great abundance The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place as the riuer of Sein is at Paris And before we came there we passed ouer many goodly waters and full of fish howbeit the barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them neither do they make any reckoning of any fish except it be so great that they may pray vpon the flesh therof as vpon the flesh of a ram This riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia and it springeth out of the fennes of Maeotis which fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700. miles about before it falleth into the sea called PoÌ„tus Euxinus And al the riuers which we passed ouer ran with ful stream into those quarters The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North for at that season of the yeere about the first of August they begin to returne backe vnto the South And therfore there is another cottage somwhat lower where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time And in this place wee were driuen to great extremitie by reason that we could get neither horses nor oxen for any money At length after I had declared vnto them that my comming was to labour for the common good of all Christians they sent vs oxen men howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote At this time they were reaping their rye Wheat prospereth not wel in that soile They haue the seed of Millium in great abundance The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women They imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside from their feet vnto their knees with particoloured or grey sâ—uffe The Russian men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men Also they weare vpon their heads certain sharpe high-crowned hats made of felt much like vnto a sugar loafe Then traueiled we 3. daies together not finding any people And when our selues and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint not knowing how far off we should find any Tartars on the sudden there came two horses running towards vs which we tooke with great ioy and our guide and interpreter mounted vpon their backes to see how far off they could descry any people At length vpon the fourth day of our iourney hauing found some inhabitants we reioyced like sea-faring men which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest and had newly recouered the hauen Then hauing taken fresh horses and oxen we passed on from lodging to lodging till at the last vpon the second of the Kalends of August we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe Of the dominion of Sartach and of his Subiects Chap. 16. THe region lying beyond Tanais is a very goodly countrey hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part thereof There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people do inhabite One of them is called Moxel being meere Pagans and without law They haue neither townes nor cities but only cottages in y e woods Their lord a great part of themselues were put to the sword in high Germanie Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Almans hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars by their meanes If any merchant come vnto them he must prouide things necessary for him with whom he is first of all enterteined all the time of his abode among them If any lieth with another mans wife her husband vnles he be an eiewitnes therof regardeth it not for they are not ielous ouer their wiues They haue abundance of hogs and great store of hony waxe and diuers sorts of rich costly skins and plentie of falcons Next vnto them are other people called Merclas which the Latines cal Merdui and they are Saracens Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga which is y e mightiest riuer that euer I saw And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater so trending along Southward disimboqueth into a certain lake coÌ„taining in circuit the space of 4. moneths trauel whereof I will speak hereafter The two foresaid riuers namely Tanais Etilia otherwise called Volga towards the Northren regions through the which we traueiled are not distaÌ„t asunder aboue x. daies iourney
these goods and marchandises shall be brought into our realme and dominion and shall be there vnladen and solde And likewise three pence vpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd aboue the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors And touching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises whereof three pence of euery pound of siluer as is aforesayd is to be payd credite shal be giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to shewe from their masters or parteners And if they haue no letters in this behalfe we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee present or in their absence to the othes of their seruants Moreouer it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd to sell woolles to other of their company and likewise to buy of them without paying of custome Yet so that the said wools come not to such hands that wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be vnderstood that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one place within our realme and dominion the custome aboue granted vnto vs in forme aforesayd for their marchandises haue their warrant therof whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out excepting wines which in no wise shal be caried forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd without our fauour licence as is aforesayd we wil and we grant for vs and our heires that no execution attachment or loane or any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants vpon their marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme before mentioned and granted The faithfull principall witnesses of these presents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England Walter bishop of CoueÌ„trey and Lichfield Henry Lacie of Lincolne Humfrey de Bohume Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England Adomare of Valentia Geofrey of Gaymal Hugh Spenser Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our house Robert of Bures and others Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore the first day of February in the yere of our reigne xxxi De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis eorum mercimonijs dearrestandis literae Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui Haquino regi Norwegie MAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegie illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadeÌ„ Dei gratia rex Anglie Dom. Hibernie dux Aquitanie saluteÌ„ cuÌ„ dilectione sincera Miramur noÌ„ modicuÌ„ in intimis conturbamur de grauaminibus oppressionibus quae subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venienâ—â—bus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili sicut ex graui querela didicimus inferuntur Nuâ—er siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete Simon filius Alani de eadâ—m Guido filius Mathei eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt quod cum ipsi quosdam homines seruientes suos cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri ad negotiandum ibidem transmisissent naues illae in portu villae vestrae de Tonnesbergh halece alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam summam oneratae fuissent Et licet nautis nauiuÌ„ praedictarum hominibusque seruientibus praedictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus bonis praedictis ad partes Anglie redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de coÌ„ductu postmodum ramen antequaÌ„ naues illae propter venti contrarietateÌ„ portum praedictum exire potuerunt quidam balliui vestri naues praedictas cum hominibus bonis omnibus tunâ— existentibus in eisdem occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores piratas dum naues praedictae in portu supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare vt dicitur interfecti de mandato vestro vt dicebant artestarunt diu sub aresto huiuâ—modi detinebant quousque videlicet homines marinarij praedicti de quadraginta libris sterlingoruÌ„ certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibetnaui predictarum soluendis inuiti coacti securitatem inuenissent Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus praedictis infra portum praedictum citra sestuÌ„ natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptistae proximo futuro ad standum runc ibidem de personis nauibus suis vestre gratie seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent quod ipsis valde graue censetur auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur Et quia contra rationem equitatem omnemque iustitiam fore dinoscitur atque legem quòd delinquentium culpe seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscijvel participes seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt aliqualiter vlciscantur vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus rogamus quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo iustitiae ponderantes obsides predictos iubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus resolui Scientes pro certo quod si malefactores predicti qui dictum militem vestrum vt dicitur occiderunt alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nostâ—am poterunt inueniri de ipsis iustitiam iudicium secundum legem consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus Non enim possumus his diebus aequanimiter tolerare quod naues predicte seu aliae de regno nostro quae semper prompte ad nostrum seruitium esse debent extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in premissis nobis si placeat reseribatis per presentium portatorem Datae apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis The same in English The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway and their goods to be freed from arrest TO the mighty Prince lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue We maruell not a little and are much disquieted in our cogitations considering the greeuances and oppressions which as wee haue beene informed by pitifull complaints are at this present more then in times past without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects which doe vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake For of late one William the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete and one Simon the sonne of Alan of the same towne and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associates our marchants in complayning wise declared vnto vs that
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
aforesaid in his kingdome of England it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles by the aforesaid ambassadors commissioners and procurators as in the acts pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors commissioners and procurators and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles it is more at large contayned vnto the which the sayd ambassadors commissioners and messengers doe here in this place referre themselues of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors in the land of Prussia being 16 in number whereof one is admitted the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten the same course is to be taken and obserued which was before appoynted and agreed vpon about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king as is aforesayd Moreouer as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and behalfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall of the which some are declared already and the declaration of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles it is more manifestly prouided the same course is to be taken which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall exhibited as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp and of other townes in the land of Liuonia many and great complaints haue beneâ— by way of articles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia which for diuers causes could not as then be ended therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon betweene the ambassadours and the commissioners aforesayd that the saide citizens and marchants may in the towne of Dordâ—act in Holland vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing at the which time and place the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia shall be put in vre by themselues or their lawfull procurators make their appearance for the obtayning of a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation of all iniuries attempted against them then or at some other times within one whole yere next following and not afterward being effectually set downe and limited at the place aforesaid by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte all lawfull impediments ceasing Prouided alwayes that the value and price of all wares goods and marchandises whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia in their articles receiued by the sayde English ambassadours as is aforesayd doe make mention shall be iustly esteemed prized and approoued not by any of England or of Prussia or of Liuonia but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite valuing them at the true rate of marchants which such like marchandise would haue amounted vnto if at the time when they were taken they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders Forasmuch also as diuers and sundry Prussians who exhibited manifolde Articles of complaints being receiued by the said English Ambassadours at their abode in Prussia made not their personall appearance before the saide English Ambassadours in the lande of Prussia aforesaide The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them lawfully to make their appearance vpon the first of May aforesaide at the towne of Dordract either by themselues or by their Procurators and also to bring with them the letters testimonial and patents sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens of the damages and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue before the Ambassadours Procurators messengers and Commissioners of both partes the rate and value of their saide goods and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable restitution for all acts vniustly attempted against them then or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned shall not vpon the first of May and at the place appointed for some cause make their appearance that then it shal be lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England at the citie of London and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia or which complaints should haue bene deliuered at the foresaid terme and place or els the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched and also by articles as is aforesaide to declare and proue the true worth and estimation of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them to the ende that they may as it is aboue mentioned effectually receiue and also speedily and easily obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable reformation and satisfaction for al acts vniustly attempted against them which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished Moreouer it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Commissioners that the forenamed souereign Lord the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours messengers and Commissioners vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed to treate parle agree and conclude about those affaires which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them Furthermore betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners it is enacted and concluded that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes ordinations and prohibitions framed made and ordained by the saide lorde the Master generall in his land of Prussia or by his Proconsuls and Consuls and his gouernours of cities townes villages and of other places in the land of Prussia vnto the obseruation whereof aswell the subiectes of the said Master general as foreners and strangers are tyed and bound vnto the very same
and messengers haue put to their seales Giuen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being in this behalfe sufficiently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours procurators messengers and commissioners by our said soueraigne lord the king namely in regard of the molestations iniuries and damages vniustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and Lord of Ireland by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten their common couÌ„sel being assembled for the same purpose authorized also and as well closely as expresly maintained and ratified by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans doe in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland being appointed for the very same occasion demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok and sufficiently ordeined by authority requisite in this behalfe to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities that conuenient iust and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties who are specified in the articles vnder written Imprimis that about the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren Godekin Michael Clays Sheld Hans Howfoote Peter Hawfoote Clays Boniface Rainbek and many others with them of Wismer and of Rostok being of the societie of the Hans tooke by maine force a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton Robert Gabiford Iohn Paulin and Thomas de Chester which ship together with the furnâ—ture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds also the woollen cloth the red wine the golde and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide and there they imprisoned the sayde parties taken and to their vtter vndoing detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods anyâ— marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia beeing then valued at 160. nobles Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule Clays Scheld Godekin Mighel and one called Strotbeker by force of armes and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok and others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway wickedly and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie fiue pieces of ware foure hundred of werke and halfe a last of osmundes and other goods to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe Hans van Gelder and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Terry of Hul called the Cogge with thirtie wollen broad clothes and a thousand narrow clothes to the value of 200. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe Wilmer Hans van Gelder Clays Scheld Euerade Pilgrimson and diuers others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie with diuers goods and marchandizes namely oyle waxe and werke to the value of 300. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans their confederates wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound marâ—hant of Hull two cakes of waxe to the value of 18. poundes out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel Clays Scheld Storbiker and diuers others of Wismer and Rostok and of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing the master whereof was called Henry Puys of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman Iohn Topeliffe aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke namely in werke waxe osmunds and bowstaues to the value of 1060. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland the master whereof was called Hinkensman 140. woollen clothes the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles from Thomas Thester of Yorke and a chest with armour siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas to the value of 9. pounds Item in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok and others their complices of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth greene cloth meale and fishes to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings besides 32. pounds in the sea called Northsound Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September one Godekin Wisle and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia wherof the master was named Rorebek from Iohn Seburgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. markes from Stephan Flispe and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth to the value of 60. pounds from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks from William Munde marchant of the same town two fardels of woollen cloth worth 40 li from Iohn Dawe and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne three packs of woollen cloth worth 200. marks Moreouer they tooke and imprisoned certaine English men which were in the said ship namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight which Thomas paid for this ransome 20. nobles of English money William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide which William by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment lost the sight of his eyes and Thomas Cornwaile marchant of the foresaide Towne which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok vpon the coastes of Denmarke and Norway
beneath Scawe and at Anold tooke Thomas Adams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman marchants of Norwich in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald to the value of one thousande marks English and carried the persons and goods aforesaide away with them and the said Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow and there detained them vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe with butter masts sparres boordes questingstones and wilde werke to the value of an hundred marks and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession some of the Hans being their assistants in the promisses Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans of Rostok and of Wismer tooke vpon the coast of England neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yarmouth whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner and Robert Rigweys the master laden with bay salt to the quantitie of 130. wayes and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession the said Hugh being endamaged by the losse of his ship and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing in regard of their wages canuas and armour 200. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw a ship of Yarmouth the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith laden with salt cloth and salmon to the value of 40. pound and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley called the Friday whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities namely of artillery furniture and salt fishes being in the same ship to the value of 500. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret wherein Robert Robines was master and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodities namely of artillerie furniture and salt fishes to the value of 400. nobles and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned Item in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker with others their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas wherof Iohn Prest was master and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 320. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid the said Godekins and Stertebeker their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel whereof William Noie was master and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities as namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 406. nobles Item in the yeere next aboue mentioned vpon the Saterday about the foresaid feast the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpoÌ„ the sea a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley called the Helena wherein Robert Alwey was master also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commodities as namely salt fishes together with the ship itselfe Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel the foresaid Godekin Stertebeker with other their coÌ„federats of the Hans took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley called the Peter wherein Thomas Smith was master the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away being worth 280. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Simon Durham called the Dogger-ship and the Peter of Wiueton laden with salt fishes whereof Iohn Austen was master vpon the coast of Denmarke And they caried away the saide Dogger with the furniture thereof and the foresaid salt fishes to the value of 170. pound Moreouer the master and 25â— mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe and a certaine ladde of the saide Dogger they caried with tâ—em vnto Wismer Item in the foresaid yeere and about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker with other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyderpole and Iohn Coote of Wiueton and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe they villanously slue among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew the godsonne nephew and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham Which ship with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles Item in the very same yeere about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger wherein Geruase Cat was master lying at an anker while the companie were occupied about fishing and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes and furniture of the said ship Moreouer the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere the master and his said companie being endamaged thereby to the summe of 200. nobles Item in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer called the Buss of Zeland which one Iohn Ligate marchant and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia on the behalfe of
thankfull mind accept and by the tenour of the said letters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Liuonia expressed in our former letters within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London shall be found due vnto them conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediments the premisses be performed as they ought to be And that your selfe also will without fayle vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments procure satisfaction â—o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses whereof they haue sufficient information Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs as is aforesaid wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people and vnto you and your subiects that the zeale and ferueâ—cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects and your predecessors and their subiects and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons without any consent of the principall lords hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come sithens hereupon by Gods assistance it is to be hoped that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts may it seeme good vnto your discretion as it seemeth expedient vnto vs that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle agree and conclude with our deputy about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence At whose arriuall not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions they may yea and of necessitie must greatly auayle Wherefore our entirely beloued friend euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your marchants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions there to stay and at their pleasures thence to returne home Moreouer if Arnold Dassel who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions as in very deede it is expedient he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes for the more speedy expedition of all the premisses Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the seuenth of March in the yere of our lord 1408 according to the computation of the Church of England and in the tenth yere of our reigne A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia in the yeare of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen for the perpetual memory of the matter vnto all faithfull Christians that the noble honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London Master Iohn Kington clerke and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie the commissioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik the procurators commissioners deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them sufficient authority haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted amiâ—ie and for the tranquilitie of sweete amiable peace it is decreed and ordained that all and singular the liege people subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer shall and may safely and securely as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer there also make their abode and thence vnto their owne homes and dwelling places returne and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer faithfully paying in the meane time all rights customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained granted and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king whereof mention shall be made in the articles following Item it is ordained that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his order of what state and condition soeuer shall and may as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer and there also make their abode and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king his heires and successours all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligations by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named and in the name of the said Master generall Item it is with one consent agreed vpon promised and graunted that for all and singular damages grieuances and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer and all others which at the time
Dante 's vlterius concedentes huiusmodi gubernatoribus per praedictos Mercatores sic eligendis quantum in nobis est potestatem authoritatem speciales omnes singulos mercatores Anglicos ad partes praedictas de caetero venientes declinantes per se vel sufficientes loca sua tenentes regendi gubernandi ac eis eorum cuilibet in suis causis querelis quibuscunque inter eos in partibus praedictis motis vel mouendis plenam celerem iusticiam faciendi quascunque quaestiones contentiones discordias debatas inter ipsos mercatores Anglicos partium praedictarum motas seu mouendas reformandi reformationemque petendi redigendi sedandi pacificandi quascunque transgressiones damna mesprisiones excessus vio lencias iniurias mercatoribus partium praedictarum per praedictos mercatores Anglicos factas seu faciendas redigendi reparandi restaurandi emendandi consimilesque restitutiones reparationes restaurationes emendationes de ipsis mercatoribus partium praedictarum seu deputatis suis requirendi petendi recipiendi Ac de communi assensu mercatorum Anglicorum praedictorum statuta ordinationes consuetudines prout pro meliori gubernatione status eorundem mercatorum Anglicorum in hac parte videbitur expedire faciendi stabiliendi omnes singulos mercatores Anglicos praefatis gubernatoribus sic eligendis vel eorum loca tenentibus seu eorum alicui aut alicui statutorum ordinationum consuetudinum praedictarum contrarios rebelles vel inobedientes iuxta quantitatem delicti sui in hac parte rationabiliter puniendi Volentes insuper omnia iusta rationabilia statuta ordinationes consuetudines per dictos gubernatores sic eligendos in forma praedicta facienda stabilienda nec non omnes iustas rationabiles ordinationes per nuper gubernatores praedictorum mercatorum Anglicorum de communi assensu eorundem mercatorum pro huiusmodi gubernatione sua in partibus praedictis iuxta priuilegia authoritates sibi per magistrum Pruciae seu alios dominos partium praedictarum concessa factas stabilitas seu per praedictos gubernatores nunc vt praemittitur eligendos iuxta priuilegia praedicta seu alia priuilegia eisdem mercatoribus Anglicis per praedictos magistrum dominos in posterum concedenda facienda stabilienda rata firma accepta haberi pro ratis firmis acceptis ibidem firmiter inuiolabiliter obseruari Damus autem vniuersis singulis mercatoribus Anglicis praedictis tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis quod eisdem gubernatoribus sic eligendis eorum loca tenentibus in praemissis omnibus singulis acâ—alijs gubernationem regimen in hac parte qualitercunque concernentibus intendentes sint consulentes obedientes auxiliantes prout decet Data in palatio nostro Westmonasterij sub magni sigilli nostri testimonio sexto die Iunij Anno regni nostri quinto A Charter of King Henry the fourth graunted in the fift yeere of his reigne to the English Marchants resident in the partes of Prussia Denmarke Norway Sweden and Germanie for the chusing of Gouernours among themselues HEnry by the grace of God king of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to all to whom these present letters shall come sendeth greeting Know ye that whereas according as we are informed through want of good and discreete rule and gouernement sundry damages strifes oppressions and wrongs oftentimes heretofore haue bene moued and committed among the Marchants of our kingdome of England remaining in the parties of Prussia Denmarke Norway the Hans steeds and Sweden and greater hereafter which God forbid are feared to be like to fall out vnlesse we put to our helping hands for the procuring of better gouernement to be maintained among the said Marchants wee heartily desiring to preuent the perrils and dangers which are like to fall out in this case and that the sayde Marchants and others which shall trauaile out of our said Realme into the partes aforesaid may iustly and faithfully be ruled and intreated we will and graunt by the tenour of these presents to the said Marchants that they may freely and without danger assemble and meete together as often and whensoeuer they please in some conuenient and honest place where they shall thinke good and that they may choose among themselues certaine sufficient and fit persons for their gouernours in those parts at their good liking And furthermore we giue and graunt to the said Gouernours which are in such sort to be chosen by the aforesaid Marchants as much as in vs lieth speciall power and authoritie to rule and gouerne all and singular the English Marchants which hereafter shall come or repayre to the parts aforesaid by themselues or their sufficient Deputies and to minister vnto them and euery of them in their causes and quarels whatsoeuer which are sprung vp or shall hereafter fall out among them in the parts aforesaid full and speedie iustice and to reforme all maner of questions contentâ—ous discords and debates moued or to be moued betweene the English Marchants remayning in those parts and to seeke reformation to redresse appease and compound the same And further to redresse restore repayre and satisfie all transgressions damages misprisions outrages violences and iniuries done or to be done by the aforesaid English Marchants against the Marchants of those parts And to require demaund and receiue the like restitutions reparations satisfactions and amends of the Marchants of those parts or of their deputies And by the common consent of the aforesaid English Marchants to make and establish statutes ordinances and customes as shall seeme expedient in that behalfe for the better gouernement of the state of the said English Marchants and to punish with reason according to the quantitie of their fault in that behalfe all and singular the English Marchants which shall withstand resist or disobey the aforesaid gouernours so to be chosen or their deputiâ—s or any of them or any of the aforesaid statutes ordinances or customes Moreouer we doe ratifie confirme and approoue and as ratified confirmed and approoued wee command firmely and inuiolably there to be obserued all iust and reasonable statutes ordinances and customes which shal be made and established by the said gouernors so to be chosen in forme aforesaid and also all iust and reasonable ordinances made established by the late gouernours of the aforesaid English Marchants with the common consent of the sayd Marchants for this their gouernement in the parts aforesayd according to the priuileges and authorities now granted vnto them by the Master of Prussia or other Lords of the partes aforesayd or which shall be made and established by the aforesayd gouernours now as is mentioned to be chosen according to the aforesaid priuileges heretofore graunted or other priuileges hereafter to bee granted to the sayde English Marchants by the aforesayde Master and lords of the Countrey And furthermore
sent his ambassadors vnto the great duke of Moscouia In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite vouchsafed on vs wee are ready when occasion shall serue to aduenture our liues and goods praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God who is the onely establisher and confounder of common wealths to bring this excellent woorke the foundation whereof is already laiâ—e vnto a prosperous conclusion But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this prouince to say the very trueth we greatly wondred and were astonished at the declaration thereof For it is most apparant not onely out of all ancient and credible histories but euen from the experience and state of these regions that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained For out of all auncient monuments by what names soeuer they bee called whereof there are diuers extant among vs it cannot be proued by any mention nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture that those things which the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these regions in times past and concerning the right and title of his ancestors vnto this prouince are grounded vpon truth For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince partly through the industry of marchants and partly by the benefite of nauigation was first discouered neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and idolatrie were by the croised knights who drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and accompanie them in this their enterprise and that with great labour and difficultie conuerted vnto the Christian faith when as at the same time the â—iuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction religion maners or language of Moscouie who had not onely no conuersation nor dealings with the Moscouites but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoeuer for leading a miserable poore barbarous and heathenish life in sauage maner among wilde beastes and in the desert and solitary woods they were vtterly ignorant of God and destitute of ciuil magistrates Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them namely that all of our familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their elders more then to any other whom also that their authoritie might be the greater they called by the name of kings and albeit one of their families consisted of a 100. persons thâ—y obeyed them in al respects and after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice At the very same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion and the Ecclesiasticall ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church which religion they published and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their dominion vsing their owne proper letters and characâ—ers for the same purpose Of all which things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing enuironed with Russia Lithuania Samogitia Prussia and the Balthic sea neuer heard any report at all It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any time heretofore either within the earth or in other places of Liuonia there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of the Russes which verily must needs haue come to passe if the Moscouites Russes or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars had borne rule and authority ouer the Liuonians yea there had beene left some remainder and token either of their religion and diuine worship or of their lawes and customes or at the least of their maners language and letters This indeed we can in no wise deny that euen in Liuonia it selfe there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers languages spoken by the people Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue or with the tongues of any other nations But whereas the Moscouite pretendeth that there hath bin vsually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his predecessours out of the whole prouince it is as incredible as the former About the beginning of this tragicall warre the Moscouite to cloke his tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense amongst other of his demaunds made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction whereof notwithstanding hee could neither bring any iust account nor affirm any certainty howbeit there is no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance or from the relation of others that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the Moscouite What time therefore he referred al this negotiation vnto the master of the Liuonian order and commanded him to get what knowledge hee could therof from the men of Dorpat vrged the tribute saying if it were worth but one haire that he would not remit it at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat that beyond the memory of man when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forrests for wilde beastes that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus by the consent of the Russian borderers enioyed Bee-hiues in the said woods and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vnto the Russian gouernours sixe shillings of Liuonian coine But so soone as the Russians had felled the woods and had built townes and villages in their place the saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians These things which I knew concerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie vnto you Giuen the 22. of May in the yeere of our Lord 1576. Ordinances instructions and aduertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay compiled made and deliuered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions Dominions Islands and places vnknowen the 9. day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the faith and of the Church of England and Ireland in earth supreame head FIrst the Captaine general with the pilot maior the masters marchants other officers to be so knit and accorded in vnitie loue conformitie and obedience in euery degree on all sides that no dissention variance or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this companie to the damage or hinderance of the voyage for that dissention by many experiences hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits 2 Item for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true faithfull and loial subiects and liege men to the kings most excellent Maiestie his heires and successors and for the obseruation of all lawes statutes made
for the preseruation of his most excellent Maiestie his crown Imperiall of his realmes of England and Ireland and to serue his grace the Realme and this present voyage truely and not to giue vp intermit or leaue off the said voyage and enâ—erprise vntill it shal be accomplished to farre forth as possibilitie and life of man may serue or extend Therfore it behoueth euery person in his degree as well for conscience as for dueties sake to remember his said charge and the accomplishment thereof 3 Item where furthermore euery mariner or passengeâ— in his ship hath giuen like othe to bee obedient to the Captaine generall and to euery Captaine and master in his ship for the obseruation of these present orders contained in this booke and all other which hereafter shal be made by the 12. counsailers in this present book named or the most part of them for the better conduction and preseruation of the flette and atchieuing of the voyage and to be prompt ready and obedient in all acts and feates of honesty reason and duetie to be ministred shewed executed in aduancement and preferment of the voyage and exploit therfore it is conuenient that this present booke shall once euery weeke by the discretion of the Captaine be read to the said companie to the intent that euery man may the better remember his othe conscience duetie and charge 4 Item euery person by vertue of his othe to doe effectually with good wil as farre forth as him shall complie all and euery such act and acts deede and deeds as shal be to him or them from time to time commanded committed and enioyned during the voyage by the Captain generall with the assent of the Counsell and assistants as well in and during the whole Nauigation and voyage as also in discouering and landing as cases and occasions shall require 5 Item all courses in Nauigation to be set and kept by the aduice of the Captaine Pilot maior masters masters mates with the assents of the counsailers and the most number of them and in voyces vniformely agreeing in one to preuaile and take place so that the Captaine generall shall in all counsailes and assemblies haue a double voyce 6 Item that the fleete shal keep together and not separate themselues asunder as much as by winde weather may be done or permitted that the Captaines Pilots masters shall speedily come aboord the Admiral when and as often as he shall seeme to haue iust cause to assemble them for counsaile or consultation to be had concerning the affaires of the fleete and voyage 7 Item that the marchants and other skilful persons in writing shal daily write describe and put in memorie the Nauigation of euery day and night with the points and obseruation of the lands tides elements altitude of the sunne course of the moon and starres and the same so noted by the order of the Master and pilot of euery ship to be put in writing the captaine generall assembling the masters together once euery weeke if winde and weather shal serue to conferre all the obseruations and notes of the said ships to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do agree and wherein they dissent and vpon good debatement deliberation and conclusion determined to put the same into a common leger to remain of record for the company the like order to be kept in proportioning of the Cardes Astrolabes and other instruments prepared for the voyage at the charge of the companie 8 Item that all enterprises and exploits of discouering or landing to search Iles regions and such like to be searched attempted and enterprised by good deliberation and common assent determined aduisedly And that in all enterprises notable ambassages suites requests or presentment of giftes or presents to Princes to be done and executed by the captaine generall in person or by such other as he by common assent shall appoint or assigne to doe or cause to be done in the same 9 Item the steward and cooke of euery ship and their associats to giue and render to the captaine and other head officers of their shippe weekely or oftner if it shall seeme requisite a iust or plaine and perfect accompt of expenses of the victuals as wel flesh fish bisket meate or bread as also of beere wine oyle or vineger and all other kinde of viâ—â—ualling vnder their charge and they and euery of them so to order and dispeâ—de the same that no waste or vnprofitable excesse be made otherwise then reason and necessitie shall command 10 Item when any inferiour or meane officer of what degree or condition he shal be shal be tried vntrue remisse negligent or vnprofitable in or about his office in the voyage or not to vse him selfe in his charge accordingly then euery such officer to be punished or remoued at the discretion of the captaine and assistants or the most part of them and the person so remoued not to be reputed accepted or taken from the time of his remoue any more for an officer but to remaine in such condition and place as hee shall be assigned vnto and none of the companie to resist such chastisement or worthie punishment as shal be ministred vnto him moderately according to the fault or desert of his offence after the lawes and common customes of the seas in such cases heretofore vsed and obserued 11 Item if any Mariner or officer inferiour shal be found by his labour not meete nor worthie the place that he is presently shipped for such person may bee vnshipped and put on lande at any place within the kings Maiesties realme dominion and one other person more able and worthy to be put in his place at the discretion of the captaine and masters order to be taken that the partie dismissed shal be allowed proportionably the value of that he shall haue deserued to the time of his dismission or discharge he to giue order with sureties pawn or other assurance to repay the ouerplus of that he shall haue receiued which he shall not haue deserued such wages to be made with the partie newly placed as shal be thought reasonable and he to haue the furniture of al such necessaries as were prepared for the paâ—tie dismissed according to right and conscience 12 Item that no blaspheming of God or detestable swearing be vsed in any ship nor communication of ribaldrie filthy tales or vngodly talke to be suffred in the company of any ship neither dicing carding tabling nor other diuelish games to be frequented whereby ensueth not onely pouertie to the players but also strife variance brauling fighting and oftentimes murther to the vtter destruction of the parties and prouoking of Gods most iust wrath and sworde of vengeance These and all such like pestilences and contagious of vices and sinnes to bee eschewed and the offenders once monished and not reforming to bee punished at the discretion of the captaine and master as appertaineth 13 Item
that morning and euening prayer with other common seruices appointed by the kings Maiestie and lawes of this Realme to be read and saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall and the marchant or some other person learned in other ships and the Bible or paraphrases to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour and for his grace to be obtained and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly 14 Item that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the particulars of his charge and to render a perfect accompt of the diffraying of the same together with modest temperate dispending of powder shot and vse of all kinde of artillery which is not to be misused but diligently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the fleete and voyage together with due keeping of all instruments of your Nauigation and other requisites 15 Item no liquor to be spilt on the balast nor filthines to be left within boord the cook room and all other places to be kept cleane for the better health of the companie the gromals pages to bee brought vp according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea as well in learning of Nauigation as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth 16 Item the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by the marchants and not to be worne but by the order of the captaine when he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray for the aduancement and honour of the voyage and the liueries to bee redeliuered to the keeping of the marchants vntill it shal be thought conuenient for euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment 17 Item when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any necessarie furniture of apparell for his body and conseruation of his health the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant at the assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe wherein such needie person shall be at such reasonable price as the same cost without any gaine to be exacted by the marchants the value therof to be entred by the marchant in his booke and the same to be discounted off the parties wages that so shal receiue and weare the same 18 Item the sicke diseased weake and visited person within boord to be tendred relieued comforted and holpen in the time of his infirmitie and euery maner of person without respect to beare anothers burden and no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him for the most benefite and publike wealth of the voyage and enterprise to be atchieued exactly 19 Item if any person shal fortune to die or miscary in the voyage such apparell and other goods as he shall haue at the time of his death is to be kept by the order of the captaine and Master of the shippe and an inuentorie to be made of it and conserued to the vse of his wife and children or otherwise according to his mind and wil and the day of his death to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards bookes to the intent it may be knowen what wages he shall haue deserued to his death and what shall rest due to him 20 Item that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage shall not make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes or open their commodities to any forrein princes or any of their subiects without the consent priuitie or agreement of the Captaines the cape Marchants and the assistants or foure of them whereof the captaine generall the Pilot Maior and cape marchant to be three and euery of the pettie marchants to shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant when they or any of them shall be required and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie marchants without the assent abouesaid and all wares and commodities trucked bought or giuen to the companie by way of marchandise trucke or any other respect to be booked by the marchants and to be wel ordred packed and conseâ—â—ed in one masse entirely and not to be broken or altered vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges and inuentorie of al goods wares and marchandises so trucked bought or otherwise dispended to be presented to the Gouernor Consuls and Assistants in London in good order to the intent the Kings Maiestie may be truly answered of that which to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited according to our most bound dueties and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto them appertaineth and no embezelment shall be vsed but the truth of the whole voyage to bée opened to the common wealth and benefite of the whole companie and mysterie as appertaineth without guilt fraude or male engine 21 Item no particular person to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke of the company in sale of preferment of his own proper wares and things and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seuerall profite vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furnished and no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents as shal fortune to any one of them by his owne proper policie industrie or chance nor no contention to rise in that behalfe by any occasion of iewel stone pearles precious mettals or other things of the region where it shall chance the same to rise or to be found bought trucked permuted or giuen but euery person to be bounden in such case and vpon such occasion by order and directionâ— as the generall captaine and the Councell shall establish and determine to whose order and discretion the same is left for that of things vncertaine no certaine rules may or can be giuâ—n 22 Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion but to passe it ouer in silence without any declaration of it seeming to beare with such lawes and rites as the place hath where you shall arriue 23 Item for as much as our people and shippes may appeare vnto them strange and wonderous and theirs also to ours it is to be considered how they may be vsed learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord your ships and there to learne as you may without violence or force and no woman to be tempted or intreated to incontinencie or dishonestie 24 Item the person so taken to be well entertained vsed and apparelled to be set on land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw nigh to shewe the commodities and if the person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shal know the secrets of his heart 25 Item our people may not passe further into a lande then that they may be able to recouer their pinnesses or ships not to credit the faire words of the strange people which be many times tried
subtile and false nor to be drawen into perill of losse for the desire of golde siluer or riches and esteeme your owne commodities aboue al other and in countenance shew not much to desire the forren commodities neuerthelesse take them as for friendship or by way of permutation 26 Item euery nation and region is to be considered aduisedly not to prouoke them by any disdaine laughing contempt or such like but to vse them with prudent circumspection withal gentlenes and curtesie and not to tary long in one place vntill you shall haue attained the most worthy place y t may be found in such sort as you may returne w t victuals sufficientâ— prosperously 27 Item the names of the people of euery Island are to be taken in writing with the commodities and in commodities of the same their natures qualities and dispositions the site of the same and what things they are most desirous of what commodities they wil most willingly depart with what mettals they haue in hils mountaines streames or riuers in or vnder the earth 28 Item if people shal appeare gathering of stones gold mettall or other like on the sand your pinnesses may drawe nigh marking what things they gather vsing or playing vpon the drumme or such other instruments as may allure them to harkening to fantasie or desire to see and heare your instruments and voyces but keepe you out of danger and shewe to them no poynt or signe of rigour and hostilitie 29 Item if you shall be inuited into any Lords or Rulers house to dinner or other parliance goe in such order of strength that you may be stronger then they and be warie of woods and ambushes and that your weapons be not out of your possessions 30 Item if you shall see them weare Lyons or Beares skinnes hauing long bowes and arrowes be not afraid of that sight for such be worne oftentimes more to feare strangers then for any other cause 31 Item there are people that can swimme in the sea hauens riuers naked hauing bowes and shafts coueting to draw nigh your ships which if they shal finde not wel watched or warded they wil assault desirous of the bodies of men which they couet for meate if you resist them they diue and so will flee and therefore diligent watch is to be kept both day night in some Islands 32 Item if occasion shal serue that you may giue aduertisements of your proceedings in such things as may correspond to the expectation of the company and likelihood of successe in the voyage passing such dangers of the seas perils of ice intollerable coldes and other impediments which by sundry authors writers haue ministred matter of suspition in some heads that this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the North pole lacke of passage such like which haue caused wauering minds and doubtful heads not onely to withdraw themselues from the aduenture of this voyage but also disswaded others from the same the certaintie wherof when you shall haue tried by experience most certaine Master of all worldly knowledge then for declaration of the trueth which you shall haue experâ—ed you may by common assent of counsell sende either by land or otherwaies such two or one peâ—son to bring the same by credite as you shal think may passe in safetie which sending is not to be done but vpon vrgent causes in likely successe of the voyage in finding of passage in towardlines of beneficiall traffike or such other like whereby the company being aduertised of your estates and proceedings may further prouide foresee and determine that which may seeme most good and beneficiall for the publike wealth of the same either prouiding before hand such things as shall bee requisite for the continuance of the voyage or else otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serue in which things your wisedomes and discretious are to be vsed and shewed and the contents of this capitule by you much to be pondred for that you be not ignorant how many persons as well the kings Maiestie the Lords of his honorable Counsel this whole companie as also your wiues children kinsfolkes allies friends and familiars be replenâ—shed in their hearts with ardent desire to learne and know your estates conditions and welfares and in what likelihood you be in to obtain this notable enterprise which is hoped no lesse to succeed to you then the Orient or Occident Indias haue to the high benefite of the Emperour and kings of Portingal whose subiects industries and trauailes by sea haue inriched them by those lands and Islands which were to all Cosmographers and other writers both vnknowne and also by apparances of reason voide of experience thought and reputed vnhabitable for extremities of heates and colds and yet indéed tried most rich peopled temperate and so commodious as all Europe hath not the like 33 Item no conspiracies parttakings factions false tales vntrue reports which be the very seedes and fruits of contention discord confusion by euill tongues to be suffered but the same all other vngodlines to be chastened charitably with brotherly loue and alwaies obedience to be vsed and practised by al persons in their degrees not only for duetie and conscience sake towards God vnder whose mercifull hand nauigants aboue all other creatures naturally bee most nigh and vicine but also for prudent and worldly pollicie and publike weale considering and alwaies hauing present in your mindes that you be all one most royall kings subiects and naturals with daily remembrance of the great importance of the voyage the honour glorie praise and benefite that depend of and vpon the same toward the common wealth of this noble Realme the aduancement of you the trauailers therein your wiues and children and so to endeuour your selues as that you may satisfie the expectation of them who at their great costs charges and expenses haue so furnished you in good sort and plentie of all necessaries as the like was neuer in any realme seene vsed or knowen requisite and needful for such an exploit which is most likely to be atchieued and brought to good effect if euery person in his vocation shall endeuour himselfe according to his charge and most bounden duetie praying the liuing God to giue you his grace to accomplish your charge to his glorie whose merciful hand shal prosper your voyage and preserue you from all dangers In witnes whereof I Sebastian Gabota Gouernour aforesaide to these present ordinances haue subscribed my name and put my seale the day and yeere aboue written The names of the twelue Counsellors appointed in this voyage 1 SIr Hugh Willoughby Knight Captaine generall 2 Richard Chancelour Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture and Pilot generall of the fleete 3 George Burton Cape marchant 4 Master Richard Stafford Minister 5 Thomas Langlie Marchant 6 Iames Dalabere Gentleman 7 William Gefferson Master of the Bona Speranza Admirall 8 Stephen Burrough Master of the Edward Bonauenture 9 Gornelius
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
Pilot maior of the voyage Written in Latine by Clement Adams AT what time our Marchants perceiued the commodities and wares of England to bee in small request with the countreys and people about vs and neere vnto vs and that those Marchandizes which strangers in the time and memorie of our auncesters did earnestly seeke and desire were nowe neglected and the price thereof abated although by vs carried to their owne portes and all forreine Marchandises in great accompt and their prises wonderfully raised certaine graue Citizens of London and men of great wisedome and carefull for the good of their Countrey began to thinke with themselues howe this mischiefe might bee remedied Neither was a remedie as it then appeared wanting to their desires for the auoyding of so great an inconuenience for seeing that the wealth of the Spaniards and Portingales by the discouerie and search of newe trades and Countreys was marueilously increased supposing the same to be a course and meane for them also to obteine the like they thereupon resolued vpon a newe and strange Nauigation And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota a man in those dayes very renowmed happened to bee in London they began first of all to deale and consult diligently with him and after much speech and conference together it was at last concluded that three shippes should bee prepared and furnished out for the search and discouerie of the Northerne part of the world to open a way and passage to our men for trauaile to newe and vnknowen kingdomes And whereas many things seemed necessary to bee regarded in this so hard and diffâ—cult a matter they first make choyse of certaine graue and wise persons in maner of a Senate or companie which should lay their heads together and giue their iudgements and prouide things requisite and profitable for all occasions by this companie it was thought expedient that a certaine summe of money should publiquely bee collected to serue for the furnishing of so many shippes And left any priuate man should bee too much oppressed and charged a course was taken that euery man willing to be of the societie should disburse the portion of twentie and fiue pounds a piece so that in short time by this meanes the summe of sixe thousand pounds being gathered the three shippes were bought the most part whereof they prouided to be newly built and trimmed But in this action I wote not whether I may more admire the care of the Marchants or the diligence of the Shipwrights for the Marchants they get very strong and well seasoned plankes for the building the Shippewrights they with daily trauaile and their greatest skill doe fitte them for the dispatch of the shippes they calke them pitch them and among the rest they make one most stanch and firme by an excellent and ingenious inuention For they had heard that in certaine parts of the Ocean a kinde of wormes is bredde which many times pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake that is and therfore that the Mariners and the rest to bee imployed in this voyage might bee free and safe from this danger they couer a piece of the keele of the shippe with thinne sheetes of leade and hauing thus built the ships and furnished them with armour and artillerie then followed a second care no lesse troublesome and necessarie then the former namely the prouision of victuals which was to be made according to the time and length of the voyage And whereas they afore determined to haue the East part of the world sayled vnto and yet that the sea towards the same was not open except they kept the Northren tract whereas yet it was doubtfull whether there were any passage yea or no they resolued to victuall the ships for eighteene moneths which they did for this reason For our men being to passe that huge and colde part of the world they wisely foreseeing it allowe them sixe moneths victuall to saile to the place so much more to remaine there if the extremitie of the winter hindered their returne and so much more also for the time of their comming home Nowe this prouision being made and caried aboord with armour and munition of all sorts sufficient Captaines and gouernours of so great an enterprise were as yet wanting to which office and place although many men and some voyde of experience offered themselues yet one Sir Hugh Willoughbie a most valiant Gentleman and well borneâ— very earnestly requested to haue that care and charge committed vnto him of whom before all others both by reason of his goodly personage for he was a tall stature as also for his singular skill in the seruices of warre the company of the Marchants made greatest accompt so that at the last they concluded and made choyce of him for the Generall of this voyage and appoynted to him the Admirall with authoritie and commaund ouer all the rest And for the gouernement of other ships although diuers men seemed willing and made offers of themselues thereunto yet by a common consent one Richard Chanceler a man of great estimation for many good partes of wit in him was elected in whom alone great hope for the performance of this businesse rested This man was brought vp by one master Henry Sidney a noble yong Gentleman and very much beloued of King Edward who at this time comming to the place where the Marchants were gathered together beganne a very eloquent speech or Oration and spake to them after this maner following My very worshipfull friends I cannot but greatly commend your present godly and vertuous intention in the serious enterprising for the singular loue you beare to your Countrey a matter which I hope will prooue profitable for this nation and honourable to this our land Which intention of yours wee also of the Nobilitie are ready to our power to helpe and further neither doe wee holde any thing so deare and precious vnto vs which wee will not willingly forgoe and lay out in so commendable a cause But principally I reioyce in my selfe that I haue nourished and maintained that witte which is like by some meanes and in some measure to profite and steede you in this worthy action But yet I would not haue you ignorant of this one thing that I doe now part with Chanceler not because I make little reckoning of the man or that his maintenance is burdenous and chargeable vnto mee but that you might conceiue and vnderstand my good will and promptitude for the furtherance of this businesse and that the authoritie and estimation which hee deserueth may be giuen him You know the man by report I by experience you by wordes I by deedes you by speech and companie but I by the daily triall of his life haue a full and perfect knowledge of him And you are also to remember into howe many perils for your sakes and his countreys loue he is nowe to runne whereof it is requisite that wee be
to the said Agents that if they shall be certified credibly that any of our said first ships be arriued in any place whereunto passage is to be had by water or by land that theâ— certaine of the company at the discretion of the Agents shall bee appointed to be sent to them to learne their estate condition to visite refresh relieue and furnish them with all necessaries and requisites at the common charges of the companie and to imbrace accept and intreat them as our deare and welbeloued brethren of this our societie to their reioycing and comfort aduertising Syr Hugh Willoughbie and others of our carefulnes of them and their long absence with our desire to heare of them with all other things done in their absence for their commoditie no lesse then if they had bene present 17 Item it is decreed that when the ships shal arriue at this goiâ—g foorth at the Wardhouse that their Agents with master Chancelor grand pilot Iohn Brooke merchant deputed for the Wardhouse with Iohn Buckland master of the Edward Iohn Howlet master and Iohn Robins pilot of the Philip and Marie shall conferre and consult together what is most profitable to be done therfore for the benefit of the company to consider whether they may bargaine with the captaine of the castle and the inhabitants in that place or alongst the coall for a large quantity of fish drie or wet killed by the naturals or to be taken by our men at a price reasonable for trucke of cloth meale salt or beere and what traine oyle or other commodity is to be had there at this time or any other season of the yeere and whether there will be had or found sufficient lading for both the sayd shippes to be bought there and how they may conferre with the naturals for a continuance in hanting the place if profit wil so arise to the company and to consider whether the Edward in her returne may receiue at the Wardhouse any kind of lading homeward and what it may amount vnto and whether it shall be expedient for the Philip to abide at the Wardhouse the returne of the Edward out of Russia or getting that she may returne with the first good wind to England without abiding for the Edward and so to conclude accord certainely among themselues vpon their arriuall that the certaintie may vpon good deliberation be so ordered and determined betweene both ships that the one may be assured of the other and their determinations to be put in writing duplicate to remaine with ech ship according to such order as shall be taken betweene them 18 Item that Iohn Brooke our marchant for the Wardhouse take good aduise of the rest of our Agents how to vse himselfe in al affaires whiles the ship shal be at the Wardhouse he to see good order to be be kept make bargains aduisedly not crediting the people vntill their natures dispositions fidelities shal be well tried make no debts but to take ware for ware in hand and rather be trusted then to trust Note diligently what be the best wares for those parts and howe the fishe falleth on the coast and by what meane it is to bee bought at the most aduantage what kindes and diuersities of sortes in fishes be and whether it will keepe better in bulke piled or in caske 19 Item he to haue a diligent eye circumspection to the beere salt and other liquid wares and not to suffer any waste to be made by the companie and he in all contracts to require aduise counsel and consent of the master and pilot the marchant to be our houswife as our speciall trust is in him he to tender that no lawes nor customes of the countrey be broken by any of the company and to render to the prince and other officers all that which to them doth appertaine the company to be quiet voide of all quarrelling fighting or vexation absteine from all excesse of drinking as much as may bee and in all to vse and behaue themselues as to quiet marchants doeth and ought to apperteine 20 Item it is decreed by the companie that the Edward shall returne home this yeere with as much wares as may be conueniently profitably prouided bought and laden in Russia and the rest to be taken in at the Wardhouse as by the Agents shall be accorded But by all meanes it is to be foreseene and noted that the Edward returne home and not to winter in any forrein place but to come home and bring with her all the whole aduertisements of the marchants with such further aduise for the next yeeres prouision as they shall giue 21 Item it is further decreed and ordeined inuiolably to be obserued that when the good ships or either of them by Gods grace shall returne home to the coastes of England that neither of them shall stay or touch in any Hauen or Port of England otherwise then wind and weather shall serue but shall directly saile and come to the Port of the citie of London the place of their right discharge and that no bulke be broken hatches opened chest fardell trusse barrel fat or whatsoeuer thing it shall be be brought out of the shippe vntill the companie shall giue order for the same and appoint such persons of the companie as shall be thought meet for that purpose to take viewe and consider the shippe and her ladiâ—g and shall giue order for the breaking vp of the saide bulke or giue licence by discretion for things to be brought to land And that euery officer shall shewe the inuoise of his charge to him first committed and to examine the wastes and losses and to deliuer the râ—mainder to the vse and benefit of the company according to such order as shall be appointed in that behalfe 22 Item the company exhorteth willeth and requireth not onely all the said Agents pilots masters marchants clerkes boatswaines stewards skafâ—masters and all other officers and ministers of this present voyage being put in charge and trust dayly to peruse reade and studie such instructions as be made giuen deliuered to them for perfect knowledge of the people of Russia Moscouia Wardhouse and other places their dispositions maners customes vses tolles cariages comes weights numbers measures wares merchandises commodities and incommodities the one to be accepted and imbraced the other to be reiected and vtterly abandoned to the intent that euery man taking charge may be so well taught perfited and readily instructed in all the premisses that by ignorance no losse or preiudice may grow or chance to the company assuring themselues that forasmuch as the company hath trauelled and laboured so in these their instructions to them giuen that euery man may bee perfect and fully learned to eschew all losses hurts and damages that may insâ—e by pretense or colour of none knowledge the company entendeth not to allow or accept ignorance for any lawfull or iust cause of excuse in that which
whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
England receiued and conducted there intertained vsed honoured and finally in good safetie towards his returne and repaire furnished and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage which God defend to the Ambassadours person traine and goods this present memoriall is written and autentikely made and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants whose names be vnderwritten and traine in presence of the Notarie and witnesses vndernamed recognized and acknowledged Giuen the day moneth and yeere vnderwritten of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia by the report of the Ambassadour and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke 1 First sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire 2 Item twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth eares and clawes 3 Item foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars 4 Item thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull 5 Item sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare worne onely by the Emperour for woorthinesse 6 Item a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne Crane Goose and other great Fowles together with a drumme of siluer the hoopes gilt vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England 1 First two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue 2 Item one fine piece of Scarlet 3 Item one fine Uiolet in graine 4 Item one fine Azur cloth 5 Item a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson veluet and gilt nailes 6 Item a Male and Female Lions Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall 1 First a chaine of golde of one hundred pound 2 Item a large Bason and Ewer siluer and gilt 3 Item a paire of pottle pots gilt 4 Item a paire of flaggons gift The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour at and before his departure out of England Isaak Fwesschencke Demetre Gorbolones Symonde Yeroffia Stephen Lowca Andria Foma Memorandum the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned in the house of the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London situate within the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned personally constituted and present hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire the effect of the causes and contents of and in this booke at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne recognized and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie personages vnder written the contents of this booke to be true aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned but onely recognized the same In witnesse whereof I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe with the Subscription of my name the day and yeere aboue written being present the right Worshipfull Aldermen of London Knights Andrew Iudde George Barne William Chester Rafe Greeneaway Iohn Mersh Esquier Iohn Dimmock Blase Sanders Hubert Hussie and Robert Best aboue mentioned The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza the Bona Confidentia and the Philip and Mary which were not heard of the yeere before May. VPon Sunday the 23. of May I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro the latitude whereof is 64. degrees 25. minutes and the variation of the compasse 5. degrees 10. minutes from the North to the East Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule It highâ—th vpon this barre in spring streames 3. foote water and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade and then wee cast about to the Northwards and went with a hommocke which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and betweene them are 11. leagues Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos Coscaynos the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East North and by West and betweene them are 4. leagues or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest and betweene them are eight leagues and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head if you be inwardly on both sides of it on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone Iune FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues North and by West The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees 47. minutes It floweth a shoare at this place at an East Moone full sea and the shippe lay thwart to wende a floodâ— in the off at a Southsoutheast moone So that it is to be vnderstoode that when it is a full sea on the shoare it is two points to ebbe before it be a lowe water in the off The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house in 4. fadome or 4. fadome and a halfe of water and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne wee departed from this Salt house It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers earth Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees so that Dogs nose is the better to be
hither mightie strong beere I am certaine that our English double beere would not be liked of the Kerils and Lappians as long as that would last Here I sawe the Dutchmen also haue course cloth both blew greene and redde and sad horse-flesh colour And hither they bring also Ottars cases and foxe cases both blacke and redde our English foxe cases are but counterfaits vnto them They would not let me vnderstand any of their prises but as I otherwise vnderstood they bartered 2. load of siluer for 200 of stockfish and 2. loade is a doller And the Dutchmen told me that they had made a notable good yeere this present yeere 1557. They tolde me that they should be faine to goe to Wardhouse with one lading and lay it on land there and so come againe and fetch another The Borrowmasters sonne told me that he would go to Amsterdam with his lading of stockfish who gaue me a barrell of strong beere and brought it in aboord our ship himselfe After this I went among the Russes and Kerils who offered me fish to sell and likewise the Lappians desired me to looke vpon their fish I made them answere that I had nowe no wares nor money to barter with them and said that I came only to see if I might meete with our English ships Then they desired me that I would come thither the next yeere I said to them If I should come the next yeere I thinke here would not be fish ynough to serue the Dutchmen and vs also They answered me that if more ships did resort thither there would more people labour to kill and make fish and further they said that some of them came thither a fishing 8. weekes iourney with Deere which Deere will trauaile more speedily then horses will As I was thus in talke with the Kerils and Lappians the Emperour of Russia his deputie who was there to gather the tribute of the Lappians sent for me to come to his tent who after familiar salutations made me good cheere He demaunded of me why none of our ships came thither I answered him because we knew not the place before now neither yet heard of any faire that was kept there Then said he If you will come hither here would more people resort to kill fish I thinke it good said he that you make a beginning I tolde him that by the grace of God the next yeere one English ship should come thither Because I sawe the seruants of the king of Denmarke there also gathering the tribute I asked Vasilie Pheodorouich the Russie deputie whether the Denmarks would not be a let to vs if we should come to this Kegor And he said no they should not for this land is my kings and therefore be bolde to come hither The Kerils and the Lappians solde no fish vntill the said deputie had looked vpon it and had giuen them leaue to sell. I asked him what wares were best for vs to bring thither and he said siluer pearles cloth blewe red and greene meale strong beere wine pewter foxe cases and gold The Lappians pay tribute to the Emperour of Russia to the king of Denmarke and to the king of Sweden He tolde me that the Riuer Cola is little more then 20. leagues to the Southwards of Kegor where we should haue great plentie of salmon if corne were any thing cheape in Russia for then poore men would resort thither to kill salmon The Dutchmen tolde me that they had made a good yeere of this but the Kerils complained of it because they could not sell all their fish and that which they sold was as pleased the Dutchmen and at their own price I asked the Kerils at what price they sold their fish to the Russes they said good cheape wee sell 24. fishes for 4. altines I thinke they solde litâ—le aboue 20. pence the 25. fishes this yeere The Dutchmen tolde me that the best stockfish is made at Kegor I sawe at Vasilies tent 7. or 8. iauelins and halfe a dozen of bowes bent with their budgets of arrowes likewise swords with other weapons Otherwise I sawe no weapons there I was also conueyed to their lodgings which gathered tribute for the king of Denmarke where I sawe a paire of bilbowes and I asked whether they were for the Lappians if neede were and they said no but onely for their owne company if they should chance to be vnruly The Kerils and the Lappians are not to be trusted for they will steale as well as the Russes if they may conueniently come by any thing Concerning my voyage because the winde was scant to goe backe againe to Colmogro I tarried to the Eastwards of the poynt Kegor and sent to land and baked two batches of bread in the ouens that the Kerils haue for their prouision Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners to be obserued in and about this Fleete passing this yeere 1577. toward the Bay of S. Nicolas in Russia for this present Race to be made returne of the same by Gods grace to the port of London the place of their right discharge as in the Articles ensuing is deduced FIrst it is accorded and agreed betweene the seuerall proprietaries and owners masters and companies of the foure ships surnamed the Primrose the Iohn Euangelist the Anne and the Trinitie and the Lieutenant Consuls assistants and companie of the Marchant aduenturers that the aboue named foure ships shall in good order and conduct saile passe and trauaile together in one flote ging and conserue of societie to be kept indissolubly and not to be seuered but vnited within continuall sight so farre foorth as by winde weather by possibilitie shall or may be without any separation or departure of one from the other 2 Item it is agreed that the good ship named the Primerose shal be Admirall of this flote and that Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman shal be captaine thereof and that all other the 3. ships shall ensue and folow her in all courses and that no course nor waying in harborough especially shall be made without aduice consent and agreement of the sayd Captaine the Master his mate and two other officers of the said ship or of three of them at the least 3 Item that the said Anthonie is and shal be reputed taken for Captaine general of the said flote together with all such orders preeminences priuiledges and preferments as by the order of seas is due and accustomed to a Captaine during his abode and exercise of the same 4 It is also ordeined that if any one or moe of the said 3. ships shal be out of sight either before or behinde the Admirall that then the rest of the ships shall tacke or take off their sailes in such sort as they may meete and come together in as good order as may be to the intent to keepe the consortment exactly in all poynts 5 It is constituted that if any ships shal be seuered by mist or darke
woman be not beaten with the whip once a weeke she will not be good and therefore they looke for it orderly the women say that if their husbands did not beate them they should not loue them They vse to marry there very yong their sonnes at 16. and 18. yeeres olde and the daughters at 12. or 13. yeeres or yonger they vse to keepe their wiues very closely I meane those that be of any reputation so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance when she goeth to church at Christmas or at Easter or els going to visite some of her friends The most part of the women vse to ride a sleide in saddles with styrrops as men do and some of them on sleds which in summer is not commendable The husband is bound to finde the wife colours to paint her withall for they vse ordinarily to paynt themselues it is such a common practise among them that it is counted for no shame they grease their faces with such colours that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoote off I cannot so well liken them as to a millers wife for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of meale but their eye browes they colour as blacke as ieat The best propertie that the women haue is that they can sowe well and imbroder with silke and golde excellently Of their buriall VVHen any man or woman dieth they stretch him out and put a new paire of shooes on his feete because he hath a great iourney to goe then doe they winde him in a sheet as we doe but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand which the priest giueth him to testifie vnto S. Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman And they put the coarse alwayes in a coffin of wood although the partie be very poore and when they goe towards the Church the friends and kinsemen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small waxe candles and they weepe and howle and make much lamentation They that be hanged or beheaded or such like haue no testimonie with them how they are receiued into heauen it is a wonder without their pasport There are a great number of poore people among them which die daily for lacke of sustenance which is a pitifull case to beholde for there hath beene buried in a small time within these two yeeres aboue 80. persons young and old which haue died onely for lacke of sustenance for if they had had straw and water enough they would make shift to liue for a great many are forced in the winter to drie straw and stampe it and to make bread thereof or at the least they eate it in stead of bread In the summer they make good shift with grasse herbes and rootes barks of trees are good meat with them at all times There is no people in the world as I suppose that liue so miserably as do the pouerty in those parts and the most part of them that haue sufficient for themselues and also to relieue others that need are so vnmerciful that they care not how many they see die of famine or hunger in the streets It is a countrey full of diseases diuers and euill and the best remedie is for anie of them as they holde opinion to goe often vnto the hote houses as in a maner euery man hath one of his owne which hee heateth commonly twise euery weeke and all the housholde sweate and wash themselues therein The names of certaine sortes of drinkes vsed in Russia aud commonly drunke in the Emperours Court. THe first and principall meade is made of the iuice or liecour taken from a berrie called in Russia Malieno which is of a marueilous sweete taste and of a carmosant colour which berry I haue seene in Paris The second meade is called Visnoua because it is made of a berry so called and is like a black gooseberrie but it is like in colour and taste to the red wine of France The third meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina short of a small berry much like to the small rezin and groweth in great plentie in Russia The fourth meade is called Chereunikyna which is made of the wilde blacke cherry The fift meade is made of hony and water with other mixtures There is also a delicate drinke drawn from the root of the birch tree called in the Russe tongue Berozeuites which drinke the noble men and others vse in Aprill May and Iune which are the three moneths of the spring time for after those moneths the sapp of the tree dryeth and then they cannot haue it The voyage of Master Anthony Ienkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar in Bactria in the yeere 1558 written by himselfe to the Merchants of London of the Moscouie companie THe 23. day of April in the yeere 1558. hauing obtained the Emperor of Russia his letters directed vnto sundry kings and princes by whose dominions I should passe I departed from Mosco by water hauing with mee two of your seruants namely Richard Iohnson Robert Iohnson and a Tartar Tolmach with diuers parcels of wares as by the inuentory appeareth and the 28. day we came to a town called Collom distant from the Mosco 20. leagues passing one league beyond the saide Collom we came vnto a riuer called Occa into the which the riuer Mosco falleth and looseth his name and passing downe the said riuer Occa 8. leagues we came vnto a castle called Terreuettisko which we left vpon our right hand and proceeding forward the second day of May we came vnto another castle called Peroslaue distant 8. leagues leauing it also on our right hand The third day we came vnto the place where olde Rezan was situate beeing now most of it ruined and ouergrowen and distant from the said Peroslaue 6. leagues the 4. day we passed by a castle called Terrecouia from Rezan 12. leagues the 6. day we came to another castle called Cassim vnder the gouernment of a Tartar prince named Vtzar Zegoline sometime Emperour of the worthy citie of Cazan and now subiect vnto the Emperour of Russia But leauing Cassim on our left hand the 8. day we came vnto a faire town called Morom from Cassim 20. leagues where we took the sonne and found the latitude 56. degrees and proceeding forward the 11. day we came vnto another faire town castle called Nyse Nouogrod situated at the falling of the foresaid riuer Occa into the worthie riuer of Volga distant from the saide Moron 25. leagues in the latitude of 56. degrees 18. minutes Frō Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod on both sides the said riuer of Occa is raised the greatest store of ware and hony in all the land of Russia We carried at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntil the 19. day for the comming of a captain which was sent by the
perpetuall peace betwixt the same great Turke and the Sophie and brought with him a present in golde and faire horses with rich furnitures and other gifts esteemed to be woorth forty thousand pound And thereupon a peace was concluded with ioyfull feasts triumphs and solemnities corroborated with strong othes by their law of Alkaron for either to obserue the same and to liue alwayes after as sworne brethren ayding the one the other against all princes that should warre against them or either of them And vpon this conclusion the Sophy caused the great Turkes sonne named Baiset Soltan a valiant Prince who being fled from his father vnto the Sophie had remained in his Court the space of foure yeeres to be put to death In which time the sayd Turkes sonne had caused mortall warres betwixt the sayd Princes and much preuailed therein the Turke demanded therefore his sonne to be sent vnto him the Sophy refused thereunto to consent But now being slaine according to the Turks will the Sophy sent him his head for a present not a litle desired and acceptable to the vnnaturall father Discoursing at my first arriuall with the king of Shiruan of sundry matters and being intertained as hath bene before declared the sayd king named Obdolocan demaunding whether that we of England had friendship with the Turks or not I answered that we neuer had friendship with them and that therefore they would not suffer vs to passe thorow their countrey into the Sophy his dominions and that there is a nation named the Uenetians not farre distant from vs which are in great league with the sayd Turks who trade into his dominions with our commodities chiefly to barter the same for raw silks which as we vnderstand come from thence and that if it would please the sayd Sophy and other Princes of that countrey to suffer our merchants to trade into those dominions and to giue vs pasport and safe conduct for the same as the sayd Turke hath granted to the sayd Uenetians I doubted not but that it should grow to such a trade to the profit of them as neuer before had beene the like and that they should be both furnished with our commodities and also haue vtterance of theirs although there neuer came Turke into their land perswading with many other wordes for a trade to be had This king vnderstanding the matter liked it marueilously saying that he would write vnto the Sophy concerning the same as he did in very deed assuring me that the Sophy would graunt my request and that at my returne vnto him he would giue me letters of safe conduct and priuiledges The Turks Ambassadour was not then come into the land neither any peace hoped to be concluded but great preparation was made for warre which was like much to haue furthered my purpose but it chanced otherwise For the Turks Ambassadour being arriued and the peace concluded the Turkish merchants there at that time present declared to the same Ambassadour that my comming thither naming me by the name of Franke would in great part destroy their trade and that it should be good for him to perswade the Sophy not to fauour me as his Highnesse meant to obserue the league and friendship with the great Turke his master which request of the Turkish merchants the same Ambassadour earnestly preferred and being afterwards dismissed with great honour he departed out of the Realme with the Turks sonnes head as aforesayd and other presents The 20 day of Nouember aforesayd I was sent for to come before the sayd Sophy otherwise called Shaw Thomas and about three of the clocke at afternoone I came to the Court and in lighting from my horse at the Court gate before my feet touched the ground a paire of the Sophies owne shoes termed in the Persian tongue Basmackes such as hee himselfe weareth when he ariseth in the night to pray as his maner is were put vpon my feet for without the same shoes I might not be suffred to tread vpon his holy ground being a Christian and called amongst them Gower that is vnbeleeuer and vncleane esteeming all to be infidels and Pagans which do not beleeue as they do in their false filthie prophets Mahomet and Murtezalli At the sayd Court gate the things that I brought to present his Maiestie with were deuided by sundry parcels to sundry seruitors of the Court to cary before me for none of my company or seruants might be suffered to enter into the Court with me my interpreter onely excepted Thus comming before his Maiestie with such reuerence as I thought meete to be vsed I deliuered the Queenes Maiesties letters with my present which hee accepting demaunded of mee of what countrey of Franks I was and what affaires I had there to doe Unto whom I answered that I was of the famous Citie of London within the noble Realme of England and that I was sent thither from the most excellent and gracious soueraigne Lady Elizabeth Queene of the saide Realme for to treate of friendship and free passage of our Merchants and people to repaire and traffique within his dominions for to bring in our commodities and to carry away theirs to the honour of both princes the mutuall commoditie of both Realmes and wealth of the Subiects with other wordes here omitted He then demaunded me in what language the letters were written I answered in the Latine Italian and Hebrew well said he we haue none within our Realme that vnderstand those tongues Whereupon I answered that such a famous and worthy prince as hee was wanted not people of all nations within his large dominions to interprete the same Then he questioned with me of the state of our Countreys and of the power of the Emperour of Almaine king Philip and the great Turke and which of them was of most power whom I answered to his contentation not dispraysing the great Turke their late concluded friendship considered Then he reasoned with mee much of Religion demaunding whether I were a Gower that is to say an vnbeleeuer or a Muselman that is of Mahomets lawe Unto whom I answered that I was neither vnbeleeuer nor Mahometan but a Christian. What is that said he vnto the king of the Georgians sonne who being a Christian was fled vnto the said Sophie and he answered that a Christian was he that beleeueth in Iesus Christus affirming him to be the Sonne of God and the greatest Prophet Doest thou beleeue so said the Sophie vnto me Yea that I do said I Oh thou vnbeleeuer said he we haue no neede to haue friendship with the vnbeleeuers and so willed me to depart I being glad thereof did reuerence and went my way being accompanied with many of his gentlemen and others and after me followed a man with a Basanet of sand sifting all the way that I had gone within the said pallace euen from the said Sophies sight vnto the court gate Thus I repaired againe vnto my lodging and the said
I hope in God to vse things in such order that yeerly you shall haue returne of your goods from hence as you haue forth of Russeland and in those ships For if we may as I doubt not with diligence prouide to make sales in time and with speed receiue silke at the Shaughs hand and other mens that it may be sent from hence to be in Astracan at the beginning of Aprill from whence it may be sent to Colmogro in three moneths and lesse and there to be ready with the rest of your goods by the end of Iune for your ships to receiue that will be time inough This I doubt not to bring to passe within a yeere or two when we are throughly setled in these parts and better knowen Moreouer you shall vnderstand that at my last being in the presence of the Shaugh it was sayd to mee that M. Anthonie Ienkinson did proffer to take all the rawe silke in those parties deliuering cloth and other commodities for the same I assure you there is in those parts to be had three or foure thousand horses lading euery horse load being 50. or 60. batmans beside silke of Grosin Great abundance of silke at times is sent out of these parts to wit 4. or 5. hundred horse lodes at a time by the Turkes who bring great store of siluer to be coined to wit Dollars at ten shaughs the piece The Hungarie Ducket is at 12. shaughs And hauing money in readines at the time of the yeere they buy silke the better cheape when the countrey men bring it first to be sold. If your worships may bargaine with the Venetians to take silke at your hands or otherwise deale with them I doe not mistrust but to haue at the Shaughs hand sixe batmans of silke for two pieces and a halfe of karsies Your good aduise herein and in other matters I trust you will write with conuenient speed Master Antonie Ienkinson hath deserued great commendation at all your worships hands for the good report of his well and wise doings in those parts was oftentimes a comfort to me to heare thereof and some good helpe to me in my proceedings To this day I neuer heard from any of our merchants God graunt me in health to see your worships for I haue had a carefull trauell with many a sorowfull day and vnquiet sleepes Neither had I the company of one English person to whom sometimes I might haue â—ased my pensiue heart as God well knoweth who hath deliuered me from mine enemies Thus almightie God graunt you in health and wealth long to liue Your humble seruant at commandement during life Arthur Edwards Another letter of Arthur Edwards written in Astracan the 16. of Iune 1567â— at his returne in his first voiage out of Persia to the right worshipfull Companie trading into Russia Persia and other the North and Northeast partes IT may please your Worships that herein I haue written not onely certaine articles of your priuiledge but also the Gouernours names with the Consuls Assistants and generalitie Also such commodities as the Prince or Emperour of the Countrey hath written in one of his letters directed to your Worships to be sent him with other notes which I thought good to be remembred as may appeare hereafter following Your priuiledge is written graunted and giuen in the names of these sixe persons following to wit sir William Garrard sir William Chester gouernours sir Thomas Lodge master Anthony Ienkinson master Thomas Nicols and Arthur Edwards 1 First it is granted that you shall pay no maner of customes or tols any kinde of wayes now nor in time comming vnto his heires after him And that all English merchants such as you shall appoint now and hereafter shall and may passe and repasse into all places of his dominions and other countries adioining in the trade of merchandize to buy and sell all maner of commodities with all maner of persons 2 Item that in all places where any of our merchants shall haue their resort or abiding his chiefe Gouernours Rulers and Iustices shall take heed vnto vs being our aide defence against all euil persons punishing those that shall do vs any wrong 3 Item that for all such debts as shall be owing by any maner of person iustice shal be done on the partie and we paid at the day 4 Item that no maner of persons of whatsoeuer estate or degree they be of shall be so hardie as to take any kind of wares or any gifts without any leaue and good will 5 Item if by chance medley any of our merchants or seruants as God forbid should kill any of his subiects that no part of your goods shall be touched or medled withall neither any partie but the offendour and true iustice to bee ministred and being any of vs not to suffer without the Princes knowledge and aduise 6 Item that all such debts as are now owing or hereafter shall be are to be paied vnto any of vs in the absence of the other be the partie dead or aliue 7 Item that no person returne any kind of wares backe againe being once bought or sold. 8 Item that when God shall send your goods to shore presently his people shall helpe vs on land with them These articles before written I trust in God wil content your minds vntill your farther letters be hitherto written vnto the Prince who I am assured will graunt your farther reasonable requests which his maiestie hath promised For I moued the question declaring vnto him that I thought your Worships would write your letters of requests to craue his farther good will as should be thought meet for your better assurance in the trade of merchandize you will hardly beleeue what long and gracious talke he had with mee which I assure you continued two houres which was strange vnto the people other merchant strangers For betwixt euery question that his maiestie moued when I had answered him hee would talke with his Nobles and other his seruants hauing some knowledge of our Westerne parts commodities and then againe would demaund other questions He caused his Secretarie to write the articles before namedâ— in all of his foure letters giuen me whereof two as I required are in the Turkish tongue to be sent you On the backe side of one hee hath written what wares his Maiestie would haue you to send him He held me one houre within night before I departed from him These bee the names of the wares or commodities which on the backe side of one of his letters the Shaugh hath written to you to be sent him FIrst some cloth of Gold with cloth of Tissue and cloth of Botky as Ueluets wrought with gold Item good veluets to wit crimosins purples reds greenes and blackes These colours his maiestie requireth for they are most worne And though there be some of these wares made in his citie of Cassan yet nothing like in goodnes to those that you may procure for
conuenient being no little hinderance to the worshipfull as also great griefe vnto vs to see To conclude through our dayly calling vpon him he bent himselfe for Casbin taking with him the greatest summe of the goods and two of the worshipfuls seruants to witte Iohn Sparke and my selfe to helpe and procure the better sale for the same and leauing at Shamaki Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle with three hundred and fiftie pieces of karsies in their handes supposed to be solde there or in Arrash before hee should be able to make his returne from Casbin which so farre foorth as I can vnderstand lie for the greatest part vnsolde And being vpon our way at a certaine towne called Ardouil we chanced to barter nine pieces of karsies with those merchants for fourescore and foure batemans of cynamom selling the karsies at one hundred and fiftie shawghs the piece And being at that present not farre from Teueris called the principal place in this countrey for vttering of cloth or karsies by much intreatie I perswaded your Agent to send thither to prooue what might be done and receiuing from him foure and fiftie pieces of karsies as also his commission for the sale of the same I proceeded on that voyage my selfe and one Tolmach in company with me finding in that place great store of broad cloth and karsies brought thither some part by the Turkes who be resident there some by the Armenians who fetch them at Aleppo and some by the townesmen who trauell vnto Venice and there buy them so that no man offered me one penie more then a hundred and fourtie shawghs for a karsie and hauing speciall commission and charge from your Agent not to stay there aboue the space of seuen dayes after my arriuall there but to repaire to Casbin with all speed and furthermore hauing regard to keepe vp the price of the worshipfuls commodities according to their desire I found meanes to barter them away for spices such as were there to be had neither in goodnesse nor yet in price to my content neuerthelesse considering the colde sales which were there as well for your karsies as also the hot newes that Ormuz way was shut vp by occasion that the Indians do warre against them which is true in deed and againe the desire that the worshipfull hath to haue such commodities bought I thought it necessary to buy them the prices and weight whereof appeareth at large by my accompt sent to the worshipfull and is as I thinke the whole summe of spices bought at this time It chanced me in that place to meet with the gouernours merchant of Grozin who was not a litle desirous to bargen with me for a hundred pieces of karsies for his master called Leuontie and offering me so good bands for the paiment of the money or silke to the merchants cōtentment vpon the deliuery of them as in any place within all this countrey is to be had and offering me besides his owne letter in the behalfe of his master that no custome should be demanded for the same and the obtaining also at his masters hand as large a priuilege for the worshipful to trauel into all parts of his dominion as the Shaugh had giuen them and hearing good report made of him by the Armenians also and that he was a Christian I was much more the willing to bargen with him and sold him a hundred pieces for a hundred and threescore shawghs a piece to be paid to the merchant in Grozin either in money or silke to his contentment within three dayes after the deliuerie of the karsies there hauing a band of him made by the Metropolitanes owne hand for the performance of the same which is as sure as any here is to be deuised and vpon the same I sent my Tolmach from me backe to Shamaki with such goods as I bought at Teueris and to the end hee might cause the worshipfuls seruants there to see this bargen accomplished At whose arriuall there as I do perceiue the Captaine would not accomplish his bargen to take them but saith hee hath no need of them such is the constancie of all men in this countrey with whomsoeuer you shal bargen If the ware be bought and they doe mislike it afterwards they will bring it againe and compel you to deliuer the money for it againe regarding the Shawghs letters which manifesteth the contrary as a straw in the winde by meanes whereof the worshipfull may know whether all be true that hath bene written of this countrey people or not I am informed by all the brokers in Teueris that the way once open to Ormuz from whence commeth no such store of spices as the worshipfull doeth looke for that here will bee put a way in Teueris some for money and other some for barter to the number of three hundred or foure hundred pieces of karsies being in coulers and goodnesse to the examples here sent you the rest of the karsies to make them vp a thousand and broad clothes to the summe of a hundred bee as many as will be put away yeerely in this countrey so farre as yet I can perceiue To breake the trade betwixt the Venetians and the whole company of the Armenians it is not possible vnlesse the worshipful will finde some meanes to receiue of them yerely to the number of 100. catters or mules lading and deliuer them for the same one third part money the rest cloth and karsies fitted in coulers meete for this countrey the examples as aboue said are sent vnto you At Amadia sixe dayes iourney from Teueris grow abundance of galles which are brought vp yerely by the Venetians and be solde there for two bistes the Teueris bateman which as your Agent here saith maketh sixe pound English weight but I doubt it wil not so be proued Neuerthelesse it is supposed much good will bee done by buying of them which might at this present haue partly bene proued if so be that some could do but halfe that which hath bene written Touching drugges I finde many as well at Teueris as also in Casbin but the goodnesse nothing like to such as be brought into England out of other places the price is so high that smal gaine will be had in buying of them albeit if I had bene furnished with money as I might haue bene if some would I would haue bought some to the ende the goodnesse of them might haue bene seene in England At my comming to Casbin I found no maner of sales of any commoditie made but all lying there whole and newes giuen out as your Agent saith that y e Shaugh would buy all such commodities as he had and giue him silke and spices for the same but by report the Shaugh neuer tooke cloth into his treasurie all the dayes of his life and will not now begin his whole trade is in raw silke which he selleth alwayes for money to the Armenians and Turkes and such
and though I cannot finde things that heretofore I kept in writing and lent out to others yet perusing at London copies of mine old letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many I haue briefly and as truly as I may drawen out as followeth The rough hewing may be planed at your leasure or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines First the honourable attempt to discouer by sea Northeast and Northwest named for Cathay being chiefly procured by priuiledge from king Edward the sixt and other his nobilitie by and at the cost and sute of M. Sebastian Cabota then gouernor for discoueries with sir Andrew Iudde sir George Barnes sir William Garrard M. Anthony Hussie and a companie of merchants was in the last yeere of his Maiesties reigne 1553. The generall charge whereof was committed to one sir Hugh Willoughbie knight a goodly Gentleman accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots Maisters Merchants and Mariners hauing three shippes well furnished to wit The Bona Sperança the Edward Bonaduenture and the Confidentia The Edward Bonaduenture Richard Chanceller being Pilot and Steuen Burrough Maister hauing discouered Wardhouse vpon the coast of Finmark by storme or fogge departed from the rest found the bay of S. Nicholas now the chiefe port for Russia there wintred in safetie and had ayde of the people at a village called Newnox The other two shippes attempting further Northwards as appeared by pamphlets found after written by sir Hugh Willoughbie were in September encountred with such extreame colde that they put backe to seeke a wintring place and missing the saide baye fell vpon a desert coast in Lappia entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp since discouered named Arzina Reca distant East from a Russian Monastery of Monkes called Pechingho from whence they neuer returned but all to the number of 70. persons perished which was for want of experience to haue made caues and stoues These were found with the shippes the next Summer Anno 1554. by Russe fishermen and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by English Merchants as hereafter appeareth Anno 1554. the sayd shippe Edward Bonaduenture although robbed homewardes by Flemings returned with her company to London shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouery of the countreys euen to the citie of Mosco from whence they brought a priuilege written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale the other two shippes looked for and vnknowen to them where they were An. 1555. the said company of Merchants for discouerie vpon a new supply sent thither againe with two ships to wit the Edward Bonaduenture another bearing the name of the King and Queene Philip and Marie whose Maiesties by their letters to the said Moscoâ—ite recommended sundry their subiects then passing wherof certaine to wit Richard Chanceller George Killing worth Henry Lane and Arthur Edwards after their arriuall at the Bay and passing by Dwina to Vologda went first vp to Mosco where vpon knowledge of the said letters they with their traine had speciall entertainment with houses and diet appointed and shortly permitted to they princes presence they were with gentlemen brought through the citie of Mosco to the castle and palace replenished with numbers of people and some gunners They entred sundry roomes furnished in shew with ancient graue personages all in long garments of sundry colours golde tissue baldekin and violet as our vestments and copes haue bene in England sutable with caps iewels and chaines These were found to be no courtiers but ancient Moscouites inhabitants and other their merchants of credite as the maner is furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie waiting and wearing this apparell for the time and so to restore it Then entring into the presence being a large roome floored with carpets were men of more estate and richer shew in number aboue an hundred set square who after the said English men came in doing reuerence they all stood vp the prince onely sitting and yet rising at any occasion when our King aâ—d Queenes names were read or spoken Then after speeches by interpretation our men kissing his hande and bidden to dinner were stayed in another roome and at dinner brought through where might be seene massie siluer and gilt plate some like and as bigge as kilderkins and washbowles and entring the dining place being the greater roome the prince was sâ—t bare headed his crowne and rich cappe standing vpon a pinnacle by Not farre distant sate his Metropolitane with diuers other of his kindred and chiefe Tartarian Captaines none sate ouer against him or any at other tables their backes towards him which tables all furnished with ghests set there was for the Englishmen named by the Russes Ghosti Carabelski to wit strangers or merchants by ship a table in the middest of the roome where they were set direct against the prince and then began the seruice brought in by a number of his yoong Lordes and Gentlemen in such rich attire as is aboue specified and still from the Princes table notwithstanding their owne furniture they had his whole messes set ouer all in massie fine golde deliuered euery time from him by name to them by their seuerall Christian names as they sate viz. Richard George Henry Arthur Likewise bread and sundry drinkes of purified mead made of fiue white and clarified honie At their rising the prince called them to his table to receiue each one a cup from his hand to drinke and tooke into his hand Master George Killing worths beard which reached ouer the table pleasantly deliuered it the Metropolitane who seeming to blesse it sayd in Russe this is Gods gift As in deede at that time it was not onely thicke broad and yellow coloured but in length fiue foot and two inches of assize Then taking leaue being night they were accompanied and followed with a number carying pots of drinke and dishes of meat dressed to our lodging This yeere the two shippes with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughbie and his people were sent vnto by Master Killingworth which remained there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres and much of the goods and victuals were recouered and saued Anno 1556. The company sent two ships for Russia with extraordinary masters and saylers to bring home the two ships which were frozen in Lappia in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid The two ships sent this yeere from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of S. Nicholas tooke in lading with passengers to wit a Russe ambassador named Ioseph Napea and some of his men shipped with Richard Chanceller in the Edward But so it fel out that the two which came from Lappia with all their new Masters and Mariners neuer were heard of but in foule weather and wrought seas after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland became as is supposed vnstanch and sunke wherein were drowned also diuers Russes merchants and seruants of the ambassadour A third shippe the Edward aforesayd falling on the North
prouince is 35. thousand markes sterling being not the 5. part of his yerely reuenue Further he and his house be of such authoritie and power that in 40. dayes warning they are able to bring into the fielde 100. thousand Souldiers well furnished The conclusion of the Emperors Coronation was a peale of ordinance called a peale royall two miles without the citie being 170. great pieces of brasse of all sorts as faire as any can be made these pieces were all discharged with shot against bulwarkes made of purpose 20. thousand hargubusers standing in 8. rankes two miles in length appareled all in veluet coloured silke stammels discharged their shot also twise ouer in good order and so the Emperor accompanied with all his princes and nobles at the least 50. thousand horse departed through the City to his pallace This royall coronation would aske much time and many leaues of paper to be described particularly as it was performed it shal suffice to vnderstand that the like magnificence was neuer seene in Russia The coronation and other triumphes ended al the nobilitie officers and merchants according to an accustomed order euery one in his place and degree brought rich presents vnto the Emperor wishing him long life and ioy in his kingdome The sametime also Master Ierom Horsey aforesaid remayning as seruant in Russia for the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was called for to the Emperor as he sate in his imperiall seat and then also a famous Merchant of Netherland being newly come to Mosco who gaue him selfe out to be the king of Spaines subiect called Iohn de Wale was in like sort called for Some of the nobilitie would haue preferred this subiect of the Spaniard before Master Horsey seruant to the Queene of England whereunto Master Horsey would in no case agree saying he would haue his legges cut off by the knees before he would yeeld to such an indignitie offered to his Soueraigne the Queenes Maiesty of England to bring the Emperor a present in course after the King of Spaines subiect or any other whatsoeuer The Emperor and the Prince Boris Pheodorowich perceiuing the controuersie sent the Lord Treasorer Peter Iuanowich Galauyn and Vasili Shalkan both of the Counsell to them who deliuered the Emperor backe Master Horseys speech whereupon he was first in order as good reason admitted and presented the Emperor in the behalfe of the English Merchants trading thither a present wishing him ioy and long to raigne intranquilitie and so kissed the Emperors hand he accepting the present with good liking and auouching that for his sisters sake Queene Elizabeth of England he would be a gracious Lord to her Merchants in as ample maner as euer his father had ben and being dismissed he had the same day sent him 70. dishes of sundry kinds of meats with 3. carts laden with al sorts of drinks very bountifully After him was the foresayd subiect of the Spanish king admitted with his present whom the Emperor willed to be no lesse faithfull and seruiceable vnto him then the Queene of Englands subiects were had bene and then the king of Spaines subiects should receiue fauour accordingly All these things thus in order performed praises were sung in all the churches The Emperor and Empresse very deuoutly resorted on foote to many principal Churches in the Citie and vpon Trinitie Sunday betooke themselues to a progresse in order of procession to a famous monasterie called Sergius and the Trinitie 60. miles distant from the Citie of Mosco accompanied with a huge armie of Noblemen Gentlemen and others mounted vpon goodly horses with furniture accordingly The Empresse of deuotion tooke this iourney on foot all the way accompanied with her princesses and ladies no small number her guard and gunners were in number 20000. her chiefe counseller or attendant was a noble man of the blood Roial her vncle of great authoritie called Demetri Iuanowich Godonoua All this progresse ended both the Emperor and Empresse returned to Mosco shortly after the Emperor by the direction of the prince Boris Pheodorowich sent a power into the land of Siberia where all the rich Sables Furres are gotten This power conquered in one yeere and a halfe 1000. miles In the performance of this warre there was taken prisoner the Emperor of the countrey called Chare Sibersky and with him many other dukes and noble men which were brought to Mosko with a guard of souldiers and gunners who were receiued into the citie in very honorable maner and do there remaine to this day Hereupon the corrupt officers Iudges Iustices captains and lieutenants through the whole kingdom were remooued and more honest men substituted in their places with expresse commandement vnder seuere punishment to surcease their old bribing extortion which they had vsed in the old Emperors time and now to execute true iustice without respect of persons and to the end that this might be the better done their lands and yeerly stipends were augmented the great taskes customes and duties which were before layd vpon the people in the old Emperors time were now abated and â—ome wholy remitted and no punishments commanded to be vsed without sufficient and due proofe although the crime were capitall deseruing death many Dukes and noble men of great houses that were vnder displeasure and imprisoned 20. yeeres by the old Emperor were now set at libertie and restored to their lands all prisoners were set at libertie and their trespasses forgiuen In summe a great alteration vniuersally in the gouernment folowed and yet all was done quietly ciuilly peaceably without trouble to the Prince or offence to the Subiect and this bred great assurance and honour to the kingdom and all was accomplished by the wisedom especially of Irenia the Empresse These things being reported and caried to the eares of the kings and princes that were borderers vpon Russia they grew so fearefull and terrible to them that the Monarch of all the Scythians called the Crimme Tartar or great Can himselfe named Sopheâ— Keri Alli came out of his owne countrey to the Emperor of Russia accompanied with a great number of his nobilitie well horsed although to them that were Christians they seemed rude yet they were personable men and valiant their comming was gratefull to the Emperor and their entertainment was honourableâ— the Tartar prince hauing brought with him his wiues also receiued of the Russe Emperor entertainment and princely welcome according to their estates Not long after 1200. Polish gentlemen valiant Souldiors and proper men came to Mosko offring their seruice to the Emperor who were all entertained and in like sort many Chirkasses and people of other natioâ—s came and offred seruice And assoone as the report of this new created Emperor was spred ouer other kingdoms of Europe there were sent to him sundry Ambassadors to wish him ioy and prosperitie in his kingdom thither came Ambassadors from the Turke from the Persian the Boghariaâ— the Crimme the Georgian and many other Tartar
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
the imprisonment of M. Newbery and M. Fitch at Goa and of their escape from thence which happened while himselfe was in Goa 265 70 The money weights measures and customes vsed in Babylon Balsara Ormuz Goa Cochin and Malacca written from Alepo in Syria by M. William Barret Anno 1584. 271 71 The charge of a iourney by land and riuer from Alepo in Syria to Goa in the East India 276 72 A declaration of all the places from whence each particular commoditie of the East Indies commeth 277 73 The times or seasonable windes called Monsons wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies 278 74 A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the Portugales in their returne from the East India 280 75 A Priuiledge granted by Peter Prince of Moldauia to the English merchants Anno 1588. pag. 290 76 A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly payments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signor out of his treasury to the officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees pag. 290 77 The chiefe officers of the great Turkes Empire the number of souldiers attending vpon each of his Beglerbegs the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court his yeerely reuenues and his allowances to forren Ambassadours 292,293,294 78 The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signor An. 1590 to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England signifying that vpon her request and for her sake especially he granted peace vnto the king of Poland 294 79 The second letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to the right wor. company of the English merchants for the Leuant in the yere of our Lord 1592. 295 80 A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signor Sultan Murad Can to her most sacred Maiesty of England Anno 1594. 311 A briefe Catalogue of the principall English Voyages made without the Straight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world contayned in the second part of this second volume immediatly following Wherein also mention is made of certaine Sea-fights and other memorable acts performed by the English Nation 1 THe voyage of Macham the first discouerer of the Isle of Madera in the yeere 1344. pag. 1 2 The first voyage to Barbary Anno 1551. pag. 7.8 3 The second voyage to Barbary Anno 1552. pag. 8.9 4 The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the kingdom of Benin Anno 1553. pag. 9 5 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Guinea Anno 1554. 14 6 The first voyage of Master William Towrson marchant of London to Guinea in the yeere of our Lord 1555. 23 7 The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and the castle of Mina An. 1556. 36 8 The third voyage of the sayd M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the riuer of Seâ—tos Anno 1557. 44 9 A voyage made to Guinea at the charges of Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester c. Anno 1562. 54 10 The successe of another voyage made to Guinea at the direction of the said Sir William Gerard and others Anno 1564. 56 11 The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the Isles of Capo Verde An. 1566. 57 12 The voyage and ambassage of Master Edmund Hogan to the Emperour of Marocco Anno 1577. 64 13 The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary 1578. 67 14 The voyage of Thomas Steuens about the Cape of Buona Esperanza vnto Goa in the East India Anno 1579. 99 15 The memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster about the Cape of Buona Esperanza along the Easterne coast of Africa beyond Cape Comori as far as the maine land of Malacca and from thence home againe begun in the yeere 1591. 102 16 The voyage and ambassage of Master Henry Roberts to Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco Anno 1585. 117 17 The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plimouth to the Azores which tooke the gouernour of the Isle of S. Michael and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Streights of Magellan in the yere 1586. 120 18 The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz and the memorable exploits and seruices performed by him as well there as at diuerse other places vpon the coast of Spaine and Portugale and his taking of the great East Indian Carak called The Sant Philip neere the Isle of S. Michael Anno 1587. 121 19 A voyage to Benin beyond the countrey of Guinea made by Master Iames Welsh who set foorth in the yeere 1588. 126 20 The second voyage made by M. Iames Welsh to Benin in Africa An. 1590. 130 21 The voyage to Spaine and Portugale written as it is thought by Colonell Anthonie Wingfield An. 1589. 134 22 The voyage of the Right honourable the Earle of Cumberland to the Azores in the yeere 1589. 155 23 A fight performed by ten marchants ships of London against 12 Spanish gallies in the Streit of Gibraltar An. 1590. 166 24 The valiant fight performed in the Streit of Gibraltar by the Centurion of London against fiue Spanish gallies An. 1591. 168 25 A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores betweene the Reuenge one of her Maiesties ships vnder the conduct of Sir Richard Grinuile and an Armada of the king of Spaine An. 1591. 169 26 A voyage of certaine ships of London to the coast of Spaine and the Azores Anno. 1591 Reported by M. Robert Flick 176 27 The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the riuers of Senega and Gambra neere the coast of Guinea Anno 1591. 188 28 The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and with the Popes Bulles bound for the west Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amitie of London An. 1592. 193 29 The taking of the mightie and rich Carak called The Madre de Dios and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600 tunnes as likewise the firing of another great Carak called The Santa Cruz Anno 1592. 194 30 The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called The Cinquo Chaguas or The fiue woundes by three ships of the R. H. the Earle of Cumberland Anno 1594. 199 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses and other necessary matters of circumstance appertaining to the voyages in the second part of this second volume next ensuing 1 A Note concerning the ayde and assistance giuen to king Iohn the first of Portugale by certaine English merchants for the winning of Ceut in Barbary Anno 1415. pag. 1 2 2 The Ambassage of Iohn the second king of Portugale to Edward the 4. king of England to stay Iohn Tintam and William Fabian Englishmen preparing for a voyage to Guinea Anno 1481. pag. 2. 3 A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of English marchants to the Canarie Isles Anno 1526. 3 4 A description of the Canarie Islands with their strange fruits and
be examined according to iustice and if the partie shal be found to be English and shall receiue the holy religion then let him freely be discharged but if he wil still remaine a Christian let him then be restored to the Englishmen and the buyers shall demaund their money againe of them who solde the man 19 Item if the ships of warre of our Imperiall highnesse shal at any time goe forth to Sea and shall finde any English ships laden with marchandise no man shall hinder thâ—m but rather shall vse them friendly and doe them no wrong euen as wee haue giuen and granted articles and priuâ—leges to the French Venetians and other Kings and princes our confederats so also wee haue giuen the like to the English and contrary to this our diuine lawe and priuilege let no man presume to doe any thing 20 Item if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their voyage or in any place to which they come bee stayed or arrested let no man continue the same arrest but rather helpe and assist them 21 Item if any theeues and robbers shall by force take away any of their ships and marchandise let the same theeues and robbers be sought and searched for with all diligence and let them be punished most seuerely 22 Last of all the Beglerbegs and Zanziacbegs our Captaines our slaues and seruants of Captaines vsing the sea and our Iudges customers and gouernours of ships called Reiz and free Reâ—z all these according to the tenor of this priuilege and articles shal be bound to doe accordingly and as long as the Queene of England on her part shall duely keepe and obserue this league and holy peace expressed in this priuilege we also for our Imperial part do charge and commaund the same so long to be straightly kept and obserued Giuen at Constantinople in the 988. yeere of our most holy prophet in the beginning of the moneth of Iune And in the yeere of IESVS 1580. Her Maiesties letter to the Turke or Grand Signior 1581. promising redresse of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliffe committed in the Leuant ELizabeth by the diuine grace of the eternall God of England France and Ireland most sacred Queene and of the most Christian faith against all the prophaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mightie defâ—ndourâ— c. To the most renowned and Emperious Caesar Sultan Murad Can Emperour of all the dominions of Turkie and of all the East Monarchie châ—efe aboue all others whosoeuer most fortunate yeeres with the suâ—cesse of al â—rue happinesse As with very great desire we wish and embrace the loue and amitie of forreine Princes and in the same by al good dueties and meanes we seâ—ke to be confirmed so to vs there may bee nothing more grieuous and disliking then that any thing should happen through the default of our Subiects which any way might bring our faith and fidelitie into suspition Although wee are not ignorant how many good princes by the like misaduenture be abused where the doings of the Subiects are imputed to the want of good gouernment But such matters of importance and so well approued we may not omit such is to vs the sacred estimation of our honour and of our Christian profession as we would the same should appeare aswell in the concluding of our promises and agreements as in the faithfull performing of the same The matter which by these our letters wee specially beholde is a most iniurious and grieuous wrong which of late came vnto our vnderstanding that should be done vnto certaine of your subiects by certaine of our Subiects as yet not apprehended but with all seueritie vpon their apprehension they are to be awarded for the same And as the deede in it selfe is most wicked so is it much more intollerable by how much it doeth infringe the credit of our faith violate the force of our authoritie and impeach the estimation of our word faithfully giuen vnto your Imperiall dignitie In which so great a disorder if wee should not manifest our hatred towardes so wicked and euil disposed persons we might not onely most iustly be reproued in the iudgement of all such as truely fauour Iustice but also of all Princes the patrones of right and equitie might no lesse be condemned That therefore considered which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good liking of your highnesse we are most especially to request of your Imperiall Maiestie that through the default and disorder of a sort of euill and wicked disposed persons you wil not withdraw your gratious fauour from vs neither to hinder the trafique of our Subiects which by vertue of your highnesse sufferance and power of your licence are permitted to trade into your dominions countreys or that either in their persons or goods they be preiudiced in their traueyling by land or by water promising vnto your greatnesse most faithfully that the goods whereof your subiects by great wrong and violence haue bene spoyled shall wholy againe be restored if either by the liues or possessions of the robbers it may any way be brought to passe And that hereafter as now being taught by this euill example wee will haue speciall care that none vnder the title of our authoritie shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or iniuries Neither they which haue committed these euil parts had any power vnder your highnesse safe-conduct graunted vnto our subiects but from some other safeconduct whether it were true or fained we knowe not or whether they bought it of any person within tâ—e gouernment of Marseils but vnder the colour thereof they haue done that which the trueth of our dealing doeth vtterly abhorre Notwithstanding howsoeuer it be wee will surely measure their euill proceedings with most sharpe and iust correction and that it shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours as also it shal be an example of our indignation that others may dread at all times to commit the like offence Wherefore that our amitie might be continued as if this vnfortunate hap had neuer chanced and that the singuler affection of our Subiects towardes your Imperiall Maiesâ—ie vowed and dayly more and more desired might be conserued and defended we thereunto do make our humble suite vnto your greatnesse And for so great goodnesse towardes vs and our people granted doe most humbly pray vnto the Almightie creatour of heauen and earth euer to maintaine and keepe your most renowmed Maiestie in all happinesse and prosperitie Dated at our palace of Greenewich the 26. of Iune Anno 1581. The letters patents or priuileges graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne Master Richard Staper and certaine other Marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke in the yeere 1581. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and Subiects and to all
the said 7. yeres lade out of this our Realme and bring home yâ—erely for and in the feare and trade of marchandizing aforesaid so much goods and marchandizes as the custome and subsidie inwards and outwards shall amount in the whole to the summe of 500. li. yeerely So that the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and the said persons so to be nominated as is aforesaid or any of them or their ship or shippes be not barred slayed restrained or let by any reasonable occasion from the sayde trade or trafique and so that the said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune or bee spoyled by the way in their voyage And further the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaide to be of their saide trade or Company shall giue notice vnto the Lord Admirall of England or to some of the principall officers of the Admiraltie for the time being of such ship or shippes as they shall set foorth in the same voyage and of the number of Mariners appointed to goe in the same ship or shippes by the space of fifteene dayes before the setting or going foorth of the same ship or shippes And also the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such other as shall be by them the saide Edward and Richard nominated to be of the said trade shall and will at the setting foorth of their ship or shippes for the same voyage permit and suffer the Master of the Ordinance of vs our heires and successors or some others our or their principall officers of the Ordinance to take a view of the number and quantitie of such Ordinance powder and munition as shall be caried in the said ship or shippes and shall also at the returne of the same ship or shippes suffer a view to be taken and vpon request made make an accompt to the saide officers of our Ordinance of the expenses and wastes of the said Ordinance powder and munition so to bee caried in the same ship or shippes Prouided alwayes that if any of the said trade or Company or their seruants factors or sailers in any ship by them laden shall commit any piracie or outrage vpon the seas and that if the said Company or societie shall not or do not within reasonable time after complaint made or notice giuen to the said Company or to any of them either satisfie or recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be robbed or spoiled by any of the said Company or sailers in the said ships or els shall not do their endeuour to the vttermost of their reasonable power to haue the parties so offending punished for the same their offences that then and from thencefoorth these present letters patents shall be vtterly voyd cease and determine Prouided likewise that if it shall hereafter appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that this grant or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof shall not be profitable to vs our heires our successors or to this our Realme that then and fromthencefoorth vpon and after one full yeeres warning to be giuen vnto the said Company or to the Gouernour thereof by vs our heires or successors this present grant shall cease be voyd and determine to all intents constructions and purposes Prouided also that we our heires and successors from time to time during the said 7. yeeres may lawfully nominate appoint and authorise two persons being fit men to be of the saide company and for want or lacke of them two others to be aduenturers in the said trade for such stocke and summe of money as they shall put in so that the said persons to bee nominated or authorised shall be contributorie to all charges of the said trade aduenture indifferently according to their stockes and as other aduenturers of the said trade shall doe for their stockes and so that likewise they doe obserue the orders of the said Company allowable by this our graunt and that such persons so to be appointed by vs our heires or successors shall and may with the saide Company and fellowship vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesaide and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted according to the meaning of these our letters patents any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding And further of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators that if at the ende of the said terme of seuen yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient vnto the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them that this present grant shall be continued and if that also it shall appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that the continuance thereof shall not be preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our Realme that then we our heires or successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them to be made to vs our heires or successors wil grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuer of them and to such other persons as so shal be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and appointed new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants grants clauses and articles as in these presents are contained or with addiâ—ion of other necessary articles or change of these in some part for and during the full terme of seuen yeeres then next following Willing and sâ—raightly commanding and charging all and singuler our Admirals Uiceadmirals Iustices Maiors Sheriffes Escheaters Constables Bailiffes and all and singuler our other officers ministers liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to be aiding fauouring helping and assisâ—ing vnto the said Gouernour and company and their successors and to their Deputies officers seruants assignes and ministers and euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on sea from time to time and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required any statute act ordinance prouiso proclamation or restraint heretofore had made set forth ordained or prouided or any other matter cause or thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 1â— day of September in the 23. yeere of our raigne The first voyage or iourney made by Master Laurence Aldersey Marchant of London to the Cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis c. In the yeere 1581. Penned and set downe by himselfe I Departed from London the first day of April in the yeere of our Lord 1581
haue bene brought in that were not here before as the Damaske rose by Doctour Linaker king Henry the seuenth and king Henrie the eights Physician the Turky cocks and hennes about fifty yeres past the Artichowe in time of king Henry the eight and of later time was procured out of Italy the Muske rose plant the plumme called the Perdigwena and two kindes more by the Lord Cromwell after his crauell and the Abricot by a French Priest one Wolfe Gardiner to king Henry the eight and now within these foure yeeres there haue bene brought into England from Vienna in Austria diuers kinds of flowers called Tulipas and those and other procured thither a little before from Constantinople by an excellent man called M. Carolus Clusius And it is sayd that since we traded to Zante that the plant that beareth the Coren is also brought into this realme from thence and although it bring not fruit to perfection yet it may serue for pleasure and for some vse like as our vines doe which we cannot well spare although the climat so colde will not permit vs to haue good wines of them And many other things haue bene brought in that haue degenerated by reason of the colde climat some other things brought in haue by negligence bene lost The Archboshop of Canterburie Edmund Grindall after he returned out of Germany brought into this realme the plant of Tamariske from thence and this plant he hath so increased that there be here thousands of them and many people haue receiued great health by this plant and if of things brought in such care were had then could not the first labour be lost The seed of Tabacco hath bene brought hither out of the West Indies it groweth heere and with the herbe many haue bene eased of the remnes c. Each one of a great number of things were woorthy of a iourney to be made into Spaine Italy Barbarie Egypt Zante Constantinople the West Indies and to diuers other places neerer and further off then any of these yet forasmuch as the poore are not able and for that the rich setled at home in quiet will not therefore we are to make sute to such as repaire to forren kingdomes for other businesses to haue some care heerein and to set before their eyes the examples of these good men and to endeuour to do for their parts the like as their speciall businesses may permit the same Thus giuing you occasion by way of a little rememembrance to haue a desire to do your countrey good you shall if you haue any inclination to such good do more good to the poore ready to starue for reliefe then euer any subiect did in this realme by building of Almeshouses and by giuing of lands and goods to the reliefe of the poore Thus may you helpe to driue idlenesse the mother of most mischiefs out of the realme and winne you perpetuall fame and the prayer of the poore which is more woorth then all the golde of Peru and of all the West Indies The voyage of the Susan of London to Constantinople wherein the worshipfull M. William Harborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Sultan Murad Can the great Turke with whom he continued as her Maiesties Ligier almost sixe yeeres THe 14 of Nouember 1582 we departed from Blackewall bound for the Citie of Constantinople in the tall shippe called the Susan of London the Master whereof was Richard Parsons a very excellent and skilfull man in his facultie But by occasion of contrary weather we spent two moneths before we could recouer the Rowes in the Isle of Wight Where the 14 of Ianuary following we tooke in the worshipfull M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour to the Turke and his company and sailed thence to Yarmouth in the foresayd Isle of Wight The 19 we put from Wight The 26 we did see Cauo de Sant Vincente The same day we were thwart of Cauo Santa Maria. The 27 we passed by Tariffa and Gibraltar The 28 in the morning we passed by Velez Malaga and that night were thwart of Cauo de Gates The 29â— at night we had sight of Cauo de Palos The 30 in the morning we did see the high land of Denia in the kingdome of Valentia and that night we had sight of the Iland Formentera The 31 in the morning appeared the Iland of Cabrera The first of February we put into a Port in Mallorca called Porto de Sant Pedro where they would haue euill intreated vs for comming into the Harbour we thought we might haue bene as bolde there as in other places of Christendome but it proued farre otherwise The first man we met on land was a simple Shepheard of whom we demanded whether we might haue a sheepe or such like to refresh our selues who tolde vs yea And by such conference had with him at the last he came aboord once or twise and had the best cheare that we could make him and our Ambassadour himselfe talked with him and still he made vs faire promises but nothing at all meant to performe the same as the end shewed In the meane time came in a shippe of Marseils the Master whereof did know our Ambassadour very well with whom our Ambassadour had conference and with his Marchants also They came from Alger in Barbarie which is vnder the gouernement of the Great Turke They did present our Ambassadour with an Ape wherefore he made very much of them and had them often aboord By them I suppose he was bewrayed of his purpose as touching his message but yet still we had faire words of the Shepheard aforesayd and others So that vpon their words our Purser and another man went to a Towne which was three or foure miles from the port and there were well entertained and had of the people very faire speeches and such small things as could be gotten vpon the sudden and so returned to the shippe that day Then wee were emboldened and thought all had bene well according to their talke The next day being the sixth day of Februarie two of our Gentlemen with one of our Marchants and the Purser and one of the Ambassadours men went to the Towne aforesayd thinking to doe as the Purser and the other had done before but it prooued contrary for at their comming thither they had faire wordes a while and had bread and wine and such necessaries for their money vntill such time as they were beset with men and the Maiorcans neuer shewed in their countenance any such matter but as the maner of all the people in the dominions of Spaine is for the most part to be trecherous to vs if they thinke they haue any aduantage For vpon the sudden they layed handes on them and put them in holde as sure as might be in such a simple Towne Then were they well guarded with men both day and night and still deluded with faire words
be neither Uenetian nor Englishman let not his goods perish among you Before this time one of our Chauses called Cerkes Mahomet chaus was sent with our commaundement to sende the money and marchandize of a dead marchant to our port and hitherto no letters or newes is come of this matter for which you shall be punished Wherefore beware and if he that is dead be neither Uenetian nor Englishman in veritie doe not loose the goods of the said dead marchant vnder the name of a Uenetian or Englishman doe not to the discommoditie of my treasurie for after it will be hard to recouer it The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie in the yeere 1583. with a ship called the Iesus wherein the aduentures and distresses of some Englishmen are trâ—ely reported and other necessary circumstances obserued Written by Thomas Sanders THis voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne knight chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company and one master Richard Staper the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes called the Iesus she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth The owners were master Thomas Thomson Nicholas Carnaby and Iohn Gilman The master was one Aches Hellier of Black-wall and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place their Pilot was one Anthonie Ierado a French man of the prouince of Marseils the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman and Richard Skegs seruant vnto the said master Staper The owners were bound vnto the merchants by charter partie thereupon in one thousand markes that the said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie that is to say first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie from thence to S Lucar otherwise called Saint Lucas in Andeluzia and from thence to Tripolie which is in the East part of Africa and so to returne vnto London But here ought euery man to note and consider the workes of our God that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint The said master hauing some occasion to goe to Farmne tooke with him the Pilot and the Purser and returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde the boat wherein they were was drowned with the said master the purser and all the company onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe these were the beginnings of our sorrowes After which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage and the owner hearing of this misfortune and the vnwillingnesse of the masters mate did send downe one Richard Deimond and shipped him for master who did chuse for his Mate one Andrew Dier and so the said ship departed on her voiage accordingly that is to say about the 16 of October in An. 1583. she made saile from Portsmouth and the 18 day then next following she arriued at Newhauen where our saide last master Deimond by a surfeit died The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier being then masters mate to be their master for that voiage who did chuse to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship to wit Peter Austine and Shillabey and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges Afterward about the 8 day of Nouember we made saile forthward and by force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth where we renued our victuals and other necessaries and then the winde came faire About the 29 day then next following we departed thence and the first day of December by meanes of a contrarie winde wee were driuen to Plimmouth The 18 day then next following we made foorthward againe by force of weather we were driuen to Falmouth where we remained vntill the first day of Ianuary at which time the winde comming faire we departed thence and about the 20 day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar And about the 9 day of March next following we made saile from thence and about the 18 day of the same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie where we were verie well intertained by the king of that countrey and also of the commons The commodities of that place are sweete oiles the king there is a merchant and the rather willing to preferre himselfe before his commons requested our said factors to traffique with him and promised them that if they would take his oiles at his owne price they should pay no maner of custome and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile and afterwarde perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape notwithstanding the custome free they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at the pleasure of his commons for that his price did exceede theirs whereunto the king would not agree but was rather contented to abate hâ—s price insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome free and so laded the same aboord In the meane time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow who togother with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there Our French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the markeâ— and wanting money desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging which he did and afterward the same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete and deliuered him money bound vp in a napkin saying master Dickenson there is the money that I borowed of you and so thanked him for the same hee doubted nothing lesse then falshoode which is seldome knowne among marchants and specially being together in one house and is the more detestable betweene Christians they being in Turkie among the heathen The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently vntill he came to his lodging and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred which was about three pounds for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him Sonnings answered an hundred Dickenson said no and so they protested and swore on both parts But in the end the sayd Romane Sonnings did sweare deepely with detestable othes and curses and prayed God that hee might shewe his workes on him that other might take ensample thereby and that he might be hanged like a dogge and neuer come into England againe if he did not deliuer vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes And here beholde a notable example of all blasphemers cursers and swearers how God rewarded him accordingly for many times it commeth to passe that God sheweth his miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers to the ensample of others as nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings There was a man in the said towne a pledge whose name was Patrone Norado who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto
addeth more as he thinketh the thing is worth and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt for if they doe then they will haue no more trade with them For they disdaine to be refused when they thinke that they haue offered ynough for they be a peeuish people and haue dealt so of a long time and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique which is in an Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia and is distant from India 2800. miles Now to returne to my voyage when I came to Ormus I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets and with vs there went other Marchants which did ease our fraight and very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon because they vse not to goe two or 3. barkes at once but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer and then we must make a very good strong guard and be wel prouided of armor for respect safegard of our goods because the number of theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the marchants And when we depart for Babylon we goe a litle with our saile and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long but we were 50. dayes on it When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths vntil the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes or desert for Alepo in this citie we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together fiue Venetians and a Portugal whose names were as followeth Messer Florinasa with one of his kinsmen Messer Andrea de Polo◠the Portugal M. Francis Berettin and I and so wee furnished our selues with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes and wee bought horses and mules for that they bee very good cheape there I my selfe bought a horse there for 11. akens and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure we had also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise for the which we paid 2. duckets for euery camels lading and for euery 10. camels they made 11 for so is their vse and custome We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the voyage which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue Dd. a man and are bound to serue vs to Alepo so that we passed very well without any trouble when the camels cried out to rest our pauilion was the first that was erected The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day they set forwards euery morning before day two houres and about two in the afternoone they sit downe We had great good hap in our voyage for that it rained For which cause we neuer wanted water but euery day found good water so that we could not take any hurt for want of water Yet we caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might chance in the desert so that wee had no want neither of one thing nor other that was to bee had in the countrey For wee came very well furnished of euery thing and euery day we eat fresh mutton because there came many shepheards with vs with their flocks who kept those sheepe that we bought in Babylon and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke and we gaue the shepheards a Medin which is two pence of our money for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them And beside the Medin they haue the heads the skinnes and the intrals of euery sheepe they kil We sixe bought 20. sheepe and when we came to Alepo we had 7. aliue of them And in the Carouan they vse this order that the marchants doe lende flesh one to another because they will not cary raw flesh with them but pleasure one another by lending one one day and another another day From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes iourney of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes in which 36. dayes they neither see house trees nor people that inhabite it but onely a plaine and no signe of any way in the world The pilots go before and the Carouan followeth after And when they sit downe all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe for they know the stations where the wells are I say in 36. dayes we passe ouer the wildernesse For when wee depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue passed the riuer Euphrates And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue villages inhabited In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto all men and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli whereas Master Florin and Master Andrea Polo and I with a Frier went and hired a barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem Departing from Tripolie we arriued at Iaffa from which place in a day and halfe we went to Ierusalem and we gaue order to our barke to tary for vs vntill our returne Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes to visite those holy places from whence we returned to Iaffa and from Iaffa to Tripolie and there wee shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana And by the helpe of the diuine power we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember 1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of India let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed because I was intangled in many things for that I went very poore frō Venice with 1200. duckets imployed in marchandize and when I came to Tripolie I fell sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio and this man sent away my goods with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo and the Carouan was robd and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets of which glasses I found many broken because the theeues thinking it had bene other marchandize brake them vp and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone And with this onely stocke I aduentured to goe into the Indies And thus with change and rechange and by diligence in my voyage God did blesse and helpe mee so that I got a good stocke I will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance that haue a desire to goe into those parts how they shall keepe their goods and giue them to their heires at the time of their death and howe this may be done very securely In all the cities that the Portugales haue in the Indies there is a house called the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria the gouernours whereof if you giue them for their paines will take a
Tenerif haue it standeth in twenty seuen degrees and a halfe The Iland of Yron called Hierro THis Iland standeth ten leagues distant from the Iland of Palma Westward it is but a little Iland which containeth sixe leagues in circuit and hath but small extension It appertaineth to the earle of Gomera The chiefest commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell There is no wine in all that Iland but onely one vineyard that an English man of Taunton in the West countrey planted among rocks his name was Iohn Hill This Iland hath no kind of fresh water but onely in the middle of the Iland groweth a great tree with leaues like an Oliue tree which hath a great cisterne at the foot of the sayd tree This tree continually is couered with clouds and by meanes thereof the leaues of the sayd tree continually drop water very sweet into the sayd cisterne which commeth to the sayd tree from the clouds by attraction And this water sufficeth the Iland for all necessities aswell for the cattell as for the inhabitanes It standeth in 27 degrees The Iland of Lanzarota THe Iland of Lanzarota standeth eighteene leagues distant from grand Canaria Southeastward The onely commodity of this Iland is goats flesh and orchell It is an earledome and doth appertaine to Don Augustine de Herrera with title of earle of Fortauentura and Lanzarota But the vassals of these earledomes may in any cause of wrong appeale to the Kings Iudges which reside in Canaria as I haue sayd before because although the king hath reserued to himselfe but onely the three fruitfull Ilands called Canaria Tenerif and Palma yet he also reserued the rod of iustice to himselfe because otherwise the vassals might be euill intreated of their Lords From this Iland do weekly resort to Canaria Tenerif Palma boats laden with dried goats flesh called Tussinetta which serueth in stead of bacon and is very good meat This Iland standeth in 26 degrees and is in length twelue leagues The I le of Forteuentura THe I le of Forteuentura standeth fifty leagues from the promontory of Cabo de Guer in the firme land of Africa and foure twenty leagues distant from Canaria Estward This Iland doth appertaine to the lord of Lanzarota It is reasonable fruitfull of wheat and barley and also of kine goats and orchel this I le is fifteene leagues long and ten leagues broad On the North side it hath a little Iland about one league distant from the maine Iland betweene both of the which it is nauigable for any ships and is called Graciosa Both Forteuentura and Lanzarota haue very little wine of the growth of those Ilands It standeth in 27 degrees Thus much haue I written of these seuen Ilands by experience because I was a dweller there as I haue sayd before the space of seuen yeeres in the affaires of master Thomas Locke master Anthonie Hickman and master Edward Castelin who in those dayes were worthy merchants and of great credite in the citie of London A description of the Iland of Madera THe Iland of Madera standeth in 32 degrees distant from the equinoctinall line and seuentie leagues from the I le of Tenerif Northeastward and Southwest from Hercules pillars This Iland was first discouered by one Macham an Englishman and was after conquered and inhabited by the Portugall nationâ— It was first called the Iland of Madera by reason of the great wildernesse of sundry sortes of trees that there did growe and yet doe as Cedars Cypres Uinatico Barbuzano Pine trees and diuers others and therefore the sayd Iland continueth still with the same name Howbeit they hold opinion that betweene the fayd Iland and the I le of Palma is an Iland not yet discouered which is the true Iland Madera called saint Brandon This Iland yeeldeth a great summe of money to the king of Portugall yeerely it hath one faire citie called Fouchall which hath one faire port or harbour for shippes and a strong bulwarke and a faire Cathedrall church with a bishop and other dignities thereunto appertaining There is also iustice and gouernment according to the Portugall vse But causes of appellation are remitted to the citie of Lisbone in Portugall to the kings superior iudges there This Iland hath another towne called Machico which hath likewise a good road for ships which towne and road were so called after the name of Macham the Englishman who first discouered the same There are also sixteene sugar houses called Ingenios which make excellent good sugar There is besides the goodly timber before declared great store of diuers sortes of fruites as Peares Apples Plummes wild Dates Peaches of diuers sortes Mellons Batatas Orenges Lemmons Pomgranates Citrons Figges and all maner of garden herbes There are many Dragon trees such as grow in the Canarie Ilands but chiefly this land produceth great quantitie of singular good wines which are laden for many places On the North side of this land three leagues distant from the maine Iland standeth another litle Iland called Porto santo the people thereof liueth by husbandrie for the Iland of Madera yeeldeth but litle corne but rather is thereof prouided out of France and from the Iland of Tenerif On the East side of the I le of Madera sixe leagues distant standeth another litle Iland called the Desert which produceth onely Orchell and nourisheth a great number of Goates for the prouision of the maine Iland which may be thirtie leagues in circuit and the land is of great heigth where the foresayd trees growe It is woonder to see the conueyance of the water to the Ingenios by Mines through the mountaines In the mid way betweene Tenerif and the Iland of Madera standeth a litle solitarie Iland called the Saluages which may bee about one league in compasse which hath neither tree nor fruit but is onely food for Goates The orginall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie to the worshipfull master Michael Locke which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuenter of this trade WOrshipfull Sir hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai if therein with my knowledge trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point Trueth it is that I haue bene by some men not my friends euill spoken of at London saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie and that I haue bene the inuenter of some voyages that be now growen to great effect yet say they maliciously and without iust cause that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand taking example especially of two
Then desired he them to giue him the ship-boate with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England but all was in vaine Then wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants informing them of all the matter and promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to fetch theÌ„ And thus was Pinteado kept a shipboord against his will thrust among the boyes of the ship not vsed like a man nor yet like an honest boy but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand Then deparâ—ed they leauing one of their ships behind them which they sunke for lacke of men to cary her After this within 6 or 7 dayes sayling dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse thought that stroke him to the heart A man worthy to serue any prince and most vilely vsed And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forâ—y and of them many died And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide in commendation of Pinteado to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then trueth I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to reconcile him at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure and not for any other crime or offence as may appeare by the said letters he was only for pouertie inforced to come into England where he first perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea But as the king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune euen so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may either be hindered by the contempt or aided by the help of the poore mise according vnto the fable of Esope The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents whereby the king of Portugall made him knight of his house after all his troubles and imprisonment which by wrong information made to the king he had susteined of long time being at the last deliuered his cause knowen and manifested to the king by a gray Frier the kings Confessor I The king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso one of my counsell and ouerseer of my house that in coÌ„sideration of the good seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado the sonne of Iohn Anes dwelling in the towne called the Port hath done vnto me my will and pleasure is to make him knight of my house allowing to him in pension seuen hundred reis monethly and euery day one alcayre of barly as long as he keepeth a horse to be paid according to the ordinaÌ„ce of my house Prouiding alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift And this also in such coÌ„dition that the time which is accepted in our ordinance forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this allowance which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent shal be first expired before he do marry I therfore command you to cause this to be entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold vnder the title of knightsâ— And when it is so entred let the clarke of the Matricula for the certeintie therof write on the backside of this Aluala or patent the number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred Which done let him returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of September in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this present yeere Rey. The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant YOur Maiestie hath vouchsafed in respect and consideration of the good seruice of Anthony Anes Pinteado dwelling in the port and sonne of Iohn Anes to make him knight of your house with ordinarie allowance of seuen hundred reis pension by the moneth and one alcaire of barley by the day as long as he keepeth a horse and to be paide according to the ordinance of your house with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters Patents The Secretaries note Entred in the booke of the Matricula Fol. 683. Francisco de Siquera The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant and brother to the king of Portugall sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado ANthony Anes Pinteado I the infant brother to the king haue me heartily commended vnto you Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you desiring to bring you home again into your countrey And for that purpose he hath with him a safe coÌ„duct for you granted by the king that therby you may freely and without all feare come home And although the weather be foule and stormie yet faile not to come for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king whereof I would be right glad and to bring the same to passe I will do all that lieth in me for your profite But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues will make further declaration hereof vnto you I say no more at this present Written in Lisbone the eight day of December Anno 1552. The infant Don Lewes ALl these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese with whom Pinteado left them at his vnfortunate departing to Guinea But notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire promises Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his countrey men without the presence of other forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him if time and place might haue serued their wicked intent The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne Sir Iohn Yorke Thomas Lok Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin in the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok AS in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history then the course of the nauigation whereof at that time I could haue no perfect information so in the description of this second voyage my chiefe intent hath beene to shew the course of the same according to the obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners and as I receiued it at the handes of an expert Pilot being one of the chiefe in this voyage who also with his owne hands wrote a briefe declaration of the same as he found and tried all things not by coniecture but by the art of sayling and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie Not therefore assuming to my selfe the commendations due vnto other neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so
in taste much like vnto whey but somewhat sweeter and more pleasant They cut the branches euery euening because they are feared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts and very hard with a shell in the stead of a huske Many things more nught be saide of the maners of the people and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendred in Africke But it shall suffice to haue saide thus much of such things as our men partly sawe and partly brought with them And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines I described the same to haue holes by the side as in deede it hath as it is brought hither yet was I afterward enfourmed that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne They grow not past a foote and a halfe or two foote from the ground and are as red as blood when they are gathered The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi At their câ—mming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more as thicke as they could stand and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning froÌ„ Iseland but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length Of the other that came from Guinea I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke and in maner couered with the said shels which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas whereof mention is made in the Decades These creepe betweene the plankes which they eate through in many places Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage this is worthy to be noted that wheras they sailed thither in seuen weekes they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes The cause whereof they say to be this That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean to finde the winde at the West to bring them home There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and foure whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions as betweene the Islands of Azores and England They brought with them certaine blacke slaues whereof some were tall and strong men and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies as colde constraineth and preserueth the same This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature that throughout all Africke vnder the AEquinoctial line and neere about the same on both sides the regions are extreeme hote and the people very blacke Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate and the people neither blacke nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads as they of Africke haue but of the colour of an Oliue with long and blacke heare on their heads the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me That is that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne so that they had it North from them at noone the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages it may suffice The first voyage made by Master VVilliam Towrson Marchant of London to the coast of Guinea with two Ships in the yeere 1555. VPon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes the one called the Hart the other the Hinde both of London and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph and William Carter for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea and to other hauens thereabout It fell out by the varietie of windes that it was the foureteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen and set saile directing our course towards the Southwest and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master This day we ranne about 40. leagues also The second day we ranne 36. leagues The third day we had sight of Porto Santo which is a small Island lying in the sea about three leagues long and a league a halfe broad is possessed by Portugals It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley which makes it to beare that forme The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks This Island lyeth in thirty and three degrees The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo towards the Southwest that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull and is inhabited by Portugals it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high By three of the clocke this day at afternoone we were thwart of Porto Santo and we set our course Southwest to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward as we did Porto Santo These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera within three leagues of the West ende of it and by meanes of the high hilles there we were becalmed We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues The fourth day wee lay becalmed vnder the Isle of Madera vntill one of the clocke at afternoone and then the winde comming into the East wee went our course and ranne that day fifteene leagues The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif otherwiseâ— called the Pike because it is a very high Island with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger The same night we raised the Isle of Palma which is a high land also and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif The 7. day we
their Townes which were like to twentie small houels all couered ouer with great leaues and baggage and all the sides open and a scaffolde vnder the house about a yard high where they worke many pretie things of the barkes of trees and there they lye also In some of their houses they worke yron and make faire dartes and diuers other things to worke their boates and other things withall and the women worke as well as the men But when wee were there diuers of the women to shew vs pleasure danced and sung after their maner full ill to our eares Their song was thus Sakere sakere ho ho. Sakere sakere ho ho. And with these words they leape and dance and clap their hands Beastes we could see none that they had but two goates small dogges and small hennes other beastes we saw none After that we had well marked all things we departed and went aboord our ships which thing the Captaine of the other towne perceiuing sent two of his seruants in a boat with a basket of Graines and made vs signes that if when we had slept wee would come againe into their riuer wee should haue store of Graines and so shewed vs his Graines and departed The 17. day in the morning because we thought that the Negroes would haue done something because the Captaine sent for vs I required the Master to goe on shoare and sent the rest of our Marchants with him and caried aboord my selfe by reason that the last day he estemed our things so litle so when the Master and the rest came into the riuer the captaine with diuers others came to them and brought Graines with them after that he saw that I was not there he made signes to know where I was and they made signes to him againe that I was in the ships and then hee made signes to know who was Captaine by the name of Diago for so they call their Captaine they pointed to the master of the ship then he began to shew his Graines but he held them so vnreasonably that there was no profit to be made of them which things the Master perceiuing and seeing that they had no store of Graines came away and tooke not aboue 50. pound waight of Graines Then he went a shoare to the litle Towne where we were the day before one of them plucked a Gourd wherewith the Negroes were offended came many of them to our men with their darts and great targets and made signes to them to depart which our men did hauing but one bow and two or three swords and went aboord the boate and came away from them and assoone as they were come aboord we wayed and set saile but the winde was off the Sea so that we could not get ouâ— cleare of certaine rocks and therefore we came to an ancre againe This riuer is called Riuer S. Vincent standing in 4. degrees and a halfe and it ebbeth and floweth there euery 12. houres but not much water when it ebbeth the most while wee were there it ebbed one fadome and a halfe water This countrey as farre as we could perceiue is altogether woody and as strange trees whereof wee knewe none and they were of many sorts with great leaues like great dockes which bee higher then any man is able to reach the top of them There are certaine peason by the Sea side which grow vpon great and very long stalkes one of the stalkes I measured and found it 27. paces long and they grow vpon the sand like to trees and that so neere the Sea that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we might perceiue by the water markes The trees and all things in this place grow continually greene Diuers of the women haue such exceeding long breasts that some of them wil lay the same vpon the ground and lie downe by them but all the women haue not such breasts At this place all the day the winde bloweth off the Sea and all the night off the land but wee found it to differ sometimes which our Master marueâ—led at This night at 9. of the clocke the winde came vp at the East which ordinarily about that time was wont to come out of the North Northwest off the shoare yet we wayed and halled off South with that winde all night into the Sea but the next morning we halled in againe to the lande and tooke in 6. Tunnes of water for our ship and I thinke the Hinde tooke in as much I could not perceiue that here was any gold or any other good thing for the people be so wilde and idle that they giue themselues to seeke out nothing if they would take paines they might gather great store of graines but in this place I could not perceiue two Tunne There are many foules in the Countrey but the people wil not take the paines to take them I obserued some of their words of speach which I thought good here to set downe Bezow bezow Is their salutation Manegete afoye Graines ynough Crocow afoye Hennes ynough Zeramme afoye Haue you ynough Begge sacke Giue me a knife Begge come Giue me bread Borke Holde your peace Coutrecke Ye lye Veede Put foorth or emptieâ— Brekeke Rowe Diago Their Captaine and some call him Dabo These and other wordes they speake very thicke and oftentimes recite one word three times together and at the last time longer then at the two first The 18. day towards night as we were sailing along the coast we met with certaine boats in thè seaâ— the men shewed vs that there was a riuer thwart of vs where there were Graines to be sold but we thought it not good to cary there least the other ships should get before vs. This riuer hath lying before it three great rockes and 5. small rocks one great tree and a litle tree right by the riuer which in height exceeded all the rest we halled this night along the coast 10. leagues The 19. day as we coasted the shoare about twelue of the clocke there came out to vs 3. boates to tell vs that they had graines brought some with them for a shew but we could not tary there We proceeded along the coast ancred by the shore all the night and ran this day 10. leagues The 20. day the Hinde hauing ankered by vs amongst rockes and foule ground lost a small anker At noone as we passed along the coast there came forth a Negro to vs making signes that if we would goe a shoare wee should haue Graines and where wee ankered at night there came another to vs and brought Graines and shewed vs them and made signes that wee should tary and made a fire vpon the land in the night meaning thereby to tell vs where we should land and so they did in diuers other places vpon the coast where they saw vs to anker In al the places where we haue ancred since we came from our
I required the Master to goe vnto one of the townes and to take two of our marchants with him I my selfe went to the other and tooke one with me because these two townes stand three miles asunder To these places we caried somewhat of euery kinde of marchandize that we had and hee had at the one Towne nine teeth which were but small and at the other towne where I was I had eleuen which were also not bigge and we left aboord with the Master certaine Manilâ—â—os wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboord the ship in our absence and hauing bought these of them wee perceiued that they had no more teeth so in that place where I was one brought to me a small goat which I bought and to the Master at the other place they brought fiue small hennes which he bought also and after that we saw there was nothing else to be had we departed and by one of the clocke we met aboord and then wayed and went East our course 18. leagues still within sight of land The 28. the wind varied and we ranne into the sea and the winde comming againe off the sea wee fell with the land againe and the first of the land which we raised shewed as a great red cliffe round but not very high and to the Eastward of that another smaller red cliffe and right aboue that into the land a round hummoke and greene which we tooke to be trees We ranne in these 24. houres not aboue foure leagues The 29. day comming neere to the shoare we perceiued the red cliffe aforesaide to haue right vpon the top of it a great heape of trees and all to the Westwards of it ful of red cliffes as farre as we could see and all along the shoare as well vpon the cliffes as otherwise full of wood within a mile of the said great cliffe there is a riuer to the Eastwards and no cliffes that we could see except one small cliffe which is hard by it We ran this day and night 12. leagues The windes that wee had in this place by the reports of the people and of those that haue bene there haue not bene vsuall but in the night at North off the lande and in the day South off the sea and most commonly Northwest and Southwest The 31. day we went our course by the shoare Northwards this land is al along a low shoare and full of wood as all the coast is for the most part and no rockes This morning came out many boates which went a fishing which bee greater boates then those which we sawe before so that in some of them there sate 5. men but the fashion of the boats is all one In the afternoone about three of the clocke wee had sight of a Towne by the sea side which our Pilots iudged to be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres puntas The third of Ianuary in the morning we fell with the Cape Tres puntas and in the night passed as our Pilots saide by one of the Portugals castles which is 8. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape vpon the first sight of the Cape wee discerned it a very high land and all growen ouer with trees and comming neere to it we perceiued two head lands as it were two Bayes betwixt them which opened right to the Westward and the vttermost of them is the Easterne Cape there we perceiued the middle Cape and the Eastermost Cape the middle Cape standeth not aboue a league from the West Cape although the Card sheweth them to be 3. leagues one from the other and that middle Cape hath right before the point of it a small rocke so neere to it that it cannot be discerned from the Cape except a man be neere to the shoare and vpon the same Cape standeth a great heape of trees and when a man is thwart the same Cape to the Eastward there riseth hard by it a round greene hommoke which commeth out of the maine The thirde Cape is about a league beyond the middle Cape and is a high landlike to the other Capes and betwixt the middle and the thirde commeth out a litle head or point of a land out of the maine and diuers rocks hard aboord the shoare Before we came to the Capes being about 8. leagues off them wee had the land Southeast and by East and being past the Capes the land runneth in againe East Northeast About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is a lowe glade about two miles long and then the land riseth high againe and diuers head-lands rise one beyond another and diuers rockes lie at the point of the first head-land The middest of these Capes is the neerest to the Southwards I meane further into the sea then any of the other so that being to the Eastward of it it may be discerned farre off and being so to the Eastward it riseth with two small rockes This day we ankered for feare of ouershooting a towne called S. Iohns Wee ran this day not aboue 8. leagues In the afternoone this day there came a boate of the countrey from the shoare with fiue men in her and went along by vs as we thought to discerne our flagges but they would not come neere vs and when they had well looked vpon vs they departed The fourth day in the morning sailing by the coast we espied a ledge of rockes by the shoare and to the Westwards of them two great greene hils ioyning together so that betweene them it was hollow like a saddle and within the said rockes the Master thought the aforenamed Towne had stoode and therefore we manned our boates and tooke with vs cloth and other marchandize and rowed ashoare but going along by the â—oast we sawe that there was no towne therefore wee went aboord againe From these two hils aforesaid about two leagues to the Eastward lie out into the Sea almost two miles a ledge of rockes and beyond that a great Bay which runneth into the North Northwestward and the land in this place lieth North Northeast along the shoare but the vttermost point of land in that place that we could see lay Northeast and by East from vs. After that we were with a small gale of winde runne past that vttermost head-land we sawe a great red cliffe which the Master againe iudged to be the towne of S. Iohns and then wee tooke our boate with marchandize and went thither and when we came thither we perceiued that there was a towne vpon the toppe of the hill and so wee went toward it and when we were hard by it the people of the towne came together a great sort of them and waued vs to come in with a peece of cloth and so we went into a very faire Bay which lieth to the Eastward of the cliffe whereupon the towne standeth and being within the cliffe wee let fall our grapnell and after that we had tarâ—ed there a good space they sent a boate aboord
ship of 120 tunnes the Hart of London of 60 tunnes and a Pinnesse of sixteene tunnes THe fourteenth day of September the yeere abouesayd we departed from Harwich and directed our course for the Isle of Sillie to meete there with the Hart and Pinnesse which were rigged and victualed at Bristoll but arriuing there the eight and twentieth day we found them not and therefore after long lying at hull to tarrie for them but not espying them we turned backe to Plimmouth the 12 day of October and being there the Hart and the Pinnesse came to vs so that the 15 of Nouember we all departed together from Plimmouth at one of the clocke in the after noone and the 28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo and the next day in the morning of Madera The third day of December we fell with the I le of Palma and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blanke and found there certaine Carauels fishing for Pargoes The 19 we found our selues in the height of Sierra Leona and all this day we ranne thwart of certaine Currants which did set to the West Southwestward so fast as if it had bene the ouer-fall of a sand making a great noyse like vnto a streame or tide-gate when the water is shoale and to prooue whither we could finde ground in this place we sounded and had 150 fadome and no ground and so departed The 30 of December we fell with the coast of Guinea and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off The best marke that we could take of the place to knowe it was three hilles which lay Northeast and by East from vs betwixt the Northermost two hilles there are two high and great trees standing in sight as it were a sailes breadth one from another and a litle more to the Northwestwards are certaine hommocks Hauing sayled somewhat into the shoare wee tooke our selues to be shotte somewhat past the riuer de Sestos so that we kept about to fetch it And a litle after we had sight of three sayles of shippes and two pinnesses which were in the weather of vs and hauing sight of them we made our selues readie to meete them and halled off our ships to fetch the winde as neere as we could and hauing sayled about an houre or two they also went about and went as we went to make themselues readie and when we had them in chase they went away from vs but when they had made themselues readie they kept about againe and came with vs verie finely appointed with their streamers and pendants and ensignes and noyse of trumpets very brauely so when we met they had the weather of vs and we â—eâ—ng determined to fight if they had bene Portugals waued them to come vnder our Lee which they denied stoutly then we demaunded of them whence they were and they sayd of France we told them againe that we were of London in England They asked of vs what Portugals wee had seene we answered none but Fishermen then they told vs that there were certaine Portugall ships gone to the Mina to defend it and that they met with another at the riuer de Sestos which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned and had saued none but the master and two or three Negros and certaine others which were sore burned which they left a shore there Then they desired to come aboord of vs with their boates to talke with vs and wee gaue them leaue Then the captaine of the Admirall and diueâ—s others came aboord very friendly desiring vs to keepe them company because of the Portugals and to goe to the Mina with them wee told thâ—m that we had not watered and that we were but now fallen with the coast and they shewed vs that we were fiftie leagues past the riuer de Sestos notwithstanding there was water enough to be had and they would helpe vs to water with their owne boats because they would haue our companie And told vs further that they had bene sixe weekes vpon the coast and had gotten but three tunnes of graines amongst them all and when wee had heard them we made our reckoning that although the Mina were cleare yet if they did goe before vs they would marre our market and if it were not cleare then if the Portugals were there and did take them they would vnderstand that we were behind and so would waite for vs. And further we made account that if we went with them we should doe as well as they if the coast were cleare if it were not cleare then by them we were assured to be the stronger Therefore hauing considered thus much of their gentle offers wee told them that the next day wee would conferre more largely of the matter Whereupon they desired me to come the next day to dinner to them and to bring the masters of our ships with me and such marchants as I thought good promising to giue vs water out of their owne ships if we would take it or els to tarie with vs and helpe vs to water with their own boats and pinnasses The 31 day in the morning the Admirall sent his boat aboord for me and I tooke our masters and certaine of our marchants and went to him who had prouided a notable banquet for vs and intreated vs very friendly desiring vs still to keepe his company promising that what victuals were in his ships or other things that might dâ—e vs pleasure vntill the end we should haue the one halfe of it offering vs if we would to furle his Flags and to bee at our commaundement in all things In the ende we agreed to come to an anker and to send our boat on shore with the Admirals boat and one of his pinnasses and an Almaine which they had brought out of France to seeke water as for our pinnasse she came to an anker to seaward of vs all and would not come at vs. All this night the boats continued on shore The first day of Ianuary our boats came to vs againe and had found no riuer Whereupon we weighed and set saile and ankred againe at another riuer The 2 day we went into the riuer and bargained and tooke 5 small Elephants teeth The 3 day we tooke 5 more The fourth day the French Admirall and we tooke fifteene small teeth This day wee tooke thirtie men with vs and went to seeke Elephants our men being all well armed with harquebusses pikes long bowes crossebowes partizans long swordes and swordes and bucklers wee found two Elephants which wee stroke diuers times with harquebusses and long bowes but they went away from vs and hurt one of our men The fift day we set saile and ranne along the coast The 6 day we fell with the riuer de S. Andre at which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward of the riuer and a faire Baie also to â—he Westward of it but to the Eastward of it it is
lowe land The 7 day we went into the Riuer and found no village but certaine wild Negros not accustomed to trade It is a very great riuer and 7 fadome water in some places at the entring Here we filled water and after set saile The 8 day we sailed along the shore and came to the Redcliffes and went forward in sailing the 9 day also The 10 day we came together to confer with captaine Blundel Admiral of the French ships Ierom Baudet his viceadmiral and Iohn de Orleans master of a ship of 70 tunne and with their marchants and agreed that when God should send vs to any place where wee might make sale that we should be of one accord and not one of vs hurt the market of the other but certaine of our boates to make the price for all the rest and then one boate to make sale for euery shippe This night our boats going to the shore met with certaine Negros who said that they had gold and therefore we here cast anker The 11 day all the day we tooke but one halfe angel weight of 4 graines which we tooke by hand for the people of this place had no weight the Negros called this place Allow The 12 day we ran along the coast and found but one towne but no boates would come out to vs and therefore we went our course The 13 day I tooke my boat and went along the shore and passed by diuers small townes and was waued to come on shore at 3 places but the sea went so high vpon the shore that is was not possible for vs to land neither could they come to vs if they had had boats as I could see none but at one place where there was one that would haue come vnto vs but the Land-wash went so sore that it ouerthrew his boat and one of the men was drowned which the people lamented and cried so sore that we might easily heare them and they got his body out of the sea and caried it amongst them to their towne The 14 day we came within Saker-shot of the castle straightway they set forth and Almade to descry vs and when they perceiued that we were no Portugals they ranne within the towne againe for there is a great towne by the Castle which is called by the Negros Dondou Without this there lie two great rockes like Ilands and the castle standeth vpon a point which sheweth almost like an Iland Before we came at this castle we found the land for fiue or six leagues to be high land and about seuen leagues before we came to the castle lowe land vntil we came at the castle and then wee found the land high againe This castle standeth about fiue leagues to the East of Cape de Tres puntas Here I tooke the boate with our Negros and ranne alongst the shore till I came to the Cape and found two small townes but no boates at them neither any traffique to be had At these places our Negros did vnderstand them well and one of them went a shore at all the places and was well receiued of them This night we ankred at the Cape de Tres puntas The 15 day I tooke our boat and went along the shore about 3 leagues beyond the Eastermost part of the Cape we found a faire Bay where we ran in and found a smal towne and certaine boates which belonged to the same towne but the Negros in a long time would not come to vs but at the last by the perswasion of our owne Negros one boat came to vs and with him we sent George our Negro a shore and after he had talked with them they came aboord our boates without feare and I gaue to their captaine a bason and two strings of Margarets and they shewed vs about 5 duckats weight of gold but they required so much for it that wee would not take it because the Frenchmen and we had agreed to make price of our goods all in one boat and the price being made then euery man to sell in his owne boat and no man to giue more theÌ„ the price which should be set by vs al. This place is called Bulle and here the Negros were very glad of our Negros and shewed them all the friendship they could when they had told them that they were the men that were taken away being now againe brought by vs. The Negros here shewed vs that a moneth since there were 3 ships that fought together the two shippes put the other to flight and before that at the castle of Mina there were 4 ships of the Portugals which met with one Frenchman which Frenchman caused them all to flee which shippe we tooke to be the Roebarge for the Frenchmen of our company iudged her to be thereabout that time with her pinnasse also And further that after her went a shippe of twelue score named the Shaudet all alone and after her a ship of fourescore and both for the Mina And there were two others also which they left one at Cape Verde called the Leuriere of Diepe and another at the riuer De Sestos besides these 3 which all this time be in our company whose names be these The Espoier of Hableneff which is the Admirall whose captaine is Denis Blundell The Leuriere of Roan Uice admirall whose master is Ierome Baudet The other is of Hunfleur whose master is called Iohn de Orleans The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two pinnasses of the Frenchmen and found a Baie and a fresh riuer and after that went to a towne called Hanta twelue leagues beyond the Cape At this towne our Negros were well knowen and the men of the towne wept for ioy when they saw them and demanded of them where Anthonie and Binne had bene and they told them that they had bene at London in England and should bee brought home the next voyage So after this our Negros came aboord with other Negros which brought a weight with them which was so small that wee could not giue them the halfe of that which they demaunded for it The Negros here told vs that there were fiue Portugall shippes at the Castle and one pinnasse and that the Portugals did much harme to their Countrey and that they liued in feare of them and we told them againe that we would defend them from the Portugals whereof they were very glad The 17 day we went a shore and the Frenchmen wiâ—h vs but did no great good the Negros were so vnreasonable we sold 80 Manellios for one ounce of gold Then wee departed and went to Shamma and went into the riuer with fiue boates well appointed with men and ordinance and with our noises of trumpets and drummes for we thought here to haue found some Portugals but there were none so wee sent our Negros on shore and after them went diuers of vs and were very well receiued and the people were very glad of our
a citie called Anagona The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera whereupon wee set saile presently to seeke him The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera where we found our Admirall which was very ioyfull of our comming and we also of his sight In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke in a tall ship and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz vpon the coast of Barbarie which ship we left there all spoiled Our General marchants bought in the said towne for our prouision 14 buts of wine which cost 15 duckats a but which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8,9 and 10 duckats The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie about 3 leagues off and there tooke in fresh water so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke which is on the coast of Guinea The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke But hauing no knowledge of that coast we went with Cape Blanke and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore The land is very lowe and white sand Upon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke directing our course South and by East South among and fo fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde about 16 leagues and about sixe leagues from the shore The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile being in deed nothing els but the land which was full of Hammoks some high some lowe with high trees on them We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore and then we sounded and found 28 fadome water blacke vase This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils seeming to vs about a league one from the other which is the Cape and betweene them are great store of trees and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome for the ground is faire and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore And as soone as we were all at an anker our Generall came aboord vs and with him the master of the Admirall whose name was William Bars and with them the captaine of the Uiceadmirall whose name was master Edward Fenner and Robert Curtise the master and dined aboord of vs being in the George wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood and Iohn Smith of Hampton master and there we concluded to goe aland which was halfe a mile from vs and by the counsell of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour for he sayd that although the people were blacke and naked yet they were ciuill so that hee would needs giue the venter without the consent of the rest to go without weapon Thus they rowed to shore where we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was waiting for the comming of our men who came too soone and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards There went a shore the Admirals skiffe and the May Flowers boate and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts as M. George Fenner the Generall his brother M. Edward Fenner Thomas Valentine Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants Iohn Haward William Bats Nicholas Day Iohn Tomson and others At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward with their bowes and arrowes our Captaines and merchants talked with them according to the vse of the country the one demanded pledges of the other they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men Our 5 mens names were these Iohn Haward Wil. Bats Nich. Day Ioh. Tomson Iohn Curtise these were deliuered them and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe Our men being a shore among the Negros began to talke with them declaring what ware and marchandize we had as woollen cloth linnen cloth iron cheese other things The Negros answered againe they had ciuet muske gold and graines which pleased our captaines and marchants very well Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares to the which our marchants were content and forthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side hauing the 3 Negros with them Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandize with bread wine and cheese which they gaue vnto them Then two of the Negros which were the pledges made themselues sicke desiring to goe a shore promising to send other two for them Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore asked what they meant and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate and two or three of the Negros folowed him And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread notwithstanding when he was entering into the boate one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate and as soone as hee was in one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side and master Wormes sword by him suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd and cast himselfe into the Sea and swamme a shore and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore and tooke three of them with great violence and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore
degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen Here we determined to stay vntill the Winter were ouerpast This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August Our refreshing in this place was very smal onely of oisters growing on rocks great wilks and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place whereof Iohn Hall our master was one and M. Rainold Golding another a marchant of great honestie and much discretion In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood so right and tall hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe and of them not past a third part sailers thence we made sailâ— to seeke some place of refreshing and went ouer to the maine of Malacca The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant and other of the companie manning the boat went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before for we sawe their fire still burning but people we sawe none nor any other liuing creature saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds which are a gray kind of Sea-foule like a Snite in colour but not in beake Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs but would not come aboord vs hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians with whom neuertheles going afterward on land we had friendly conference and promise of victuals The next day in the morning we espied three ships being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes one of which wee made to strike with our very boate and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal we tooke that ship did not force the other two because they were laden for marchants of Pegu but hauing this one at our command we came together to an anker The night folowing all the men except twelue which we tooke into our ship being most of them borne in Pegu fled away in their boate leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by and tooke in her lading being pepper which shee and the other two had laden at Pera which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely wee dismissed her without touching any thing Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward which was about the beginning of September our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie with such reliefe as we had found in this ship we weighed anker determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome for the Malucos China and Iapan And when wee were there arriued we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the I le of Zeilan and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes she was laden with Rice for Malacca Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize who being aboord the same came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes was not able the next morning to fetch her vp vntil we which were in the prize with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores We continued here vntill the sixt of October at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa we shot at her many shot and at last shooting her maine-yard through she came to an anker and yeelded We commaunded her Captaine Master Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came and after certaine conference with him he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser which he sayd would not come vnlesse he went for them but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening â—he with all the people which were to the number of about
shippe From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593 and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning the Captaine and Edmund Barker his Lieuetenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes thinking to haue gotten some foode our victuals being all spent and we not able to proceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply We spent two or three daies in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie And comming downe to go aboord the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne they could not come on shore with the boate which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing to our great discomfort In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodnesse of God which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities we contented our selues with our poore estate and sought meanes to preserue our liues And because one place was not able to sustaine vs we tooke our leaues one of another diuiding our selues into seuerall companies The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water and nowe and then a pompion which we found in the garden of the olde Indian who vpon this our second arriuall with his three sonnes stole from vs and kept himselfe continually aloft in the mountaines After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe which afterwarde we vnderstood to be of Diepe called the Luisa whose Captaine was one Mounsieur Felix vnto whom wee made a fire at sight whereof he tooke in his top sayles bare in with the land and shewed vs his flagge whereby we iudged him French so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered we making downe with all speede vnto him At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came done to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster and wâ—nt along with him to the shippe This night he went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepeâ— which remayned there vntill night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe who albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them yet came not downe Whereupon we departed thenceâ— being deuided sixe into one ship and sixe into another and leauing this Island departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo where we remained vntill Aprill following 1494 and spent some two monethes in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey In this meane whâ—le there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona which was that two of them brake their neckes with â—entring to take foules vpon the cliffes other three were slaine by the Spaniards which came from Saint Domingo vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe which was readie first to come away and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships where they were well intreated to come after him on sunday the seuenth of Apill 1594 they set homewarde and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after on the 19 of May where after we had stayed two dayes to refresh our selues and giuen humble thankes vnto God and vnto our friendly neighbours we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594 hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres sixe weekes and two dayes which the Portugales performe in halfe the time chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to let foorth in the beginning of our voyage We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugales which we tooke that they haue lately discouered the coast of China to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees finding the sea still open to the Northward giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage Witnesse Master Iames Lancaster Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill and the Riuer af Plate by the Edward Cotton a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton of Southhampton which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio graâ—de in Guinie the 17 of Iuly 1583. ARticles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southhampton and of all the marchandizes in her laden of the one part and William Huddie gentleman Captaine of the said ship Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant Iohn Foster Master Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage and William Cheesman marchant on the other part 1 TO obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ship and the companie to be called thereunto at the least once in the day to be pronounced openly 2 Item that they be ready with the first faire winde to set saile and sailes in the voyage and not to put into any port or harbour but being forcibly constrained by weather or other apparant and vrgent cause 3 Item that they take in at or about the Isles of Cape Verde to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt to be imployed among other the owners marchandize at Santos and S. Vincent to his onely behoofe and the rest of the salt so much as shall be needed for victuall and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities or els to be taken in at the aforesaid Isles at the discretion of the abouenamed 4 Item vpon the due performance of this voiage the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede to yeeld vnto any such of the companie as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England 20 markes a single share for the dutie of the whole voiage making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole 5 Item the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue named shall at all times be most ready
to doe their painfull iâ—deuor not onely aboord but in all labours at the land according to the direction giuen by the abdue named officers vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages the same to be diuided amongst the company 6 Item that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile and hides of the seales and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour and of the salt that shall be bended and other commodities at or neere the coast of Brasill to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight whereof one third to goe to the companie 7 Item that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner viz. to make their first port at Santos and Saint Vincent and there to reuictuall and traffike and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine and hide of the seales with such other commodities as are there to be had according as the owner with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes that all such practisers vpon due proofe made shall loose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiudged by the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master Pilot and marchant or three of them at the least whereof the Captaine to be one 8 Item that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand to take in wares and commodities and to cary and recary to and from the shore when and as oft as neede shall be and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants ditection during the whole voyage 9 Item that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner at the going to sea of the said shippe shall or may be displaced from his said place or office without great cause and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine and his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and the marchant or by the consent of three of them at the least 10 Item that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour to the Westward of Southhampton but forced by weather or such like vrgent cause William Huddie Iohn Hooper Hugh Smith Iohn Foster William Cheesman A direction as well for the Captaine and other my friends of the ship as especially for William Cheesman Marchant for the voyage to the riuer of Plate AT your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian vpon the coast of Brasill you shall according to your discretions make sale of such commodities as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate especially of Amber Sugar Grâ—ene ginger Cotton wooll and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there Also for Parats and Munkies and the beast called Serrabosa Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Perune two or three barrels and to lose no good oportunitie to gather of the Indian figges and the graines of them to preserue drie in such quantitie as conueniently may be done and touching the making of the traine and preseruing of the hides I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America triall be made with the dragges for the pearle Oisters and the same being taken to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine his Lieutenant the Master the Pilot and marchant or three of them whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant vnder two lockes either of them to haue a key to his owne locke and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde siluer or other rich mettals whatsoeuer Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him Serue God keepe good watch and stand alwayes vpon your garde Edward Cotton These things being thus ordered and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes with 83 men of all sortes furnished and fully appointed for the voyage began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May Anno 1583 and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie to take in fresh water where through meere dissolute negligence she perished vpon a sand with the most part of the men in her as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped the substance and tenor whereof is this The confession of VVilliam Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton the 21 of October Ann. 1584. HE sayth that the 17 day of Iuly Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore and this Examinate with 29 more got into the pinnesse who arriued in an Island being desolate of people and fiue miles in compasse where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather hauing nought to eate but grasse The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters got them into one of the after quarters and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio grande where they all died as he supposeth The other 30 in the pinnesse at the end of 18 dayes departed that Island and came to Saint Domingo where comming on shore they were taken of the Moores stripped naked And they buried one Coxe an olde man aliue not withstanding his pitifull lamentation and skâ—â—kings the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them liued there a certaine time This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere and in the end a Portugall Carauel comming thither his master laded the same with Negroes and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell by that meanes arriued at Lisbone and from thence came into England the 17 of October 1584 leauing behinde him of his companie aliue Richard Hacker Iohn Baker Iohn Mathew and a boy with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo all which as
he saith were so sicke and diseased that he iudgâ—th them to be long before this time dead The escape of the Primrose a tall ship of London from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay which ship the Corrigidor of the same Prouince accompanied with 97 Spaniards offered violently to arrest and was defeated of his purpose and brought prisoner into England Whereunto is added the Kings Commission for a generall imbargment or arrest of all English Netherlandish and Easterlings ships written in Barcelona the 19 of May 1585. IT is not vnknowen vnto the world what danger our English shippes haue lately escaped how sharpely they haue beene intreated and howe hardly they haue beene assaulted so that the valiancie of those that mannaged them is worâ—hy remembrance And therefore in respect of the couragious attempt and valiant enterprise of the ship called the Primrose of London which hath obteined renowne I haue taken in hande to publish the trueth thereof to the intent that it may be generally knowen to the rest of the English ships that by the good example of this the rest may in time of extremitie aduenture to doe the like to the honour of the Realme and the perpetuall remembrance of themselues The maner whereof was as followeth VUon Wednesday being the sixe and twentieth day of May 1585 the shippe called the Primrose being of one hundred and fiftie tunnes lying without the bay of Bilbao hauing beene there two dayes there came a Spanish pinnesse to them wherein was the Corrigidor and sixe others with him these came aboord the Primrose seeming to be Marchantes of Biscay or such like bringing Cherries with them and spake very friendly to the Maister of the ship whose name was Foster and he in courteous wise bad them welcome making them the best cheere that he could with beere beefe and bisket wherewith that ship was well furnished and while they were thus in hanquetting with the Maister foure of the seuen departed in the sayd Pinnesse and went backe againe to Bilbao the other three stayed and were very pleasant for the time But Master Foster misdoubting some danger secretly gaue speech that he was doubtfull of these men what their intent was neuerthelesse he sayd nothing nor seemed in any outward wise to mistrust them at all Foorthwith there came a ship-boate wherein were seuentie persons being Marchants and such like of Biscay and besides this boate there came also the Pinnesse which before had brought the other three in which Pinnesse there came foure and twentie as the Spaniards themselues since confessed These made towards the Primrose and being come thither there came aboord the Corrigidor with three or foure of his men but Master Foster seeing this great multitude desired that there might no more come aboord but that the rest should stay in their boates which was grunted neuerthelesse they tooke small heede of these wordes for on a suddaine they came foorth of the boate entring the shippe euery Spaniarde taking him to his Rapier which they brought in the boate with other weapons and a drumme wherewith to triumph ouer them Thus did the Spaniards enter the shippe plunging in fiercely vpon them some planting themselues vnder the dâ—cke some entring the Cabbeâ—s and a multitude attending their pray Then the Corrigidor hauing an officer with him which bare a white wand in his hand sayd to the master of the ship Yeeld your selfe for you are the kings prisoner whereat the Maister sayd to his men We are betrayed Then some of them set daggers to his breast and seemed in furious manner as though they would haue slaine him meaning nothing lesse then to doe any such act for all that they sought was to bring him and his men safe aliue to â—hore Whereat the Maister was amazed and his men greatly discomfited to see themselues readie to be conueyed euen to the slaughter notwithstanding some of them respecting the daunger of the Maister and seeing how with themselues there was no way but present death if they were once landed among the Spaniards they resolued themselues eyther to defend the Maister and generally to shunne that daunger or else to die and be buried in the middest of the sea rather then to suffer themselues to come into the tormentors hands and therefore in very bold and manly sort some â—ooke them to their iauelings lances bore-speares and shot which they had set in readinesse before and hauing fiue Calieuers readie charged which was all the small shot they had those that were under the hatches or the grate did shoote vp at the Spaniards that were ouer their heads which shot so amazed the Spaniards on the suddaine as they could hardly tell which way to escape the daunger fearing this their small shot to be of greater number then it was others in very manlike sort dealt about among them shewing themselues of that courage with bore-speares and lances that they dismayed at euery stroke two or three Spaniards Then some of them desired the Maister to commaund his men to cease and holde their handes but hee answered â—hat such was the courage of the English Nation in defence of their owne liues that they would stay them and him also and therefore it lay not in him to doe it Now did their blood runne about the ship in great quantitie some of them being shot in betweene the legges the bullets issuing foorth at their breasts some cut in the head some thrust into the bodie and many of them very sore wounded so that they came not so fast in on the one side but now they tumbled as fast ouer boord on both sides with their weapons in their handes some falling into the sea and some getting into their boates making haste towardes the Citie And this is to be noted that although they came very thâ—cke thither there returned but a small companie of them neither is it knowen as yet how many of them were slaine or drowned onely one English man was then slaine whose name was Iohn Tristram and sixe other hurt It was great pitie to behold how the Spaniards lay swimming in the sea and were not able to saue their liues Foure of them taking holde of the shippe were for pities sake taken vp againe by Maister Foster and his men not knowing what they were all the Spaniards bosomes were stuft with paper to defend them from the shot and these foure hauing some wounds were drest by the surgion of the shippe One of them was the Corrigidor himselfe who is gouernour of a hundred Townes and Cities in Spaine his liuing by his office being better then sixe hundred pound yerely This skirmish happened in the euening about sixe of the clocke after they had laden twentie Tunne of goods and better out of the sayd ship which goods were deliuered by two of the same ship whose names were Iohn Burrell and Iohn Brodbanke who being on shore were apprehended and stayed After this valiant enterprise of eight and twentie English men against 97 Spaniardes
or receiued for vs or in our name or to our vse or for or in the names or to the vses of our heires or successors of any person or persons any summe or summes of money or other things whatsoeuer during the said terme of ten yeeres for or in the name lieu or place of any Custome subsidie or other thing or duetie to vs our heires or successors due or to be due for the Customes or subsidies of any such goods wares or marchandizes to be transported caried or brought to or from the priuileged places before in these presents mentioned or any of them nor make nor cause to be made any entry into or of the bookes of subsidies or customes nor make any agreement for the Customes or subsidies of or for any goods wares or marchandizes to bee sent to or returned from any the priuileged places before in these presents mentioned sauing onely with and in the name and by the consent of the saide William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Antonie Dassel and Nicholas Turner or of some of them or of such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their societie and Company as aforesaid Prouided alwaies that if at any time hereafter we our selues by our writing signed with our proper hand or any sixe or more of our priuie Counsell for the time being shall by our direction and by writing signed and subscribed with their hands signifie and notifie to the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner or to any of them or to any other whom they or the most part of them shal receiue into their Companie and society as is aforesaid or otherwise to our officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouth by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege that our will and pleasure is that the said trade and trafique shal cease and be no longer continued into the saide coasts and partes of Guinea before limited then immediatly from and after the ende of sixe moneths next insuing after such signification notification so to be giuen to any of the said Company and societie as is aforesaid or otherwise to our Officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouthâ— by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege these our present letters Patents and our graunt therein contained shall be vtterly voyde and of none effect ne validitie in the lawe to all intents and purposes any thing before mentioned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the thirde day of May in the thirtieth yere of our Reigne 1588. A voyage to Benin beyond the Countrey of Guinea set foorth by Master Bird and Master Newton Marchants of London with a shippe called the Richard of Arundell and a Pinesse Written by Iames Welsh who was chiefe Master of the said voyage begunne in the yeere 1588. VPon the twelft of October wee wayed our ankers at Ratcliffe and went to Blackwall And the next day sayling from thenceâ— by reason of contrary winde and weather wee made it the 25. of October before wee were able to reach Plimouth and there we stayed to our great expense of victuals for lacke of winde and weather vnto the 14. of December On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from thence and about midnight were thwart of the Lizart Thursday the second of Ianuary wee had sight of the land neere Rio del oro God be thanked and there had 22. degrees of latitude and 47. minutes The thirde of Ianuary wee had sight of Cauo de las Barbas and it bare Southeast fiue leagues off The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning Tuesday the 7. day we had sight of Cauo verde and I finde this place to be in latitude 14. degrees and 43. minutes being 4. leagues from the shoare Friday the 17. Cauo de Monte bare off vs North Northeast we sounded and had 50. fathom blacke oase and at 2. of the clocke it bare North Northwest 8. leagues off And Cauo Mensurado bare of vs East and by South and wee went Northeast with the maine here the currant setteth to the East Southeast alongst the shoare and at midnight wee sounded and had 26. fathome blacke oase The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a laâ—d much like Cauo verde and it is as I iudge 9. leagues from Cauo Mensurado it is a hill sadlebacked and there are 4. or 5. one after another and 7. leagues to the Southward of that we saw a row of hils sadlebacked also and from Cauo Mensurado are many mountaines The 19. we were thwart Rio de Sestos and the 20. Cauo dos Baixos was North by West 4. leagues off the shoare and at afternoone there came a boate from the shoare with 3. Negroes from a place as they say called Tabanoo And towards euening we were thwart of an Island and a great many of small Islands or rockes to the Southward and the currant came out of the Souther-boord we sounded and had 35. fathomes The 21. wee had a flat hill that bare North Northeast off vs and wee were from the shoare 4. leagues and at 2. a clocke in the afternoone we spake with a Frenchman riding neere a place called Ratire and another place hard by called Crua This Frenchman caried a letter from vs to M. Newton wee layd it on hull while wee were writing of our letter and the current set vs to the Southward a good pase alongst the shoare South Southeast The 25. we were in the hight of the bay that is to the Westward of Capo de Tres puntaâ—â— the currant did set East Northeast The 28. we lay sixe glasses a hull tarying for the pinesse The last of Ianuary the middle part of Cape de tres puntas was thwart of vs three leagues at seuen of the clocke in the morning and at eight the pinesse came to an anker and wee prooued that the current setteth to the Eastward and at sixe at night the vttermost lande bare East and by South 5. leagues and we went Southwest and Southwest and by South Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of a Round foreland which I take to be the Eastermost part of Capo de tres puntas and within the said Round foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said bay The second of February wee were thwart of the Castle of Mina and when the thirde glasse of our Looke-out was spent we spied vnder our Larbord-quarter one of their Boates with certaine Negroes and one Portugale in the Boate wee would haue had him to come aboord but he would not And ouer the castle vpon the hie rockes we did see as it might be two watch-houses and they did
should be done and that against another yeere it should be in better readines the reason why we found it so vnprepared was because in this kings time no Christians had euer resorted thither to lade pepper The next day there were sent vs 12 baskets and so a litle euery day vntill the 9 of March at which time we had made vpon 64 serons of pepper and 28 Elephants teeth In this time of our being at Benin our natures at this first time not so well acquainted with thâ—â— climate we fell all of vs into the disease of the feuer whereupon the Captaine sent me downe with those goods which we alreadie had receiued to the rest of our men at Goto where being arriued I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also and by reason of their weaknes not able to conuey the pinnesse and goods downe to the place where our ship road but by good hap within two houres after my comming to Goto the boate came vp from the ship to see how all things stood with vs so that I put the goods into the boat and went downe towards the ship but by that time I was come aboord many of our men died namely Master Benson the Cooper the Carpenter 3 or 4 more my selfe was also in such a weake state that I was not able to returne againe to Benin Whereupon I sent vp Samuel Dunne and the Chirurgian with him to our men that were about to let them blood if it were thought needfull who at their comming to Benin found the Captaine and your sonne William Bird dead and Thomas Hempsteede very weake who also died within two dayes after their comming thither This sorrowfull accident caused them with such pepper and teeth as they could then find speedily to returne to the ship as by the Cargason will appeare at their comming away the Veadore tolde them that if they could or would stay any longer time he would vse all possible expedition to bring in more commodities but the common sicknesse so increased and continued amongst vs all that by the time our men which remained were come aboord we had so many sicke and dead of our companie that we looked all for the same happe and so thought to loose both our ship life countrey and all Very hardly and with much adoe could we get vp our ankers but yet at the last by the mercie of God hauing gotten them vp but leauing our pinnesse behinde vs we got to sea and set saile which was vpon the 13 of Aprill After which by little and little our men beganne to gather vp their crums and to recouer some better strength and so sailing betwixt the Islands of Cape Verde and the maine we came to the Islands of the Azores vpon the 25 of Iuly where our men beganne a fresh to grow ill and diuers died among whom Samuel Dun was one and as many as remained liuing were in a hard case but in the midst of our distresse it fell so wel out by Gods good prouidence that we met with your ship the Barke Burre on this side the North cape which did not only keepe vs good coÌ„panie but also sent vs sixe fresh men aboord without whose helpe we should surely haue tasted of many inconueniences But by this good meanes we are now at the last arriued in Plimouth this 9 day of September and for want of better health at this time I referre the further knowledge of more particularities till my comming to London Yours to commaund Anthony Ingram The second voyage to Benin set foorth by Master Iohn Newton and Master Iohn Bird Marchants of London in the yeere 1590 with a ship called the Richard of Arundell of the burthen of one hundreth tunnes and a small pinnesse in which voyage Master Iames Welsh was chiefe Maister THe third of September 1590 we set saile from Ratclife and the 18 of the said moneth we came into Plimouth sound and the two and twentieth we put to sea againe and at midnight we were off the Lisart and so passed on our voyage vntill the 14 of October on which day we had sight of â—orteueâ—tura one of the Canarie Islands which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it The 16 of October in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea the like whereof I neuer saw on this coast and this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish I thinke it was a Gobarto which put vp his head to the sleepe tubs where y e cooke was in shifting the victuals whoÌ„ I thought the fish would haue caried away The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the North boord and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of the South being very calme weather as now it is also The 24 we had sight of Cauo Verde and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North which is a common signe that the winde will be Northerly and so it prooued The 15 of Nouember we met with three currants out of the West and Northwest one after another with an houres time betweene each currant This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes The 18 day we met with two other great currants out of the Southwest and the 20 we said another current out of the Northeast and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouthwest and at 6 of the clocke towards night we had 3 currents more The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least 2 leagues and a halfe euery watch and it fell out that we sailed but one league euery watch for the space of 24 hours by meanes of a great billow and current that came still out of the South The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East Nâ—rtheast and Northeast and here in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse lost vs wilfully The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a great blacke spot in the Sunne and the 8. day both at rising and setting we saw the like which spot to our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling being in 5 degrees of latitude and still there came a great billow out of the southerboord The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and grosse red sand and 2 leagues from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow still out of the southerboord The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the Newstone in England it was 2 leagues from vs here we sounded and had 27 fadom but the rocke is not aboue a mile from the shore and a mile farther we saw another rocke and betweene them both broken ground here we sounded and had but 20 fadome and blacke sand and we might see plaine that the rockes went not along the shore but from the land to the seaward and
he was no sooner gone then the enemy possessed the town and castle and shot at our ships as they came into the road At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco called Reys Hamet Bencasamp returned and with him M. Ciprian a Gentleman of good place and desert was sent from Don Antonio and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not fiue dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the riuer of Lisbon which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before though we lay hard by them at S. Iulians durst neuer make any attempt against vs vpon our departure from thence were returning home and in the morning being a very dead calme in the dawning thereof fell in the winde of our fleet in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company with his Lieutenant the Master and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship and betooke them to the ship-boats whereof one in which the Master and the Captaine were was ouerrunne with the gallies and they drowned There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships which were so calmed as neither they could get to vs nor we to them though all the great shippes towed with their boats to haue relieued them but could not be recouered in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company who fought with them to the last yea after his ship was on fire which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne but might easily iudge by his long and good fight that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse who setting also vpon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant and he very sicke were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off although they had first beaten her with their artillery and attempted to boord her And seeing alâ—o one other hulke a league off a sterne off vs they made towards her but finding that she made ready to fight with them they durst not further attempt her whereby it seemed their losse being great in the other fights they were loth tâ— proceed any further From that day till the 19 of Iune our direction from the Generall was that if the wind were Northerly we should plie for the Açores but if Southerly for the Iles of Bayon We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke till the Southerly winde preuailing carried vs to Bayon part of our ships to the number of 25 in a great winde which was two dayes before hauing lost the Admirals and fleet according to their direction fell in the morning of that day with Bayon among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde who had in purpose if the Admirals had not come in with some 500 men out of them all to haue landed and attempted the taking of Vigo The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands cast off againe to sea for the Açores but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships returned for Bayon and came in there that night in the euening where he passed vp the riuer more then a mile aboue Vigo The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight which were not in the whole aboue 2000 men for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast many of our men ouer-boord with which number the Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo neere the which when he approched he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same who found vpon euery streets end a strong barricade but altogether abandoned for hauing entred the towne he found but one man therein but might see them making way before him to Bayon On the other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield whose approch on that side I thinke made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence there were also certaine shippes sent with the Uice-admirall to lie close before the towne to beat vpon the same with their artillery In the afternoone were sent 300 vnder the conduct of Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure to burne another village betwixt that and Bayon called Borsis and as much of the country as the day would giue them leaue to do which was a very pleasant rich valley but they burnt it all houses and corne as did others on the other side of the towne both that and the next day so as the countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length There was found great store of wine in the towne but not any thing els for the other dayes warning of the shippes that came first in gaue them a respit to cary all away The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships commanded that night on shore caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne and sent in two troups to put fire in euery house of the same which done we imbarked againe This day there were certaine Mariners which without any direction put themselues on shore on the contrary side of the riuer from vs for pillage who were beaten by the enemy from their boats and punished by the Generals for their offer in going without allowance The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before shewed to be want of artillery and may now be alledged to be the small number of our men who should haue gone against so strong a place manned with very good souldiers as was shewed by Iuan de Vera taken at the Groine who confessed that there were sixe hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders and the Tercios of Naples lately also returned out of the iourney of England Under the leading of Capitan Puebla Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of Flanders Don Pedro Camascho del tercio de Napoles Don Francisco de Cespedes Cap. Iuan de Solo del tercio de Naples Don Diego de Cassaua Cap. Sâ—uban Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse and foure of yron lately layed vpon the walles of the towne besides them that were there before The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our army was drawen into by sicknesse determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Açores with Generall Drake to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest And for the shifting of men and victualles accordingly purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe and to remaine there that day But Generall Drake according to their apointment being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands but
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
chiefe commaunder vpon the Seas and of all Fleetes or ships and of all places and Islands or lands wheresoeuer he came whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them either to Siuill or Lisbon where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy Whereupon the said Aluaro Flores stayed there vnder colour of keeping the siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue 50000 Duckats in pearles which he shewed vnto vs sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India and being at sea had a storme wherewith the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea not one man saued The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual where it burst in pieces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera◠they met with an English ship which after they had fought long together tooke them both About 7 or 8 moneths before there had beene an English shippe in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island there to lade woad and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deede as safe in that Island as if they had beene in prison But in the ende vpon a Sunday all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Islands which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats Deere and Sheepe belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates and lying at anker that day they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld yet durst not once goe foorth so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship This Master had a brother in lawe dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting as also their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing onely escaped wherin there were great riches many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna S. Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine Portugall there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil which were most Flieboats of the Low countries and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of souldiers and wel appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes and were in danger to be lost and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in whereby they endured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
and them for vs our heires and successours by that name doe incorporate and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue continuance for euer Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage we haue giuen graunted and confirmed and doe by these presents giue grant and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time and at all times hereafter to make order decree and enact constitute and ordeine and appoynt all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and actes as the sayd new corporation or body politique Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage shall thinke meete necessary and conuenient so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme and of this our present graunt And we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of our authority of our grace especiall certaine knowledge and meere motion do establish confirme ratifie all such ordinances orders decrees lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority as we our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt confirme or ratifie And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie we by our Royall prerogatiue and fulnesse of authority for vs our heires and successours doe giue graunt establish confirme ordeine ratifie and allow by these presents to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer that shall hereafter trauaile sayle discouer or make voyage as aforesayd to any the Iles Mainelands Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles Mainelands and Countreys or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned shall haue and inioy all the priuileges of free Denizens as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England or within our allegiance for euer in such like ample maner and forme as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme any law statute proclamation custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding Moreouer for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert his heires and assignes for euer free libertie licence and priuilege that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediatly ensuing the date hereof if shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer to visit haunt frequent trade or make voyage to any Iles Mainlands Countreys Regions Prouinces Territories Seas Riuers Ports Bayes and Hauens nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be traded vnto without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert his heires or assignes first had in writing And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian his heires or assignes or any other person or persons whatsoeuer free of this discouery shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres that then the partie and parties so offending they and their heires for euer shall loose ipso facto the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt for vs our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof libertie and licence and sull authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his heires and assignes that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage to become mutinous sâ—diâ—ious disordered or any way virtuly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending such punishment correction or execution as the cause shall be â—ound in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto as in such a case apperteineth That expresse mention of the certaintie of the premisses or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents or any other lawe act statute prouiso graunt or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made patenâ—s Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the sixt day of Februarie in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis vndertaken in Iune 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage Written by M. Iohn Ianes Marchant sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson CErtaine Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court Countrey with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the Northwest passage which heretofore had bene attempted but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for which turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose resolued after good deliberation to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie shipping and a fit man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise The setting forth of this Action was committed by the aduenturers especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Marchant of London who was so forward therein that besides his trauaile which was not small hee became the greatest aduenturer with his purse and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Dauis a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt Thus therefore all things being put in a readines wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage with two Barkes the one being of 50. tunnes named the Sunneshine of London and the other being 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons whose names are these following M. Iohn Dauis Captaine William Eston Master Richard Pope Masters mate Iohn Iane Marchant Henry Dauie gunner William Crosse boatswayne Iohn Bagge Walter Arthur Luke Adams Robert Coxworthie Iohn Ellis Iohn Kelley Edward Helman William Dicke Andrew Maddocke Thomas Hill Robert Wats Carpenter William Russell Chrstopher Gorney boy Iames Cole Francis Ridley Iohn Russell Robert Cornish Musicians The Mooneshine had 19. persons William Bruton Captaine Iohn Ellis
at fiue a clocke in the afternoone we ankered in a very good road among great store of Isles the countrey low land pleasant and very full of fayre woods To the North of this place eight leagues we had a perfect hope of the passage finding a mightie great sea passing betweene two lands West The South land to our iudgement being nothing but Isles we greatly desired to goe into this sea but the winde was directly against vs. We ankered in foure fathome fine sand In this place is foule and fish mightie store The sixt of September hauing a faire Northnorthwest winde hauing trimmed our Barke we purposed to depart and sent fiue of our sailers yong men a shore to an Island to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather and therefore left it al night couered vpon the Isle the brutish people of this countrey lay secretly lucking in the wood and vpon the sudden assaulted our men which when we perceiued we presently let slip our cables vpon the halâ—e and vnder our foresaile bare into the shoare and with all expedition discharged a double musket vpon them twise at the noyse whereof they fled notwithstanding to our very great griefe two of our men were slaine with their arrowes and two grieuously wounded of whom at this present we stand in very great doubt onely one escaped by swimming with an arrow shot thorow his arme These wicked miscreants neuer offered parly or speech but presently executed their cursed fury This present euening it pleased God further to increase our sorowes with a mighty tempestuous storme the winde being Northnortheast which lasted vnto the tenth of this moneth very extreme We vnrigged our ship and purposed to cut downe our masts the cable of our shut-anker brake so that we onely expected to be driuen on shoare among these Canibals for their pray Yet in this deepe distresse the mightie mercie of God when hope was past gaue vs succour and sent vs a faire lee so as we recouered our anker againe and newe mored our ship where we saw that God manifestly deliuered vs for the straines of one of our cables were broken and we only roade by an olde iurke Thus being freshly mored a new storme arose the winde being Westnorthwest very forcible which lasted vnto the tenth day at night The eleuenth day with a faire Westnorthwest winde we departed with trust in Gods mercie shaping our course for England and arriued in the West countrey in the beginning of October Master Dauis being arriued wrote his letter to M. VVilliam Sanderson of London concerning his voyage as followeth SIr the Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this moneth she hath bene at Island and from thence to Groenland and so to Estoriland from thence to Desolation and to our Marchants where she made trade with the people staying in the countrey twentie dayes They haue brought home fiue hundred seale skinnes and an hundred and fortie halfe skinnes and pieces of skinnes I stand in great doubt of the pinnesse God be mercifull vnto the proore men and preserue them if it be his blessed will I haue now experience of much of the Northwest part of the world haue brought the passage to that likelihood as that I am assured it must bee in one of soure places or els not at all And further I can assure you vpon the perill of my life that this voyage may be performed without further charge nay with certaine profite to the aduenturers if I may haue but your fauour in the action I hope I shall finde fauour with you to see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card shal be which I will bring you and I hope in God that your skill in Nauigation shall be gaineful vnto you although at the first it hath not proued so And thus with my humble commendations I commit you to God desiring no longer to liue then I shall be yours most faithfully to command Exon this fourteenth of October 1586. Yours to command IOHN DAVIS The relation of the course which the Sunshine a barke of fiftie tunnes and the Northstarre a small pinnesse being two vessels of the fleete of M. Iohn Dauis helde after hee had sent them from him to discouer the passage betweene Groneland and Island written by Henry Morgan seruant to M. William Sanderson of London THe seuenth day of May 1586. wee departed out of Dartmouth hauen foure sailes to wit the Mermaid the Sunshine the Mooneshine the Northstarre In the Sunshine were sixteene men whose names were these Richard Pope Master Marke Carter Masters mate Henry Morgan Purser George Draward Iohn Mandie Hugh Broken Philip Iane Hugh Hempson Richard Borden Iohn Philpe Andrew Madock William Wolcome Robert Wag carpenter Iohn Bruskome William Ashe Simon Ellis Our course was Westnorthwest the seuenth and eight dayes and the ninth day in the morning we were on head of the Tarrose of Silley Thus coasting along the South part of Ireland the 11. day we were on head of the Dorses and our course was Southsouthwest vntill sixe of the clocke the 12. day The 13. day our course was Northwest We remained in the company of the Mermaid and the Mooneshine vntil we came to the latitude yf 60. degrees and there it seemed best to our Generall M. Dauis to diuide his fleete himselfe sayling to the Northwest and to direct the Sunshine wherein I was and the pinnesse called the Northstarre to secke a passage Northward betweene Groenland and Island to the latitude of 80. degrees if land did not let vs. So the seuenth day of Iune wee departed from them and the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of yce which we coasted along the ninth the tenth and the eleuenth dayes of Iune and the eleuenth day at sixe of the clocke at night we saw land which was very high which afterward we knew to be Island and the twelft day we harboured there and found many people the land lyeth East and and by North in 66. degrees Their commodities were greene fish and Island lings and stockfish and a fish which is called Scatefish of all which they had great store They had also kine sheep and horses and hay for their cattell and for their horses Wee saw also of their dogs Their dwelling houses were made on both sides with stones and wood layd crosse ouer them which was couered ouer with turfes of earth and they are flat on the tops and many of these stood hard by the shore Their boates were made with wood and yron all along the keele like our English boates and they had nayles for to naile them withall and fish-hookes and other things for to catch fish as we haue here in England They had also brasen kettles and girdles and purses made of leather and knoppes on them of copper and hatchets and other small tooles as necessary as we haue They drie their fish in the Sun and
N. The true course c. Noone the 31 48 S.e. by e. Easterly 14 51 0 Uariable The true course c. September 2 48 E. Southerly 65 51  N.W. The true course c. 3 24 E. by S. Easterly 24 50 50 W.N.W. The true courseâ— c. 4 24 S.E. by E. 20 50 21 N.N.E. The true course c. 5 24 S.E. by E. 18 49 48 N.N.E. The true course c. Now are supposed our selues to be â—5 leagues froÌ„â—â— 6 24 E. by S. 15 49 40 N. The true course c. 7 24 E.S.E. 20 49 15 N.N.W. The true course c. 8 24 N.E. 18 49 40   9 24 W.S.W. 7 49 42   10 24 S.E. by E. 8½ 49 28 Uariable  11 24 N.E. by E. 10 49 45 Uariable  12 24 N.W. by W. 6 50  N.E.  13 24 of â—â— S. southerly 15 49 47 N.E.  15       This 15 of September 1587 we arriued at Dartmouth Vnder the title of the houres where any number exceedeth 24 it is the summe or casting vp of so many other dayeâ— and parts of dayes going next before as conteine the foresayd summe A report of Master Iohn Dauis of his three Voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a Treatise of his Intituled The worlds Hydrographicall description NOw there onely resteth the North parts of America vpon which coast my selfe haue had most experience of any in our age for thrise I was that waye imployed for the discouery of this notable passage by the honourable care and some charge of Syr Francis Walsingham kinght principall secretary to her Maiestie with whom diuers noble men and worshipfull marchants of London ioyned in purse and willingnesse for the furtherance of that attempt but when his honour dyed the voyage was friendlesse and mens mindes alienated from aduenturing therein In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of those climates and hauing no direction either by Chart Globe or other certaine relation in what altitude that passage was to be searched I shaped a Northerly course and so sought the same toward the South and in that my Northerly course I fell vpon the shore which in ancient time was called Groenland fiue hundred leagues distant from the Durseys Westnorthwest Northerly the land being very high and full of mightie mountaines all couered with snow no viewe of wood grasse or earth to be seene and the shore two leagues off into the sea so full of yce as that no shipping could by any meanes come neere the same The lothsome view of the shore and irksome noyse of the yce was such as that it bred strange conceites among vs so that we supposed the place to be wast and voyd of any sensible or vegitable creatures whereupon I called the same Desolacion so coasting this shore towards the South in the latitude of sixtie degrees I found it to trend towards the West I still followed the leading therof in the same height and after fifty or sixtie leagues it fayled and lay directly North which I still followed and in thirtie leagues sayling vpon the West side of this coast by me named Desolation we were past al the yce and found many greene pleasant Isles bordering vpon the shore but the hils of the maine were still couered with great quantities of snow I brought my ship among those Isles and there mored to refresh our selues in our weary trauell in the latitude of sixtie foure degrees or there about The people of the countery hauing espyed our shippes came downe vnto vs in their Canoas holding vp their right hand to the Sunne and crying Yliaout would strike their breasts we doing the like the people came aboard our shippes men of good stature vnbearded small eyed and of tractable conditions by whome as signes would permit we vnderstood that towards the North and West there was a great sea and vsing the people with kindenes in giuing them nayles and kniues which of all things they most destred we departed and finding the sea free from yce supposing our selues to be past al daunger we shaped our course Westnorthwest thinking thereby to passe for China but in the latitude of sixtie sixe degrees we sell with another shore and there found another passage of twenty leagues broad directly West into the same which we supposed to be our hoped straight we entered into the same thirty or fortie leagues finding it neither to wyden nor streighten then considering that the yeere was spent for this was the fine of August not knowing the length of the straight and dangers thereof we tooke it our best course to returne with notice of our good successe for this small time of search And so returning in a sharpe fret of Westerly windes the 29. of September we ariued at Dartmouth And acquainting master Secretary Walsingham with the rest of the honourable and worshipfull aduenturers of all our proceedings I was appointed againe the second yere to search the bottome of this straight because by all likelihood it was the place and passage by vs laboured for In this second attempt the marchants of Exeter and other places of the West became aduenturers in the action so that being sufficiently furnished for sixe moneths and hauing direction to search these straights vntill we found the same to fall into another sea vpon the West side of this part of America we should againe returne for then it was not to be doubted but shipping with trade might safely be conueied to China and the parts of Asia We departed from Dartmouth and ariuing vpon the South part of the coast of Desolation coasted the same vpon his West shore to the latitude to sixetie sixe degrees and there ancored among the Isles bordering vpon the same where we refreshed our selues the people of this place came likewise vnto vs by whom I vnderstood through their signes that towards the North the sea was large At this place the chiefe ship whereupon I trusted called the Mermayd of Dartmouth found many occasions of discontentment and being vnwilling to proceed shee there forsook me Then considering how I had giuen my faith and most constant promise to my worshipfull good friend master William Sanderson who of all men was the greatest aduenturer in that action and tooke such care for the performance thereof that he hath to my knowledge at one time disbursed as much money as any fiue others whatsoeuer out of his owne purse when some of the companie haue bene slacke in giuing in their aduenture And also knowing that I should loose the fauor of M. Secretary Walsingham if I should shrink from his direction in one small barke of 30 Tunnes whereof M. Sanderson was owner alone without farther company I proceeded on my voyage and arriuing at these straights followed the same 80 leagues vntill I came among many Islands where the water did ebbe and flow sixe fadome vpright and where
to the world Gods iudgements inflicted vpon them as shal be declared in place conuenient Thus after we had met with the Swallow we held on our course Southward vntill we came against the harbor called S. Iohn about 5. leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis where before the entrance into the harbor we found also the Frigate or Squirrill lying at anker Whom the English marchants that were alwaies be Admirals by turnes interchangeably ouer the fleetes of fishermen within the same harbor would not permit to enter into the harbor Glad of so happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one day being Saturday the 3. of August we made readie our fights prepared to enter the harbor any resistance to the contrarie notwithstanding there being within of â—ll-nations to the number of 36 sailes But first the Generall dispatched a boat to giue thâ—m knowledge of his comming for no ill intent hauing Commission from her Maiestie for his voiage he had in hand And immediatly we followed with a slacke gale and in the very entrance which is but narrow not aboue 2 buts length the Admirall fell vpon a rocke on the larboord side by great ouersight in that the weather was faire the rocke much aboue water fast by the shore where neither went any sea gate But we found such readinesse in the English Marchants to helpe vs in that danger that without delay there were brought a number of boates which towed off the ship and cleared her of danger Hauing taken place conuenient in the road we let fall ankers the Captaines and Masters repairing aboord our Admirall whither also came immediatly the Masters and owners of the fishing fleete of Englishmâ—n to vnderstand the Generals intent and cause of our arriuall there They were all satisfied when the General had shewed his commission and purpose to take possession of those lands to the behalfe of the crowne of England and the aduancement of Christian religion in those Paganish regions requiring but their lawfull ayde for repayring of his fleete and supply of some necessaries so farre as conueniently might be afforded him both out of that and other habors adioyning In lieu whereof he made offer to gratifie them with any fauour and priuiledge which vpon their better aduise they should demand the like being not to bee obteyned hereafter for greater price So crauing expedition of his demand minding to proceede further South without long detention in those partes he dismissed them after promise giuen of their best indeuour to satisfie speedily his so reasonable request The marchants with their Masters departed they caused foorthwith to be discharged all the great Ordinance of their fleete in token of our welcome It was further determined that euery ship of our fleete should deliuer vnto the marchants and Masters of that harbour a note of all their wants which done the ships aswell English as strangers were tared at an easie rate to make supply And besides Commissioners were appointed part of our owne companie and part of theirs to go into other harbours adioyning for our English marchants command all there to leauie our prouision whereunto the Portugals aboue other nations did most willingly and liberally contribute Insomuch as we were presented aboue our allowance with wines marmalads most fine ruske or bisket sweet oyles and sundry delicacies Also we wanted not of fresh salmons trouts lobsters and other fresh fish brought daily vnto vs. Moreouer as the maner is in their fishing euery weeke to choose their Admirall a new or rather they succeede in orderly course and haue weekely their Admirals feast solemnized euen so the General Captaines and masters of our fleete were continually inuited and feasted To grow short in our abundance at home the intertainment had bene delightfull but after our wants and tedious passage through the Ocean it seemed more acceptable and of greater contentation by how much the same was vnexpected in that desolate corner of the world where at other times of the yeare wilde beasts and birds haue only the fruition of all those countries which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of August the Generall and his company were brought on land by English marchants who shewed vnto vs their accustomed walks vnto a place they call the Garden But nothing appeared more then Nature it selfe without art who confusedly hath brought foorth roses abundantly wilde but odoriferous and to sense very comfortable Also the like plentie of raspis berries which doe grow in euery place Munday following the General had his tent set vp who being accompanied with his own followers sommoned the marchants and masters both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries Before whom openly was read interpreted vnto the strangers his Commission by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. Iohn and 200 leagues euery way inuested the Queenes Maiestie with the title and dignitie thereof had deliuered vnto him after the custome of England a rod a turffe of the same soile entring possession also for him his heires and assignes for euer And signified vnto al men that from that time forward they should take the same land as a territorie appertaining to the Queene of England and himselfe authorised vnder her Maieâ—tie to possesse and enioy it And to ordaine lawes for the gouernement thereof agreeable so neere as conueniently might be vnto the lawes of England vnder which all people comming thither hereafter either to inhabite or by way of traffique should be subiected and gouerned And especially at the same time for a beginning he proposed deliuered three lawes to be in force immediatly That is to say the first for Religion which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England The 2. for maintenance of her Maiesties right and possession of those territories against which if any thing were attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties offending should be adiudged and executed as in case of high treason according to the lawes of England The 3. if any person should vtter words sounding to the dishonour of her Maiestie be should loose his eares and haue his ship and goods confiscate These contents published obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers praying for continuance of this possession and gouernement begun After this the assembly was dismissed And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingrauen in lead and infixed vpon a pillar of wood Yet further and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of her Maiestie and to the behoofe of Sir Hâ—mfrey Gilbert knight his heires and assignes for euer the Generall granted in fee farme diuers parcels of land lying by the waterside both in this harbor of S. Iohn and elsewhere which was to the owners a great commoditie being
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâ—us idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâ—ro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌ„mendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the â—eceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ— and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ— of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius Nel 1517. Vn Corsaro Inglese sotto colore di venire á discoprire se ne venne con vna gran naue alla volta del Brasil nella costiera di Terra ferma indi attrauerso á questa isola Spagnuola giunse presso la bocca del porto di questa città di S. Domenico mando in terra il suo battello pieno di gente chiese licentia dipotere qui entrare dicendo che venia con mercantie a negotiare Ma in in quello instante il castellano Francesco di Tapia fece tirare alla uaue vn â—iro d' artiglieria da questo castello perche ella se ne veniua diritta al porto Quando gli â—nglesâ— viddero questo si ritirarâ—no fuori quelli del battello tosto si raccolsero in naue Et nel vero il Castellan fece errore perche se ben fossenaue entrata nel porto non sar ebbono le genti potuto smontare à terra senza volontâ— della città del castello La naue adunque veggendo come vi era riceâ—â—ta â—â—â—ò la volta dell isola di San Gionanni entrata nel porto di San Germano parlarono gli Inglesi con quelli della terra dimandarono vettouaglie fornimenti per la naue si lamentarono di quelli di questa città dicendo che essi non veniuano per fare dispiacere maper contrattare negotiare con sâ—â—i danari mercantie Hora quiui hebbero alcune vettouaglie in compensa essi diedero pagarono in certi stagni lauorati altre cose Et poi si partirono alla volta d' Europa doue si crede che non gungessero perche non se ne seppe piu nuoua mai This extract importeth thus much in English to wit That in the yeere 1517. an English Rouer vnder the colour of trauelling to discouer came with a great shippe vnto the parts of Brasill on the coast of the firme land and from thence he crossed ouer vnto this Iland of Hispaniola and arriued neere vnto the mouth of the hauen of this citie of S. Domingo and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare and demaunded leaue to enter into this hauen saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique But at that very instant the gouernour of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship for she bare in directly with the hauen When the Englishmen sawe this they withdrew themselues out and those that were in the shipboate got themselues with all speede on shipboord And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an ouersight for if the shippe had entred into the hauen the men thereof could not haue come on lande without leaue both of the citie and of the castle Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were receiued sayled toward the Iland of S. Iohn and entring into the port of S. Germaine the English men parled with those of the towne requiring victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo saying that they came not to doe any harme but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise In this place they had certaine victuals and for recompence they gaue and paid them with certain vessell of wrought tinne and other things And afterward they departed toward Europe where it is thought they arriued not for wee neuer heard any more newes of them Thus farre procâ—edeth Gonsaluo de Ouiedo who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rouer yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words that they came to discouer and by their traffique for pewter vessell and other wares at the towne of S. Germaine in the Iland of S. Iohn de puerto rico it cannot bee denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange But whosoeuer is conuersant in reading the Portugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats rouers and theeues which visite any heathen coast that they haue once sayled by or looked on Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee preiudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable trauels in discouerie A briefe note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Tiâ—on an English man made before the yeere 1526. to the West Indies of his abode there in maner of a secret factor for some English marchants which vnder hand had trade thither in those dayes taken out of an olde ligâ—er-booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of Bristol IT appeareth out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custodie of mee Richard Hakluyr written 1526. by master Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristol vnto his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his seruant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia that before the sayd yeere one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the aforesayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd This Thomas Tison so farre as I can coniecture may seeme to haue bene some secret factour for M. Thorne and other English marchants in those remote partes wherereby it is probable that some of our marchants had a kinde of trade to the West Indies euen in those ancient times and before also neither doe I see any reason why the Spaniards should debarre vs from it at this present The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauie Roial made to the West Indies 1562. MAster Iohn Haukins hauing made diuers voyages to the Iles of the Canaries and there by his good and vpright dealing being growen in loue and fauour with the people informed himselfe amongst them by diligent inquisition of the state of the West India whereof hee had receiued some knowledge by the instructions of his father but increased the same by the aduertisments and reports of that people And being amongst other particulars asâ—ured that Negros were very good marchandise in Hispaniola and that store of Negros might easily bee had vpon the coast of Guinea resolued with himselfe to make â—riall thereof and communicated that deuise with his worshipfull friendes of London namely with Sir Lionell Ducket sir Thomas Lodge M. Gunson his father in law sir William Winter M. Bromfield and others All which persons liked so well of his intention that they became liberall contributers and aduenturers in the action For which purpose there were three good ships immediatly prouided The one called the Salomon of the burthen of 120. tunneâ— wherein M. Haukins himselfe went as Generall The second the
in such a perplexitie and confusion that we know not what we shall doe I pray God his maiestie take not away our money which wee haue sent to Spaine in the fleete For here are marchants that haue sent some 200000. pezos some 100000. pezos some 60000. some more some lesse to haue it imployed in commodities of that countrey Although the king hath sâ—nt hither his scedule or bill of assignâ—ment signed and sealed by his maiestie which hath bene proclaimed here The contents whereof are That what man soeuer marchant or other will send their money into Spaine in that fleete his maiestie will not take away any part or portion thereof which in so doing will bee a great comfort vnto vs all yet here we were in doubt that hee would take it from vs all Newes from the citie of Lima as yet we haue none But I can certifie your worshippe that all things are very deere here and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals and likewise we haue great want of money Also here is order come from the king with certaine priuie seales for to lend his maiestie money for that hee hath great neede thereof This countrey at this instant very poore and there are none that can lend the king at this time any money at all by reason that this lande is left so vnprouided of money But wâ—e are looking for great store of money which is to come from Lima and from The Valles From Panama the 12. of August 1590. STEVEN de TRESIO A letter of the Licenciate Iohn de Labera to the Licenciate Alonso Sapata de Henao in Castile in Calamea de la Sorengo written from S. Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada the 10. of May 1590. touching the rich siluer mines of Marequita newly found out and the long way thither by the riuer of Magdalena WIth other letters which I dispatched froÌ„ heÌ„ce in August 1589. I wrote vnto your worship by 2. or 3. wayes but I know not whether you haue receiued them or no. Presently after I departed to the gouernment of Popayan which ioyneth with the citie of Quito in the coast of Peru in companie of the gouernors lieutenant Don Diego Ordonez de Lara of Salamanca But I was faine to forsake his companie by reason I fell sicke in the citie of Marequita where they haue discouâ—red the great siluer mines which citie is aboue 200. leagues from Cartagena where I remained a certâ—ine time very sicke And because this countrey is extreme hotte and I â—uery day grewe worse and worse I was faine to trauaile 30. leagues further vp into the maine land to a citie called S. Fee in the new kingdom of Granada bâ—ing on the coast of Peru which is a cold countrey where I am admitted a procurator for that the Roial audience is kept in this citie So I finde my selfe very healthy of bodie by reason this countrey is full of all kind of victuals very good and very plentifull as bread cheese bacon beefe great store of hâ—nnes and great store of comfeitures Onely here is want of golde â—o that this countrey will be vtterly vndone if the mines of Marequita help not to restore the same again whereof there is good hope for here is great store of metall already found and the workmen are in hand to refine the said metal so that we are in good hope that great store of siluer will be found in these mines of great value and profite to his maiestie This riuer is called The great riuer of Magdalena There is a fish in the riuer called Cayman which followeth after the canoas and if it can reach any man in the canoa it will haile him out and deuoure him All night they lie in the sand on shore In this riuer as we are going vp there is at certaine seasons great store of lightning and thunder with such abundance of raine as though the skies would fall downe and so it doth continue from midnight vntil morning so that we are faine to go aboord the canoas with certaine broad leaues which grow in the countrey the mariners make a couering to cast ouer the wares which are laden in the canoas and it doth keepe both the raine sunne from vs which are passengers The canoas are drawen vp this riuer of Magdalena by maine force of the mariners in â—owing and haling them with ropes There are 7. or 8. Indians commonly which guide these canoas besides the Master which keepeth the helme and the passengers We are commonly two moneths in going vp this riuer It is 150. leagues to the landing place And there the marchants vnlade their marchandise which serue for all the cities and townes which are in this newe kingdome of Granada And the marchants lade the canoas backe againe from thence with great store of siluer and golde which is gotten out of the mines for Cartagena and there it is shipped for Spaine And likewise here is great quantitie of treasure laden in thesayd canoas which is for the kings custome and other dueties which are paid But they are but a moneth or three weâ—kes going downe the riuer to Cartagena These are the richest mines in all Peru. And thus I rest From Santa Fee de Bogota in the new kingdome of Granada in Peru the 10. of May 1590. The Licenciate IOHN de LABERA A letter of Hieronymo de Nabares to the licenciat Iohn Alonso dwelling in Valladolid written from Panama to Siuil the 24. day of August 1590. touching the gainefulnes of the trade to the Philippinas and the extreme feare they haue of the Englishmen NOt long agone I wrote to your worship from Panama by the way of Hauana giuing you to vnderstand of my being here of the state of these countreys After I departed from Spaine in 37. dayes wee arriued at Cartagena and from thence I tooke shipping to goe to Nombre de Dios which is 80. leagues from Cartagena and in 4. dayes wee got thither And from thence I went to Panama where I haue remained these 20. dayes till the shippes goe for the Philippinas My meaning is to carie my commodities thither for it is constantly reported that for euery hundred ducats a man shall get 600. ducats cleerely Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse For in August September October and Nouember it is winter here and extreme foule weather vpon this coast of Peru and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas nor to any place else in the South sea So that at Christmasse the ships begin to set on their voyage for those places and then in these parts the summer beginneth with very faire weather and alwayes we shall haue the windes with vs. For in Iuly vntil October here is terrible thundering and lightening with extreme raines so that it is not possible to go any way in this countrey Here are in Panama 10. great ships of
to giue them warning of our arriuall They of the towne being not aboue 9. housholds presently fled away and abandoned the towne Our Generall manned his boate and the Spanish ships boate and went to the Towne and being come to it we rifled it and came to a small chappell which wee entred and found therein a siluer chalice two cruets and one altar-cloth the spoyle whereof our Generall gaue to M. Fletcher his minister We found also in this towne a warehouse stored with wine of Chili and many boords of Cedar-wood all which wine we brought away with vs and certaine of the boords to burne for fire-wood and so being come aboord wee departed the Hauen hauing first set all the Spaniards on landâ— sauing one Iohn Griego a Greeke borne whom our Generall caried with him for his Pilot to bring him into the hauen of Lima. When we were at sea our Generall rifled the ship and found in her good store of the wine of Chili and 25000. pezoes of very pure and fine gold of Baldiuia amounting in value to 37000. ducats of Spanish money and aboue So going on our course wee arriued next at a place called Coquimbo where our Generall sent 14. of his men on land to fetch water but they were espied by the Spaniards who came with 300. horsemen and 200. footemen and slewe one of our men with a piece the rest came aboord in safetie and the Spaniards departed wee went on shore againe and buried our man and the Spaniards came downe againe with a flag of truce but we set sayle and would not trust them From hence we went to a certaine port called Tarapaça where being landed we found by the Sea side a Spaniard lying asleepe who had lying by him 13. barres of siluer which weighed 4000. ducats Spanish we tooke the siluer and left the man Not farre from hence going on land for fresh water we met with a Spaniard and an Indian boy driuing 8. Llamas or sheepe of Peru which are as big as asses euery of which sheepe had on his backe 2. bags of leather each bagge conteining 50. li. weight of fine siluer so that bringing both the sheepe and their burthen to the ships we found in all the bags 800. weight of siluer Here hence wâ— sailed to a place called Arica and being entred the port we found there three small barkes which we rifled and found in one of them 57 wedges of siluer each of them weighing about 20 pound weight and euery of these wedges were of the fashion and bignesse of a brick-bat In all these 3. barkes we found not one person for they mistrusting no strangers were all gone aland to the Towne which consisteth of about twentie houses which we would haue ransacked if our company had bene better and more in number But our Generall contented with the spoyle of the ships left the Towne and put off againe to sea and set sayle for Lima and by the way met with a small barke which he boorded and found in her good store of linnen cloth whereof taking some quantitie he let her goe To Lima we came the 13. day of February and being entred the hauen we found there about twelue sayle of ships lying fast moored at an anker hauing all their sayles caried on shore for the masters and marchants were here most secure hauing neuer bene assaulted by enemies and at this time feared the approch of none such as we were Our generall rifled these ships and found in one of them a chest full of royals of plate and good store of silkes and linnen cloth and tooke the chest into his owne ship and good store of the silkes and linnen In which ship hee had newes of another ship called the Cacafuego which was gone towards Paita and that the same shippe was laden with treasure whereupon we staied no longer here but cutting all the cables of the shippes in the hauen we let them driue whither they would either to sea or to the shore and with all speede we followed the Cacafuego toward Paita thinking there to haue found her but before wee arriued there she was gone from thence towards Panama whom our Generall still pursued and by the way met with a barke laden with ropes and tackle for ships which hee boorded and searched and found in her 80. li. weight of golde and a crucifixe of gold with goodly great Emerauds set in it which he tooke and some of the cordage also for his owne ship From hence we departed still following the Cacafuego and our Generall promised our company that whosoeuer could first descrie her should haue his chaine of gold for his good newes It fortuned that Iohn Drake going vp into the top descried her about three of the clocke and about siâ—e of the clocke we came to her and boorded her and shotte at her three peeces of ordinance and sâ—â—ake downe her Misen and being entered we found in her great riches as iewels and precious stones thirteene chests full of royals of plate foure score pound weight of golde and sixe and twentie tunne of siluer The place where we tooke this prize was called Cape de San Francisco about 150. leagues from Panama The Pilots name of this Shippe was Francisco and amongst other plate that our Generall found in this ship he found two very faire guilt bowles of siluer which were the Pilots to whom our Generall sayd Senior Pilot you haue here two siluer cups but I must needes haue one of them which the Pilot because hee could not otherwise chuse yeelded vnto and gaue the other to the steward of our Generals ships When this Pilot departed from vs his boy sayde thus vnto our Generall Captaine our ship shall be called no more the Cacafuego but the Cacaplata and your shippe shall bee called the Cacafuego which pretie speach of the Pilots boy ministred matter of laughter to vs both then and long after When our Generall had done what hee would with this Cacafuego hee cast her off and wee went on our course still towards the West and not long after met with a ship laden with linnen cloth and fine China-dishes of white earth and great store of China-silks of all which things wee tooke as we lifted The owner himselfe of this ship was in her who was a Spanish Gentleman from whom our Generall tooke a Fawlcon of golde with a great Emeraud in the breast thereof and the Pilot of the ship he tooke also with him and so cast the ship off This Pilot brought vs to the hauen of Guarulco the towne whereof as he told vs had but 17. Spaniards in it Assoone as we were entred this hauen wee landed and went presently to the towne and to the Towne-house where we found a Iudge sitting in iudgment being associate with three other officers vpon three Negros that had conspired the burning of the Towne both which Iudges prisoners we tooke and
little winde we could not get to her till foure of the clocke after noone then we haylâ—d her and stood in betweene the Southsouthwest and the Southwest till sixe at night that the winde was variable and foule weather Then we cast about and sounded in 23 fadome soft oaze and stood off a while Northeast and presently cast about a game and went South by East larboord tacked and Southsoutheast among all night finding at foure in the morning 15 fadome sand The 20 day about ten a clocke afore noone we went aboord the admirall viz. M. Walker the master the pilotâ— the two merchants and my selfe being directed so to doe by the Generall Upon our comming the generall was going to dinner where wee also dined with him Hauing dined the generall called vs his assistants into his cabbin and there deliuered to vs in writing two demands to be by vs considered vpon and he to haue our opinions therein The effects of the demands were these 1 Whether it was best for vs to aduenture our selues to passe the streights of Magellan or not considering the force of the enemy which we knew to be there before vs and also that our determination was there to set vp our pinnesse make yron hoops carene our ships and do all our necessary businesses for the full accomplishment of our voyage 2 If that course were not thought best which way were meetest for vs to take To the first we were of opinion that it were good to heare the opinions of captaine Hawkins captaine Drake and the two pilots which had passed the streights and knew the harbours and likest places to be fortified and inhabited or not who were called the three masters with them Their opinions were as diuers as their names as much differed as before this time they were wont vsually to doe onely they all agreed in this one point that it was impossible for vs to passe the streights without seeing and incountring with the ships although the fortification of the land did not annoy vs which being long and thorowly debated and their opinions with the three masters demanded which accorded not scant any one with other they were dismissed Then the generall receiued the opinions of vs his assistants beginning with the yoongest in authority first which when he had heard them all ouer and being set downe in writing vnder our hands he tooke deliberation till after supper to giue his determination When we had all supped then he sent for vs downe into his cabbin and deliuered in writing his determination which was to victuall and furnish our selues on this coast before he proceeded any further and named two places The riuer of Plate or S. Vincent to be chosen For the better deciphering of the riuer of Plate the commodities thereof was called before vs Richard Carter which doth dwell there who could not assure vs of any wine except we could stay foure moneths for it but other victuals plenty The riuer is shoale and dangerous the road seuen leagues from any towne or place of commodity which considered with the trechery that might from thence be vsed into the streights by sea and into Peru by land we all concluded to go to S. Vincent which place is inhabited with Portugals and where in honest sort we might conueniently haue all our businesse done With this resolution we tooke our leaues about eight a clocke at night being come aboord presently bare vp and went roome hauing all the day before beat vp the winde larboord-tacked Eastsoutheast till at night after it was a little winde all night we went North next hand The 21 day after seruice I declared vnto my company the intent of our returne to the part of S. Vincent wherewith they were well satisfied being before doubtfull that we should not proceed but returne without performance of our voyage It continued calme all day till six at night then we went Northwest by west till eight at night and then we cast about and stood off Eastsoutheast and East by south all night with a good gale The 22 day in the morning we missed the Francis which by all presumption went roome in the beginning of the night The 25 day being Christmasse day it was little winde in the forenoone till ten a clocke then it blew a â—resh gale with which wee went our course Northnortheast In the afternoone it was lesse wind yet went we our course North by east and Northnortheast and North and North by west till midnight Then being in shoaled water wee cast about and lay Southsoutheast and Southeast by south an houre and seeing our admirall came not after vs we cast about backe againe and presently met him so we went both together next hand Southsoutheast all the rest of the night This afternoone we saw the skim of fishes so thicke in the sea that it seemed a water troubled with trampling of horses which was thicke and slimy for we had taken vp some of it The 17 day of Ianuary about seuen a clocke the master M. Blaccoller and I went in our skifte and rowed and sounded round about an ile and found 16 fadoms within a stones cast harâ— aboord the shore and faire ground after we landed and found nothing but woods and bushes and strange wormes we saw a faulcon and one other small bird and therefore named it Faulcon ile it is a mile about with a rocke on the East side which lieth close to it and it is in sight without danger After we came aboord and dined at two a clocke we set saile with winde Southeast and ran in Northeast a while till the winde scanted then we went in Northnortheast till we were in seuen fadome and a halfe of water within a league of shore then we cast about and stood off Southsoutheast all night till sixe a clocke the next morning The 18 day about three a clocke afore day we saw our admirall againe and kept her compapany till day The 19 day being within a league of the Citron I le about eight a clocke afore noone we went aboord the general viz. M. Walker the master the pilot and my selfe reioycing of our good meeting who tolde me of their euill road where they lost an anker a cable and a haulser and how the day before their pinnesse was ashore on the same iland and found fowle and water there whither now they had sent their boat and pinnesse for more water where I know they had small store I also taking captaine Parker the master and M. Wilks with me went ashore and trauelled to the top of the I le which is wooded and high grasse but euill water and little on it but yoong fowle plenty and dangerous comming to them By this time I hauing set the isles and head-lands about in sight with a compasse came a small gale at Southsoutheast then our admirall shot off a piece for the boats and hence I went and dined aboord with him and
at sea as also a pinnesse which he had built at Santos and being abord The Desire he tolde our Captaine of all his extremities and spake most hardly of his company and of diuers gentlemen that were with him purposing no more to goe abord his owne ship but to stay in The Desire We all sorrowed to heare such hard speaches of our good friends but hauing spoken with the gentlemen of the Galeon wee found them faithfull honest and resolute in proceeding although it pleased our Generall otherwise to conceiue of them The 20. of March we departed from Port Desire master Candish being in The Desire with vs. The eighth of April 1592. wee fell with the Streights of Magellan induring many furious stormes betweene Port Desire and the Streight The 14. we passed through the first Streight The 16. we passed the second Streight being ten leagues distant from the first The 18. we doubled Cape Froward which Capelieth in 53. degrees and ½ The 21. wee were inforced by the fury of the weather to put into a small cooue with our ships 4. leagues from the said Cape vpon the South shoare where wee remained vntil the 15. of May. In the which time wee indured extreeme stormes with perpetual snow where many of our men died with cursed famine and miserable cold not hauing wherewith to couer their bodies nor to fill their bellies but liuing â—y muskles water and weeds of the sea with a small reliefe of the ships store in meale sometimes And all the sicke men in the Galeon were most vncharitably put a shore into the woods in the snowâ— raine and cold when men of good health could skarcely indure it where they ended their liues in the highest degree of misery master Candish all this while being abord the Desire In these great extremities of snow and cold doubting what the ende would be he asked our Captaines opinion because he was a man that had good experience of the Northwest parts in his 3. seuerall discoueries that way imployed by the marchants of London Our Captaine tolde him that this snowe was a matter of no long continuance and gaue him sufficient reason for it and that thereby hee could not much be preiudiced or hindered in his proceeding Notwithstanding he called together all the company and tolde them that he purposed not to stay in the Streights but to depart vpon some other voyage or else to returne againe for Brasil But his resolution was to goe for the Cape of Buena Esperança The company answered that if it pleased him they did desire to stay Gods fauour for a winde and to indure all hardnesse whatsoeuer rather then to giue ouer the voyage considering they had bene here but a smal time and because they were within fourtie leagues of the South sea it grieued them now to returne notwithstanding what hee purposed that they would performe So hee concluded to goe for the Cape of Buena Esperança and to giue ouer this voyage Then our Captaine after master Candish was come abord The Desire from talking with the company tolde him that if it pleased him to consider the great extremitie of his estate the sâ—endernesse of his prouisions with the weakenesse of his men it was no course for him to proceed in that newe enterprize for if the rest of your shippes said hee bee furnished answerable to this it is impossible to performe your determination for wee haue no more sailes then mastes no victuals no ground-tackling no cordage more then is ouer head and among seuentie and fiue persons there is but the Master alone that can order the shippe and but foureteene saylers The rest are gentlemen seruing men and artificers Therefore it will be a desperate case to take so hard an enterprize in hand These perswasions did our Captaine not onely vse to master Candish but also to master Cocke In fine vpon a petition deliuered in writing by the chiefe of the whole company the Generall determined to depart out of The Streights of Magellan and to returne againe for Santos in Brasil So the 15. of May wee set saile the Generall then being in the Galeon The eighteenth wee were free of the Streights but at Cape Froward it was our hard hap to haue our boat sunke at our sterne in the night and to be split and sore spoiled and to loose all our ores The twentieth of May being thwart of Port Desire in the night the Generall altered his course as we suppose by which occasion wee lost him for in the euening he stood close by a winde to seaward hauing the winde at Northnortheast and wee standing the same way the winde not altering could not the next day see him so that we them perswaded our selues that hee was gone for Port Desire to relieue himselfe or that hee had sustained some mischance at Sea and was gone thither to remedy it Whereupon our Captaine called the Generals men vnto him with the rest and asked their opinion what was to bee done Euery one sayde that they thought that the Generall was gone for Port Desire Then the Master being the Generals man and carefull of his masters seruice as also of good iudgement in Sea-matters tolde the company howe dangerous it was to goe for Port Desire if wee shoulde there misse the Generall for saide hee wee haue no boate to lande our selues nor any cables nor anckers that I dare trust in so quicke streames as are there yet in all likelyhood concluding that the Generall was gone thither wee stayed our course for Port Desire and by chance mette with the Blacke pinnesse which had likewise lost the Fleete being in very miserable case so wee both concluded to seeke the Generall at Port Desire The sixe and twentieth day of May we came to Port Desire where not finding our Generall as we hoped being most sâ—enderly victualled without sailes boate ores nailes cordage and all other necessaries for our reliefe wee were strooken into a deadly sorrow But referring all to the prouidence and fatherly protection of the Almightie wee entered the harbour and by Gods fauour sound a place of quiâ—t roade which before wee knewe not Hauing mored our shippe with the pinnesses boate wee landed vpon the South shore where wee found a standing poole of fresh water which by estimation might holde some tenne tunnes whereby wee were greatly comforted From this poole wee fet more then fortie tunnes of water and yet we left the poole as full as wee found it And because at our first being in this harbour wee were at this place and found no water we perswaded our selues that God had sent it for our reliefe Also there were such extraordinary low ebbes as we had neuer seene whereby wee got muskles in great plentie Likewise God sent about our shippes great abundance of smelts so that with hookes made of pinnes euery man caught as many as hee coulde eate by which meanes wee preserued our ships victuals and
This was Bake of Ratciâ—ste who with the barke called the Roe robbed certaine Gâ—ecians in the Lâ—uant The description of Augusta in Germanie Venice The number of â—â—wes in Vâ—nice The excesse of the women of Venice His embarking at Venice for Ierusalem Cyprus Missagh Ioppa The Basha of Ioppa Rama Troopes of theeuish Arabians â—is arriuall in the sight of Ierusalem The monuments in and about Ierusalem S. Helens chapell His departure from Ierusalem Tripolis in Syria Salina Missagh a town in Cyprus Candie Zante Istria Mustasa interpâ—es M. Wil. Hareborne sent ambassador to the Turke A request for the preferring of Mustafa Beg. Supply of the want of oile Leo Asricamâ—â— lib. 8. Leo Africanus lib 4. This may be learned at Alget Ianuary the fourteenth C. Vincente C. Santa Maria. Tariffa Velez Malaga C. de Gates C. de Palos Denia Formentera Cabrera February the first Mallorca The shippes men goe on land at Porto de Sant Pedro. The Ambassadour betrayed February the sixth The English men are surprised The Spaniards come to the sea side to speake with the captaine The Spaniards come a game to parse The Ambassadour writeth to the Viceroy The ninth of February The ship Susan prepareth to defend herselfe The effect of the Viceroys letter in the Captaine of the Susan The eâ—â—ect of the Ambassadors answere Galata Sardinia Fauagniana Cisimbri Pantalaria Sicilia C. Passaro Poâ—to de Contâ— in Cephalonia Zante Prodeno Sapientia Modon C. Maâ—apan Cerigo C. Malio Menelaus â—ellapola Both Miloâ— Fâ—lcâ—nara Antâ—milâ— Fermeniâ— Zâ—â— Negroponte Andri Psaâ—a Sarafo Sigraâ— port in Metelin Porto Delfin The city of Chio. A By. Ermin or Customer Baberno Tenedo Maure Galâ—poli Marmora Araâ—â—ia Silauria Ponte grande Ponte picola Ponte S. Stephano The arriuall of the Susan at Constantinople The Ambassadour giueth a present to the great Basâ—a A man halfe naked goeth before y e great Basâ—a The Ambassadours entertainment with the Bassas Santa Sophia A discription of their church The ship commeth to the custome house The Ambassador presenteth the Admirall Vchali The Susan goeth from the Custome house The Admirall departeth to the sea The Ambassadoâ—rs repaire to the great Turke court The entertainment at dinner of the Ambassadours men The Turke is presented with a rich present An English ship sunke by two gallies of Alger The money of Alger The custome The waights The measure The surest lodging for a christian This is another officer Other smal customs you pay besides which may be at two in the huÌ„dred and for â—onsullage you pay two in the hundred Cairo three daies iourney from Alexandria by land The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and taken by the gallies of Alger Man doth purpose and God doth dispose A new master chosen The new master died The Iesus arriued in Tripolis Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis A conspiracie practised by the French Factor to deceiue a Turkish marchant of 450 crowns The beginning of their troubles and occasion of all their miserie The Englishmen araigned Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bulwarke A Frenchman turned Turke in hope of his life and afterward was hanged Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day The Turkes builded a church The Christians sent 3. times a weeke 30. miles to fetch wood Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis The iudgement of God vpon blasâ—â—eâ—â—ers The Greene Dragon The Kings sonne had a captiue that was sonne to one of the Queenes Maiesties guard that was forced to turne Turke The first motion for those Englishmens deliuerie The Englishmen released The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his people The king lost 150. Camels taken by the wilde Moores Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton The souldiers of Tripolis kil the King Two Gallies of Venice tooke the king of Tripolie his galley and killed the kings sonne and all the Turkes in it and released all the Christians being in number 150. Edoardo Baron Mahumed Beg. Hamburâ— Brunswig Halberstat Eisleben Copper Mines Iena Great wood of firre trees Bamberg Nurenberg Augspurg The borders of Italy Venice Ragusa Seruia Chierâ—isa Or Fochia Nouibazar Or Nissa Sophia Phâ—lippopoli Andrinopoliâ— Siliueri Constantinople Pompeys piller Prouaâ— Vâ—rna Or Moldania Paâ—sin vpon the riuer of Prut Yas Soâ—sâ—hen Nyester a riuer Camyenetâ— Skala Leopolis or Leunpurg Grodecz Vilna Iaroslaw Lanczut Cracouia Leade Minesâ— Bendzâ—n Salt digged out of mountaines in Poland Bitom Oppelen Schurgasse Brigk Breslaw Magdeburg Lunenberg Hamborg Fontecho signifieth an house of trafique aâ— the Sulyard Bichier Rossetto 1566. The descriptâ—on oâ— Cairo Olde Thebes Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches The mountaine of pardons Grida a port neere Mecca The Portugals greatly feared in the Red sea Forty or fifty rich ships arriue yerely at Grida | 〈◊〉 A fathomâ— Caesar Fredericke trauelled eighteene yeeres in the East Indies The authours going froÌ„ Venice to Cyprus and Tripoly The riuer Euphrates Feluchia a small city on Euphrates Mosul The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants. The olde Babylon hath great trade w t marchants 〈◊〉 A bridge made of boats These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen inches and a foot a halfe square This hole whereour coÌ„meth this pitch is most true and the water pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch resteth the water runneth into the riuer Euphrates and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were bâ—ackish with the smell of pitch and brimstone Zizarij an ancient people At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet Ormus is the barrennest Iland in all the world Carichij an Iland in y e gulfe of Persia. Ormus is alwayes replenished with abundance of victuall and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland Great trade of merchandise in Ormus The election of the king of Ormus A priuilege for Marchants Diu. Cambaietta Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their prouision of houshold with theÌ„ Great â—â—oâ—e of men of warre and rouers oâ— the coast of Cambaia A maruellous â—oâ—d delight in women Tana an Iland whereoâ— Odoricus writeth pag 41. Great ordinance made in pieces and â—et seruiceable The chiefe place the Portugals haue in the Indies A very good sale for horses A most vnkind wicked treasoÌ„ against their prince this they haue for giuing credit to strangers rather then to their owne natiue people The sacking in the city An excellent good policy to intrap men A discription of the burning place Feasting and dancing when they should mourne Mourning when they should reioyce The cause why the women do so burâ—e themselues Penegonde Men ride on bullocksâ— and trauell with thâ—m on the way The marchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger euery yere The apparell of those people Their Winter is our Summer Foure small fortes of the Portugals Bettell is a very profitable herbe in that countrey Enimies to the king of Portugall
by the tenor of these presents wee straitely commaund all and singular the aforesaid English Marchants that they attend aduise obey and assist as it becommeth them the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen and their deputies in all and singular the premisses and other things which any way may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement Giuen in our Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry the fift mentioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the Sea taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester EOdem Anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 14â—5 regni sui Annotertio post bellum de Agencourt conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Nauibus recuperaturâ— Harfletum Sed Rex Angliae misit fratrem suum Iohannem Ducem Bedfordiae Andegauiae qui pugnauit cum eis vicit Naues cepit quasdam submersit caeteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui venerant cum eis Anno gratiae 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt potentiores iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem â—cum Rege composuerunt propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo De his sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos Hispanos Ianos deuicit Vrget Vastat turbantur caetera regna metu Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani. A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt for the trade to Norwey Sweueland Denmarke and Fynmarke ITem because that the kings most deare Uncle the king of Denmarke Norway Sweueland as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation hath vnderstood considering the manifold great losses perils hurts and damage which haue late happened aswell to him and his as to other foraines and strangers and also friends and speciall subiects of our said soueraigne Lord the king of his Realme of England by y e going in entring passage of such forain strange persons into his realme of Norwey other dominions streits territories iurisdictions places subdued and subiect to him specially into his Iles of Fynmarke and elswhere aswell in their persons as their things and goods for eschuing of such losses perils hurts damages and that such like which God forbid should not hereafter happen our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and statuted that all and singular strangers aswell Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his Realme of Norwey and other dominions streits territories iurisdictions Isles places aforesaid with their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any other Marchandises or goods shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen to the exercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there inioy in and by all thingsâ— the same fauour priuileges and prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy Therefore our said soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue affinitie and amities to be firmely obserued which betwixt his said Uncle and his noble progenitors of good memory their Realmes lands dominions streites territories iurisdictions and their said places and the same our soueraigne Lord the king his noble progenitours of famous memory his great men subiects Realmes lands dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nor nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions enemities or discords might be broken by the aduise of the Lords spirituall temporall of the coÌ„mons of his said Realme of England assembled in this present Parliament hath ordained prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to enter the Realmes lands dominions straits territories iurisdictions places of the said king of Denmarke against y â— ordinance prohibition interdictioÌ„ of y e same his Uncle aboue remembred in contempt of the same vpoÌ„ paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods imprisonment of their persons at the kings will Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke ITem because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being in this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people be greatly impouerished vndone in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmarke his lieges which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne Lord because that they do daily take of his said faithful subiects their goods so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kingston vpon Hul goods marchandises to the valour of v. M.li. within a yeere and of other lieges marchants of y e Realme of England goods cattals to the valour of xx M.li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of Denmarke nor of none other forasmuch as none of them coÌ„meth within the Realme of England nor nothing haue in the same Realme of England that y e goods be taken out of the same Realme The king willing to prouide remedy for his said liege people hath ordeined established that if y e goods of any of y e said his lieges be or shal be taken by the said king of Denmarke or any of his said lieges the keeper of the priuie seale for y e time being shall haue power to make to y e partie grieued letters of request vnder the priuie seale wtout any other pursuite to be made to any for restitutiâ—n to be had of y e goods so taken to be taken And if restitution be not made by such letters the king our soueraigne lord by the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable remedy according as y e case requireth Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea and namely the narrowe sea shewing what profite commeth thereof and also what worship and saluation to England and to all English-men THe true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in Of our England that no man may deny Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best Is this that who seeth South North East and Wesâ—â— Cherish Marchandise keepe the admiraltie That we bee Masâ—ers of the narrowe see For Sigismond the great Emperour With yet reigneth when he was in this land With king Henry the fift
reigne the fiue and twentieth A Letter sent from her Highnesse to the sayd great Duke of Russia by sir Hierome Bowes aforesayd her Maiesties Ambassadour Serenissimo Principi at Domino Ioanni Basilio Dei gratia Regi magno Duci totius Russiae Volodomerae c. Regi Cazani c. Domino Plescoae c. Domino magno Duci Nouogrodiae c. Gubernatori in tota Prouincia Siberiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo ELIZABETHA Dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina fidei defensatrix c. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino Ioanni Basilio eadem Dei gratia Regi magno Duci totius Russiae Volodomerae Moscouiae Nouogrodiae Regi Cazani Astracani Domino Plescoae magno Duci Smolenscoae Tueri Vgori Permiae Viatskae Bolhare aliarum ditionum Domino magno Duci Nouogrodiae in inferiori regione Chernigae Rezanae Polotscoae Rostouae Iaroslauae Bealozeri Liflandiae Oudori Condensae Gubernatori in tota prouincia Siberiae partium Septentrionalium aliarum fratri amico suo charissimo Salutem Serenissime princeps frater amice charissime ex ijs quae nobiscum egit S. V. illustris legatus intelleximus quà m gratè vobis faceremus satis si legatum aliquem cum mandatis instructum ad S. V. ablegaremus In quo certè quidem instituto adeò nobis ex animo placuit quod est honestè postulatum vt non nisi praestita re possemus nobis quoquo modo satisfacere Atque cum id haberemus apud nos decretum nobis non incommode incurrit in mentem oculos Hieronimus Bowes miles ex nobilibus nostris Domesticis plurimâ—m nobis dilectus quem inpraesentiarum ad S. V. ablegamus cuius prudentiae fidei totum hoc quicquid est quod ad Serenitatum mutuò nostrarum dignitatem ornandam pertinere posse arbitramur commisimus In quo munerè perfungendo quin omnem curam diligentiam sit collaturus neutiquam dubitamus à S. autem V. rogamus velit ei eam fidem habere in ijs persequendis quae habet à nobis in mandatis quam nobis habendam putaret si essemus praesentes Praetereà cùm nobis multum charus sit Robertus Iacobus medicus quem superiori anno ad S. V. misimus rogamus vt eum eo loco S. V. habeat quo virum probatissimum singulari quà m plurimarum virtutum laude ornatum habendum esse boni principes censent Quem à nobis neutiquam able gauissemus nisi amicitiae nostrae studio gratificandi S. V. plurimum tribuissemus In qua dum voluntate manemus erga S. V. non nisi optimè de bonis vestris meritis in praefatum Iacobum nobis pollicemur Et Deum Opt. Max. precamur vt S. V. saluam conseruet incolumem Datae è Regia nostra Grenouici 19 die mensis Iunij Anno Domini 1583 regni verò nostri vicessimo quinto S. vestrae bona soror The same in English ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the most excellent Prince and Lord Iohn Basiliwich by the same grace of God King and great Duke of all Russia Volodomer Moscouie and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Plesco and great Duke of Smolensco of Tuer Vgor and Permie Vâ—aâ—sca Bolhar and others Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the lowe countrey of Chernigâ— Rezan Polotâ—ko Rostoue Iaroslaue Bealozera Lifland Oudor Obdor and Condensa and Gouernour of all the land of Siberia and of the North parts and others her dearest brother and friend Salutations Most excellent Prince most deare brother and friend by those things which the worthy ambassador of your excellency declared vnto vs we haue vnderstood how kindly it would be taken if we should send to your eâ—cellency an ambassador from vs with commandement and instructions In which matter your honourable request hath so much pleased vs that we could not any maner of way satisfie our selues except we performed the same And hauing purposed with our selfe so to doe we thought of and remembred Ierome Bowes Knight a gentleman of qualitie of our householde a man very much beloued of vs whom at this present we send vnto your Maiesty and to whose wisedome and faithfulnesse we haue committed all whatsoeuer we take to apperteine to the aduancement of both our honors indifferently In the discharge of which seruice we doubt not but that all care and diligence shall be vsed on his paâ—t so that we intreat your Maiesty to giue him credence in the prosecuting of those things which he hath from vs in commandement no lesse then to our selfe if we were present And whereas Robert Iacob doctor of physicke is a man very deare vnto vs whom the last yere we sent vnto your excellency we desire that he may haue that fauor and estimation with you which good princes thinke a most honest and vertuous man woorthy of for had we not caried great respect to our mutual friendship and indeuour to gratifie your Maiestie we should in no case haue parted with him And seeing we continue still the same good will towards your excellency we doe euen promise to our selfe your honourable kindnesses towards him and we pray the almightie God to preserue your Maiesty in good safetie and health Giuen at our pallace of Greenewich the 19 day of Iune in the yere of our Lord 1583 and of our reigne the fiue and twentieth Your Maiesties good sister A briefe discourse of the voyage of Sir Ierome Bowes knight her Maiesties ambassadour to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Muscouia in the yeere 1583. THe Emperour of Russia that then liued by name Iuan Vasiliwich hauing deliberately considered how necessary it were for the strengthening of his estate that a sure commerce and entercourse of merchants should be againe renued betweene him and her sacred Maiesty of England with such further immunities and priuileges for the honor and vtility of both their dominions and subiects of the same as vpon mutuall treatie of persons interposed on both sides might be assented vnto sent ouer into this realme in the yeere of our Lord 1582 as his ambassadour for that purpose an ancient discreet gentleman of his householde called Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky accompanied with one of his Secretaries for his better assistance in that expedition and besides his many other directions whereof part were to be deliuered by word of mouth and the rest set downe in a letter vnder the Emperours signature addressed to her Maiesty he had in speciall charge to sollicit her Maiesty to send ouer with him to his maister an ambassador from her to treat and contract of such affaires of importance as concerned both the realmes which was the principall end of his imployments hither Whereupon her Maiesty very graciously inclining to the Emperors motion and at the humble sute of the English
merchants trading those countreys being caried with the same princely respects to satisfie his demands in that behalfe made choice of sir Ierome Bowes a gentleman of her Court ordinarily attending vpon her Maiesties person towards whom was apparantly expressed her princely opinion and fauor by the credit of this negociation After he had receiued his commission with other speciall letters to the Emperor with all other instructions apperteining to his charge and that the sayd Russe ambassadour was licenced to returne home to his maister being honorably entertained and rewarded the English ambassador being attended vpon with forty persons at the least very honourably furnished whereof many were gentlemen and one M. Humfrey Cole a learned preacher tooke his leaue of her Maiesty at the Court at Greenwich the eighteenth of Iune and with the other ambassadour with their seuerall companies embarked themselues at Harwich the two and twentieth of the same and after a stormy voyage at the Sea they arriued both in safety in the road of S. Nicholas the three and twentieth of Iuly next following The Russe ambassador lodged himselfe at the abbey of S. Nicholas and the English ambassador was lodged and well intertained by the English merchants at their house at S. Nicholas standing in an Island called Rose Island The Russe ambassador hauing reposed himselfe one whole day tooke his leaue of the English ambassador and departed towards Mosco The English ambassadour abode yet at S. Nicholas foure or fiue dayes when hauing made prouision of boats and meanes to that purpose he went forward vpon his iourney towards Mosco to a towne called Colmogro about foure score miles distant from S. Nicholas You must here vnderstand that before the English ambassadors going into Russia there were diuers strangers but especially certeine Dutch merchants who had intruded themselues to trade into those countreys Notwithstanding a priuilege of the sole trade thither was long before granted to the English merchants These Dutch men had already so handled the matter as they had by chargeable meanes woonne three of the chiefest counsellers to the Emperour to be their assured friends namely Mekita Romanouich Bodan Belskoy and Andrew Shalkan the chancellor for besides dayly gifts that they bestowed vpon them all they tooke so much money of theirs at interest at fiue and twenty vpon the hundred as they payd to some one of them fiue thousand marks yeerely for the vse of his money and the English merchants at that time had not one friend in Court The ambassador hauing now spent fiue weeks at S. Nicholas and at Colmogro there came to him then a gentleman sent from the Emperor to enterteine him and had in charge to conduct him vp the riuers towards Mosco and â—o deliuer him prouision of all kinde of victuals necessary This gentleman being a follower of Shalkan the chancellor was by him as it seemed foisted into that seruice of purpose as afterward appeared by the course he tooke to offer discourtesies and occasions of mislike to the ambassador for you must vnderstand that the chancellor and the other two great counsellors spoken of as friends to the Dutchmen had a purpose to oppose themselues directly against her Maiesties ambassage especially in that point for the barring of all strangers from trading into the Emperors countrey This gentleman conducted the English ambassador a thousand miles vp the riuers of Dwina and Soughana to a citie called Vologda where receiued him another gentleman sent from the Emperor a man of better countenance then the other who presented the ambassador from the Emperor with two faire geldings well furnished after their maner At a city called Yeraslaue vpon the riuer Volga there met the ambassador a duke well accompanied sent from the Emperor who presented him from the Emperor a coach and ten geldings for the more easie conueying of him to Mosco from whence this citie was distant fiue hundred miles Two miles on this side Mosco there met the ambassador foure gentlemen of good account accompanied with two hundred horse who after a litle salutation not familiar without imbracing tolde him that they had to say to him from the Emperor and would haue had him light on foot to haue heard it notwithstanding themselues would still haue sit on horsebacke which the ambassador soone refused to doe and so they stood long vpon termes whether both parties should light or not which afterwards agreed vpon there was yet great nicenesse whose foot should not be first on ground Their message being deliuered and after hauing embraced ech other they conducted the sayd ambassador to his lodging at Mosco a house builded of purpose for him themselues being placed in the next house to it as appointed to furnish him of all prouisions and to be vsed by him vpon all other occasions The ambassador hauing beene some dayes in Mosco and hauing in all that time bene very honorably vsed from the Emperor for such was his will though some of his chiefest counsellors as is sayd had another purpose and did oftentimes cunningly put it in vse He was sent for to Court and was accompanied thither with about forty gentlemen honorably mounted and sumptuously arayed in his passage from his lodging to the court were set in a ward fiue or sixe thousand shot that were of the Emperors gard At the entry into the court there mâ—t him foure noble men apparelled in cloth of gold and rich furres their caps embroidred with pearle and stone who conducted him towards the Emperor till he was met with foure others of greater degree then they who guided him yet further towards the Emperor in which passage there stood along the walles and sate vpon benches and fourmes in row seuen or eight hundred persons said to be noblemen and gentlemen all apparelled in garments of coloured satins and cloth of golde These foure noblemen accompanied him to the Emperors chamber doore where met him the Emperors herald whose office is there held great and with him all the great officers of the Emperors chamber who all conducted him to the place where the Emperor sate in his state hauing three crownes standing by him viz. of Moscouia Cazan and Astrakan and also by him 4 yoong noblemen of about twenty yeres of age of ech side twaine costly apparelled in white holding vpon their shoulders ech of them a brode axe much like to a Galloglas axe of Ireland thin and very sharpe the steale or handle not past halfe a yard long and there sate about the chamber vpon benches and other low seats aboue an hundred noblemâ—n richly apparelled in cloth of golde The ambassador being thus brought to the Emperor to kisse his hand after some complements and inquirie of her Maiesties health he willed him to goe sit downe in a place prouided for that purpose nigh ten pases distant from him from whence he would haue had him to haue sent him her Maiesties letters and present which the ambassadour thinking not reasonable stept forward towards
disturbance of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the entercourse And whereas most louing and dearest brother one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of merchandises which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles and so much should haue beene payed by hâ—â— as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magistrates of iustice by very credible information and testimony and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 pounds which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England and to be sent ouer with this bearer of which summes he hath often promised payment it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods merchandise and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull whereof your Maiesties councell shal be informed by the Agent of our merchants We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant being a thing granted and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order We therfore intreat your Maiesty that as conueniently as may be satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained And lastly our most deare and louing brother as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amitie descending vpon vs as an inheritance in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise in not accoÌ„plishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High From our royall Palace of Whitehall the 14 of Ianuary anno Domini 1591. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defendour of the faith c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan our most deare and louing cousin greeting Right honourable it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our affaires into Russia wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Messâ—nger as to our princely letters sent by him both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and graue Counsellour we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readinesse in that behalfe and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull We haue bene also from time to time made acquainted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants And lastly which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection towards vs that your Lordship hath vouchsafed and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our sayd Merchants and the heaâ—ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer which shall concerne them or their trade All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants as to other of our subiects by one William Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to iustice and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe concerne the same we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley treasurour of our Realme of England that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such â—â—pâ—â—itâ—on as the cause may require And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord the Lord Boris Pheodorowich Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To