he was no sooner gone then the enemy possessed the town and castle and shot at our ships as they came into the road At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco called Reys Hamet Bencasamp returned and with him M. Ciprian a Gentleman of good place and desert was sent from Don Antonio and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not fiue dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the riuer of Lisbon which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before though we lay hard by them at S. Iulians durst neuer make any attempt against vs vpon our departure from thence were returning home and in the morning being a very dead calme in the dawning thereof fell in the winde of our fleet in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company with his Lieutenant the Master and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship and betooke them to the ship-boats whereof one in which the Master and the Captaine were was ouerrunne with the gallies and they drowned There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships which were so calmed as neither they could get to vs nor we to them though all the great shippes towed with their boats to haue relieued them but could not be recouered in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company who fought with them to the last yea after his ship was on fire which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne but might easily iudge by his long and good fight that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse who setting also vpon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant and he very sicke were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off although they had first beaten her with their artillery and attempted to boord her And seeing alâ—o one other hulke a league off a sterne off vs they made towards her but finding that she made ready to fight with them they durst not further attempt her whereby it seemed their losse being great in the other fights they were loth tâ— proceed any further From that day till the 19 of Iune our direction from the Generall was that if the wind were Northerly we should plie for the Açores but if Southerly for the Iles of Bayon We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke till the Southerly winde preuailing carried vs to Bayon part of our ships to the number of 25 in a great winde which was two dayes before hauing lost the Admirals and fleet according to their direction fell in the morning of that day with Bayon among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde who had in purpose if the Admirals had not come in with some 500 men out of them all to haue landed and attempted the taking of Vigo The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands cast off againe to sea for the Açores but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships returned for Bayon and came in there that night in the euening where he passed vp the riuer more then a mile aboue Vigo The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight which were not in the whole aboue 2000 men for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast many of our men ouer-boord with which number the Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo neere the which when he approched he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same who found vpon euery streets end a strong barricade but altogether abandoned for hauing entred the towne he found but one man therein but might see them making way before him to Bayon On the other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield whose approch on that side I thinke made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence there were also certaine shippes sent with the Uice-admirall to lie close before the towne to beat vpon the same with their artillery In the afternoone were sent 300 vnder the conduct of Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure to burne another village betwixt that and Bayon called Borsis and as much of the country as the day would giue them leaue to do which was a very pleasant rich valley but they burnt it all houses and corne as did others on the other side of the towne both that and the next day so as the countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length There was found great store of wine in the towne but not any thing els for the other dayes warning of the shippes that came first in gaue them a respit to cary all away The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships commanded that night on shore caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne and sent in two troups to put fire in euery house of the same which done we imbarked againe This day there were certaine Mariners which without any direction put themselues on shore on the contrary side of the riuer from vs for pillage who were beaten by the enemy from their boats and punished by the Generals for their offer in going without allowance The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before shewed to be want of artillery and may now be alledged to be the small number of our men who should haue gone against so strong a place manned with very good souldiers as was shewed by Iuan de Vera taken at the Groine who confessed that there were sixe hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders and the Tercios of Naples lately also returned out of the iourney of England Under the leading of Capitan Puebla Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of Flanders Don Pedro Camascho del tercio de Napoles Don Francisco de Cespedes Cap. Iuan de Solo del tercio de Naples Don Diego de Cassaua Cap. Sâ—uban Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse and foure of yron lately layed vpon the walles of the towne besides them that were there before The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our army was drawen into by sicknesse determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Açores with Generall Drake to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest And for the shifting of men and victualles accordingly purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe and to remaine there that day But Generall Drake according to their apointment being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands but
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them and arriued at Yermouth The 30 of August with the force of the wind and a surge of the sea the Master of the Gabriel and the Boatswain were striken both ouerboord hardly was the Boatswain recouered hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea and yet the Barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde This Master was called William Smith being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord and that the Boatswain had him by the hand and could not saue him and so immediately vpon the end of his tale his dreame came right euilly to passe and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand hauing hold on a rope with the other vntill his force fayled and the Master drowned The height being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues The last of August about midnight we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes The first of September the storme was growen very great and continued almost the whole day and night and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas euery sea almost ouertaking our poope so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out and ease the rolling of our ship And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs and our ship being higher in the poope and a tall ship whereon the winde had more force to driue went so fast away that we lost sight of them and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea The second day of September in the morning it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine and almost ready to fall away Wherefore taking the benefite of the time we slung halfe a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord who taking great paines vnder water driuing plankes and binding with ropes did well strengthen and mend the matter who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water and as Gods pleasure was the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished The fift of September the height of the Sunne being taken we found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees and a halfe In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar but also of all other fixed Starres And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde making our Souhter way good as neere as we could to raise our degrees to bring our selues with the latitude of Sylley wee tooke the height the tenth of September and found our selues in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest we vered sheat and see our course Southeast And vpon Thursday the twelfth of September taking the height wee were in the latitude of and a halfe and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley the weather faire the winde large at Westsouthwest we kept our course Southeast The thirteenth day the height being taken wee found our selues to be in the latitude of degrees the wind Westsouthwest then being in the height of Sylley and we kept our course East to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called being our narrow seas and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues Sonday the 15 of September about foure of the clocke we began to sound with our lead and had ground at 61 fadome depth white small sandy ground and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley and set our course East and by North Eastnortheast and Northeast among The sixteenth of September about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding we had 65. fadome osey sand and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks And bearing a small saile all night we made many soundings which were about fortie fadome and so shallow that we could not well tell where we were The seuenteenth of September we sounded and had â—orty fadome and were not farre off the lands â—nd finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shelles and were shotte betwene Sylley and the lands ende and being within the bay we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way but were faine to make another boord the wind being at Southwest and by West and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end to beare along the channel and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore and we made the lands end perfit and so put vp along Saint Georges chanel And the weather being very foule at sea we couered some harborough because our steerage was broken and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall But riding there a very dangerous roade we were aduised by the countrey to put to Sea againe and of the two euils to choose the lesse for there was nothing but present perill where we toade whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy from whence we were againe driuen being but an open roade where our Anker came home and with force of weather put to Seas againe and about the three and twentieth of September arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales which being a very good harborough made vs happy men that we had receiued such long desired safetie About one moneth after our arriuall here by order from the Lords of the Counsell the ship came up to Bristow where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes arriued in good safetie who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship after the Master was lost by good fortune when she came vpon the coast met with a ship of Bristow at sea who conducted her in safety thither Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael in the North parts which was not a little ioyful vnto vs that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe and wee lost in all the voyage only one man besides one that dyed at sea which was sicke before he came
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
stone in token of Christian possession In this place there is plentie of blacke Ore and diuers pretie stones The seuenteenth of August the Captaines with their companies chaced and killed a great white Beare which aduentured and gaue a fierce assault vpon twentie men being weâ—ponâ—d And he serued them for good meate many dayes The eighteenth of Augâ—st the Pinnesse with much adoe being set together the sayde Captaine Best determined to depart vp the streights to prooue and make tryall as before was pretended some of his company greatly persuading him to the contrary and specially the Carpenter that set the same together who sayde that hee would not aduenture himselfe therein for fiue hundreth pounds for that the boate hung together but onely by the strength of the nayles and lacked some of her principall knees and tymbers These wordes somewhat discouraged some of the company which should haue gone thereinâ— Whereupon the Captaine as one not altogether addicted to his owne selfe-will but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken if contrary fortune should happen him Lo hâ— hath followed his owne opinion and desperate resolutions and so thereafter it is befallen him calling the Master and Mariners of bâ—st iudgement together declare vnto them how much the cause imported him in his credite to seeke out the Generall as well to confâ—rre with him of some causes of weight as otherwise to make due examinatiâ—n and tryall of the goodnesse of the Ore whereof they had no assurance but by gesse of the eye and it was well like the other which so to cary home not knowing the goodnesse thereof might be as much as if they should bring so many stones And therefore hee desired them to deliuer their plaine and honest opinion whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for him so to aduenture in or no. It was answered that by carefull heede taking thereunto amongst the yce and the foule weather the Pinnesse might suffice And hereupon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called Iohn Gray mansully and honestly offering himselfe vnto his Captaine in this aduenture and seruice gaue cause to others of his Mariners to follow the attempt And vpon the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine being accompanied with Captaine Vpcote of the Moone and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse hauing conuenient portion of victuals and things necessary departed vpon the sayd pretended Uoyage leauing their shâ—ppe at anchor in a good readinesse for the taking in of their fraight And hauing little winde to sayle withall they plyed alongst the Souther shore and passed aboue 30. leagues hauing the onely helpe of mans labour with Dares and so intending to keepe that shore aboord vntil they were got vp to the farthest and narrowest of the streights minded there to crosse ouer and to search likewise alongst the Northerland vnto the Countesses sound and from thence to passe all that coast along whereby if any of the Fleete had bene distressed by wrecke of rocke or yce by that meanes they might be perceiued of them and so they thereby to giue them such helpe and reliefe as they could They did greatly feare and euer suspect that some of the Fleete were surely cast away and driuen to seeke sowre â—â—llets amongst the colde cliffes And being shotte vp about fortie leagues within the Streights they put ouer towardes the Norther shore which was not a little dangerous for their small boates And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryuen and faine to seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes and broken ground of Gabriels Ilands a place so named within the streights aboue the Countesse of Warwicks sound And by the way where they landed they did finde certaine great stones set vp by the Countrey people as it seemed for markes where they also made many Câ—osses of stone in token that Christians had bene thâ—re The 22. of August they had sight of the Countesses sound and made the placeperfect from the toppe of a hill and keeping along the Norther shore perceiued the smoke of a fire vnder a hils side whereof they diuersly deemed When they came neerer the place they perceiued people which wafted vnto them as it seemed with a flagge or ensigne And because the Country people had vsed to doe the like when they perceiued any of our boats to passe by they suspected them to be the same And comming somewhat neerer they might perceiue certaine tents and discerne this ensigne to be of mingled colours blacke and white after the English fashion But because they could see no Shippe nor likelihood of harborough within fiue or sixe leagues about and knewe that none of our men were woont to frequent those partes they could not tell what to iudge thereof but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the storme and mistes had made shipwracke amongst the yce or the broken Islande there and were spoyled by the countrey people who might vse the sundry coloured flagge for a policie to bring them likewise within their danger Whereupon the sayd Captaine with his companies resolued to recouer the same ensigne if it were so from those base people or els to lose their liues and all together In the ende they discerned them to be their countreymen and then they deâ—med them to haue lost their Ships and so to be gathered together for their better strength On the other side the company ashoare feared that the Captaine hauing lost his Shippe came to seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pinnisse so that their extremities caused eche part to suspect the worst The Captaine now with his Pinnisse being come neere the shoare commanded his Boate carefully to be kept aflote lest in their necessitie they might winne the same from him and seeke first to saue themselues for euery man in that case is next himselfe They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea and demaunded what cheere and either partie answered the other that all was well whereupon there was a sudden and ioyfull outshoote with great flinging vp of caps and a braue voly of shotte to welcome one another And truely it was a most strange case to see how ioyfull and gladde euery partie was to see themselues meete in safetie againe after so strange and incredible dangers Yet to be short as their dangers were great so their God was greater And here the company were working vpon new Mines which Captaine Yorke being here arriued not long before had found out in this place and it is named the Countesse of Sussex Mine After some conference with our friends here the Captaine of the Anne Francis departed towards the Countesse of Warwicks sound to speake with the Generall and to haue tryall made of such mettall as he had brought thither by the Goldfiners And so he determined to dispatch againe towards his ship And hauing spoken with the General he receiued order for all causes and direction as
well for the bringing vp of his Shippe to the Countesses sound as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found which vpon triall made was supposed to be very good The 23. of August the sayd Captaine mette together with the other Captaines Commissioners in counsell with the Generall aboorde the Ayde where they considered and consulted of sundry causes which being particularly registred by the Notarie were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere The 24. of August the Generall with two Pinnisses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines in no great numbers But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe and a more number of men they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnisses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them But before our men could come neere hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines they conueyed themselues priuily away and left as it should seeme one of their great dartes behinde them for haste which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing Therefore though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England they being now growen more wary by their former losses would not at any time come within our dangers About midnight of the same day the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the streights towards Haâ—tons Hedland being about 15. leagues ouer and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company who long expected his comming where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound where he arriued the 28. of the same By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight the time of the yeere passing suddenly away The thirtith of August the Anne Francis was brought aground and had 8. great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rocks and yce This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island to the ende we might proue against the next yeere whither the snow could ouerwhelme it the frost breake it vp or the people dismember the same And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes as belles and kniues wherein they specially delight one for the necessary vse and the other for the great pleasure thereof Also pictures of men and women in lead men on horsebacke looking glasses whistles and pipes Also in the house was made an Ouen and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste We buried the timber of our pretended fort Also here we sowed pease corne and other graine to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon which being ended he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers Mariners and Miners with him The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe seale and confirmation of Christs name death and passion euer knowen in these quarters The said M. Wolfall made sermons and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times in seuerall and sundry ships because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his Ships laden with Ore but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discouery of the Countrey which thing to bring to passe hauing sometime therein consulted they found very hard and almost inuincible And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites therefore it could not be sayd but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased as appeared before in the discourse thereof Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised the Captaines were contented and willing as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund to take any enterprise in hand Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward especially for these causes following First the darke foggy mists the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with and now daily euer more and more increased haue no small argument of the Winters drawing neere And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds it was greatly to be feared that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere which being vtterly vnprouided would be their vtter destruction Againe drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was for that the great timber and seacole which lay so waighty vpon the barrels brake bruised and rotted the hoopes insunder Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading that against a day appointed they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward went in a Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island the land was not firme as it was first supposed but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound he began to take order for their returning homeward and
we departed from Gylberts sound for England and when we came out of the harborough there came after vs 17. of the people looking which way we went The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of the clocke at noone The third day at night we lost sight of the Northstarre our pinnesse in a very great storme and lay a hull tarying for them the 4. day but could heare no more of them Thus we shaped our course the 5. day Southsoutheast and sayling vntill the 27. of the sayd moneth we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland The 30. day we entred into our owne chanell The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight The 3. we coasted all along the shore and the 4. and 5. The 6. of the sayd moneth of October wee came into the riuer of Thames as high as Ratliffe in safetie God be thanked The third voyage Northwestward made by M. Iohn Dauis Gentleman as chiefe Captaine Pilot generall for the discouery of a passage to the Isles of the Moluccas or the coast of China in the yeere 1587. Written by M. Iohn Ianes May. THe 19. of this present moneth about midnight wee weyed our ankers set sayle and departed from Dartmouth with two Barkes and a Clincher the one named the Elizabeth of Dartmouth the other the Sunneshine of London and the Clincher called the Helene of LondoÌ„ thus in Gods name we set forwards with the wind at Northeast a good fresh gale About 3. houres after our departure the night being somewhat thicke with darknesse we had lost the pinnesse the Captaine imagining that the men had runne away with her willeâ— the Master of the Sun-shine to stand to Seawards and see if we could descry them we bearing in with the shore for Plimmouth At length we descried her bare with her and demanded what the cause was they answered that the tiller of their helme was burst So shaping our course Westsouthwest we went forward hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending yet some of vs were doubtfull of it falling in reckoning that â—e was a Clincher neuerthelesse we put our trust in God The 21 we met with the Red Lion of London which came from the coast of Spaine which was afrayd that we had bene men of warre but we hailed them and after a little conference we desired the Master to carie our letters for London directed to my uncle Sanderson who promised vs a safe deliuerie And after wee had heaued them a lead and a line whereunto wee had made fast our letters before they could get them into the ship they fell into the Sea and so all our labour and theirs also was lost notwithstanding they promised to certifie our departure at London and so we departed and the same day we had sight of Silley The 22. the wind was at Northeast by East with faire weather and so the 23. and 24. the like The 25. we layd our ships on the Lee for the Sunneshine who was a romaging for a leake they had 500. strokes at the pumpe in a watch the wind at Northwest The 26. and 27. wee had faire weather but this 27. the pinnesses foremast was blowen ouer-boord The 28. the Elizabeth towed the pinnesse which was so much bragged of by the owners report before we came out of England but at Sea she was like a cart drawen with oxen Sometimes we towed her because she could not saile for scant wind The 31. day our Captaine asked if the pinnesse were stanch Peerson answered that she was as sound and stanch as a cup. This made vs something glad when we sawe she would brooke the Sea and was not leake Iune THe first 6. dayes wee had faire weather after that for 5. dayes wee had fogge and raine the winde being South The 12. wee had cleare weather The Mariners in the Sunneshine and the Master could not agree the Mariners would goe on their voyage a fishing because the yeere began to waste the Master would not depart till hee had the companie of the Elizabeth whereupon the Master told our Captaine that hee was afrayd his men would shape some contrary course while he was asleepe and so he should lose vs. At length aftermuch talke and many threatnings they were content to bring vs to the land which we looked for daily The 14. day we discouered land at fiue of the clocke in the morning being very great and high mountaines the tops of the hils being couered with snow Here the wind was variable sometimes Northeast Eastnortheast and East by North but we imagined our selues to be 16. or 17. leagues off from the shore The 16. we came to an anker about 4. or 5. of the clocke after nonne the people came presently to vs after the old maner with crying Ilyaoute and shewing vs Seales skinnes The 17. we began to set vp the pinnesse that Peerson frames at Dartmouth with the boords which hee brought from London The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships began to set on the plankes The 19. as we went about an Island were found blacke Pumise stones and salt kerned on the rockes very white and glistering This day also the Master of the Sunneshine tooke of the people a very strong lusty yoong fellow The 20. about two of the clocke in the morning the Sauages came to the Island where out pinnace was built readie to bee launched and â—ore the two vpper strakes and carried them away onely for the loue of the yron in the boords While they were about this practise we manned the Elizabeths boate to goe a shore to them our men being either afrayd or amazed were so long before they came to shore that our Captaine willed them to stay and made the Gunner giue fire to a Saker and layd the piece leuell with the boate which the Sauages had turned on the one side because wee should not hurt them with our arrowes and made the boate their bulwarke against the arrowes which we shot at them Our Gunner hauing made all things readie gaue fire to the piece and fearing to hurt any of the people and regarding the owners prosite thought belike hee would saue a Sakers shot doubting wee should haue occasion to fight with men of warre and so shot off the Saker without a bullet we looking stil when the Sauages that were hurt should run away without legs at length wee could perceiue neuer a man hurt but all hauing their legges could carrie away their bodies wee had no sooner shot off the piece but the Master of the Sunne-shine manned his boate and came rowing toward the Island the very sight of whom made each of them take that hee had gotten and flee away as fast as they could to another Island about two miles off where they tooke the nayles out of the timber and left the wood on the Isle when we came on shore and saw how they had spoiled the boat
father shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly I cannot send you nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better then I haue done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from Composteila and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the citie of S. Michael and though there be but the tenth part of these things it is a great matter Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter which I receiued from the said father the Indians tell me that all the people of the countrey doe greatly reuerence him and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues farther in that sort He saith that if he finde any good countrey he will write to me thereof I will not goe thither without informing your Lordship of my iourney I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall discouer some good thing A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna to the Emperors Maiestie Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan with commission to the Gouernors of those partes to pacific the Indians and not to make them slaues any more IN the ships that went last from hence whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral I wrote vnto your Maiestie how I had sent two Franciscan Friers to discouer the end of this firme land which stretcheth to the North. And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked for I wâ—l declare the whole matter from the beginning It may please your Maiestie to call to mind how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna because it is so great a countrey and that we haue yet no knowledge thereof Neither had I onely this desire for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen and 14000. Indians footemen borne in these Indias being the best men the best furnished which haue bene seene in these parts and he did so litle with them that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galicia sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times which sped no better then he had done Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast which 2â— ships and the captaine perished After that he sent againe 2. other ships one of the which was diuided from her consore and the Master and certaine mariners slue the captaine vsurped ouer the ship After this they came to an Island where the Master with certaine mariners going on land the Indians of the country slew them and tooke their boat and the ship with those that were in it returned to the coast of Nueua Galicia where it ran on ground By the men which came home in this ship the Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered and then either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of Saint Domingo and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico or rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua Espanna without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships and with certaine footemen and horsemen not throughly furnished with things necessary which fell câ—t so contrary to his expectation that the most part of the people which he carryed with him dyed of hunger And although he had ships and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals yet could hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it but rather it seemed that God miraculously did hide it from him and so he returned home without atchieuing ought else of moment After this hauing heere in my company Andrew Dorantez which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Naruaâ—ez I often was in hand with him supposing that he was able to doe your Maiestie great seruice to imploy him with fortie or fiftie horses to search out the secret of those parts and hauing prouided all things necessary for his iourney and spent much money in that behalfe the matter was broken off I wot not how and that enterprise was giuen 〈◊〉 Yet of the things which were prouided for that purpose I had left mee a Negro which returned from the foresayde voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez and certaine slaues which I had bought and certaine Indians which I had gathered together who were borne in those North partes whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça and his companion a Franciscan Frier because they had bene long trauelled and exercised those partes and had great experience in the affaires of the Indies and were men of good life and conscience for whom I obtained leaue of their superiours and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint Michael of Culiacan which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards towarde that quarter being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico Assoone as the gouernour and the Friers were come vnto that Citie hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him home into their Countrey to signifie and declare to the people of the same That they were to vnderstand that your Maiestie had commaunded they should not hereafter â—eâ— made slaues and that they should not be afrayd and more but might returne vnto their houses and liue peaceably in them for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euil dealings which were vsed toward them and that your Maiestie would cause them to be chastened which were the causes of their veration With these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400. men which comming before the gouernour said vnto him that they came on the behalfe of al their Countrey-men to tell him that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their houses and to sow Maiz for their sustenance for by the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines hiding themselues like wild beasts for feare left they should be made slaues and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them Whom the gouernour comforted with good wordes and gaue them victuals and stayed them with him three or foure dayes wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the Crosse and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ and they with great diligence sought to learne the same After these dayes hee sent them home againe willing them not to be afraid but to be quiet giuing them apparel beades kniues and other such
to land there were some that began to shew themselues and to bestow some few shot vpon vs but presently withdrew themselues And in their running thus away the Sergeant Maior finding one of their horses ready sadled and brideled tooke the same to follow the chase and so ouergoing all his company was by one layd behind a bush shotte through the head and falling downe therewith was by the same and two or three more stabbed in three or foure places of his body with swords and daggers before any could come neere to his rescue His death was much lamented being in very deede an honest wise Gentleman and a souldier of good experience and of as great courage as any man might be In this place called S. Augustin we vnderstood the king did keepe as is before said one hundred and fiftie souldiers and at another place some dozen leagues beyond to the Northwards called S. Helena he did there likewise keepe an hundred and fiftie more seruing there for no other purpose then to keepe all other nations from inhabiting any part of all that coast the gouernement whereof was committed to one Pedro Melendez Marquesse nephew to that Melendez the Admiral who had ouerthrowen Master Iohn Hawkins in the day of Mexico some seuenteen or eighteene yeeres agoe This Gouernour had charge of both places but was at this time in this place and one of the first that left the same Heere it was resolued in full assembly of Captaines to vndertake the enterprise of S. Helena and from thence to seeke out the inhabitation of our English countreymen in Virginia distant from thence some sixe degrees Northward When we came thwart of S Helena the sholds appearing dangerous and we hauing no Pilot to vndertake the enâ—rie it was thought meetest to goe hence alongst For the Admirall had bene the same night in foure fadome and a halfe three leagues from the shore and yet wee vnderstood by the helpe of a knowen Pilot there may and doe goe in Ships of greater burthen and draught then any we had in our Fleete We passed thus alongst the coast hard aboord the shore which is shallow for a league or two from the shore and the same is lowe and broken land for the most part The ninth of Iune vpon sight of one speciall great fire which are very ordinarie all alongst this coast euen from the Cape of Florida hither the Generall sent his Skiffe to the shore where they found some of our English countreymen that had bene sent thither the yeere before by Sir Walter Ralegh and brought them aboord by whose direction wee proceeded along to the place which they make their Port. But some of our ships being of great draught vnable to enter anchored without the harbour in a wilde roade at sea about two miles from shore From whence the General wrote letters to master Ralfe Lane being gouernour of those English in Virginia and then at his Fort about sixe leagues from the Rode in an Island which they call Roanoac wherein especially he shewed how ready he was to supply his necessities and wants which he vnderstood of by those he had first talked withall The morow after Master Lane himselfe and some of his company comming vnto him with the consent of his captaines he gaue them the choice of two offers that is to say Either he would leaue a ship a pinnesse and certaine boates with sufficient Masters and Mariners together furnished with a moneths victuall to stay and make farther discouery of the countrey and coastesâ— and so much victuall likewise as might be sufficient for the bringing of them all being an hundred and three persons into England if they thought good after such time with any other thing they would desireâ— and that he might be able to spare Or els if they thought they had made sufficient discouerie already and did desire to returne into England he would giue them passage But they as it seemed being desirous to stay accepted very thankefully and with great gladnesse that which was offred first Whereupon the ship bring appointed and receiued into charge by some of their owne company sent into her by Master Lane before they had receiued from the rest of the Fleete the prouision appoynted them there arose a great storme which they sayd was extraordinary and very strange that lasted three dayes together and put all our Fleete in great danger to bee driuen from their anchoring vpon the coast For we brake many Cables and lost many Anchors and some of our Fleete which had lost all of which number was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his company was driuen to put to sea in great danger in auoyding the coast and could neuer see vs againe vntill we mette in England Many also of our small Pinnesses and boates were lost in this storme Notwithstanding after all this the Generall offred them with consent of his Captaines an other ship with some prouision although not such a one for their turnes as might haue bene spared them before this being vnable to be brought into their Harbour Or els if they would to giue them passage into England although he knew he should performe it with greater difficultie then he might haue done before But Master Lane with those of the chiefest of his company which hee had then with him considering what should be best for them to doe made request vnto the General vnder their hands that they might haue passage for England the which being graunted and the rest sent for out of the countrey and shipped we departed from that coast the 18. of Iune And so God bee thanked both they and wee in good safetie arriued at Portesmouth the 28. of Iuly 1586. to the great glory of God and to no small honour to our Prince our Countrey and our selues The totall value of that which was gotten in this voyage is esteemed at three score thousand pounds whereof the companies which haue trauelled in the voyage were to haue twentie thousand pounds the aduenturers the other fortie Of which twentie thousand pounds as I can iudge will redound some sixe pounds to the single share We lost some seuen hundred and fiftie men in the voyage aboue three parts of them onely by sicknesse The men of name that dyed and were slaine in this voyage which I can presently call to remembrance are these Captaine Powel Captaine Varney Captaine Moone Captaine Fortescue Captaine Bigges Captaine Cecill Captaine Hannam Captaine Greenefield Thomas Tucker a Lieutenant Alexander Starkey a Lieutenant Master Escot a Lieutenant Master Waterhouse a Lieutenant Master George Candish Master Nicholas Winter Master Alexander Carliell Master Robert Alexander Master Scroope Master Iames Dier Master Peter Duke With some other whom for haste I cannot suddenly thinke on The ordinance gotten of all sorts Brasse and Iron were about two hundred and forty peeces whereof the two hundred and some more were brasse and were thus found and gotten At S. Iago some two
Laudonnieres consultation with his companâ— where it might be besâ— for them to plant Gold and siluer found at the riuer of May. Iune the 29. The Vale of Laudonniere An Hermaphrodite They began their planting with prayer to God In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues The forme of the Fort Caroline The West side The South side High building is not good for this Countrey Note Caroline The first voyage twentie leagues Ten leagues further Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer The second voyage King Molloua Olata Ouae Vtina a great king Fiue of sixe pound weight of siluer Fortie kings vassals to Vtina King Potanou An exceeding rich place Large plates of gold and siluer Some paint their faces with blacke and some with red King Malica Tapistry made of small reede They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins A ceremonie to call to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enemies The returne of their ships toward France the 28. of Iuly The ceremonie which they vse before they got to warrâ— Sâ—reutiouâ— followed with fiue hundreth Indians Consultation before they assault their enemies Now they vse their enemies which they take in warrâ— King Omoloa Their maner of triumph Athore Excellent Pumpions A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August King Serranay King Allimacany The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance Laudonniere vsed the present occasion to his profite A wonderfull heate Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat The thirde voyage the tenth of September Mayarqua a place 80. leagues vp the Riuer of May. King Potanou The Indians maner of war Two hundreth Indians A village inclosed with trees Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French Siluer and gold and painted skinnes La Roquettes conspiracie Monsieuâ— de Genre Gieures message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name His answere A dangerous practise against the Captaine and his Lieutenant Laudonniers sicknesse Laudonniers Apothecarieâ— The Master of the fire-works Captaine Boâ—rdeâ— arrâ—ued in Florida the 4. of September The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember Hostaqua a village One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners The â—illage of Sarauahi Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida A Saw-mill necessary here The third sâ—â—â—tion By Peru the French meaneâ—the coast of Carthagenâ— and Nombre de Dios. The captaines charge at his setting forth Laudonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers Trenchant a skilful piloâ— Cassaui bread made of roots Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamaica The cape of Tiburon The gouernor of Iamaica takeÌ„ Malgualire â— kinde of vessell that will saile forward and backward The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Hauana The channell of Bahama King Patica The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditions souldiers Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers The sentence of death Execution The continuation of the history New coÌ„quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne one of prison to the fort Reparation of the West side of the fort King Marracou King Onathaqua King Mathiaca Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages Calos a place vpon y e Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of Florida The King of Calos Great quaÌ„titie of golde and siluer Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes King Oathcaqua or Houathca Sarrope an Island Abuâ—dance of Dates A root of great price to make bread of The greatest victory among the Floridians The situation of Calos Cannaueral in 28 degrees The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre King Audustas great humanity Pearles burned Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos The widow of King Hioacaia or Hiâ—oâ—â—acara This queeneâ— name was Nâ— Cubacaniâ— The fift voyage vp the riuer of May. Mathiaqua The discouery of a mighty lake on the one side whereof no land can be seene The Isle of Edelano An excellent worke of nature Eneguape Chilily Patica Coya The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thousaÌ„d Sauages to the field The mouÌ„taine of Apalatci There is a mine of golde or rich coper in the mountaine of Apalatci Peter Gamby slaine The village of Edelano Gold siluer Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe A good note Three hundred Indians A lake three leagues distaÌ„t from the village of Potanou Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician Potanou accoÌ„panied with two thousand Indians The prediction of the Magician found true Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his â—assals A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths and to liue in the woods They looke for succour oâ—â— of France by the end of April at the vttermost Extreme famine for sixe weekes space Promise broken Two hogs-heads of rosen The vile nature of the Indians A cruell answere of the Sauages Pinocke a certaine kinde of fruit as bigge as cheries Astina â— king Vtina taken prisoner in his village by â—audonn â—re and 50 of his soldiers Fiue or sixe hundred Indians The deepe dissembling of the Indians The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in warre The election of a new king The hatred among the Sauage kings of Florida Note Note Rootes Esquine New corne by the end of May in Florida The village of Enecaque A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries The I le of Edelano Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz The village Athore Nia Cubacani a Queene Patica a village Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages A necessarie admonition The Floridians subtilâ—â—â—â— A certaine signe of warre An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French A second fresh charge of Sauages The Floridians maner of fight The Floridians chiefe fearâ— Two flaine Two twenty wounded Prayer and thanke vnto God for their deliuerance The village Serauabi The village Emoloa The riuer of Iâ—acana called by Ribault y e riuer of Somme Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages Most artificiall mattes The beating downe of the houses without the fort the Palisade The cause why the French lost Florida Eight kings Laâ—doâ—â—â—ers friends and alâ—ice The principall scope of planters in strange countreys Florida a rich countrey Aug. 1565. M. Iohn Hawkins y e English Generall Sheepe and poultrie carried into Florida An aduantage wisely taken The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida Siluer found in Florida Note The great importance of this enterprise The great humanity and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the French The departure of the English Generall August â— The
with certeine agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage 179. 50 A new concord betweene king Henry the fourth and Vlricus de Iungingen 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth graunted in the fifth yeere of his raigne vnto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway Sweueland Denmarke and Finmarke 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. yeere of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruatiua Maris Or The pollicy of keeping the Sea 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth in the second yere of his raigne to the English merchants residing in the Netherland 208. 57 A perswasion of Robert Thorne merchant of Bristol and dwelling long in Siuil in Spaine to king Henry the eight of noble memory to set out and further Discoueries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorne written to Doctour Leigh the Kings Ambassadour in Spaine touching that matter 214. 59 A briefe treatise of the Emperour of Moscouia his genealogie 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot giuen to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleete in their voyage intended for Cathay 226. 61 The names of the twelue Counsellers appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt written at that time to all the Kings Princes and other Potentates of the Northeast 230. 63 The names of the Ships Captains Mariners and other officers of that first worthy enterprise 232. 64 The othe ministred to the Captaine of the Fleete 233. 65 The othe ministred to the Masters of the ships 234. 66 A testimonie of Richard Eden concerning Clement Adams his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage 242. 67 The letters of the Emperour of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt by Richard Chanceller 255. 68 The coynes waights and measures vsed in Russia 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queene Mary to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperor of Russia 258. 70 The Commission giuen to the merchants Agents resiant in Russia 259. 71 The othe ministred to the seruants of the Moscouie company 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fiâ—st Agent in Russia written to the Company 263. 73 The first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscouie company granted by Queene Mary 267. 75 Instructions giuen to the Pursers of the Moscouie voyage 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard Iohnson concerning the Samoeds 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassadour froÌ„ the Emperour of Russia 285. 78 Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscouie Company sayling towards the Bay of S. Nicolas Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscouie merchants vnto their Agents George Killingworth Richard Gray and Henry Lane in Russia 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscouie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie Company to M. Henâ—y Lane at Mosco 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Poland 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda 305. 84 A letter of the Moscouie Company to their Agents in Russia M. Henry Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to S. Nicolas 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties 308. 86 The maner of Iustice by lotts in Russia written by M. Henry Lane 309. 87 The description of Russia with the customes and maners of the inhabitants 315. 88 Notes and obseruations gathered by Richard Iohnson of the seuerall wayes from Russia to Cathay ouer-land 335. 89 A letter of Sigismund king of Polonia 1559. vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 337. 90 The letters of the Queenes Maiestie written to the Emperour of Russia requesting licence and safe-conduct for Anthonie Ienkinson to passe through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the great Sophie of Persia sent by M. Anth. Ienkinson 340. 92 Instructions giuen by the Gouernours and Assistants of the Moscouie Company vnto M. Anthonie Ienkinâ—on 341. 93 The priuileges giuen by Obdoloucan K. of Hircania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 352. 94 Certaine letters of Arthur Edwards written out of Russia Media and Persia to the Company of the Moscouie merchants in London 354,355,358,361 95 The distance of diuers places in Russia 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea 364. 97 An Acte for the corporation of merchants Aduenâ—urers for the discouering of newe tradesâ— made in the eighth yeere of the Queenes Maiestie 369. 98 The priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first Ambassage from the Ruâ—sian Emperour to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth 374. 100 A letter of her Maiestie sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella Messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their master 375. 101 The Ambassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquier from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 376. 102 The priuileges graunted to the English merchants at M. Randolfe his sute 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discouery to the Northeast by sea 382. 104 Instructions giuen to the discouerers for that action 383. 105 Certaine letters in verse written out of Moscouia by M. George Turberuile Secretary to M. Randolfe touching the state of the Countrey and maners of the people 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Obseruations of the Sophy of Persia and of the Religion of the Persians 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar 402. 109 The Ambassage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia Anno 1571. 402. 110 A briefe rehearsall of all the trauailes of M. Anthony Ienkinson 411. 111 A letter of Iames Alday to M. Michael Locke Agent in London for the Moscouie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the killing of
Kent as they accustomed to do there to enquire of such points as should be giuen incharge Which done hee addeth moreouer that forsomuch as there was oftentimes coÌ„tention betweene them of the Fiue Ports the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Norfolke and Donwich in Suffolke there should be seuerall writs directed to them also returnable before the same Iustices at the same day and place reciting that where the King had by his former writs sommoned the Pleas of the Fiue Ports to bee holden at Shipwey if any of the same townes had cause to complaine of any being within the liberties of the said Ports he should be at Shipwey to propound against him and there to receiue according to law and Iustice. Thus much I recite out of Bracton partly to shew that Shipwey was before K. Edward the firsts time the place of assembly for the Plees of the Fiue Ports partly to notifie the difference and controuersie that long time since was betweene these Ports and those other townes But purposely and chiefly to proue that Hastings and Hithe Douer Rumney and Sandwich were in Bractons time accompted the Fiue principall hauens or Ports which were endowed with priuiledge and had the same ratified by the great Chartre of England Neither yet will I deny but that soone after Winchelsey and Rie might be added to the number For I â—ind in an old recorde that king Henry the third tooke into his owne hands for the better defence of the Realme the townes of Winchelsey and Rie which belonged before to the Monasterie of Fescampe in Normandie and gaue therefore in exchange the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucestershire diuers other lands in Lincolneshire This he did partly to conceale from the Priors Aliens the intelligence of the secret affaires of his Realme and partly because of a great disobedience excesse that was committed by the inhabitants of Wincelsey against Prince Edward his eldest sonne And therefore although I can easily be led to thinke that he submitted them for their correction to the order and gouernance of the Fiue ports yet I stand doubtfull whether hee made them partners of their priuiledges or no for that had bene a preferment and no punishment vnto them but I suspect rather that his sonne king Edward the first by whose encouragement and aide olde Winchelsey was afterward abandoned and the newe towne builded was the first that apparelled them with that preeminence By this therefore let it appeare that Hastings Douer Hithe Rumney and Sandwich were the first Ports of priuiledge which because they were 5. in number both at the first gaue and yet continue to all the residue the name of Cinque Ports although not onely Winchelsey and Rie be since that time incorporated with them as principals but diuers other places also for the ease of their charge be crept in as partes lims and members of the same Now therefore somewhat shal be said as touching the seruices that these Ports of duetie owe and in deed haue done to the Princes whereof the one I meane with what number of vessels in what maner of furniture and for how long season they ought to wait on the king at the Sea vpon their owne charges shall partly appeare by that which we shall presently say and partly by that which shall followe in Sandwich and Rumney The other shall bee made manifest by examples drawne out of good histories and they both shall be testified by the words of king Edward the first in his owne Chartre The booke of Domesday before remembred chargeth Douer with twentie vessels at the sea whereof eche to be furnished with one and twentie men for fifteene dayes together and saith further that Rumney and Sandwich answered the like seruice But now whether this like ought to be vnderstoode of the like altogether both in respect of the number and seruice or of the like in respect of seruice according to the proportion of their abilitie onely I may not hereby take vpon me to determine For on the one side if Rumney Sandwich and the residue should likewise finde twentie vessels a piece then as you shall anone see the fiue Ports were subiect to a greater charge at that time then King Edward the first layd vpon them And on the other side if they were onely chargeable after their proportion then know I not how farre to burthen them seeing the Record of Domesday it selfe bindeth them to no certeintie And therefore leauing this as I find it I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proofe And first I will haue recourse to king Edward the first his Chartre in which I read that At ech time that the King passeth ouer the sea the Ports ought to rigge vp fiftie and seuen ships whereof euery one to haue twentie armed souldiers and to mainteine them at their owne costes by the space of fifteene dayes together And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge in the sixt yeere of his reigne for then was this Chartre sealed But as touching the particular burthen of ech one I haue seene two diuers testimonies of which the first is a note in French bearing the counâ—enance of a Record and is intituled to haue bene renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same kingâ— by Stephan Penchester then Constable of Douer Castle in which the particular charge is set downe in this maner The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships The lowie of Peuensey one Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn one Bekesborne in Kent seuen Grenche at Gillingham in Kent two men and armour with the ships of Hastings The towne of Rie fiue To it was Tenterdene annexed in the time of King Henrie the sixt The towne of Winchelsey tenne The Port of Rumney foure Lydde seuen The Port of Hythe fiue The Port of Douer nineteene The towne of Folkestone seuen The towne of Feâ—ersham seuen The Port of Sandwich with Stonor Fordwich Dale c. fiue These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons armed and arrayed at their owne charge and in ech of them twentie men besides the Master of the Mariners all which they shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes together at their owne costs giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day to the Constable sixe pence and to ech other Mariner three pence And after those fiue dayes ended the King shall defray the charges The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first yet seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit It standeth thus These be the Fiue Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King hauing liberties which other Ports haue not Hasting Romenal Heth Douer Sandwich the chiefe Townes The seruices due by the same Hasting shall finde 21. ships in euery ship 21. men and a Garcion or Boy which is called a Gromet To it perteine as the
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
beneath Scawe and at Anold tooke Thomas Adams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman marchants of Norwich in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald to the value of one thousande marks English and carried the persons and goods aforesaide away with them and the said Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow and there detained them vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe with butter masts sparres boordes questingstones and wilde werke to the value of an hundred marks and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession some of the Hans being their assistants in the promisses Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans of Rostok and of Wismer tooke vpon the coast of England neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yarmouth whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner and Robert Rigweys the master laden with bay salt to the quantitie of 130. wayes and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession the said Hugh being endamaged by the losse of his ship and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing in regard of their wages canuas and armour 200. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw a ship of Yarmouth the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith laden with salt cloth and salmon to the value of 40. pound and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley called the Friday whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities namely of artillery furniture and salt fishes being in the same ship to the value of 500. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret wherein Robert Robines was master and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodities namely of artillerie furniture and salt fishes to the value of 400. nobles and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned Item in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker with others their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas wherof Iohn Prest was master and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 320. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid the said Godekins and Stertebeker their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel whereof William Noie was master and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities as namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 406. nobles Item in the yeere next aboue mentioned vpon the Saterday about the foresaid feast the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpoÌ„ the sea a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley called the Helena wherein Robert Alwey was master also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commodities as namely salt fishes together with the ship itselfe Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel the foresaid Godekin Stertebeker with other their coÌ„federats of the Hans took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley called the Peter wherein Thomas Smith was master the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away being worth 280. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Simon Durham called the Dogger-ship and the Peter of Wiueton laden with salt fishes whereof Iohn Austen was master vpon the coast of Denmarke And they caried away the saide Dogger with the furniture thereof and the foresaid salt fishes to the value of 170. pound Moreouer the master and 25â— mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe and a certaine ladde of the saide Dogger they caried with tâ—em vnto Wismer Item in the foresaid yeere and about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker with other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyderpole and Iohn Coote of Wiueton and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe they villanously slue among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew the godsonne nephew and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham Which ship with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles Item in the very same yeere about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger wherein Geruase Cat was master lying at an anker while the companie were occupied about fishing and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes and furniture of the said ship Moreouer the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere the master and his said companie being endamaged thereby to the summe of 200. nobles Item in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer called the Buss of Zeland which one Iohn Ligate marchant and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia on the behalfe of
sent his ambassadors vnto the great duke of Moscouia In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite vouchsafed on vs wee are ready when occasion shall serue to aduenture our liues and goods praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God who is the onely establisher and confounder of common wealths to bring this excellent woorke the foundation whereof is already laiâ—e vnto a prosperous conclusion But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this prouince to say the very trueth we greatly wondred and were astonished at the declaration thereof For it is most apparant not onely out of all ancient and credible histories but euen from the experience and state of these regions that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained For out of all auncient monuments by what names soeuer they bee called whereof there are diuers extant among vs it cannot be proued by any mention nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture that those things which the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these regions in times past and concerning the right and title of his ancestors vnto this prouince are grounded vpon truth For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince partly through the industry of marchants and partly by the benefite of nauigation was first discouered neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and idolatrie were by the croised knights who drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and accompanie them in this their enterprise and that with great labour and difficultie conuerted vnto the Christian faith when as at the same time the â—iuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction religion maners or language of Moscouie who had not onely no conuersation nor dealings with the Moscouites but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoeuer for leading a miserable poore barbarous and heathenish life in sauage maner among wilde beastes and in the desert and solitary woods they were vtterly ignorant of God and destitute of ciuil magistrates Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them namely that all of our familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their elders more then to any other whom also that their authoritie might be the greater they called by the name of kings and albeit one of their families consisted of a 100. persons thâ—y obeyed them in al respects and after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice At the very same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion and the Ecclesiasticall ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church which religion they published and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their dominion vsing their owne proper letters and characâ—ers for the same purpose Of all which things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing enuironed with Russia Lithuania Samogitia Prussia and the Balthic sea neuer heard any report at all It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any time heretofore either within the earth or in other places of Liuonia there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of the Russes which verily must needs haue come to passe if the Moscouites Russes or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars had borne rule and authority ouer the Liuonians yea there had beene left some remainder and token either of their religion and diuine worship or of their lawes and customes or at the least of their maners language and letters This indeed we can in no wise deny that euen in Liuonia it selfe there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers languages spoken by the people Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue or with the tongues of any other nations But whereas the Moscouite pretendeth that there hath bin vsually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his predecessours out of the whole prouince it is as incredible as the former About the beginning of this tragicall warre the Moscouite to cloke his tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense amongst other of his demaunds made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction whereof notwithstanding hee could neither bring any iust account nor affirm any certainty howbeit there is no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance or from the relation of others that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the Moscouite What time therefore he referred al this negotiation vnto the master of the Liuonian order and commanded him to get what knowledge hee could therof from the men of Dorpat vrged the tribute saying if it were worth but one haire that he would not remit it at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat that beyond the memory of man when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forrests for wilde beastes that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus by the consent of the Russian borderers enioyed Bee-hiues in the said woods and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vnto the Russian gouernours sixe shillings of Liuonian coine But so soone as the Russians had felled the woods and had built townes and villages in their place the saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians These things which I knew concerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie vnto you Giuen the 22. of May in the yeere of our Lord 1576. Ordinances instructions and aduertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay compiled made and deliuered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions Dominions Islands and places vnknowen the 9. day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the faith and of the Church of England and Ireland in earth supreame head FIrst the Captaine general with the pilot maior the masters marchants other officers to be so knit and accorded in vnitie loue conformitie and obedience in euery degree on all sides that no dissention variance or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this companie to the damage or hinderance of the voyage for that dissention by many experiences hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits 2 Item for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true faithfull and loial subiects and liege men to the kings most excellent Maiestie his heires and successors and for the obseruation of all lawes statutes made
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâ—ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâ—ch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May â—nto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
the companies booke keeper here to be kept to their behalfe to the ende that they may be iustly answered the same when time shall require and this order to be seene and kept euery voyage orderly by the Pursers of the companies owne ship in any wise 2 Also when the shippe beginneth to lade you shall be ready a boord with your booke to enter such goods as shall be brought aboord to be laden for the company packed or vnpacked taking the markes and numbers of euery packe fardell trusse or packet corouoya chest fatte butte pipe punchcon whole barrell halfe barrell firken or other caske maunde or basket or any other thing which may or shall be packed by any other manner of waies or deuise And first all such packes or trusses c. as shal be brought aboord to be laden not marked by the companies marke you shall doe the best to let that the same be not laden and to enquire diligently to know the owners thereof if you can and what commoditie the same is that is so brought aboord to be laden if you can not know the owners of such goods learne what you can thereof as well making a note in your booke as also to send or bring word thereof to the Agent and to some one of the foure Marchants with him adioined so speedily as you can if it be here laden or to be laden in this riuer being not marked with the companies marke as is aforesaid and when the sayd shippe hath receiued in all that the companies Agent will haue laden you shal make a iust copie of that which is laden reciting the parcels the markes and numbers of euery thing plainely which you shall likewise deliuer to the sayd bookekeeper to the vse aforesayd 3 Also when the ship is ready to depart you shall come for your cockets and letters to the Agent and shall shew him all such letters as you haue receiued of any person or persons priuately or openly to be deliuered to any person or persons in Russia or elsewhere and also to declare if you know any other that shall passe in the ship either master or mariner that hath receiued any letters to be priuily deliuered to any there directed froÌ„ any person or persons other then from the Agent here to the Agent there which letters so by you receiued you shall not carie with you without you be licenced so to doe by the Agent here and some of the foure merchants as is aforesayd and such others as do passe hauing receiued any priuie letters to be deliuered you shal all that in you lieth let the deliuerie of them at your arriuing in Russia and also if you haue or do receiue or shal know any other that doth or hath receiued any goods or ready money to be imployed in Russia or to bee deliuered there to any person or persons from any person or persons other then such as bee the companies goods and that vnder their marke you shall before the ship doeth depart declare the same truely to the sayd Agent and to some of the other merchants to him adioyned as it is before declared 4 Also when the shippe is ready to depart and hath the master and the whole company aboord you shall diligently foresee and take heede that there passe not any priuie person or persons other then such as be authorized to passe in the said ship without the licence and warrant of one of the Gouernours and of the assistants for the same his passage to be first shewed And if there be any such person or persons that is to passe and will passe without shewing the same warrant you shall let the passage of any such to the vttermost of your power And for that there may no such priuie person passe vnder the cloke and colour of some mariner you shall vpon the weying of your ships anker call the master and the mariners within boord by their names and that by your bookes to the ende that you may see that you haue neither more nor lesse but iust the number for the voyage 5 Also you must haue in remembrance that if it shall chance the shippe to bee put into anie harbour in this coast by contrary windes or otherwise in making the voyage to send word thereof from time to time as the case shall require by your letters in this maner To master I. B. Agent for the company of the New trades in S. in London If you doe hier any to bring your letters write that which he must haue for the portage And for your better knowledge and learning you shall do very well to keepe a dayly note of the voyage both outwards and homewards 6 And principally see that you forget not dayly in all the voiage both morning and euening to call the company within boord to prayer in which doing you shall please God and the voiage will haue the better successe thereby and the company prosper the better 7 Also in calme weather and at other times when you shall fortune to come to anker in the seas during the voyage you shall for the companies profite and for the good husbanding of the victuals aboord call vpon the Boateswaine and other of the company to vse such hookes and other engines as they haue aboord to take fish with that such fish so taken may bee eaten for the cause aforesayd and if there bee no such engines aboord then to prouide some before you goe from hence 8 And when God shall send you in safetie into the Bay of S. Nicholas at an anker you shall goe a shore with the first boate that shall depart from the ship taking with you such letters as you haue to deliuer to the Agent there and if he be not there at your comming a land then send the companies letters to Colmogro to him by some sure mariner or otherwise as the master and you shall thinke best but goe not your selfe at any hand nor yet from aboord the ship vnlesse it bee a shore to treate with the Agent for the lading of the ship that you be appointed in which you shall applie diligently to haue done so speedily as may be And for the discharging of the goods therein in the Bay to be carried from thence see that you doe looke well to the vulading thereof that there be none other goods sent a shore then the companies and according to the notes entred in your booke as is aforesaid if there be inquire diligently for whom they bee and what goods they be noting who is the receiuer of the sayd goods in such sort that the company may â—anethe true knowledge thereof at your comming home 9 Also there a shore and likewise aboord you shall spie and search as secretly as you may to learne and know what bargaining buying and selling there is with the master and the mariners of the shippe and the Russes or with the companies seruants there and that which you shall perceiue and learne you shall
hither mightie strong beere I am certaine that our English double beere would not be liked of the Kerils and Lappians as long as that would last Here I sawe the Dutchmen also haue course cloth both blew greene and redde and sad horse-flesh colour And hither they bring also Ottars cases and foxe cases both blacke and redde our English foxe cases are but counterfaits vnto them They would not let me vnderstand any of their prises but as I otherwise vnderstood they bartered 2. load of siluer for 200 of stockfish and 2. loade is a doller And the Dutchmen told me that they had made a notable good yeere this present yeere 1557. They tolde me that they should be faine to goe to Wardhouse with one lading and lay it on land there and so come againe and fetch another The Borrowmasters sonne told me that he would go to Amsterdam with his lading of stockfish who gaue me a barrell of strong beere and brought it in aboord our ship himselfe After this I went among the Russes and Kerils who offered me fish to sell and likewise the Lappians desired me to looke vpon their fish I made them answere that I had nowe no wares nor money to barter with them and said that I came only to see if I might meete with our English ships Then they desired me that I would come thither the next yeere I said to them If I should come the next yeere I thinke here would not be fish ynough to serue the Dutchmen and vs also They answered me that if more ships did resort thither there would more people labour to kill and make fish and further they said that some of them came thither a fishing 8. weekes iourney with Deere which Deere will trauaile more speedily then horses will As I was thus in talke with the Kerils and Lappians the Emperour of Russia his deputie who was there to gather the tribute of the Lappians sent for me to come to his tent who after familiar salutations made me good cheere He demaunded of me why none of our ships came thither I answered him because we knew not the place before now neither yet heard of any faire that was kept there Then said he If you will come hither here would more people resort to kill fish I thinke it good said he that you make a beginning I tolde him that by the grace of God the next yeere one English ship should come thither Because I sawe the seruants of the king of Denmarke there also gathering the tribute I asked Vasilie Pheodorouich the Russie deputie whether the Denmarks would not be a let to vs if we should come to this Kegor And he said no they should not for this land is my kings and therefore be bolde to come hither The Kerils and the Lappians solde no fish vntill the said deputie had looked vpon it and had giuen them leaue to sell. I asked him what wares were best for vs to bring thither and he said siluer pearles cloth blewe red and greene meale strong beere wine pewter foxe cases and gold The Lappians pay tribute to the Emperour of Russia to the king of Denmarke and to the king of Sweden He tolde me that the Riuer Cola is little more then 20. leagues to the Southwards of Kegor where we should haue great plentie of salmon if corne were any thing cheape in Russia for then poore men would resort thither to kill salmon The Dutchmen tolde me that they had made a good yeere of this but the Kerils complained of it because they could not sell all their fish and that which they sold was as pleased the Dutchmen and at their own price I asked the Kerils at what price they sold their fish to the Russes they said good cheape wee sell 24. fishes for 4. altines I thinke they solde litâ—le aboue 20. pence the 25. fishes this yeere The Dutchmen tolde me that the best stockfish is made at Kegor I sawe at Vasilies tent 7. or 8. iauelins and halfe a dozen of bowes bent with their budgets of arrowes likewise swords with other weapons Otherwise I sawe no weapons there I was also conueyed to their lodgings which gathered tribute for the king of Denmarke where I sawe a paire of bilbowes and I asked whether they were for the Lappians if neede were and they said no but onely for their owne company if they should chance to be vnruly The Kerils and the Lappians are not to be trusted for they will steale as well as the Russes if they may conueniently come by any thing Concerning my voyage because the winde was scant to goe backe againe to Colmogro I tarried to the Eastwards of the poynt Kegor and sent to land and baked two batches of bread in the ouens that the Kerils haue for their prouision Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners to be obserued in and about this Fleete passing this yeere 1577. toward the Bay of S. Nicolas in Russia for this present Race to be made returne of the same by Gods grace to the port of London the place of their right discharge as in the Articles ensuing is deduced FIrst it is accorded and agreed betweene the seuerall proprietaries and owners masters and companies of the foure ships surnamed the Primrose the Iohn Euangelist the Anne and the Trinitie and the Lieutenant Consuls assistants and companie of the Marchant aduenturers that the aboue named foure ships shall in good order and conduct saile passe and trauaile together in one flote ging and conserue of societie to be kept indissolubly and not to be seuered but vnited within continuall sight so farre foorth as by winde weather by possibilitie shall or may be without any separation or departure of one from the other 2 Item it is agreed that the good ship named the Primerose shal be Admirall of this flote and that Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman shal be captaine thereof and that all other the 3. ships shall ensue and folow her in all courses and that no course nor waying in harborough especially shall be made without aduice consent and agreement of the sayd Captaine the Master his mate and two other officers of the said ship or of three of them at the least 3 Item that the said Anthonie is and shal be reputed taken for Captaine general of the said flote together with all such orders preeminences priuiledges and preferments as by the order of seas is due and accustomed to a Captaine during his abode and exercise of the same 4 It is also ordeined that if any one or moe of the said 3. ships shal be out of sight either before or behinde the Admirall that then the rest of the ships shall tacke or take off their sailes in such sort as they may meete and come together in as good order as may be to the intent to keepe the consortment exactly in all poynts 5 It is constituted that if any ships shal be seuered by mist or darke
beene or what he had done he could not tell Also he wrote that one Iohn Lucke a Ioyner was taken by the Liefelanders and put in prison As yet wee haue not heard from the sayd Iohn Lucke nor know not whether he be released out of prison or not We suppose that by him you wrote some letter which as yet is not come to our hands so that we thinke hâ—e is yet in prison or otherwise dispatched out of the way The fifteenth day of December wee receiued a letter from Christopher Hodson dated in the Mosco the 29 of Iuly by the way of Danske which is in effect a copie of such another receiued from him in our shippes You shal vnderstand that we haue laden in three good shippes of ours these kind of wares following to wit in the Swallowe of London Master vnder God Steuen Burrow 34 fardels N o 136 broad short clothes and foure fardels N o 58 Hampshire Kersies and 23 pipes of bastards and seckes and 263 pieces of raisins and 4 hogsheds N o 154 pieces of round pewter and ten hogsheds and poncheons of prunes and one dryfatte with Almonds And in the Philip and Marie Master vnder God Thomas Wade 25 fardels N o 100 broad clothes and three fardels N o 42 Hampshire Kersies and thirtie pipes of seckes and bastards and 100 pieces of raisins And in the Iesus of London Master vnder God Arthur Pette 10 fardels N o 40 broade shorte clothes and twenty seuen pipes of bastards and seckes as by the Inuoices herewith inclosed may appeare Also you shall receiue such necessaries as you did write to bee sent for the rope makers trusting that you shall haue better successe with them which you shall send vs in these ships then with the rest which you haue sent vs yet for we as yet haue sold none of them And whereas we wrote vnto you in our former letter that we would send you a hundred tunnes of salte by reason it is so deare here we doe send you but nine tunnes and a halfe for it cost here ten pence the bushell the first penie namely in the Swallow 6 tunnes and a halfe in the Philip and Marie one tunne and a halfe and in the Iesus one tunne and a halfe The 4 hogsheds of round pewter goe in the Swallow and in the Philip and Marie N o 154 pieces as is aforesaid We send you three ships trusting that you haue prouided according to our former writing good store of lading for them If yee haue more wares then will lade the ships let it be Traine oyles that you leaue behinde the price is not here so good as it was it is worth here 9 pound the tunne We thinke it good you should let the smaller ship bring as much of the traine as she can cary And that the masters of the ships do looke wel to the romaging for they might bring away a great deale more then they doe if they would take paine in the romaging and bestowe the traine by it selfe and the ware and tallowe by it selfe for the leakage of the traine doth fowle the other wares much As for Allard the skinner if you thinke good he may come home in these shippes We haue no doubt but that you Henrie Lane if you minde to come home now in these ships as you requested will leaue such good order there with our seruants as shall bee for our most profite and their preferment if they doe their dueties diligently and truely If our friend Master Antonie Ienkinson bee returned and meane to come away in these ships to declare his mind and opinion of his trauaile if need require and he be so minded he may returne thither by land and be there by the fine of Ianuarie or before But as we be vncertaine whether he be returned or not so we know not what he hath done nor what benefite may rise hereafter of his trauaile Therefore in this wee remit it to his and your good discretions Wee send you Thomas Hawtrey which is our seruant for yeeres our minde is he should be placed where he may doe best seruice Also we send you Nicholas Chancelour to remaine there who is our apprentice for yeeres our minde is hee should be set about such businesse as he is most fit for he hath been kept at writing schoole long he hath his Algorisme and hath vnderstanding of keeping of bookes of reckonings We send you now but 100 Kersies but against the next yeere if occasion serue wee will send you a greater quantitie according as you shal aduise vs One of the pipes of seckes that is in the Swallow which hath 2 round compasses vpon the bung is to be presented to the Emperour for it is special good The nete waight of the 10 puncheons of prunes is 4300. 2 thirds 1 pound It is written particularly vpon the head of euery puncheon and the nete weight of the fatte of almonds is 500 li. two quarters The raisins prunes and almonds you were best to dispatch away at a reasonable price and principally the raisins for in keeping of them will be great losse in the waight and the fruit will decay We thinke it good that you prouide against the next yeere for the comming of our shippes 20 or 30 bullockes killed and salted for beefe is very deare here Therefore you were best to saue some of this salt that we doe send you in these ships for the purpose The salte of that countrey is not so good In this you may take the opinion of the masters of the shippes Foxe skins white blacke and russet will be vendible here The last yere you sent none but there were mariners that bought many If any of the mariners doe buy any trifling furres or other commodities we will they shall be registred in our pursers bookes to the intent we may know what they be We desire to know how the Emperour tooke the letter which we sent in our ships as an answere to the letter that came in his name and vnder his seale for the sixe thousand dallers Thus wee rest committing you to God from London the fift day of May 1560. For lacke of time the gouernours haue not firmed this letter which is the copie of the other two letters firmed by them Yours William Mericke Yours Blase Sanders The maner of Iustice by lots in Russia written by Master Henrie Lane and executed in a controuersie betweene him and one Sheray Costromitskey in Mosco 1560. AFter the comming home into Russia of Ioseph Napea the first ambassadour to Queene Marie I remaining the Agent there sundrie Russian marchants by Iosephs procurement obtained letters from the Emperour to freight goods and passe in our ships for England which thing vpon good consideration I answered and refused They were then driuen to credite vs and compound in value vntill the next returne At which time notwithstanding good accompt in the value of 600 robles
thence into Persia and to haue seene the trade of that countrey although I had enformed my selfe sufficiently thereof as well at Astracan as at Boghar and perceiued well the trades not to be much vnlike the trades of Tartaria but when I should haue taken my iourney that way it was let by diuers occasions the one was the great wars that did newly begin betwixt the Sophie and the kings of Tartaria whereby the waies were destroyed and there was a Carauan destroied with rouers theeues which came out of India and Persia by safe conduct and about ten daies iourney from Boghar they were robbed and a great part slaine Also the Metropolitan of Boghar who is greater then the king tooke the Emperors letters of Russia from me without which I should haue bene taken slaue in euery place also all such wares as I had receiued in barter for cloth and as I tooke perforce of the king other his Nobles in paiment of money due vnto me were not vendible in Persia for which causes and diuers others I was constrained to come backe againe to Mare Caspium the same way I went so that the eight of March 1559 we departed out of the said Citie of Boghar being a Carauan of 600 Camels and if we had not departed when we did I and my company had bene in danger to haue lost life and goods For ten daies after our departure the king of Samarcand came with an armie besieged the said Citie of Bogâ—ar the king being absent and gone to the wars against another prince his kinsman as the like chanceth in those Countries once in two or three yeres For it is maruell if a King reigne there aboue three or foure yeres to the great destruction of the Countrey and marchants The 25 of March we came to the foresayd towne of Vrgence and escaped the danger of 400 rouers which lay in waâ—te for vs backe againe being the most of them of kindred to that company of theeues which we met with going foorth as we perceiued by foure spies which were taken There were in my company and committed to my charge two ambassadors the one from the king of Boghar the other from the king of Balke and were sent vnto the Emperor of Russia And after hauing taried at Vrgence and the Castle of Sellysure eight daies for the assembling and making ready of our Carauan the second of Aprill we departed from thence hauing foure moe Ambassadors in our companie sent from the king of Vrgence and other Soltans his brethren vnto the Emperor of Russia with answere of such letters as I brought them and the same Ambassadors were also committed vnto my charge by the sayde Kings and princes to whome I promised most faithfully and swore by our law that they should be well vsed on Rusland and suffered to depart from thence againe in safetie according as the Emperor had written also in his letters for they somewhat doubted because there had none gone out of Tartaria into Russia of long time before The 23 of Aprill we arriued at the Mare Caspium againe where we found our barke which we came in but neither anker cable cocke nor saile neuerthelesse wee brought hempe with vs and spunne a cable our selues with the rest of our tackling and made vs a saile of cloth of cotton wooll and rigged our barke as well as we could but boate or anker we had none In the meane time being deuising to make an anker of wood of a cart wheele there arriued a barke which came from Astracan with Tartars and Russes which had 2 ankers with whom I agreed for the one and thus being in a readines we set saile and departed I and the two Iohnsons being Master and Mariners our selues hauing in our barke the said sixe ambassadors and 25 Russes which had bene â—â—aues a long time in â—arâ—aria nor euer had before my comming libertie or meanes to get home and these slaues serued to rowe when neede was Thus sailing sometimes along the coast and sometimes out of sight of lande the 13. day of May hauing a contrary winde wee came to an anker being three leagues from the shoare there rose a sore storme which continued 44. houres and our cable being of our owne spinning brake and lost our anker and being off a lee shoare and hauing no boate to helpe vs we hoysed our saile and bare roomer with the said shoare looking for present death but as God prouided for vs we ranne into a creeke ful of oze and so saued our selues with our barke liued in great discomfort for a time For although we should haue escaped with our liues the danger of the sea yet if our barke had perished we knew we should haue bene either destroyed or taken slaues by the people of that Countrey who liue wildly in the field like beasts without house or habitation Thus when the storme was seased we went out of the creeke againe and hauing set the land with our Compasse and taken certaine markes of the same during the time of the tempest whilest we ridde at our anker we went directly to the place where we ridde with our barke againe and found our anker which wee lost whereat the Tartars much marueiled how we did it While we were in the creeke we made an anker of wood of cart wheeles which we had in our barke which we threw away when wee had found out yron anker againe Within two dayes after there arose another great storme at the Northeast and we lay a trie being driuen far into the sea and had much ado to keepe our barke from sinking the billowe was so great but at the last hauing faire weather we tooke the Sunne and knowing howe the land lay from vs we fel with the Riuer Yaik according to our desire wherof the Tartars were very glad fearing that wee should haue bene driuen to the coast of Persia whose people were vnto them great enemies Note that during the time of our Nauigation wee set vp the redde crosse of S. George in our flagges for honour of the Christians which I suppose was neuer seene in the Caspian sea before We passed in this voyage diuers fortunes notwithstanding the 28. of May we arriued in safetie at Astracan and there remained till the tenth of Iune following as well to prepare vs small boates to goe vp against the streame of Volga with our goods as also for the companie of the Ambassadours of Tartarie committed vnto me to bee brought to the presence of the Emperour of Russia This Caspian sea to say some thing of it is in length about two hundred leagues and in breadth 150. without any issue to other seas to the East part whereof ioyneth the great desert countrey of the Tartars called Turkemen to the West the countreyes of the Chyrcasses the mountaines of Caucasus and the Mare Euxinum which is from the said Caspian Sea a hundred leagues To the North is the riuer
and though I cannot finde things that heretofore I kept in writing and lent out to others yet perusing at London copies of mine old letters to content one that meaneth to pleasure many I haue briefly and as truly as I may drawen out as followeth The rough hewing may be planed at your leasure or as pleaseth him that shall take the paines First the honourable attempt to discouer by sea Northeast and Northwest named for Cathay being chiefly procured by priuiledge from king Edward the sixt and other his nobilitie by and at the cost and sute of M. Sebastian Cabota then gouernor for discoueries with sir Andrew Iudde sir George Barnes sir William Garrard M. Anthony Hussie and a companie of merchants was in the last yeere of his Maiesties reigne 1553. The generall charge whereof was committed to one sir Hugh Willoughbie knight a goodly Gentleman accompanied with sufficient number of Pilots Maisters Merchants and Mariners hauing three shippes well furnished to wit The Bona Sperança the Edward Bonaduenture and the Confidentia The Edward Bonaduenture Richard Chanceller being Pilot and Steuen Burrough Maister hauing discouered Wardhouse vpon the coast of Finmark by storme or fogge departed from the rest found the bay of S. Nicholas now the chiefe port for Russia there wintred in safetie and had ayde of the people at a village called Newnox The other two shippes attempting further Northwards as appeared by pamphlets found after written by sir Hugh Willoughbie were in September encountred with such extreame colde that they put backe to seeke a wintring place and missing the saide baye fell vpon a desert coast in Lappia entring into a Riuer immediately frozen vp since discouered named Arzina Reca distant East from a Russian Monastery of Monkes called Pechingho from whence they neuer returned but all to the number of 70. persons perished which was for want of experience to haue made caues and stoues These were found with the shippes the next Summer Anno 1554. by Russe fishermen and in Anno 1555. the place sent vnto by English Merchants as hereafter appeareth Anno 1554. the sayd shippe Edward Bonaduenture although robbed homewardes by Flemings returned with her company to London shewing and setting foorth their entertainments and discouery of the countreys euen to the citie of Mosco from whence they brought a priuilege written in Russe with the Kings or great Dukes seale the other two shippes looked for and vnknowen to them where they were An. 1555. the said company of Merchants for discouerie vpon a new supply sent thither againe with two ships to wit the Edward Bonaduenture another bearing the name of the King and Queene Philip and Marie whose Maiesties by their letters to the said Moscoâ—ite recommended sundry their subiects then passing wherof certaine to wit Richard Chanceller George Killing worth Henry Lane and Arthur Edwards after their arriuall at the Bay and passing by Dwina to Vologda went first vp to Mosco where vpon knowledge of the said letters they with their traine had speciall entertainment with houses and diet appointed and shortly permitted to they princes presence they were with gentlemen brought through the citie of Mosco to the castle and palace replenished with numbers of people and some gunners They entred sundry roomes furnished in shew with ancient graue personages all in long garments of sundry colours golde tissue baldekin and violet as our vestments and copes haue bene in England sutable with caps iewels and chaines These were found to be no courtiers but ancient Moscouites inhabitants and other their merchants of credite as the maner is furnished thus from the Wardrobe and Treasurie waiting and wearing this apparell for the time and so to restore it Then entring into the presence being a large roome floored with carpets were men of more estate and richer shew in number aboue an hundred set square who after the said English men came in doing reuerence they all stood vp the prince onely sitting and yet rising at any occasion when our King aâ—d Queenes names were read or spoken Then after speeches by interpretation our men kissing his hande and bidden to dinner were stayed in another roome and at dinner brought through where might be seene massie siluer and gilt plate some like and as bigge as kilderkins and washbowles and entring the dining place being the greater roome the prince was sâ—t bare headed his crowne and rich cappe standing vpon a pinnacle by Not farre distant sate his Metropolitane with diuers other of his kindred and chiefe Tartarian Captaines none sate ouer against him or any at other tables their backes towards him which tables all furnished with ghests set there was for the Englishmen named by the Russes Ghosti Carabelski to wit strangers or merchants by ship a table in the middest of the roome where they were set direct against the prince and then began the seruice brought in by a number of his yoong Lordes and Gentlemen in such rich attire as is aboue specified and still from the Princes table notwithstanding their owne furniture they had his whole messes set ouer all in massie fine golde deliuered euery time from him by name to them by their seuerall Christian names as they sate viz. Richard George Henry Arthur Likewise bread and sundry drinkes of purified mead made of fiue white and clarified honie At their rising the prince called them to his table to receiue each one a cup from his hand to drinke and tooke into his hand Master George Killing worths beard which reached ouer the table pleasantly deliuered it the Metropolitane who seeming to blesse it sayd in Russe this is Gods gift As in deede at that time it was not onely thicke broad and yellow coloured but in length fiue foot and two inches of assize Then taking leaue being night they were accompanied and followed with a number carying pots of drinke and dishes of meat dressed to our lodging This yeere the two shippes with the dead bodies of Sir Hugh Willoughbie and his people were sent vnto by Master Killingworth which remained there in Mosco Agent almost two yeeres and much of the goods and victuals were recouered and saued Anno 1556. The company sent two ships for Russia with extraordinary masters and saylers to bring home the two ships which were frozen in Lappia in the riuer of Arzina aforesaid The two ships sent this yeere from England sailing from Lapland to the Bay of S. Nicholas tooke in lading with passengers to wit a Russe ambassador named Ioseph Napea and some of his men shipped with Richard Chanceller in the Edward But so it fel out that the two which came from Lappia with all their new Masters and Mariners neuer were heard of but in foule weather and wrought seas after their two yeeres wintring in Lapland became as is supposed vnstanch and sunke wherein were drowned also diuers Russes merchants and seruants of the ambassadour A third shippe the Edward aforesayd falling on the North
part of Scotland vpon a rocke was also lost and Master Chanceller with diuers other drowned The sayd Russe ambassadour hardly escaping with other his men mariners some goods sauer were sent for into Scotland from the King Queene and Merchants the messenger being M. Doctor Laurence Hussie and others And then as in the chronicles appeareth honorably enterteined and receiued at London This yeere also the company furnished and sent out a pinnesse named the Serchthrift to discouer the harborowes in the North coast from Norway to Wardhouse and so to the Bay of S. Nicholas There was in her Master and Pilot Stephen Burrough with his brother William and eight other Their discouery was beyond the Bay towarde the Samoeds people dwelling neare the riuer of Ob and found a sound or sea with an Island called Vaigats first by them put into the Carde or Mappe In that place they threw snowe out of their said pinnesse with shouels in August by which extremitie and lacke of time they came backe to Russia and wintred at Colmogro Anno 1557. The company with foure good ships sent backe the said Russe ambassadour and in company with him sent as an Agent for further discouery Master Anthony Ienkinson who afterward anno 1558 with great fauour of the prince of Moscouia and his letters passed the riuer Volga to Cazan and meaning to seeke Cathay by land was by many troupes and companies of vnciuil Tartarians encountred and in danger but keeping company with merchants of Bactria or Boghar and Vrgeme trauelling with camels he with his company went to Boghar and no further whose entertainment of the king is to be had of master Ienkinson which returned anno 1559. to Moscouie And in anno 1560. he with Henry Lane came home into England which yeere was the first safe returne without losse or shipwracke or dead fraight burnings And at this time was the first traffike to the Narue in Liuonia which confines with Lituania all the dominions of Russia and the markets faires commodities great townes riuers were sent vnto by diuers seruants the reports were taken by Henry Lane Agent and deliuered to the companie 1561. The trade to Rie and Reuel of old time hath bene long since frequented by our English nation but this trade to the Narue was hitherto concealed from vs by the Danskers and Lubeckers Anno 1561. the said Master Anthony Ienkinson went Agent into Russia who the next yeere after passing all the riuer of Volga to Astracan and ouer the Caspian sea arriued in Persia and opened the trade thither Also betweene the yeeres of 1568. and 1573. sundry voyages after Master Ienkinsons were made by Thomas Alcock Arthur Edwards Master Thomas Bannister and Master Geffrey Ducket whose returne if spoyle neere Volga had not preuented by rouing theeues had altogether salued and recouered the companies called the olde companies great losse charges and damages but the saying is trueâ— By vnitie small things grow great by contention great things become small This may be vnderstood best by the company The frowardnesse of some few and euill doing of some vniust factors was cause of much of the euill successe Arthur Edwards was sent againe 1579. and died in the voyage at Astracan About which matters are to be remembred the voyages of Master Thomas Randolph Esquire Ambassador anno 1567. And late of Sir Ierome Bowes anno 1583. both tending and treating for further discoueries freedomes and priuileges wherewith I meddle not But in conclusion for their paines and aduentures this way as diuers do now adayes other wayes as worthy Gentlemen sent from princes to doe their countrey good I put them in your memorie with my hearty farewell From S. Magarets neere Dartforth in Kent Yours Henry Lane The most solemne and magnificent coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia c. the tenth of Iune in the yeere 1584. seene and obserued by Master Ierom Horsey gentleman and seruant to her Maiesty a man of great trauell and long experience in those parts wherwith is also ioyned the course of his iourney ouer land from Mosco to Emden WHen the old Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich died being about the eighteenth of Aprill 1584. after our computation in the citie of Mosco hauing raigned 54. yeeres there was some tumult annd vprore among some of the nobilitie and cominaltie which notwithstanding was quickly pacified Immediately the same night the Prince Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Knez Iuan Pheodorowich Mesthis Slafsky Knez Iuan Petrowich Susky Mekita Romanowich Bodan Iacoulewich Belskoy being all noble men and chiefest in the Emperors Will especially the Lord Boris whom he adopted as his third sonne was brother to the Empresse who was a maÌ„ very wel liked of al estates as no lesse worthy for his valure wisedome all these were appointed to dispose settle his sonne Pheodor Iuanowich hauing one sworne another and all the nobilitie and officers whosoeuer In the morning y e dead Emperor was layd into the Church of Michael the Archangel into a hewen sepulcre very richly decked with vestures fit for such a purpose and present Proclamation was made Emperor Pheodor Iuanowich of all Ruâ—sia c. Throughout all the citie of Mosco was great watch and ward with souldiers and gunners good orders established and officers placed to subdue the tumulters and mainteine quietnes to see what speede and policie was in this case vsed was a thing worth the beholding This being done in Mosco great men of birth and accompt were also presently sent to the bordering Townes as Smolensko Vobsko Kasan Nouogorod c. with fresh garrison and the old sent vp As vpon the 4. of May a parliament was held wherein were assembled the Metropolitane Archbishops Bishops Priors and chiefe clergie men and all the nobility whatsoeuer where many matters were determined not pertinent to my purpose yet all tended to a new reformation in the gouernmentâ— but especially the terme and time was agreed vpon for the solemnizing of the new Emperors coronation In the meane time y e Empresse wife to the old Emperor was with her child the Emperors sonne Charlewich Demetrie Iuanowich of one yeres age or there abouts sent with her father Pheodor Pheodorowich Nagay that kindred being 5. Brothers to a towne called Ouglets which was giuen vnto her and the young Prince her sonne with all the lands belonging to it in the shire with officers of all sortes appointed hauing allowance of apparell iewels diet horse c. in ample maner belonging to the estate of a princesse The time of mourning after their vse being expired called Sorachyn or fortie orderlie dayes the day of the solemnizing of this coronation with great preparations was come being vpon the 10. day of Iune 1584. and that day then Sunday he being of the age of 25. yeeres at which time Master Ierom Horsey was orderly sent for and placed in a fit roome to
reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good mealâ— Insomuch til at the last God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper of the prison so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road at his pleasure paying a certaine stipend vnto the keeper and wearing a locke about his leg which libertie likewise sixe more had vpon like sufferance who by reason of their long imprisonment not being feared or suspected to start aside or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe had libertie to go in and out at the sayd road in such maner as this Iohn Fox did with irons on their legs and to returne againe at night In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season the gallies happily comming to their accustomed harborow and being discharged of all their mastes sailes and other such furnitures as vnto gallies doe appertaine and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne homes there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners who had bene taken by the Turks force and were of sixteen sundry nations Among which there were three Englishmen whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Woodbridge in Suffolke the other William Wickney of Portsmouth in the Countie of Southhampton and the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex Which Iohn Fox hauing bene thirteene or foureteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance and being too too weary thereof minding his escape weighed with himselfe by what meanes it might be brought to passe and continually pondering with himself thereof tooke a good heart vnto him in hope that God would not be not alwayes scourging his children and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his pretended enterprise if that it should redound to his glory Not farre from the road and somewhat from thence at one side of the Citie there was a certaine viâ—tualling house which one Peter Vnticaro had hired paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road This Peter Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne and a Christian and had bene prisoner about thirtie yeeres and neuer practised any meanes to escape but kept himselfe quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie vntill that nowe this Iohn Foxe vsing much thither they brake one to another their mindes concerning the restrainâ— of their libertie and imprisonment So that this Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would faine put in practise made priuie one more to this their intent Which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compasse to meete together insomuch that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be if it pleased God to farther them thereto who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise whom they thought they might safely trust determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose Whereupon the same Iohn Fox and Peter Vnticaro and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the prison the next day being the last day of December where this Iohn Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their intenâ— and deuise was and how and when they minded to bring their purpose to passe who thereunto perswaded them without much a doe to further their deuise Which the same Iohn Fox seeing deliuered vnto them a sort of files which he had gathered together for this purpose by the meaues of Peter Vnticaro charging them that euery man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the next day at night On the next day at night this said Iohn Fox and his sixe other companions being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro passing the time away in mieth for feare of suspect till the night came on so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise sent Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade in the name of one of the Masters of the citie with whom this keeper was acquainted and at whose request he also would come at the first who desired him to take the paines to meete him there promising him that he would bring him backe againe The keeper agreed to goe with him willing the warders not to barre the gate saying that he would not stay long but would come againe with all speede In the meane sâ—ason the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons as they could get in that house and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie sword blade without either hilt or pomell which he made to serue his turne in bending the hand ende of the sword in steed of a pomell and the other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house The keeper now being come vnto the house and perceiuing no light nor hearing any noyse straightway suspected the matter and returning backward Iohn Fox standing behind the corner of the house stepped foorth vnto him who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox saide O Fox what haue I deserued of thee that thou shouldest seeke my death Thou villaine quoth Fox hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserued at my handes wherewith he lift vp his bright shining sword of tenne yeeres rust and stroke him so maine a blowe as there withall his head claue a sunder so that he fell starke dead to the ground Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper who came presently foorth and some with their spits ranne him through and the other with their glaiues hewed him in sunder cut off his head and mangled him so that no man should discerne what he was Then marched they toward the roade whereinto they entered sofâ—ly where were six warders whom one of them asked saying who was there quoth Fox his company all friendes Which when they were all within proued contrary for quoth Fox my masters here is not to euery man a man wherefore looke you play your parts Who so behaued themselues in deede that they had dispatched these sixe quickly Then Iohn Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise and minding to worke surely in that which he went about barred the gate surely and planted a Canon against iâ— Then entred they into the Gailers lodge where they found the keyes of the fortresse prison by his bed side and there had they all better weapons In this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure and all in duckats which this Peter Vnticaro two more opening stuffed themselues so full as they could betweene their shirts and their skinne which Iohn Fox would not once touch and sayde that it was his and their libertie which he sought for to the honour of his God not to make a marâ—e of the wicked treasure of the Infidels Yet did these words siâ—ke nothing into their stomakes they did it
loro per il tempo che restarano qua siportorno da fideli Catholici Christiani che sua sanctita habbia trouato bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso per il timor della armata Tuâ—kesca di altri vaselli de mimici inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctitá massime per che hauera de andare passare per diuersi lochi tanto lontani come Ingilterra Flandra tutti parti di ponente in altroue a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente come fidele conuersatore nostro accio piu securamente sensa obstaculo possa andare ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con alire a loro bennista Per tanto donque tutti ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione alla quale detto magnifico Giouani Keale Dauid Filly a nome quo supra con la naue marinari de detti loro principali o altricaschera nauigare passare venire sicuramente alla libera sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate facciate lasciare stare passare tornare quando li parera partire talmente che per amore contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue marinari mercantia non habbi difficulta fastidio ritentione alcuna anzi se gli dia ogni agintâ— fauore cosa degnadi voi giusta a noi gratissima de recompensaruila con vguale maggior seruitio quando dall ' occasione ne saremo rechiesti Et finalmente commandammo a tutti qual si voglia relligiosi frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia coÌ„ditione grado stato che siano a tutti riceuitori procuratori nostri in tutti qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia atutti nostri vassalli alla giurisditione di nostra relligione soggetti che in tale per tale tenghino reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra naue marinari mercantia sensa permittere che nel detto suo viaggio o in alcun altro luogo sia molestato o in qual si voglia manera impedito anzi tutte lecose sue negotij loro sian da voi agâ—outati continuamente fauoriti In cuius rei testimonium Bâ—lla nostra magistralis in cera nigra praesentibus est impressa Datae Melitae in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij 1582. The same in English FRier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala by the grace of God master of the holy house the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ to all euery prince ecclesiastical secular archbishops bishops Dukes Marqueses Barons Capteines Uicelords Maiors Castellanes Admirals and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies or other greater shippes and gouernors of cities potentates and magistrates and other officers and persons whatsoeuer of what dignitie degree state and condition soeuer they be dwelling in all places and landes greeting We make it knowne and in the word of truth do witnesse that in the moneth of May last past our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master and our men willing to know what ship it was they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie maister and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies and because she would not strike amaine her sayle according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie master the said ship was brought backe againe vnto the present port of Malta according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies and in being there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage They therefore the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Eward Osborne Alderman and Richard Staper English marchants of the noble citie of London haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser pilots master and mariners that we would giue our letters patents and safe conducts that they might goe and returne when they shall see opportunitie with their goods and merchandizes at their pleasure whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust and that it might be for the prosite of our religion and of these strangers by the tenor of these presents we haue granted the same to them yet with the conditions here under written viz. That euery time the said marchants of the said ship or with any other shall not bring such marchandize as is forbidden and that by sufficient proofe and letters testâ—moniall it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague they may victuall themselues with all necessarie victuals and traffike with vs and in this Iland and dominion and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Leuant or else where as all other vessels and especially of France and other nations do and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good Item that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush saltpeâ—ter cole of Newcastle plates of lattin tinne steele yron coÌ„mon karsies white course canuas to make saile for the gallies balies of yron for shot fine milstones trees masts for gallies litle and others and in conclusion hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie and other vessels of the enemie submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off as England Flanders and all parts Westwards and in other places we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents as our faithfull assistant so as more surely and without let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good with the said ship or with others at their pleasure We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction vnto the which the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie by name abouesaid with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or
cloth of golde very rich and the captaine taking the Alcaron out of the chest presenteth it to the Basha who hauing kissed it commandeth to lay it vp againe Some there are which affirme that being arriued at Cairo they kill that goodly camell which carried the Alcaron and eate him which is nothing so for they are so superstitious to the contrary that to gaine all the world they would not kill him But if by casualty he should die in this case happy and blessed they thinke themselues which can get a morsell to eat And thus much concerning the voyage of the captaine of the carouan of Cairo The voyage and trauell of M. Caesar Fredericke Marchant of Venice into the East India and beyond the Indies Wherein are conteined the customes and rites of those countries the merchandises and commodities aswell of golde and siluer as spices drugges pearles and other iewels translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke Caesar Fredericke to the Reader I Hauing gentle Reader for the space of eighteene yeeres continually coasted and trauelled as it were all the East Indies and many other countreys beyond the Indies wherein I haue had both good and ill successe in my trauels and hauing seene vnderstood many things woorthy the noting and to be knowen to all the world the which were neuer as yet written of any I thought it good seeing the Almighty had giuen me grace after so long perils in passing such a long voyage to returne into mine owne countrey the noble city of Venice I say I thought it good as briefly as I could to write and set forth this voyage made by me with the maruellous things I haue seene in my trauels in the Indies The mighty Princes that gouerne those countreys their religion and faith that they haue the rites and customes which they vse and liue by of the diuers successe that happened vnto me and how many of these countreys are abounding with spices drugs and iewels giuing also profitable aduertisement to all those that haue a desire to make such a voyage And because that the whole world may more commodiously reioyce at this my trauell I haue caused it to be printed in this order and now I present it vnto you gentle louing Readers to whom for the varieties of things heerein conteined I hope that it shall be with great delight receiued And thus God of his goodnesse keepe you A voyage to the East Indies and beyond the Indies c. IN the yere of our Lord God 1563 I Caesar Fredericke being in Venice and very desirous to see the East parts of the world shipped my selfe in a shippe called the Gradaâ—ge of Venice with certaine marchandise gouerned by M. Iacomo Vatica which was bound to Cyprus with his ship with whom I went and when we were arriued in Cyprus I left that ship and went in a lesser to Tripoly in Soria where I stayed a while Afterward I tooke my iourney to Alepo and there I acquainted my selfe with marchants of Armenia and Moores that were marchants and consorted to go with them to Ormus and wee departed from Alepo and in two dayes iourney and a halfe wee came to a city called Bir. Of the city called Bir. BI r is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals and nere vnto the walles of the city runneth the riuer of Euphrates In this city the marchants diuide themselues into companies according to their merchandise that they haue and there either they buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon downe the riuer Euphrates with charge of a master and mariners to conduct the boat in the voyage these boats are in a maner flat bottomed yet they be very strong and for all that they are so strong they will serue but for one voyage They are made according to the sholdnesse of the riuer because that the riuer is in many places full of great stones which greatly hinder and trouble those that goe downe the riuer These boats serue but for one voyage downe the riuer vnto a village called Feluchia because it is impossible to bring them vp the riuer backe againe At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats in pieces or else sell them for a small price for that at Bi r they cost the marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece and they sel them at Feluchia for seuen or eight chickens a piece because that when the marchants returne from Babylon backe againe if they haue marchandise or goods that oweth custome then they make their returne in forty dayes thorow the wildernesse passing that way with a great deale lesser charges then the other way And if they haue not marchandise that oweth custome then they goe by the way of Mosul where it costeth them great charges both the Carouan and company From Bi r where the marchants imbarke themselues to Feluchia ouer against Babylon if the riuer haue good store of water they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene dayes downe the riuer and if the water be lowe and it hath not rained then it is much trouble and it will be forty or fifty dayes iourney downe because that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the riuer then they must vnlade them which is great trouble and then lade them againe when they haue mended them therefore it is not necessary neither doe the marchants go with one boat alone but with two or three that if one boat split and be lost with striking on the sholdes they may haue another ready to take in their goods vntill such time as they haue mended the brokeÌ„ boat and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her it is hard to deâ—end her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come downe there to robbe you and in the riuers euery night when you make fasâ— your boat to the banckeside you must keepe good watch against the Arabians which are theeues in number like to ants yet when they come to robbe they will not kill but steale run away Harquebuzes are very good weapons against them for that they stand greatly in feare of the shot And â—s you passe the riuer Euphrates from Bi r to Feluchia there are certein places which you must passe by where you pay custome certaine medines vpon a bale which custome is belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians and of the desert who hath certaine cities and villages on the riuer Euphrates Feluchia and Babylon FEluchia is a village where they that come from Bi r doe vnbarke themselues and vnlade their goods and it is distant from Babylon a dayes iourney and an halfe by land Babylon is no great city but it is very populous and of great trade of strangers because it is a great thorow-fare for Persia Turkia and Arabia and very often times there goe out from thence Carouans into diuers countreys
Saluages very brutish which would not stay but retired from them For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could find no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces which were cranes and geese there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish which we gathered on the rockes After 15 or 20 dayes being here our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie where hee found great store of Penguines Seales whereof he brought good plenty with him And twise after that we sent certain of our men which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships After we had bene here some time we got here a Negro whom we compelled to march into the country with vs making signs to bring vs some cattell but at this time we could come to the sight of none so we let the Negro goe with some trifles Within 8 dayes after he with 30 or 40 other Negros brought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen with as many sheepe at which time we bought but few of theÌ„ But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe We bought an oxe for two kniues a stirke for a knife and a sheepe for a knife and some we bought for lesse value then a knife The oxen be very large and well fleshed but not fat The sheepe are very big and very good meat they haue no woll on their backs but haire and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria There be diuers sorts of wild beasts as the Antilope wherof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt the red fallow Deere with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkeis As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned then with three euill manned for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198 of which there went in the Penelope with the â—dmiral 101 and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left behâ—â—d 50 men with the Roiall marchant whereof there were many pretily well recouered of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal which for many reasons we thought good to send home The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea haue best held out but our mariners dropt away which in my iudgement proceedeth of their euill diet at home Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa which they did very speedily But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes the 14 of SepteÌ„ber we were encountre with a mighty storme and extreeme gusts of wind wherein we lost our Generals companie and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro where we appointed to stay one for another Foure dayes after this vncomfortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder which slew foure of our men outright their necks being wrung in souder without speaking any word and of 94 men three was not one vntouched whereof some were striken blind others were bruised in their legs armes and others in their brests so that they voided blood two dayes after others were drawen out at length as though they had bene racked But God be thanked they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slaine out right Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torne very grieuously from the head to the decke and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber were melted with the extreme heate theereof From thence wee shaped our course to the Northeast and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea and calling to certaine of his fellowes asked them what it was which efâ—soones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue incurred Thus passing on forward it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias laden with Millio hennes and ducks with one Portugall boy going for the prouision of Mozambique Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro which we found exceeding full of people which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of Here wee desired to store our selues with water whereof we stood in great need and sent sixteene of our men well armed on shore in our boate whom the people suffred quietly to land and water and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee whom we entertained in the best maner and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart and sent our men againe for more water who then also dispatched their businesse returned quietly the third time likewise we sent them for more which also returned without any harme And though we thought our selues furnished yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we should finde any good watering place would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men much against the will of our captaine and hee and 16 of his company together with one boat which was all that we had and 16 others that were a washing ouer-against our ship were betrayed of the perfidious Moores and in our sight for the most part slaine we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour From hence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember where shortly after wee arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February where during our aboad we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates which are pinned with woodden pinnes and sowed together with Palmito cordes and calked with the
assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels as in prouision of food and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation they do giue them all their helpe and fauour In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi REx tertio die Februarij anno 13 licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas in aliquo portu siue portibus regni Angâ—iae ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum vel subtùs cum apparatu requisito quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros marinarios subditos regis qui cumeo exire voluerint c. The same in English THe king vpon the third day of February in the 13 yeere of his reigne gaue licence to Iohn Caboâ— to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England being of the burden of 200 tunnes or vnder with all necessary furniture and to take also into the said ships all such masters mariners and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him c. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discouery of the West Indies which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster and in many other ancient merchants houses ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit die 24 Iunij circiter horam quintam bene manè Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inieâ—erat Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis hac opinor ratione quòd a perta fuit eo dieÌ„ qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae Huius incolae pelles animalium exuuiásque feraâ—um pro indumentis habent easque tanti faciunt quanti nos vestes preciosissimas Cùm bellum gerunt vtuntur aâ—cu sagittis hastis spiculis clauis ligneis fundis Tellus sterilis est neque vllos fructus affert ex quo fit vt vrsis albo colore ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit piscibus abundar ijsque sane magnis quales sunt lupi marini quos salmones vulgus appellat soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae vt vlnae mensuram excedant Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant perdices autem aquilae sunt nigri coloris The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Câ—bot a Uenetian and his sonne Sebastian with an English fleet set out from Bristoll discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted on the 24 of Iune about fiue of the clockâ— early in the morning This land he called Prima vista that is to say First seene because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea That Island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion as I thinke because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments In their warres they vse bowes arrowes pikes darts woodden clubs and slings The saile is barren in some places yeeldeth litle fruit but it is full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours It yeeldeth plenty of fish and those very great as seales and those which commonly we call salmons there are soles also aboue a yard in length but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos In the same Island also there bréed hauks but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens as also their partridges and egles which are in like sort blacke A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort DOe you not vnderstand sayd he speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice how to passe to India toward the Northwest as did of late a citizen of Venice so valiant a man and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations and the science of Cosmographie that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies who may not passe thither without his licence and is therefore called Piloto mayor that is the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not he proceeded saying that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot who had the charge of those things being an expert man in that science and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand and that by this report seeking his acquaintance hee found him a very gentle person who intertained him friendly and shewed him many things and among other a large Mappe of the world with certaine particuler Nauigations as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards and that he spake further vnto him to this effect When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England to follow the trade of marchandises hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London while I was very yong yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane to saile by the West into the East where spices growe by a way that was neuer knowen before by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere that if I should saile by way of the Northwest I should by a shorter tract come into India I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished
leagues and from Terra de Labrador 50. 5 Moreouer Aluarus Nunnius a Spaniard and learned Cosmographer and Iacobus Cartier who made two voyages into those parts and sayled 900 miles vpon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same 6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius a learned Italian and trauailer in the North parts of the same land 7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like heard say at Hochelaga in Noua Francia how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay whereof the end was not knowen which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia Furthermore Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth and deâ—cribed this passage in his Charts which are yet to be seene in the Queens Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall who was sent to make this discouery by king Henrie the seuenth and entreâ— the same fret affirming that he sayled very farre Westward with a quartâ—r of the North on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune vntill he came to the Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe and finding the Seas still open sayd that he might would haue gone to Cataia if the mutime of the Master and Mariners had not bene Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage so the chapter following shal put you in full assurance of the rest by their experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled throughout Chap. 4. THe diuersitie betweene bruite beastes and men or betweene the wise and the simple is that the one iudgeth by sense onely and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seene felt heard tasted or smelled And the other not so onely but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason before they happen to be tryed Wherefore I haue added proofes of both sorts that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied 1 First as Gemma Frisius reciteth there went from Europe three brethren through this passage whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum 2 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest vpon the coast of Germanie which were presented by the king of Sueuia vnto Quintus Metellus Celer the Proconsull of France 3 And Plinie vpon the same sayth that it is no maruell though there be Sea by the North where there is such abundance of moisture which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that way through which those Indians came 4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested to proue my opinion of the Northwest passage you shall finde the same affirmed more plainly in that behalfe by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger who sheweth how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe making in that place recital of certaine Indians that were likewise driuen through the North Seas from India vpon the coastes of Germany by great tempest as they were sayling in trade of marchandize 5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour Anno Do. 1160. there came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie 6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth that in the time of the Germane Emperours there were also certaine Indians cast by force of weather vpon the coast of the sayd countrey which foresaid Indians could not possibly haue come by the Southeast Southwest nor from any part of Afrike or America nor yet by the Northeast therefore they came of necessitie by this our Northwest passage To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast Southwest nor from any other part of Afrike or America Cap. 5. FIrst they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança because the roughnes of the Seas there is such occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part that the greatest Armadas the king of Portugal hath cannot without great difficulty passe that way much lesse then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without shipwracke being a vessell of very small burden and haue conducted themselues to the place aforesayd being men vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation 2 Also it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd to those parts of Europe because the winds doe for the most part blow there Easterly off from the shore and the current running that way in like sort should haue driuen them Westward vpon some part of America for such winds and tides could neuer haue led them from theÌ„ce to the said place where they were found nor yet could they haue come from any of the countries aforesayd keeping the seas alwayes without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses as were necessary to performe â—uch a voiage 3 Presupposing also if they had bene driuen to the West as they must haue bene comming that way then they should haue perished wanting supplie of victuals not hauing any place once leauing the coast of Afrike vntill they came to America nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part of Europe or the Islands adioyning to it to haue refreshed themselues 4 Also if notwithstanding such impossibilities they might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast yet must they without all doubt haue striken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall there as the Isles of the Açores Portugal Spaine France England Ireland c. which if they had done it is not credible that they should or would haue departed vndiscouered of the inhabitants but there was neuer found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of Germanie where they haue bene sundry times and in sundry ages cast a land neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea if they had so arriued not knowing where they were nor whither to haue gone 5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible because the current aforesayd which coÌ„meth from the East striketh with such force vpon the fret of Magellan and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur that hardly any ship but not possibly a Canoa with such vnskilfull mariners can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret from the West seas of America as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs. 6 And further to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the coast of Germany were Indians not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America it is manifest because the natiues both of Africa and America neither had or haue at this day as is reported other kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes except onely vpon the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships but do carie themselues from place to place neere the shore by
diuerse stormes and flawes and by nine of the clocke at night the storme was growen so great continued such vntill the morning that it put our ships at sea in no small perill for hauing mountaines of fleeting yce on euery side we went roomer for one and loofed for another some scraped vs and some happily escaped vs that the least of a M. were as dangerous to strike as any rocke and able to haue split asunder the strongest ship of the world We had a scope of cleare without yce as God would wherein we turned being otherwise compassed on euery side about but so much was the winde and so litle was our sea roome that being able to beare onely our forecourse we cast so oft about that we made fourteene bordes in eight glasses running being but foure houres but God being our best Steresman by the industry of Charles Iackman and Andrew Dyer theÌ„ masters mates both very expert Mariners Richard Cox y e maister Gunner with other very carefull sailers then within bord and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which are without darkenesse we did happily auoide those present dangers whereat since wee haue more maruelled then in the present danger feared for that euery man within borde both better and worse had ynough to doe with his hands to hale ropes and with his eyes to looke out for danger But the next morning being the 20 of Iuly as God would the storme ceased and the Generall espying the ships with his new Captiue and whole company came happily abord and reported what had passed a shoare whereupon altogither vpon our knees we gaue God humble and hartie thankes for that it had pleased him from so speedy peril to send vs such speedy deliuerance and so from this Northerne shore we stroke ouer towards the Southerland The one and twentieth of Iuly we discouered a bay which ranne into the land that seemed a likely harborow for our ships wherefore our Generall rowed thither with his boats to make proofe thereof and with his goldfiners to search for Ore hauing neuer assayed any thing on the South shore as yet and the first small Iland which we landed vpon Here all the sands and clifts did so glister and had so bright a marquesite that it seemed all to be gold but vpon tryall made it prooued no better then black-lead and verified the prouerbe All is not gold that glistereth Upon the two and twentieth of Iuly we bare into the sayde sound and came to ancker a reasonable bredth off the shore where thinking our selues in good securitie we were greatly endangered with a peece of drift yce which the Ebbe brought foorth of the sounds and came thwart vs ere we were aware But the gentlemen and souldiers within bord taking great paines at this pinch at the Capstone ouercame the most danger thereof and yet for all that might be done it stroke on our sterne such a blow that we feared least it had striken away our rudder and being forced to cut our Cable in the hawse we were faine to set our fore saile to runne further vp within and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then in the present time we feared we had runne the shâ—p vpon the rockes hauing a very narrow Channell to turne in but as God would all came well to passe And this was named Iackmans sound after the name of the Masters mate who had first liking vnto the place Upon a small Iland within this sound called Smithes Iland because he first set vp his forge there was found a Mine of siluer but was not wonne out of the rockes without great labour Here our goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found vpon the Northerland and found foure sortes thereof to holde gold in good quantitie Upon another small Iland here was also found a great dead fish which as it should seeme had bene embayed with yce and was in proportion round like to a Porpose being about twelue foote long and in bignesse answerable hauing a horne of two yardes long growing out of the snoute or nostrels This horne is wreathed and straite like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe and may truely be thought to be the sea Unicorne This horne is to be seene and reserued as a Iewell by the Queenes Maiesties commandement in her Wardrope of Robes Tuesday the three and twentieth of Iuly our Generall with his best company of gentlâ—men souldiers and saylers to the number of seuentie persons in all marched with ensigne displayde vpon the continent of the Southerland the supposed continent of America where commanding a Trumpet to sound a call for euery man to repaire to the ensigne he declared to the whole company how much the cause imported for the seruice of her Maiestiâ— our counâ—râ—y our credits and the safetie of our owne liues and therefore required euery man to be conformable to order and to be directed by those he should assigne And he appointed for leaders Captaine Fenton Captaine Yorke and his Lieutenant George Beste which done we cast our selues into a ring and altogither vpon our knees gaue God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of his great goodnesse to preserue vs from such imminent dangers beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite so to deliuer vs in safetie into our Countrey whereby the light and truth of these secrets being knowen it might redound to the more honour of his holy name and consequently to the aduancement of our common wealth And so in as good sort as the place suffered we marched towards the tops of the mountaines which were no lesse painfull in climbing then dangerous in descending by reason of their steepnesse yce And hauing passed about fiue miles by such vnwieldie wayes we returned vnto our ships without sight of any people or likelihood of habitation Here diuerse of the Gentlemen desired our Generall to suffer them to the number of twentie or thirtie persons to march vp thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey to the end they might discouer the Inland and doe some acceptable seruice for their countrey But he not contented with the matter he sought for and well considering the short time he had in hand and the greedie desire our countrey hath to a present sauour and returne of gaine bent his whole indeuour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships and to leaue the rest by Gods helpe hereafter to be well accomplished And therefore the twentie sixe of Iuly he departed ouer to the Northland with the two barkes leauing the Ayde ryding in Iackmans sound and ment after hee had found conuenient harborow and fraight there for his ships to discouer further for the passage The Barkes came the same night to ancker in a sound vpon the Northerland where the tydes did runne so swift and the place was so subiect to indrafts of yce that by reason thereof they were greatly endangered hauing
the shore they tooke in their sailes and lay adrift The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed we cast about towards the inward and had sight of land which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights which some of the Fleete and those not the worst Marriners iudged to be the North Foreland howbeit other some were of contrary opinion But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes And by reason of the darke miâ—ts which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous For whereas indeede we thought our selues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast were brought to the South-westwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe The cause whereof we haue since found and it shall be at large hereafter declared Here we made a point of land which some mislooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke but how we should be so farre shoe vp so suddainely within the said straights the eâ—pertest Mariners began to maruell thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouertaken in their accounts or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had obserued And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned someâ—imes round about euen in a moment after the maner of a whirlepoole and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard a farre off then the waterfall of London Bridge But whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne whereby to take the height and so to know the true eleuation of the pole and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast the Generall with the Captaines Masters of his ships began doubtfully to question of the matter and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each mans opinion and specially of Iames Beare Master of the Anne Francis who was knowen to be a sufficient and skilful Mariner and hauing bene there the yere before had wel obserued the place and drawen out Cardes of the coast But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before and that he could not make it for any place of Frobishers Streits as some of the Fleete supposed and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like that the best Mariners therein may bee deceiued The tenth of Iuly the weather still continuing thicke and darke some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete and wandring to and fro with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea Bay or Streites they knew not or along a coast whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie off the place as commonly in these parts it doth The Uiceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall who was with him in the Thomas Allen hauing lost sight of the Fleete turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with him Also the Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost company of the Fleete and being all alone held it for best to turne it out to sea againe vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place into the open Sea againe being so narrowly distressed by the way by meanes of continuall fogge and yce that they were many times ready to leape vpon an Iland of yce to auoide the present danger and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes and some determined to tie the Hatches of the shipe togither and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto and so to be towed with the ship-bote ashore which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous bloodie and Men-eating people The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way passed vp aboue sixtie leagues within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side and a continuance still of an open Sea before them The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error and that this was not the olde straights yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course and knowen straights Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein thâ—n otherwise meaning by that policie being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie to induce the Fleete to follow him to see a further proofe of that place And as some of the companie reported he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea called Mar del Sur and dissolued the long doubâ— of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya 1 Of which mistaken straights considering the circumstance we haue great cause to confirme our opinion to like and hope well of the passage in this place For the foresaid Bay or Sea the further we sayled therein the wider we found it with great likelihood of endlesse continuance And where in other places we were much troubled with yce as in the entrance of the same so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce or other thing at all as in other places we found 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce and other things which doe fleete in the Sea either to the North or Eastwards of the same as by good experience we haue found 3 For here also we met with boordes lathes and diuers other
Master the rest Mariners The 7. of Iune the Captaine and the Master drewe out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West southwest we put in for Falmouth where we remained vntil the 13. The 13. the wind blew at North and being faire weather we departed The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put into Silley The 15. wee departed thence hauing the wind North and by East moderate and faire weather The 16. wee were driuen backe againe and were constrained to arriue at newe Grymiby in Silley here the winde remained contrary 12. dayes and in that space the Captaine the Master and I went about all the Ilands and the Captaine did plat out and describe the situation of all the Ilands rocks and harboroughs to the exact vse of Nauigation with lines and scale thereunto conuenient The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being Easterly but calme The first of Iuly wee sawe great store of Porposes The Master called for an harping yron and shot twise or thrise sometimes he missed and at last shot one and stâ—ooke him in the side and wound him into the ship when we had him aboord the Master sayd it was a Darlie head The 2. we had some of the fish sodden and it did eat as sweete as any mutton The 3. wee had more in sight and the Master went to shoote at them but they were so great that they burst our yrons and we lost both fish yrons pastime and all yet neuerthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike and had welnigh gotten one but he was so strong that he burst off the barres of the pike and went away then he tooke the boat-hooke and hit one with that but all would not preuaile so at length we let them alone The 6. we saw a very great Whale and euery day we saw whales continually The 16. 17. and 18. we saw great store of Whales The 19. of Iuly we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tyde setting to the Northwards and sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea which bent to the Southsouthwest Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the Sea as if it had bene the breach of some shoare the ayre being so foggie and full of thicke mist that we could not see the one ship from the other being a very small distance asunder so the Captaine and the Master being in distrust how the tyde might set them caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound but they could not finde ground in 300. fathoms and better Then the Captaine Master and I went towards the breach to see what it should be giuing charge to our gunners that at euery glasse they should shoote off a musket-shot to the intent we might keepe our selues from loosing them Then comming nere to the breach we met many Ilands of yce floting which had quickly compassed vs about then we went vpon some of them and did perceiue that all the roaring which we heard was caused onely by the rowling of this yce together Our companie seeing vs not to returne according to our appoyntment left off shooting muskets and began to shoote falkonets for they feared some mishap had befallen vs but before night we came aboord againe with our boat laden with yce which made very good fresh water Then wee bent our course toward the North hoping by that meanes to double the land The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge brake vp and we discouered the land which was the most deformed rockie and mountainous land that euer we saw The first sight whereof did shew as if it had bene in forme of a sugar-loafe standing to our sight aboue the cloudes for that it did shew ouer the fogge like a white liste in the skie the tops altogether couered with snow and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea making such yrkesome noyse as that it seemed to be the true patterne of desolation and after the same our Captaine named it The land of Desolaâ—ion The 21. the winde came Northerly and ouerblew so that we were constrained to bend our course South againe for we perceiued that we were runne into a very deepe Bay where wee were almost compassed with yce for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast West and Southwest and this day and this night wee cleared our selues of the yce running Southsouthwest along the shoare Upon Thursday being the 2â— of this moneth about three of the clocke in the morning wee hoysed out our boate and the Captaine with sixe saylers went towards the shoare thinking to â—ind a landing place for the night before we did perceiue the coast to be voyde of yce to our iudgement and the same night wee were all perswaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the shoare but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it but we had no great reason so to doe The Captaine rowing towards the shoare willed the Master to beare in with the land after him and before he came neere the shoare by the space of a league or about two miles hee found so much yce that hee could not get to land by any meanes Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish because there were so many seales vpon the coast and the birds did beate vpon the water but all was in vaine The water about this place was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms While the Captaine was rowing to the shoare our men sawe woods vpon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland but I could not discerne them yet it might be so very well for we had wood floting vpon the coast euery day and the Mooneshine tooke vp a tree at Sea not farre from the coast being sixtie foote of length and foureteene handfuls about hauing the roote vpon it After this the Captaine came aboord the weather being very calme and faire we bent our course toward the South with intent to double the land The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest The 24. the winde being very faire at East we coasted the land which did lie East and West not being able to come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce At this place because the weather was somewhat colde by reason of the yce and the better to encourage our men their allowance was increased the captaine and the master tooke order that euery messe being fiue persons should haue halfe a pound of bread and a kan of beere euery morning to breakfast The weather was not very colde but the aire was moderate like to our April-weather in England when the winde came from the land or the ice it was somewhat colde but when it came off the sea it was very hote
the bottome of the gulfe the ayre being extreme hoâ— Master Bruton and some of the Mariners went on shoare to course dogs where they found many Graues and Trane spilt on the ground the dogs being so fat that they were scant able to run The 26. wee had a prety storme the winde being at Southeast The 27. and 28. were faire The 29. we were cleare out of the streights hauing coasted the South shore and this day at noone we were in 62. degrees of latitude The 30. in the afternoone wee coasted a banke of yce which lay on the shore and passed by a great banke or Inlet which lay between 63. and 62. degrees of latitude which we called Lumlies Inlet We had oftentimes as we sailed alongst the coast great ruttes the water as it were whirling and ouerfalling as if it were the fall of some great water through a bridge The 31. as we sayled by a Headland which we named Warwicks Foreland we fell into one of those ouerfals with a fresh gale of wind and bearing all our sailes wee looking vpon an Island of yce betweene vs and the shoarre had thought that our barke did make no way which caused vs to take markes on the shoare at length wee perceiued our selues to goe very fast and the Island of yce which we saw before was carried very forcibly with the set of the current faster then our ship went This day and night we passed by a very great gulfe the water whirling and roaring as it were the meetings of tydes August THe first of August hauing coasted a banke of ice which was driuen out at the mouth of this gulfe we fell with the Southermost â—ape of the gulfe which we named Chidleis cape which lay in 61 degrees 10 minutes of latitude The 2 and 3 were calme and foggie so were the 4 5 and 6. The 7 was faire and calme so was the 8 with a litle gale in the morning The 9 was faire and we had a litle gale at night The 10 we had a frisking gale at Westnorthwest The 1â— faire The 12 we saw fiue deere on the top of an Island called by vs Darcies Island And we hoised out our boat and went ashore to them thinking to haue killed some of them But when we came on shore and had coursed them twise about the Island they tooke the sea and swamme towards Islands distant froâ— that three leagues When we perceiued that they had taken the sea we gaue them ouer because our boat was so small that it could not carrie vs and rowe after them they swammne so fast but one of them was as bigge as a good prety Cow and very fat their feet as bigge as Oxe feet Here vpon this Island I killed with my piece a gray hare The 13 in the morning we saw three or foure white beares but durst not go on shore to them for lacke of a good boat This day we stroke a rocke seeking for an harborow and receiued a leake and this day we were in 54 degrees of latâ—tude The 14 we stopt our leake in a storme not very outragious at noone The 15 being almost in 52 degrees of latitude and not finding our ships nor according to their promise any kinde of marke token or beacon which we willed them to set vp and they protested to do so vpon euery head land Island or cape within twenty leagues euery way off from their fishing place which our captaine appointed to be betweene 54 and 55 degrees This 15 I say we shaped our course homewards for England hauing in our ship but litle wood and halfe a hogshead of fresh water Our men were very willing to depart and no man more forward then Peerson for he feared to be put out of his office of stewardship but because euery man was so willing to depart we consented to returne for our owne countrey and so we had the 16 faire weather with the winde at Southwest The 17 we met a ship at sea and as farre as we could iudge it was a Biskaine we thought she went a fishing for whales for in 52 degrees or thereabout we saw very many The 18 was faire with a good gale at West The 19 faire also with much winde at West and by South And thus after much variable weather and change of winds we arriued the 15 of September in Dartmouth anno 1587 giuing thanks to God for our safe arriuall A letter of the sayd M. Iohn Dauis written to M. Sanderson of London concerning his forewritten voyage GOod M. Sanderson with Gods great mercy I haue made my safe returne in health with all my company and haue failed threescore leagues further then my determination at my departure I haue bene in 73 degrees finding the sea all open and forty leagues betweene land and land The passage is most prâ—bable the execution easie as at my comming you shall fully know Yesterday the 15 of September I landed all weary therefore I pray you pardon my shortnesse Sandridge this 16 of September anno 1587. Yours equall as mine owne which by triall you shall best know IOHN DAVIS A trauerse-booke A TRAVERSE-BOOKE MADE BY M. IOHN DAVIS in his third voyage for the discouerie of the Northwest passage Anno 1587. Moneth    Eleuation of the pole   May. Dayes Houres Course Leagues Deg Min. The winde THE DISCOVRSE 19  W.S.W. westerly  50 30 N.E. This day we departed from Dartmouth at two of the Clocke at night 20        21 35 W.S.W. westerly 50 50  N.E. This day we descried Silly N.W. by W. from vs. 22 15 W.N.W. 14   N.E. by E. This day at noone we departed from Silly 22 6 W.N.W. 6   N.E. by E.  22 â— W.N.W. 2     23 15 N.W. by W. 18   N.E.  23 29 W.N.W. 36 50 40  The true course distance and latitude  3 W.N.W. 2   N.N.E.   6 N.W. by W. 5   N.E. by N.   3 W.N.W. 3   N.N.E.   12 W.N.W. 12   N.E.  Noone the 24 24 W.n.w. Northerly 25 51 16  The true course distance and latitude  3 W.N.W. 3   N.N.E.   3 W.N.W. 2â— Â Â N. by E.   6 W. by N. 5   N.   6 W. by N. 5   N.   2 S. â— Â Â N. Now we lay vpon the â—ee for the Sunshine which had taken a leaâ—e of 500 strokes in a watch Noone the 25 24 W. by N. 20 51 30  The true course distanceâ— and latitude  3 W. 3   N.N.W.   3 W.S.W. 2   N.W.   1 S.W. 1   W.N.W.   2 W.N.W. 1½   N.   3 W.N.W. 1â— Â Â N.   3     Calme
I gaue God prayse it was good and knewe how farre I was off the land and was in hâ—pe to come to the lande within two or three dayes and sayde they were but threescore leagues from the lande when they were seuentie all to put them in comfort Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any sustenance saue onely the weedes that swamme in the Sea and salt water to drinke The fifth day Hedly dyed and another moreouer then wee desired all to die for in all these fiue dayes and fiue nights we saw the Sunne but once and the Starre but one night it was so foule weaâ—her Thus we did remaine the sixt day then we were very weake and wished all to die sauing onely my selfe which did comfort them and promised they should come soone to land by the helpe of God but the company were very importunate and were in doubt they should neuer come to land but that I promised them the seuenth day they should come to shore or els they should cast me ouer boord which did happen true the seuenth day for at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of the land and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we came on land All these seuen dayes and seuen nights the wind kept continually South If the wind had in the meane time shifted vpon any other point wee had neuer come to land we were no sooner come to the land but the wind came cleane contrary at North within halfe an houre after our arriuall But we were so weake that one could scarcely helpe another of vs out of the boate yet with much adoe being come all on shore we kneeled downe vpon our knees and gaue God praise that he had dealt so mercifully with vs. Afterwards those which were strongest holpe their fellowes vnto a fresh brooke where we satisfied our selues with water and berries very well There were of al sorts of beâ—ries plentie as goodly a Countrey as euer I saw we found a very faire plaine Champion ground that a man might see very farre euery way by the Sea side was here and there a little wood with goodly trees as good as â—uer I saw any in Norway able to mast any shippe of pyne trees spruse trees â—irre and very great birch trees Where we came on land we made a little house with boughes where wâ— rested all that night In the morning I deuided the company three and three to goe euery way to see what foode they could find to sustaine themselues and appointed them to meete there all againe â—t noone with such foode as they could get As we went aboord we found great store of peason as good as any wee haue in England a man would thinke they had bene sowed there We rested there three dayes and three nights and liued very well with pease and berries wee named the place Saint Lauâ—ence because it was a very gâ—odly riuer like the riuer of S. Laurence in Canada and we found it very full of Salmons When wee had well rested our selues wee rowed our boate along the shore thinking to haue gone to the Grande Bay to haue come home with some Spanyards which are yeerely there to kill the Whale And when we were hungry or at â—irst we put our boate on land and gathered pease and berries Thus wee rowed our boate along the shore fiuâ— dayes about which time we came to a very goodly riuer that ranne farre vp into the Countrey and saw very goodly growen trees of all sortes There we happened vpon a ship of Saint Iohn de Luz which ship brought vs into Biskay to an Harborough called The Passage The Master of the shippe was our great friend or else we had bene put to death if he had not kept our counsayle For when the visitors came aboord as it is the order in Spaine they demaunding what we were he sayd we were poore fishermen that had cast away our ship â—n Newfound land and so the visitors inquired no more of the matter at that time Assoone as night was come he put vs on land and bad vs shifâ— for our selues Then had wee but tenne or twelue miles into France which we went that night and then cared not for the Spanyard And so shortly after we came into England toward the end of the yeere 1583. A true Report of the late discoueries and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the Newfound Lands By that valiant and worthy Gentleman Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight VVherein is also briefly set downe her highnesse lawfull Title thereunto and the great and manifold commodities that are likely to grow therby to the whole Realme in generall and to the Aduenturers in particular Together with the easinesse and shortnesse of the Voyage Written by Sir George Peckham Knight the chiefe aduenturer and furtherer of Sir Humfrey Gilberts voyage to Newfound Land The first Chapter wherein the Argument of the Booke is contained IT was my fortune good Reader not many dayes past to meete with a right honest and discreete Gentleman who accompanied that valiant and worthy Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert in this last iourney for the Westerne discoueries and is owner and Captaine of the onely vessell which is as yet returned from thence By him I vnderstand that Sir Humfrey departed the coast of England the eleuenth of Iune last past with fiue sayle of Shippes from Caâ—shen bay neere Plimmouth whereof one of the best forsooke his company the thirteenth day of the same moneth and returned into England The other foure through the assistance of Almighty God did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen in Newfound land the 3. of August last Upon whose arriuall all the Masters and chiefe Mariners of the English Fleet which were in the said Hauen before endeuoring to fraight themselues with fish repaired vnto Sir Humfrey whom he made acquainted with the effect of his Commission which being done he promised to intreat them and their goods well and honourably as did become her Maiesties Lieutenant They did all welcome him in the best sort that they could and shewed him aâ—d his all such courtesies as the place could affoord or yeelde Then he went to vâ—ew the Countrey being well accompanied with most of his Captaines and souldiers They found the same very temperate but somewhat warmer then England at that season of the yeere râ—plenished with Beasts and great store of Foule of diuers kinds And Fish of sundry sortes both in the salt water and in the fresh in so great plentie as might suffice of victuall an Armie and they are very easily taken What sundry other commodities for this Realme right necessarie the same doeth yeelde you shall vnderstand in this treatise hereafter in place more conuenient On Munday being the fift of August the Generall cauâ—ed his tent to be set vpon the side of an hill in the viewe of all the Fleete of English men and strangers which were in number betweene
Lord God 1170. arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies and afterward returned himselfe into England leauing certaine of his people there as appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle where he then gaue to certaine Ilands beastes and foules sundry Welsh names as the Iland of Pengwin which yet to this day beareth the same There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name at this day and is as much to say in English as Whitehead and in trueth the said foules haue white heads There is also in those countreis a fruit called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word Moreouer there are diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse as Dauid Ingram aforesaid reporteth in his relations All which most strongly argueth the sayd prince with his people to haue inhabiteâ— there And the same in effect is confirmed by Mutezuma that mightie Emperour of Mexico who in an Oration vnto his subiects the better pacifying of them made in the presence of Hernando Cortes vsed these speeches following MY kinsmen friends and seruants you doe well know that eighteene yeres I haue bene your King as my fathers and grandfathers were and alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince and you vnto me good and obedient subiects and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes of my life You ought to haue in remembrance that either you haue heard of your fathers or else our diuines haue instructed you that wee are not naturally of this countrey nor yet our kingdome is durable because our sorefathers came from a farre countrey and their King and Captaine who brought them hither returned againe to his naturall Countrey saying that he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs if by chance he himselfe returned not câ— These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles the which being throughly considered because they haue relation to some strange noble person who long before had possessed those countreys doe all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie forasmuch as no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde make prescription of time for themselues before the time of this Prince Madoc Besides all this for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts that is to say in the time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory King Henry the seuenth Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Ioha Cabota an Italiau to Lewis Sebastian and Sancius his three sonnes to discouer remote barbarous and heathen Countreys which discouery was afterwardes executed to the vse of the Crowne of England in the sayde Kings time by Sebastian and Sancius his sonnes who were borne here in England in true testimony whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland knowen and called vntill this day by the name of Sancius hauen which proueth that they first discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida as appeareth in the Decades And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty but any of the foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can pretend to the Indies before such time as they had actuall possession thereof obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus and the conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa Hernando Cortes Francisco Pizarro and others And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade traffike and planting in those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in generall NOw to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and beneficiall generally to the whole realme it is very certaine that the greatest iewell of this realme and the chiefest strength and force of the same for defence or offence in marshall matter and maner is the multitude of ships masters and mariners ready to assist the most stately and royall nauy of her Maiesty which by reason of this voyage shall haue both increase and maintenance And it is well knowen that in sundry places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes for the trade of fishing onely yet notwâ—thstanding the fish which is taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen will not suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths if there were none els brought of strangers And the chiefest cause why our English men doe not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie both for plenty and greatnesse of fish is for that they haue no succour and knowen safe harbour in those parts But if our nation were once planted there or neere there abouts whereas they now fish but for two moneths in the yeere they might then fish so long as pleased themselues or rather at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken salted and dried as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay God granting that salt may be found there whereof Dauid Ingram who trauelled in those countreys as aforesayd sayth that there is great plenty and withall the climate doth giue great hope that though there were none naturally growing yet it might as well be made there by art as it is both at Rochel and Bayon or elsewhere Which being brought to passe shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners were it but in respect of fishing onely but much more in regard of the sundry merchandizes and commodities which are there found and had in great abundance Moreouer it is well knowen that all Sauages as well chose that dwell in the South as those that dwell in the North so soone as they shall begin but a little to taste of ciuility will take maruelous delight in any garment be it neuer so simple as a shirt a blew yellow red or greene cotten cassocke a cap or such like and will take incredible paines for such a trifle For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our countreymen who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies some twelue yeeres together and some of lesse time that the people in those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments Which being so what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue and how great benefit to all such persons and artificers whose names are quoted in the margent I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are discreet And questionlesse heereby it will also come to passe that all such townes and villages as both haue beene and now are vtterly decayed and ruinated the poore people there of being not set on worke by reason of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in times past shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and estate all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement
of our nauy and maintenance of our nauigation To what end need I endeuour my selfe by arguments to proue that by this voyage our nauie and nauigation shal be inlarged when as there needeth none other reason then the manifest late example of the neere neighbours to this realme the kings of Spaine and Portugall who since the first discouery of the Indies haue not onely mightily inlarged their dominions greatly inriched themselues and their subiects but haue also by iust account trebled the number of their shippes masters and mariners a matter of no small moment and importance Besides this it will prooue a generall benefit vnto our countrey that through this occasion not onely a great number of men which dâ— now liue idlely at home and are burthenous chargeable vnprofitable to this realme shall hereby be set on worke but also children of twelue or fourteene yeeres of age or vnder may bee kept from idlenesse in making of a thousand kindes of trifling things which wil be good merchandize for that countrey And moreouer our idle women which the Realme may well spare shall also be imployed on plucking drying and sorting of feathers in pulling beating and working of hempe and in gathering of cotton and diuers things right necessary for dying All which things are to be found in those countreys most plentifully And the men may imploy themselues in dragging for pearle woorking for mines and in matters of husbandry and likewise in hunting the Whale for Trane and making caskes to put the same in besides in fishing for cod salmon and herring drying salting and barrelling the same and felling of trees hewing and sawing of them and such like worke meete for those persons that are no men of Art or science Many other things may bee found to the great reliefe and good employments of no small number of the naturall Subiects of this Realme which doe now liue here idlely to the common annoy of the whole state Neither may I here omit the great hope and likelyhood of a passage beyond the Grand Bay into the South Seas confirmed by sundry authours to be found leading to Cataia the Moluccas and Spiceries whereby may ensue as generall a benefite to the Realme or greater then yet hath bene spoken of without either such charges or other inconueniences as by the tedious tract of time and perill which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day doeth minister And to conclude this argument withall it is well knowen to all men of sound iudgement that this voyage is of greater importance and will be found more beneficiall to our countrey then all other voyages at this day in vse and trade amongst vs. The fift chapter sheweth that the trading and planting in those countreis is likely to proue to the particular profit oâ— all aduenturers I Must now according to my promise shew foorth some probable reasons that the aduenturers in this iourney are to take particular profit by the same It is therefore conuenient that I doe diuide the aduenturers into two sorts the noblemen and gentlemen by themselues and the Merchants by themselues For as I doe heare it is meant that there shall be one societie of the Noblemen and Gentlemen and another societie of the merchants And yet not so diuided but that eche society may freely and frankely trade and traffique one with the other And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen who doe chiefly seeke a temperate climate wholesome ayre fertile soile and a strong place by nature whereupon they may fortifieâ— and there either plant themselues or such other persons as they shall thinke good to send to bee lords of that place and countrey to them I say that all these things are very easie to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid either by South or North both in the Continent and in Islands thereunto adioyning at their choise but the degree certaine of the eleuation of the pole and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are to be found I omit to make publike for such regard as the wiser sort can easily coniecture the rather because I doe certainly vnderstand that some of those which haue the managing of this matter knowe it as well or better then I my selfe and do meane to reueale the same when cause shall require to such persons whom it shall concerne and to no other so that they may seat settle themselues in such climate as shall best agree with their owne nature disposition and good liking and in the whole tract of that landâ— by the description of as many as haue bene there great plentie of minerall matter of all sorts and â—n very many places both stones of price pearle and christall and great store of beasts birds and sowles both for pleasure and necessary vse of man are to be found And for such as take delight in hunting there are Stagges Wilde bores Foxes Hares Cunnies Badgers Otters and riuers other such like for pleasure Also for such as haue delight in hauking there are haukes of sundry kinds and great store of game both for land and riuer as Fezants Partridges Cranes Heronshawes Ducks Mallards and such like There is also a kinde of beast much bigger then an Ore whose hide is more then eighteene forte long of which sort a countreyman of ours one Walker a sea man who was vpon that coast did for a trueth report in the presence of diuers honourable and worshipfull persons that he and his company did finde in one cottage aboue two hundred and fortie hides which they brought away and solde in France for sortie shillings an hide and with this agreeth Dauid Ingram and describeth that beast at large supposing it to be a certaine kinde of Buffe there are likewise beasts and fowles of diuers kinds which I omit for breuities sake great store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh plentie of grapes as bigge as a mans thumbe and the most delicate wine of the Palme tree of which wine there be diuers of good credit in this realme that haue tasted and there is also a kind of graine called Maâ—â— Potato rootes and sundry other fruits naturally growing there so that after such time â—s they are once setled they shall neede to take no great care for victuall And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipfull honest minded and well disposed Merchants as haue a desire to the furtherance of euery good and commendable action I will first say vnto them as I haue done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen that within the degrees abouesayde is doubtlesse to bee found the most wholesome and best temperature of ayre fertilitie of soyle and euery other commoditie or merchandize for the which with to small perill we doe trauell into Barbary Spaine Portugall France Italie Moscouie and Eastland All which may be either presently had or at the least wise
shippes with vpwards of fortie tunnes of Traine The Island lyeth in 47 degrees some fiftie leagues from the grand Bay neere Newfoundland and is about twentie leagues about and some part of the Island is flat Sands and shouldeâ— and the fish commeth on banke to do their kinde in April May Iune by numbers of thousands which fish is very big and hath two great teeth and the skinne of them is like Buffes leather anâ— they will not away from their yong ones The yong ones are as good meat as Ueale And with the bellies of fiue of the saide fishes they make a hogshead of Traine which Traine is very sweet which if it will make sope the king of Spaine may burne some of his Oliue trees Humbly praying your Lorship to pardon herein my boldnes betaking your Honour to the keeping of the Almightie From Bristoll this 14 of September 1591. Your Honours most humbly at commandemeâ—â—â— THOMAS IAMES A briefe note oâ— the Morsse and the vse thereof IN the first voyage of Iaques Carthier wherein he discouered the Gulfe of S. Laâ—rence and the said Isle of Ramea in the yeere 1534 as you may reade in pag. 205 of this present volume he met with these beasts as he witnesseth in these words About the said Island are very great beasts as great as oxen which haue two great teeth in their mouthes like vnto Elephants teeth and liue also in the sea Wee saw one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water and thinking to take it we went to it with our boates but so soone as he heard vs he cast himselfe into the sea Touching these beasts which Iaques Carthier saith to be as big as Oxen and to haue teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth True it is that they are called in latine Boues Marini or Vaccae Marinae in the RussiaÌ„ tongue Morsses the hides whereof I haue seene as big as any Oxe hide and being dressed I haue yet a piece of one thickeâ— then any two Oxe or Buls hides in England The Leatherdressers take them to be excellent good to make light targets against the arrows of the Sauages and I hold them farre better then the light leather targets which the Moores vse in Barbarie against arrowâ—s and lances whereof I haue seene diuers in her Maiesties stately Armorie in the towre of London The teeth of the sayd fishes whereof I haue seene a dryfat full at once are a foote and sometimes more in length haue bene sold in England to the combe knife-makers at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight whereas the best Iuory is sold for halfe the money the graine of the bone is somewhat more yellow then the Iuorie One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old friend an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition shewed me one of these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first prize which was half a yard long or very litle lesse and assured mee that he had made tryall of it in ministring medicine to his patients and had found it as soueraigne against poyson as any Unicornes horne The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an half 1593 Written by Richard fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe THe ship called the Marigold of 70 tunnes in burthen furnished with 20 men wherof 10 were Mariners the Masters name being Richard Strong of Apsham the Masters mate Peter Langworth of Apsham with 3 coopers 2 butchers to flea the Morsses or sea Oxen whereof diuers haue teeth aboue a cubit long skinnes farre thicker then any buls hide with other necessary people departed out of Falmouth the 1 of Iune 1593 in consort of another ship of M. Drakes of Apshamâ— which vpon some occasion was not ready so soone as shee should haue bene by two moneths The place for which these two ships were bound was an Island within the streightes of Saint Peter on the backe side of Newfoundland to thâ—â—â—uthwest in the latitude of fortie seuen degrees called by the Britons of Saint Malo the Isle of Ramea but by the Sauages and naturals of the Continent next adoyuing Menquit On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and mightie Sea Oxen with great teeth in the moneths of April May and Iune that there haue bene fiâ—teene hundreth killed there by one small barke in the yeere 1591. The two English shipps aforesayde lâ—st companie before they came to Newfounland and neuer came after together in all their voyage The ship of M. George Drake fell first with New-foundland and afteâ—ward very directly came to the Isle Ramea though too late in the yeere to make her voyage where shee found a shippe of Saint Malo three parts fraighted with these fishes the men whereof enquiring whence our shippe was and who was the Master thereof being answered that shee was belonging to Master George Drake of Apsham fearing to bee taken as good prize being of a Leaguer towne and at that time out of league with England fled so hastily that present night that they left three and twentie men and three Shallops behinde them all which our men leazed vpon and brought away as good prises home Here our men tooke certaine Sea-oxen but nothing such numbers as they might haue had if they had come in due season which they had neglected The shippe called the Marigolde fell with Cape Saint Francis in Newfoundland the eleuenth of Iulie and from thence wee went into the Bay Rogneuse and afterward doubled Cape Razo and sayling toward the straight of Saint Peter which is the entrance betweene Newfoundland and Cape Briton being vnacquainted with the place beate vp and downe a very long time and yet missed it and at length ouer shot it and fell with Cape Briton Here diuerse of our men went on land vpon the very Cape where at their arriuall they found the spittes of Oke of the Sauages which had roasted meate a litle before And as they veiwed the countrey they sawe diuers beastes and foules as blacke Foxes Deere Otters great Foules with redde legges Pengwyns and certaine others But hauing found no people here at this our first landing wee went againe on shipboorde and sayled farther foure leagues to the West of Cape Briton where wee sawe many Seales And here hauing neede of fresh water we went againe on shore And passing somewhat more into the land wee founde certaine round pondes artificially made by the Sauages to keepe fish in with certaine weares in them made to take fish To these pondes wee repayred to fill our caske with water Wee had not bene long here but there came one Sauage with blacke long hayre hanging about his shoulders who called vnto vs weauing his handes downewarde towardes his bellie vsing these wordes Calitogh Calitogh as wee drewe towardes him one of our mens musket vnawares shot off whereupon hee fell
description of the temperature of the climate the disposition of the people the nature commodities and riches of the soile and other matters of speciall moment The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo of the new land called New France newly discouered in the yere of our Lord 1534. How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo with two ships and came to Newfoundland and how he entred into the Poâ—t of Buona Vista AFter that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye Uiceadmirall of France had caused the Captaines Masters and Mariners of the shippes to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of the most Christian King of France vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier vpon the twentieth day of April 1534 we dearted from the Port of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden and 61 well appointed men in ech one and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards that vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland where we entred into the Cape of Buona Vista which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe and in longitude * But because of the great store of the ice that was alongst the sayd land we were constrained to enter into an hauen called S. Katherins hauen distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward Southsoutheast there did we stay tenne dayes looking for faire weather and in the meane while we mended and dressed our boats How we â—ame to the Island of Birds and of the greaâ— quantity of biâ—ds that there be VPon the 2â— of May the winde being in the West we hoised saiâ—e and sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came to the Iâ—â—and of Birds which was enuironed about with a banke of ice but broken and cracke notwithstanding the sayd banke our two boats went thither to take in some birdsâ— whereof there is such plenty that vnlesse a man did see them he would tâ—inke it an incredible thing for albeit the Island which containeth about a â—eague in circuit be so full of them that they seeme to hauâ— bene brought thither â—nd sewed for the nonâ—e yet are there an hundred folde as many houering â—bout it as within some of the which are as big as â—ayes blacke and white with beaks like vnto crowes they lie alwayes vpon the sea they cannot flie very high because their wings are so little and no bigger then halfe ones hand yet do they â—lie as swifâ—ly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water they are also exceeding fat we named them Aporathâ— In lesse then halfe an houre we filled two boats full of them as if they had bene with stones so that besides them which we did eat fresh â—uery ship did powder and salt fiue or siâ—e barrels full of them Of two soâ—ts of birds the one called Godeâ—â— the oâ—her Margaâ—â—x and how we came to Carpâ—nt BEsides these there is another kinde of birds which hoâ—â—â— in the aire and ouer the sea lesser then the others and these doe all gather themselues together in the Island and put themselues vnder the wings of other birds that are greater these we named Godetz There are also of another sort but bigger and whitâ— which bite euen as dogs those we named Margaulx And albeit the sayd Islaâ—d be 14 leagues from the maine land notwithstandingâ— eares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd birdsâ— and our men found one there as great as any cow and as white as any swan who nâ—their presence leaâ—â— into the sea and vpon Whitsuâ—â— unday following our voyage toward the land we met her by the way swimming toward land as swifâ—ly as we could saile So soone as we saw her we pursued her withouâ— boats and by maine strength tooke her wâ—ose flesh was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calfe of tâ—o yeres olde The Wednesday following being the 27 of the moneth we came â—o the entrance of the bay of thâ— Castle but because the weather was ill and the great store of ice we found we were constrained to enter into an harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt where because we could not come out of it we stayed til the ninth of Iune what time we departed hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the sayd Carpunt which is in latitude 51 degrees The description of Newfoundland from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad THe land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast and Southsouthwest All this part of land is parted into Islands one so nere the other that there are but small riuers betweene them thorow the which you may passe with little boats and therefore there are certaine good harborows among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad In one of these Islands that is the highest of them all being the top of it you may plainly see the â—wo low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues and there are two entrances theâ— eat one on the East the other on the South side of the Island But you must take heed of the side â— point of the East because that euery where there is nothing els but shelues and â—he water is very shallow you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe a cable or thereabout and then â—o goe toward the South to the sayd Carpunt Also you are â—o take heed of â—â—ree shelues that are in the chanell vnder the water and toward the Island on the East side in the chanell the water is of three or foure fadome deepe and cleere ground The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast and on the West you may go on shore Of the Island which â—ow is called S. Katherins island GOing from the point Degradâ— and entring into the sayd bay toward the West by North there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues and the other seuen either more or lesse then the first being a low and plaine land and it seemeth to be part of the maine land I named it Saint Katherines Island in which toward the Northeast there is very dry soile but aâ—out a quarter of a lâ—â—gue from it very ill ground so that you must go a little about The sayd â— stand the Port of Casâ—â—es trend toward North northeast and South southwest and they are about 25. 〈◊〉 asunder From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte which is in the northerne part of the said Bay that trendeth toward East northeast and West southwest there are 12. leagues and an halfe and about two leagues from the port of â—alances that is to say the third paâ—t athware the saide Bay
them dwelleth whereat they shewed a great admiration looking first one at another and then vpon the Crosse. And after weâ— were returned to our ships their Captaine clad with an old Beares skin with three of his sonnes and a brother of his with him came vnto vs in one of their boates but they came not so neere vs as they were wont to doe there he made a long Oration vnto vs shewing vs the crosse we had set vp and making a crosse with two fingers then did he shew vs all the Countrey about vs as if he would say that all was his and that wee should not set vp any crosse without his leaue His talke being ended we shewed him an Axe faining that we would giue it him for his skin to which he listned for by little and little hee came neere our ships One of our fellowes that was in our boate tooke hold on theirs and suddenly leapt into it with two or three more who enforced them to enter into our ships wherat they were greatly astonished But our Captain did straightwaies assure them that they should haue no harme nor any iniurie offred them at all entertained them very friendly making them eate and drinke Then did we shew them with signes that the crosse was but onely set vp to be as a light and leader which wayes to enter into the port and that wee would shortly come againe and bring good store of iron wares other things but that we would take two of his children with vs afterward bring them to the sayd port againe and so wee clothed two of them in shirts and coloured coates with red cappes and put about euery ones necke a copper chaine whereat they were greatly contented then gaue they their old clothes to their fellowes that went backe againe and we gaue to each one of those three that went backe a hatchet and some kniues which made them very glad After these were gone and had told the newes vnto their fellowes in the after noone there came to our ships sixe boates of them with fiue or sixe men in euery one to take their farewels of those two we had detained to take with vs and brought them some fish vttering many words which we did not vnderstand making signes that they would not remooue the crosse we had set vp ¶ How after we were departed from the sayd porte following our voyage along the sayd coast we went to discouer the land lying Southeast and Northwest THe next day being the 25 of the moneth we had faire weather and went from the said port and being out of the riuer we sailed Eastnortheast for after the entrance into the said riuer the land is enuironed about and maketh a bay iu maner of halfe a circle where bâ—ing in our ships we might see all the coast sayling behind which we came to seeke the land lying Southeast and Northwest the course of which was distaut from the riuer about twentie leagues Of the Cape S. Aluise and Cape Memorancie and certaine other lands and how one of our Boates touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer it ON munday being the 27 of the moneth about sunne-set we went along the said land as we haue said lying Southeast Northwest till Wednesday that we saw another Cape where the land beginneth to bend toward the East we went along about 15 leagues then doeth the land begin to turne Northward About three leagues from the sayd Cape we sâ—undâ—d and found 24 fadome water The said lands are plaine and the fairest and most without woods that we haue seene with goodly greene fields and medowes we named the sayd Cape S. Aluise Cape because that was his day it is 49 degrees and a halfe in latitude and in longitude* Ou Wednesday morning we were on the East side of the Cape and being almost night we went Northwestward for to approch neere to the sayd land which trendeth North and South From S. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie about fifâ—eene leagues the land beginneth to bend Northwest About three leagues from the sayd Cape we would needes sound but wee could finde no ground at 150 fadome yet went we along the said land about tenne leagues to the latitude of 50 degrees The Saturday following being the first of August by Sunne rising wee had certaine other landes lying North and Northeast that were very high and craggie and seemed to be mountaines betweene which were other low lauds with woods and riuers wee went abouâ— the sayd lands as well on the one side as on the other still bending Northwest to see if it were either a gulfe or a passage vntill the fift of the moneth The distance from one land to the other is about fifteene leagues The middle bâ—tweene them both is 50 degrees and a terce in laâ—itude We had much adoe to go fiue miles farther the winds were fo great and the ride against vs. And at fiue miles end we might plainely see and perâ—eiue land on both sides which there beginneth to spread it selfe but because we rather fell then got way against the wind we went toward land purposing to goe to another Cape of land lying Southward which was the farthermost out into the sea that we could see abouâ— fiue leagues from vs but so soâ—ne as we came thither we found it to be naught else but Rockes stones craggie cliffes fuch as we had not found any where siâ—â—r we had sailed Southward from S. Iohns Cape and thâ—â—â— was the tide with vs which caried vs against the wind Westward so that as we were sayling along the sayd coast one of our boats touched a Rocke and suddenly went ouer but we were consâ—rained to leape out for to direct iâ— on according to the tide How after we had agreed and consuâ—ted what was best to be done we purposed to returne and of S. Peters Streight and os Cape Tiennot AFter we had sailed along the sayd coastâ— for the space of two houres â—ehold the tide began to turne against vs with so swift and raging a course that it was not possible for vs with 13 oares to row or get one stones cast farther so that we weâ—e constrained to leaue our boates with some of our men to guard them and 10 or 12 men went ashore to the sayd Cape where we found that the land beginneth to bend Southwest which hauing seene we came to our boats againe and so to our ships which were stil ready vnder saile hoping â—o go forward but for all that they were fallen more then foure leagues to leeward from the place where we had left them where so soone as we came wee assembled together all our Captaines Masters and Mariners to haue their aduice and opinion what was best to be done and after that euery one had said considering that the Easterly winds began to bearesway and blow that the flood was so great that we did but fall and that there was nothing to be
the Prouince of Canada to the port of the Holy Crossâ— where we had left our ships The seuenth day we came against a riuer that commeth from the North and curred into that riuer at the entrance whereof are foure little Ilands full of faire and goodly trees we named that riuer The riuer of Fouetz But because one of those Ilandes stretcheth it selfe a great way into the riuer our Captaine at the point of it caused a goodly great Crosse to be set vp and commanded the boates to be made readie that with the neâ—t tide he might goe vp the saide riuer and consider the qualitie of it which wee did and that day went vp as farre as we could but because we found it to be of no importance and very shallow we returned and sayled downe the riuer How we came to the Port of the Holy Crosse and in what state we found our ships and how the Lord of the Countrey came to visite our Captaine and our Captaine him and of certaine particular customes of the people Chap. 9. VPon Monday being the 11 of October we came to the Port of the Hoâ—y Crosse where our ships were and found that the Masters and Mariners we had left there had made and reared a trench before the ships altogither closed with great â—eeres of timber set vpright and very well fastened togither then had they beset the said trenâ—h about with peeces of Artilletiâ—â—nd other necessarie things to shield and defend themselues from the power of all the countrey So soone as the Lord of the countrey heard of our comming the next day being the twelfth of October he came to visite vs accompanied with Taignoagny Domagala and many others fayning to be very glad of our comming making much of our Captaine who as friendly as he could entertained them albeit they had not deserued it Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada which he promised to doe for the next day bâ—ing the 13 of the moneth he with all his Gentlemen and fiftie Mariners very well appointed went to visite Donnacona and his people about a league from our ships The place where they make their abode is called Stadacona When we were about a stones cast from their houses many of the inhabitants came to meete vs being all set in a ranke and as their custome is the men all on one side the women on the other still dancing and singing without any ceasing and after we had salutâ—d and receiued one another our Captaine gaue them kniues and such other sleight things then he caused all the women and children to passe along before him giuing ech one a ring of Tin for which they gaue him hearty thankes that done our Captaine was by Donnacona and Taignoagny brought to see their houses which the qualitie considered were very well prouided and stored with such victuals as the countrey yeeldeth to passe away the winter withall Then they shewed vs the skins of fiue mens heads spread vpon boords as we doe vse parchment Donnacona told vs that they were skins of Toudamani a people dwelling toward the South who continually doe warre against them Moreouer they told vs that it was two yeeres past that those Toudamans came to assault them yea euen into the said riuer in an Iland that lyeth ouer against Saguenay where they had bin the night before as they were going a warfaring in Hognedo with 200 persons men women and children who being all asleepe in a Fort that they had made they were assaulted by the said Toudamans who put fire round about the Fort and as they would haue come out of it to saue themselues they were all slaine only fiue excepted who escaped For which losse they yet sorrowed shewing with signes that one day they would be reuenged that done we came to our ships againe The manner how the people of that Countrey liue and of certaine conditions of their faith maners and customes Chap. 10. THis people beleeue no whit in God but in one whom they calâ— Cudâ—uaigni they say that often he speaketh with them and telleth them what weather shal follow whether good or bad Moreouer they say that when he is angry with them he casteth dust into then eyes they beleeue that when they die they go into the stars thence â—â— little little descend downe into the Horizonâ— euen as the stars doe that then they go into certaine greene fiâ—lds full of goodly faire precious trees floures fruits After that they had giuen vs these things to vnderstand we shewed them their error and told that their Cudruaigni did but deceiue them for he is but a Diuell an euill spirit affirming vnto them that there is but one onely God who is in heauen and who giueth vs all necessaries being the Creatour of all himselfe and that onely we must beleeue in him moreouer that it is necessarie for vs to be baptised otherwise wee are damned into hell These and many other things concerning our faith and religion we shewed them all which they did easily beleeue calling their Cudruaigni Agouiada that is to say nought so that very earnestly they desired and prayed our Captaine that he would cause them to be baptised and their Lorde and Taignoagny Domagaia and all the people of the towne came vnto vs hoping to be baptised but because we did not throughly know their minde and that there was no bodie could teach them our beliefe religion we excused our selues desiring Taignoagny Domagaia to tell the rest of their countreymen that he would come againe another time bring Priests chrâ—some with vs for without them they could not be baptised which they did easily beleeue for Domagaia Tâ—ignoagny had seene many children baptised in Britain whiles they were there Which promise when they heard they seemed to be very glad They liue in common togither and of such commodities as their countrey yeeldeth they are indifferently well stored the inhabitants of the countrey cloth themselues with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts but very miserably In winter they weare hosen and shoes made of wilde beasts skins and in Sommer they goe barefooted They keepe and obserue the rites of matrimonie sauing that euery one weddeth 2 or â— vâ—â—tes which their husbands being dead do neuer marrie agaiâ—e but for the death of their husbands weare a certaine blacke weede all the daies of their life be sâ—earing al their faces with coleâ—â—uâ—â—â—â—â—ease mingled togither as thicke as the backe of a knife and by that they are knowen to be wâ—â—â—owes They haue a filthy and detestable vse in marrying of their maidens and that is this they put them all after they are of lawfull age to marry in a common place as harlots free for euery man that will haue to doe with them vntill such time as they find a match This I say because I haue seene by experience many housen full of those
Master Lane Master Candish Master Hariot and twentie others in the new pinnesse Captaine Amadas Captaine Clarke with ten others in a shipboat Francis Brooke and Iohn White in another ship-boate passed ouer the water from Wococon to the maine land victualled for eight dayes in which voyage we first discouered the townes of Pomeiok Aquascogoc and Secotan and also the great lake called by the Sauages Paquipe with diuers other places and so returned with that discouery to our Fleete The 12. we came to the Towne of Pomeiok The 13. we passed by water to Aquascogok The 15. we came to Secotan and were well entertained there of the Sauages The 16. wee returned thence and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascogok to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs and not receiuing it according to his promise wee burnt and spoyled their corne and Towne all the people being fled The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan and the same day câ—me aboord our Fleete ryding at Wococon The 21. our Fleete ankering at Wococon we wayed anker for Hatoraske The 27. our Fleete ankered at Hatorask and there we rested The 29. Granginâ— brother to king Wingina came aboord the Admirall and Mantâ—â— with him The 2. the Admirall was sent to Weapomeiok The 5. M. Iohn Arundell was sent for England The 25. our Generall wayed anker and set saile for England About the 31. he tooke a Spanish ship of 300. tunne richly loaden boording her with a beaâ— made with boards of chests which sell asunder and sunke at the ships side assoone as euer he and his men were out of it The 10. of September by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prize iust sight of the Tyger The 6. the Tyger fell with the Landes end and the same day came to anker at Falmouth The 18. the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth and was courteously receiued by 〈◊〉 of hs his worshipfull friends The names of those as well Gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane MAster Philip Amadas Admirall of the countrey Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Thomas Luddington Master Maruyn Master Gardiner Captaine Vaughan Master Kendall Master Prideox Robert Holecroft Rise Courtney Master Hugh Rogers Master Thomas Haruie Master Snelling Master Anthony Russe Master Allyne Master Michael Polison Iohn Cage Thomas Parre William Randes Gefferey Churchman William Farthow Iohn Taylor Philip Robyns Thomas Philips Valentine Beale Thomas Foxe Darby Glande Edward Nugen Edward Kelley Iohn Gostigo Erasmus Cless Edward Ketcheman Iohn Linsey Thomas Rottenbury Roger Deane Iohn Harris Francis Norris Matthew Lyne Edward Kettell Thomas Wisse Robert Biscombe William Backhouse William White Henry Potkin Dennis Barnes Ioseph Borges Dougham Gannes William Tenche Randall Latham Thomas Hulme Walter Mill. Richard Gilbert Steuen Pomarie Iohn Brocke Bennet Harrie Iames Steuenion Charles Steuenson Christopher Lowde Ieremie Man Iames Mason Dauid Salter Richard Ireland Thomas Bookener William Philips Randall Mayne Iames Skinner George Eseuen Iohn Chandeler Philip Blunt Richard Poore Robert Yong. Marmaduke Constable Thomas Hesket William Wasse Iohn Feuer Daniel Thomas Taylor Richard Humfrey Iohn Wright Gabriel North. Benneâ— Chappell Richard Sarc Iames Lacie Smolkin Thomas Smart Robert Iohn Euans Roger Large Humfrey Garden Francis Whitton Rowland Griffyn William Millard Iohn Twit Edward Seclemore Iohn Anwike Christopher Marshall Dauid Williams Nicholas Swabber Edward Chipping Siluester Beching Vincent Cheyne Hance Walters Edward Barecombe Thomas Skeuelabs William Walters An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia IN the meane while you shall vnderstand that since Sir Richard Greenuils departure from vs as also before we haue discouered the maine to be the goodliest soyle vnder the cope of heauen so abounding with sweete trees that bring such sundry rich and pleasant gummes grapes of such greatnesse yet wilde as France Spaine nor Italie haue no greater so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs such seuerall kindes of flaxe one kind like silke the same gathered of a grasse as common there as grasse is here And now within these few dayes we haue sound here Maiz or or Guinie wheate whose eare yeeldeth corne for bread 400. vpon one eare and the Cane maketh very good and perfect sugar also Terra Samia otherwise Terra sigillara Besides that it is the goodliest and most pleasing Territorie of the world for the continent is of an huge and vnknowen greatnesse and very well peopled and towned though sauagely and the climate to wholsome that wee had not one sicke since we touched the land here To conclude if Virginia had â—ut horses and kine in some reasonable proportion I dare asâ—â—â—â— my selfe being inhabited with English no realme in Christendome were comparable to it For this already we finde that what commodities soeuer Spaine France Italy or the East partes doe yeeld vnto vs in wiues of all sortes in oyles in flaxe in rosens pitch frakensence corrans sugers and such like these parts doe abound with the growth of them all but being Sauages that possesse the land they know no vse of the same And sundry other rich commodities that no parts of the world be they West or East Indies haue here wee finde great abundance of The people naturally are most curteous and very desirous to haue clothes but especially of course cloth rather then silke course canuas they also like well of but copper caryeth the price of all so it be made red Thus good M. Hakluyt and M.H. I haue ioyned you both in one letter of remembrance as two that I loue dearely well and commending me most heartily to you both I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie From the new Fort in Virginia this third of September 1585. Your most assured friend RALPH LANE An account of the particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia by Sir Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh THat I may proceede with order in this discourse I thinke it requisite to diuide it into two parts The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Countrey within the maine as our weake number and supply of things necessarie did inable vs to enter into the discouery of The second part shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake and our common request for passage with him when the barkes pinnesses and boates with the Masters and Mariners meant by him to bee left in the Countrey for the supply of such as for a further time meant to haue stayed there were caryed away with tempest and
followed me and had it not bene for a tent that was set vp I had bin taken but the Spanyards which followed me were occupied in cutting of the cordes of the tent and in the meane while I saued my selfe by the breach which was on the West side neere vnto my Lieutenants lodging and gate away into the woods where I found certain of my men which were escaped of which number there were three or foure which were sore hurt Then spake I thus vnto them Sirs since it hath pleased God that this mischance is happened vnto vs we must needs take the paines to get ouer the marshes vnto the ships which are at the mouth of the riuer Some would needs go to a little village which was in the woods the rest followed me through the reedes in the water where being able to go no farther by reason of my sicknesse which I had I sent two of my men which were with me which could swim well vnto the ships to aduertise them of that which had happened and to send them word to come and helpe me They were not able that day to get vnto the ships to certifie them thereof so I was constrained to stand in the water vp to the shoulders all that night long with one of my men which would neuer forsake me The next day morning being scarcely able to draw my breath any more I betooke me to my prayers with the souldier which was with mee whose name was Iohn du Chemin for I felt my selfe so feeble that I was afraid I should die suddenly and in truth if he had not imbraced me in both his armes and so held me vp it had not bene possible to saue me After we had made an ende of our prayers I heard a voyce which in my iudgement was one of theirs which I had sent which were ouer against the ships and called for the ship boat which was so in deed and because those of the ships had vnderstanding of the taking of the fort by one called Iohn de Hais master Carpenter which fled vnto them in a shallep they had see saile to run along the coast to see if they might saue any wherin doubtlesse they did very well their endeuour They went straight to the place where the two men were which I had sent and which called them Assoone as they had receiued them in and vnderstood where I was they came and fâ—und me in a pitifull case Fiue or sixe of them tooke me and caried me into the shallop for I was not able by any means to go one foot After I was brought into the shallop some of the Mariners took their clothes from their backs to lend them me and would haue caried me presently to their ships to giue me a little Aqua vitae Howbeit I would not goe thither vntill I had first gone with the boat along the reeds to seeke out the poore soules which were scattered abroad where we gathered vp 18 or 20 of them The last that I took in was the nephew of the Treasurer le Beau. After we were al come to the ships I comforted them as well as I could and sent back the boat againe with speed to see if they could find yet any more Upon her returne the Mariners told mee how that captaine Iames Ribault which was in his ship about two muskets shot distant from the fort had parled with the Spaniards and that Francis Iean came vnto his ship where hee staied a long space whereat they greatly marueiled considering hee was the cause of this enterprise how hee would let him escape After I was come into the ship called the Greyhound captaine Iames Ribault captaine Valuot came to see me and there we concluded to returne into France Now forasmuch as I found the ship vnfurnished of Captaine Pilot Master and Masters-mate I gaue aduice to choose out one of the most able men among al the mariners that by their owne voices I tooke also sixe men out of another small ship which we had sunke because it wanted ballast and could not be saued Thus I increased the furniture of the ship wherein I was my selfe embarked and made one which had bene Masters-mate in the foresaid small ship Master of mine And because I lacked a pilot I prayed Iames Ribault that he would grant me one of the foure men that he had in his ship which I should name vnto him to serue me for a Pilot he promised to giue me them which neuerthelesse he did not at the instant when wee were ready to depart notwithstanding all the speech I vsed to him in declaring that it was for the kings seruice I was constrained to leaue the ship behind me which I had bought of the English Captaine because I wanted men to bring her away For captaine Iames Ribault had taken away her furniture I tooke away her ordinance onely which was all dismounted whereof I gaue nine pieces to Iames Ribault to carrie into France the other fiue I put into my ship The 25 of September wee set sailes to returne into France and Captaine Iames Ribault and I kept company all that day and the next vntill three or foure a clock in the afternoone but because his ship was better at bowline then ours he kept him to the wind and left vs the same day Thus we continued our voyage wherein we had marueilous flawes of wind And about the eight and twentieth of October in the morning at the breake of the day we discried the Isle of Flores one of the Acores where immediatly vpon our approching to the land we had a mightie gust of wind which came from the Northeast which caused vs to beare against it foure dayes afterward the wind came South and Southeast and was alwayes variable In all the time of our passage we had none other foode sauing biscuit and water About the tenth or eleuenth of Nouember after we had sailed a long time and supposing we were not farre from land I caused my men to sound where they found threescore and fifteene fathoms water whereat we all reioyced and praised God because we had sailed so prosperously Immediatly after I caused them to set saile again and so we continued our way but forasmuch as we had borne too much toward the Northeast we entred into Saint Georges chanell a place much feared of all Sailâ—rs and where as many ships are cast away But it was a faire gift of God that we entred in it when the weather was cleare We sailed all the night supposing wee had bene shot into the narrow Sea betweene England and France and by the next day to reach Diepe but we were deceiued of our longing for about two or three of the clocke after midnight as I walked vpon the hatches I discried land round about me whereat wee were astonied Immediatly I caused them to strike saile and sound we found we had not vnder vs past
8 fathoms of water whereupon I commanded them to stay till breake of day which being come and seeing my Mariners told me that they knew not this land I commanded them to approch vnto it Being neere thereunto I made them cast anker sent the boat on shore to vnderstand in what Countrey we were Word was brought me that we were in Wales a prouince of England I went incontinently on land where after I had taken the ayre a sickenesse tooke nice whereof I thought I should haue dyed In the meane while I caused the ship to be brought into the bay of a small towne called Swansey where I found merchants of S. Malo which lent me money wherewith I made certaine apparel for my selfe and part of my company that was with me and because there were no victuals in the ship I bought two Oxen and salted them and a tunne of Beâ—re which I deliuered into his hands which had charge of the shipâ— praying him to cary it into France which he promised me to doe for mine owne part I purposed with my men to passe by land and after I had taken leaue of my Mariners I departed from Swansey and came that night with my company to a place called Morgan where the Lord of the place vnderstanding what I was stayed me with him for the space of 6 or 7 dayes and at my departure moâ—ued with pitie to see me goe on foot especially being so weake as I was gaue me a litle Hackny Thus I passed on my iourney first to Bristoll then to London where I went to doe my duty to Monsieur de Foix which for the present was the kings Ambassador and holpe me with mony in my necessitie From thence I passed to Caleis afterward to Paris where I was informed that the king was gone to Molins to soiourne there incontinently with all the hast I could possibly make I gate me thither with part of my coÌ„pany Thus briefly you see the discourse of all that happened in New France since the time it pleased the kings Maiesty to send his subiects thither to discouer those parts The indifferent and vnpassionate readers may easily weigh the truth of my doings and be vpright iudges of the endeuor which I there vsed For mine owne part I wil not accuse nor excuse any it sufficeth mee to haue followed the trueth of the history whereof many arâ— able to beare witnesse which were there present I will plainly say one thing That the long delay that Captaine Iohn Ribault vsed in his embarking and the 15. daies that he spent in rouing along the coast of Florida before he came to our fort Caroline were the cause of the losse that we susteined For he discouered the coast the 14 of August and spent the time in going from riuer to riuer which had bene sufficient for him to haue discharged his ships in and for me to haue embarked my selfe to returne into France I wote well that al that he did was vpon a good intent yet in mine opinion he should haue had more regard vnto his charge then to the deuises of his owne braine which sometimes hee printed in his head so deeply that it was very hard to put them out which also turned to his vtter vndoing for hee was no sooner departed from vs but a tempest tooke him which in fine wrackt him vpon the coast where all his shippes were cast away and he with much adoe escaped drowning to fall into their hands which cruelly massacred him and all his company The fourth voyage of the Frenchmen into Florida vnder the conduct of Captaine Gourgues in the yeere 1567. CAptaine Gourgues a Gentleman borne in the Countrey neere vnto Bourdeaux incited with a desire of reuenge to repaire the honour of his nation borowed of his friends and sold part of his owne goods to set forth and furnish three ships of indifferent burthen with all things necessary hauing in them an hundred and fiftie souldiers and fourescore chosen Mariners vnder Captaine Cazenoue his lieutenant and Francis Bourdelois Master ouer the Mariners He set forth the 22 of August 1567. And hauing endured contrary winds and stormes for a season at length hee arriued and went on shore in the Isle of Cuba From thence he passed to the Cape of Saint Antony at the end of the I le of Cuba about two hundred leagues distant from Florida where the captaine disclosed vnto them his intention which hitherto he had concealed from them praying and exhorting them not to leaue him being so neere the enemie so well furnished and in such a cause which they all sware vnto him and that with such courage that they would not stay the full Moone to passe the chanell of Bahama but speedily discouered Florida where the Spanyards saluted them with two Canon shot from their fort supposing that they had beene of their nation and Gourgues saluted them againe to entertaine them in this errour that hee might surâ—rise them at more aduantage yet sailing by them making as though he went to some other place vntil he had sailed out of sight of the place so that about euening hee landed 15 leagues from the fort at the mouth of the Riuer Tacatacouru which the Frenchmen called Seine because they thought it to bee like Seine in France Afterward perceiuing the shore to bee couered with Sauages with their vowes and arrowes besides the signe of peace and amitie which he made them from his ships he sent his Trumpetâ—er to assure them that they were come thither for none other ende but to renew the amitie and ancient league of the French with them The Trumpetter did â—is message so well by reason he had bene there before vnder Laudonniere that he brought backe from king Satouriona the greatest of all the other kings a kidde and other meat to refresh vs besides the offer of his friendshâ—p and amitie Afterward they retâ—red daâ—sing in signe of ioy to aduertise all the kings Satouriouaes kinsmen to repaire thither the next day to make a league of amitie with the Frenchmen Whereupon in the meane space our generall went about to sound the chanel of the riuer to bring in his ships and the better to traffike and deale with the Sauages of whom the chiefe the next day in the morning presented themselues namely the great king Satourioua Tacatacourou Halmacanir Athore Harpaha Helmacapé Helicopilé Molloâ—a and others his kinsmen and allies with their accustomed weapons Then sent they to intreate the French general to come on shore which he caused his men to do with their swords and harquebâ—sies which he made them leaue behind them in token of mutuall assurance leauing his men but their swords only after that the Sauages complaining thereof had left and likewise sent away their weapons at the request of Gourgues This done Satourioua going to meet him caused him to sit on his right hand in a seat
did so whereupon they returned to the viceroy and told him that we were good Christians and that they liked vs well and then they brought vs much reliefe with clothes our sicke men were sent to their Hospitals where many were cured and many died From the Tanners house we were led to a gentlemans place where vpon paine of death we were charged to abide and not to come into the citie thither we had all things necessary brought vs on Sundayes and holy dayes much people came and brought vs great reliefe The viceroy practised to hang vs and caused a paire of new gallowes to be set vp to haue executed vs wherunto the noblemen of that countrey would not consent but prayed him to stay vntil the ship of aduise brought newes from the king of Spaine what should be done with vs for they said they could not find any thing by vs whereby they might lawfully put vs to death The viceroy then commanded vs to be sent to an Island there by and he sent for the Bishop of Mexico who sent foure priests to the Island to examine and confesse vs who said that the viceroy would burne vs when wee were examined and confessed according to the lawes of the countrey They returned to the Bishop and told him that we were very good Christians The Bishop certified the viceroy of our examinations and confessions and said that wee were good Christians therefore he would not meddle with vs. Then the viceroy sent for our master R. Barret whom he kept prisoner in his pallace vntill the fleete was departed for Spayne The rest of vs he sent to a towne seuen leagues from Mexico called Tescuco to card wooll among the Indian slaues which drudgery we disdained and concluded to beat our masters and so wee did wherefore they sent to the viceroy desiring him for Gods sake and our Ladies to send for vs for they would not keepe vs any longer they said that we were deuils and no men The viceroy sent for vs and imprisoned vs in a house in Mexico from thence he sent Anthony Goddard some other of our company with him into Spaine with Luçon the General that tooke vs the rest of vs staied in Mexico two yeres after and then were sent prisoners into Spaine with Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre admirall and generall of the Spanish fleet who caried with him in his ship to be presented to the K. of Spaine the anatomie of a giant which was sert from China to Mexico to the viceroy Don Martin Henriquez to bee sent to the king of Spaine for a great wonder It did appeare by the anatomie that he was of a monstrous size the skull of his head was neere as bigge as halfe a bushel his necke-bones shoulder-plates arme-bones and all other lineaments of his other partes were huge and monstrous to behold the shanke of his legge from the ankle to the knee was as long as from any mans ankle vp to his wast and of bignesse accordingly At this time and in this ship were also sent to be presented to the king of Spaine two chesles full of earth with ginger growing in them which were also sent from China to be sent to the king of Spaine The ginger runneth in the ground like to liccoras the blades grow out of it in length and proportion like vnto the blades of wild garlicke which they cut euery fifteene dayes they vse to water them twise a day as we doe our herbes here in England they put the blades in their pottage and vse them in their other meates whose excellent sauour and tast is very delightfull and procureth a good appetite When we were shipped in the Port of S. Iohn de Vllua the Generall called our master Robert Barret and vs with him into his cabbin asked vs if wee would fight against Englishmen if we met them at the sea we said that we would not fight against our Crowne but if we met with any other we would do what we were able He said if we had said otherwise he would not haue beleeued vs and for that we should be the better vsed and haue allowance as other men had and he gaue a charge to euery one of vs according vnto our knowledge Robert Barret was placed with the pilote I was put in the gunners roome William Cawse with the boat-swaine Iohn Beare with the quarter-quarter-masters Edward Rider Geffrey Giles with the ordinary mariners Richard the masters boy attended on him and the pilote shortly after we departed from the port of S. Iohn de Vllua with all the fleete of Spaine for the port called Hauana wee were 26. dayes sayling thither There wee came in ankered tooke in fresh water and stayed 16. dayes for the fleete of Nombre de Dios which is the fleet that brings the treasure from Peru. The Generall of that fleet was called Diego Flores de Valdes After his comming when he had watred his ships both the fleetes ioyned in one and Don Iuan de Velasco de Varre was the first fifteen daies Generall of both the fleets who turning through the chanell of Bahama his pilote had like to haue cast away all the fleet vpon the Cape called Cannaueral which was preuented by me Iohn Hortop our master Robert Barret for I being in the second watch escried land and called to Robert Barret bidding him looke ouer boord for I saw land vnder the lee-bow of the ship he called to the boat-swaine bid him let flie the fore saile sheat and lay the helm vpon the lee and cast the ship about When we were cast about we were but in seuen fathome water we shot off a piece giuing aduice to the fleet to cast about and so they did For this we were beloued of the Generall and all the fleet The Generall was in a great rage and swore by the king that he would hang his pilote for he said that twise before he had almost cast away the Admirall When it was day he commanded a piece to be shot off to call to councill the other Admirall in his ship came vp to him and asked what the matter was he said that his pilote had cast away his ship and all the fleet had it not bene for two of the Englishmâ—n and therefore he would hang him The other Admirall with many faire words perswaded him to the contrary When we came in the height of Bermuda we discouered a monster in the sea who shewed himselfe three times vnto vs from the middle vpwards in which parts hee was proportioned like a man of the complection of a Mulato or tawny Indian The Generall did commaund one of his clearks to put it in writing and hee certified the King and his Nobles thereof Presently after this for the space of sixteene dayes we had wonderful foule weather and then God sent vs a faire wind vntill such time as we discouered the Iland called Faial On S. Iames day we made
being afterwardes put somewhat farther off from the shore by the contrariety of the wind we happened to meet with some other French ships full laden with Newland fish being vpon their returne homeward from the said Newfoundlandâ— whom the Generall after some speech had with them and seeing plainly that they were Frenchmen dismiâ—sed without once suffering any man to go aboord of them The day following standing in with the shore againe we discried another tall ship of tweluâ— score tunnes or thereaboutes vpon whom Master Carliel the Lieutenant generall being in thâ— Tygar vndertooke the chase whom also anon after the Admirall followed and the Tygar hauing caused the said strange ship to strike her sailes kept her there without suffering any body to go aboord vntill the Admirall was come vp who forthwith sending for the Master and diuers otherâ— of their principall men and causing them them to be seuerally examined found the ship and goods to be belonging to the inhabitants of S. Sebastian in Spaine but the mariners to bee for the most part belonging to S. Iohn de Luz and the Passage In this ship was great store of dry Newlanâ— fish commonly called with vs Poore Iohn wherof afterwards being thus found a lawfull prize there was distribution made into all the ships of the fleet the same being so new and good as it did very greatly bestead vs in the whole course of our voyage A day or two after the taking of this ship we put in within the Isles of Bayon for lacke of fauourable wind where wee had no sooner ankered some part of the fleete but the Generall commanded all the pinnesses with the shipboats to be manned and euery man to be furnished with such armes as were needful for that present seruice which being done the Generall put himselfe into his gallie which was also well furnished and rowing towards the city of Bayon with intent and the fauour of the Almighty to surprisâ— it before we had aduanced one halfe league of our way there came a messenger being an English merchant from the Gouernour to see what strange fleet we were who came to our General conferred a while with him and after a small time spent our Generall called for Captaine Sampson and willed him to go to the Gouernour of the citie to resolue him of two points The first to know if there were any warres betweene Spaine and England The second why our marchants with their goods were embarged or arrested Thus departed captain Sampson with the said messenger to the citie where he found the gouernor people much amazed of such a sudden accident The Generall with the aduise and counsell of M. Carleil his Lieutenant generall who was in the galley with him thought not good to make any stand till such time as they were within the shot of the citie where they might bee ready vpon the returne of Captanie Sampson to make a sudden attempt if cause did require before it were darke Captaine Sampson reâ—urned with his message in this sort First touching peace or warres the Gouernour said he knew of no warres and that it lay not in him to make any hee being so meane a subiect as he was And as for the stay of the merchants with their goods it was the kings pleasure but not with intent to endontage any man And that the kings counter-commandement was which had bene receiued in that place some seuen night before that English merchants with their goods should be discharged for the more verifying wherof he sent such merchaÌ„ts as were in the towne of our nation who traffiqued those parts which being at large declared to our General by them counsell was taken what might best be done And for that the night approched it was thought needful to land our forces which was done in the shutting vp of the day hauing quartered our selues to our most aduaÌ„tage with sufficient gard vpon â—uery strait we thought to rest our selues for that night there The Gouernour sent vs some refreshing as bread wine oyle apples grepes marmalad and such like Aboue midnight the weather beganne to ouercast insomuch that it was thought meeter to repaire aboord then to make any longer abode on land and beforâ— wee could recouer the Fleete a great tempest arose which caused many of our shippes to driuâ— from their anker-hâ—ld and some were forced to seâ— in great perillâ— as the barke Talboâ— the barkâ— Hawkins and the Speedewell which Speedewel was onely driuen into England the others recouered vs againe the extremitie of the storme lasted three dayes which no sooner began to asswage but M. Carleil our Lieutenant generall was sent with his owne shippe and three others as also with the gallie and with diuers pinnesses to see what he might doe aboue Vigo where hee tooke many boates and some carauels diuersly laden with things of small value but chiefly with houshold stuffe running into the high countrey and amongst the rest he found one boat laden with â—he principal church-stuffe of the high Church of Vigo where also was their great crosse of siluer oâ— very faire embossed worke and double gilt all ouer hauing cost them a great masse of monâ—y They complained to haue lost in all kind of goods aboue thirty thousand duckets in this place The next day the Generall with his whole fleete went from vp the Isles of Bayon to a very good harbour aboue Vigo where M. Carleil stayed his comming aswell for the more quiet riding of his ships as also for the good commoditie of fresh watering which the place there did afourd full well In the meane time the Gouernour of Galicia had reared such forces as hee might his numbers by estimate were some two thousand foot and three hundred horse and marched from Bayon to this part of the countrey which lay in sight of our fleete where making a stand he sent to parley with our Generall which was granted by our Generall so it might bee in boats vpon the water and for safetie of their persons there were pledges deliuered on both sides which done the Goueâ—nor of Galicia put himselfe with two othâ—rs into our Uiceadmirals skiffe the same hauing bene sent to the shore for him and in like sort our Generall went in his owne skiffe where by them it was agreed we should furnish our selues with fresh water to be taken by our owne people quietly on the land and haue all other such necessaries paying for the same as the place would affourd When all our businesse was ended wee departed and tooke our way by the Islands of Canaria which are esteemed some three hundred leagues from this part of Spaine and falling purposely with Palma with intention to haue taken our pleasure of that place for the full digesting of many things into order and the better furnishing our store with such seuerall good things as it affourdeth very abundantly we were forced by the vile Sea-gate which at that present fell out and by the naughtinesse of
piece with souldiers and mariners And hauing good ordinance there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend vs. For wee shall both leaue and take at all times when we list But it behooueth your maiestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats For we haue great want of souldiers and mariners with tackling ankers powder shot caliuers and all kinde of furniture for them For these things are not here to bee had for money and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras For the merchants ships are so weake and so vnprouided that they haue almost none to defend themselues Also we shall be constrained to giue the carena againe vnto al the ships for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long trauelling and keeping of them here Thus if it would please your maiestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with al kinde of other furniture might be sent vs then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage God preserue your Catholike royal maiestie FroÌ„ Hauana the of 20 October 1590. Your maiesties seruant whose royall feet I kisse IOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete A Letter sent from the Gouernour of Hauana Iohn de Trexeda to the King of Spaine the twentieth of October 1590 touching the wants of that place BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arriuall here I haue giuen your maiestie at large to vnderstand what hath happened as much as I can and what thing is here to be done in this citie and what your maiestie must prouide And now once againe I will returne to put your maiestie in minde thereof I beseech your maiestie to command to be prouided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros if you will haue this fortification to goe forwardes because your maiestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther so we want men to worke and to garde it and likewise to keep it We dare not meddle with those of the Galies And likewise it may please your maiestie to send new working tooles of yron according to a remembrance which I haue sent to your maiestie of late which doeth signifie our wants more at large Likewise it is needefull that your maiestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place For it behooueth your maiestie not to haue them as yet left till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished and that which is in building vpon the hill which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles Likewise I haue certified your maiestie that with all speed I am making ready of the fiue Frigates that they may cary all the treasure Also Iohn de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to haue them dispatched doeth furnish mee with some money although somewhat scantly vntill such time as your maiestie doth send him some order therefore I beseech you to command it to bee done considering the great charges and expences that we are at here as by the accounts your Maiestie shall more at large perceiue what hath bene spent These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arriued but I doe stay the comming thereof euery day according as the Duke of Medina and Iohn de Ibarra haue written vnto me that those ships which should bring the same were readie to depart from thence All these things it behooueth your Maiestie to send in time for I can assure your Maiestie that you shall not haue vpon the sea such good sâ—ippes as these are For as touching the othee ships of the fleete which are in this harbour it is not conuenient to venture the siluer in them This counsell your Maiestie shall not take of mee for I am a souldier and haue but small skill in nauigation But euery day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots captaines masters and mariners As touching the copper I haue put it in practise twise more and haue made proofe thereof wherein there hath bene more spent then I was willing there should haue bene because I haue gotten no fruit thereof I know not the cause but that it is not done effectually by those that haue the working thereof Therefore I beseech your Maiestie to send me that same sounder which I wrote to your Maiestie heretofore of Our Lord keepe your Maiestie many yeeres From Hauana the 20 of October 1590. Your Maiesties seruant whose royall feete I kisse IOHN DE TREXEDA gouernour of Hauana A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Maiesties priuie Counsel of the West Indies from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Gouernour of S. Iuan de Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590 touching the state of that Citie and Island I Recieued your honours letter the 20 of Februarie whereby I receiued great content to heare that your honour is in good health As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes it doeth grieue me to the very soule I beseech God to send him his libertie and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieueth me very much I pray God to send good iustice The M. of the fielde Iuan de Texela and the M. workeman Iuan Baptista Antonio arriued here in safetie and haue veiwed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I haue informed his maiestie thereof They haue marked a place to build a strong Fort whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente And it standeth in a good situation and in a conuâ—nient place on a high mount which doeth lye vpon the entering in of the Harbour so cutteth ouer to a point of land leauing in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons without ioyning thereunto any part of the coast So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella He left me great store of yron worke tooles eight workemen and 200 Negros which are the kings And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke His maiestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the prouision of the Island to take those rents which his maiesty hath here to certifie his maiestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen that they may haue all things necessary So I haue sent to Nueua Espanna for such things as are here wanting I haue writteÌ„ to the M. of the field which is gone to Hauana informing
hath 483383 great houses which pay tribute and 39400 men of warre The port of Cauchinchina standeth in the latitude of sixteene degrees and a halfe to the Northward The citie Champa standeth in foureteene degrees to the Northwards of the Equinoctiall The prouince of Enam hath 7. great cities and 13. small and 90. townes and castles and is 88. leagues broad and hath 589296. great houses that pay tribute and 15100. souldiers Horsemen 454528. Footmen 7459057. The totall summe 7923785. A briefe relation of a voyage of The Delight a ship of Bristoll one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made vnto the Straight of Magellan with diuers accidents that happened vnto the company during their 6. weekes abode there Begun in the yeere 1589. Written by W. Magoths THe fift of August 1589. the worshipfull M. Iohn Chidley of Chidley in the countie of Deuon esquire with M. Paul Wheele and Captaine Andrew Mericke set forth from Plimmouth with three tall ships and one called The wilde man of three hundred tunnes wherein went for General the aforesaid M. Iohn Chidley and Beniamin Wood as Master the other called The white Lion whereof M. Paul Wheele was captaine and Iohn Ellis Master of the burthen of 340. tunnes the third The delight of Bristol wherein went M. Andrew Merick as Captaine and Robert Burnet Master with two pinnesses of 14. or 15. tunnes a piece The Generall in his ship had 180. persons M. Paul Wheele had 140 in our owne ship we were 91. men and boyes Our voyage was intended by The Streight of Magellan for The South Sea and chiefly for the famous prouince of Arauco on the coast of Chili We kept company together to the yles of the Canaries and so forward to Cape Blanco standing neere the Northerly latitude of 20. degrees on the coast of Barbarie where some of our people went on shoare finding nothing to their content Within 12. dayes after our departure from this place The Delight wherein I William Magoths was lost the company of the other two great ships and the two small pinnesses Howbeit we constantly kept our course according to our directions along the coast of Brasil and by the Riuer of Plate without touching any where on land vntill we came to Port desire in the latitude of 48. degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctial Before we arriued at this place there died of our company by Gods visitation of sundry diseases 16. persons Wee stayed in this harborough 17. dayes to graue our ship refresh our wearied people hoping here to haue met with our consorts which fell out contrary to our expectations During our abode in this place we found two little springs of fresh water which were vpon the Northwesterly part of the land lighted vpon good store of seales both old and yong From hence we sailed toward the Streight of Magelan and entred the same about the first of Ianuary And comming to Penguin yland within the Streight we tooke and salted certaine hogsheads of Penguins which must be eaten with speed for wee found them to be of no long continuance we also furnished our selues with fresh water And here at the last sending off our boat to the yland for the rest of our prouision wee lost her and 15. men in her by force of foule weather but what became of them we could not tel Here also in this storme we lost two anckers From hence we passed farther into the Streight and by Porâ— famine we spake with a Spaniard who told vs that he had liued in those parts 6. yeeres and that he was one of the 400. men that were sent thither by the king of Spaine in the yere 1582. to fortifie and inhabit there to hinder the passage of all strangers that way into the South sea But that and the other Spanish colonie being both destroyed by famine he said he had liued in an house by himselfe a long time and relieued himselfe with his â—alâ— euer vntil our comming thither Here we made a boat of the bords of our chests which being finished wee sent 7. armed men in the same on land on the North shore being wafted on land by the Sauages with certaine white skinnes who as soone as they came on shore were presently killed by an 100. of the wilde people in the sight of 2. of our men which rowed them on shoare which two onely escaped backe againe to vs with the boaâ— After this traiterous slaughter of our men we fell backe againe with our ship to the Northeastward of Port famine to a certaine road where we refreshed our selues with muskles and tooke in water wood At this time wee tooke in the Spaniard aforesaid and so sailed forward againe into the Streight Wee passed 7. or 8. times 10. leagues Westward beyond Cape Froward being still encountered with mightie Northwest winds These winds and the current were so vehement against vs that they forced vs backe asmuch in two houres as we were getting vp in 8. houres Thus after wee had spent 6. weekes in the Streight striuing against the furie of the elements and hauing at sundry times partly by casualtie and partly by sicknes lost 38. of our bestmen and 3. anckers and nowe hauing but one ancker left vs and small store of victuals and which was not the least mischiefe diuers of our company raising dangerous mutinies we consulted though some what with the latest for the safegard of our liues to returne while there was some small hope remayning and so set saile out of The Streight homeward about the 14. of Februarie 1590. We returned backe againe by The riuer of Plate and sailing neere the cost of Brasill we met with a Portugal ship of 80. tunnes which rode at an ancker vpon the coast who as soone as she descried vs to chase her incontinently weyed ran her selfe on ground betwene the yland of S. Sebastian and the maine land But we for want of a good boat and by reason of the foule weather were neither able to bord her nor to goe on shore Thence in extreme misery we shaped our course for the yles of Cape Verde and so passing to the yles of The Açores the Canaries being something out of our course the first land that wee mette withall in our Narrow sea was The yle of Alderney And hauing now but sixe men of all our company left aliue the Master and his two mates and chiefe Mariners being dead wee ran in with Monuille de Hage eight miles to the West of Cherbourg in Normandie Where the next day after our comming to an ancker hauing but one in all left being the last of August 1590. by the foule weather that rose the ancker came home and our ship draue on the rocks And the Normaâ—s which were commanded by the gouernour of Cherbourg who came downe to vs that night to haue layd out another ancker
prouince of Iapan called Zuegara situate thirtie dayes iourney from Miacó which argueth the Isle of Iapan to be of greater extension Northward then it is ordinarily described in maps or supposed to be together with mention of a certaine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China neuer heard of in these parts before taken out of an Epistle written 1596 from Iapan by Fryer Luis Frois vnto Claudius Aquauiâ—a c. Printed in Latine at Mentz in Germanie 1599. NOt many dayes ago was baptized a certaine honourable personage called Iohn Vongui the sonne of Taigarandono who is gouernour of a certaine princedome situate on the borders of Iapan towardes the North being distant from Miacó thirtie dayes iourney And after a fewe lines it followeth This Taigorandono being the most Northerly gouernour in all Iapan hath traffique with the Iezi who are a nation of Tartars which from the maine continent resort vnto the Isle of Mateâ—mai being about twelue or fifteene leagues distant from the foresayd Northerly princedome of Zuegara where they sell fishes the skinnes of beasts and certaine heâ—bes of the sea vsed by â—he Iaponians for foode with other such like commodities On the other side the said Iezi Tartari buy of the Iaponians cloth to make them gaâ—mâ—nts with weâ—pons and other instruments These Tartars they say are a most barbarous kinde of people of a browne colour with long haire on their heads and beardes like the Moscouites they liuâ— by hunting and fishing and neglâ—ct husbandry This Norâ—herly princedome of Zuegata as the sayd gouernour reported to our Fathâ—rs aboundeth with excellent grapes both black and white which without the labour of man grow naturally in all places and he promisâ—d the Fathâ—rs to bring sâ—me of these viâ—es to Miacó that they might be plaâ—ted there Aduertisements touching the shippes that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine together with some notes of the Contractation house in Siuil YOur Pilot must be examined in the Contractation house and allowed by such as be appointed for the examination of Pilots that hee be a sufficient man to take the charge iâ— hand and that which belongeth thereunto and to gouerne and lead the same ship directly by his onely commandement to such ports as are conuenient for the voyage that hee taketh in hand You must haue a Master that must giue in sureties to the value of 6000 dukats and such as be his surâ—ties must be landed men and their lands worth to the value of that summe aforesayd if the sayd ship be betweene three or foure hundred tunnes And if shee be more or lesse of burthen then he must giuâ— sureties of a greater summe or lesse according to the proportion of her burden He shall in all his voyage giue a iust and true accompt of all such goods and marchandizes as shall in all that voyage come into the ship as also of such place and money as shal be registred in the Kings Register appertayning to the King or any other particuler marchant and if any default be hee or his sureties are to pay all such losses as thereof shall growe as also to see the mariners payed well and truely the third part of all such fraights as the sayde shippe shall get going and comming The ship being fraighted by her merchants the Master shall take order that there be sufficient mariners abourd her to take in such lading from time to time as the marchant shall send to her And also the Purser must be a man sufficient of abilitie to take to giue account of all such goods marchandize siluer and golde as shall come in and out of the sayd shippe that present voyage as also giue sureties of 1500 dukats at the least to come backe from the Indies in the said shippe and not to â—arrie there if hee liue The Master must prouide a perfect mariner called a Romager to raunge and bestow all marchandize in such place as is conuenient and that it be not put in place where it may perish â—or lack that it be not fast sure and drie according to the qualitie and forme of the sayd marchandize When it is all bestowed and the shippe able to beare no more then a mariner called the Countermaster or Masters mate hath chaâ—ge to locke fast the hatches that none of the marchants wines or oyles or any other kind of marchandize be robbed or spoyled by the mariners And if it fortune that any bee so spoyled then the mariners are to pay for it out of the third part of all â—he whole fraight of the shippe that doth appertaine to the sayd marchants The shippâ— being laden goeth to the port wherehence she sailâ—th to goe towards the Indies called S. Lucar and there one of the chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house commeth downe to dispatch the shippes that goe together in that fleete And that Iudge goeth abourd euery ship and with him hee doth carrie an expert mariner or two called Uisitors of the shippes to know whether the sayd shippe or ships be well tackled whether they haue men sufficient and in euery ship euery mans name is taken and if he haue any marke in the face or hand or aâ—me it is written by a Notarie as well as his name appertaining to the Contractation house appointed for these causes Also the Master is bound to bring backe euery mariner againe and to leaue none behinde him there vpon great paines vnlesse he be a passenger appointed by the King at the court and bringeth his licence from thence for the same purpose The ship must be well appointed with ordinance of braâ—se and yron according to The orders of their house of that there must want nothing and euery ship is appointed according to her burthen in all kinde of artillerie as peeces of brasse and yron hand-guns crosbowes pikes swords daggers targets and for all ordinance double shot with powder with new cables and ankers sufficient for the voyage And moreouer it is ordeined that the shippes haue double sailes that is that they bee thorowly sayled and moreouer all newe sayles of fore-sayle and maine-sayle of coarse and bonneâ— newe made and kept in some driefat or chest in the same ship that if the weather take the one from them the other may be in râ—adines Euery shâ—p must haue their master sworne before the sayd Iudge of the Contratacion that all this is in a readinesse in the shippe as also so many newe pipes of fresh water so many buttes of good rackâ— wine so mâ—ny kintals of bread so many iarres of oyle so many iarres or Botijas of vineger so much flesh so much fish and such quantitie of euery kinde of victuall as the burthen of the shippe requireth whâ—rein euery shippe according to her greatnesse is appointed by The ordinances of the house Also so many gunners so many maâ—inâ—rs so many groâ—â—ettes so many pages and â—o many souldiers
Thâ—n all these aforesaide matters being vnder Registeâ— by the notarie and all things prepared for the voyage the Iudge doeth command the masters to hoyse vp the yards acrosse vnto the howndes of the mastes and many times if they perceiue the shippe to be waâ—ty and ouerladen as many couetous masters doe thâ—n hee hangeth the boaâ—es in the fore and maine â—ackle to see wheâ—her the sayd shippe will make any helde downewarde in laying downe her side if she doe helde he commandeth barkes abourd to discharge her of such lading as is thought to be too much in her and there can no ship depart before they cary the Register of the said Iudges howe that shee goeth by their order and euery shippe carieth her owne Register and in the Register the quantitie of al the goods that are laden in her and if there be any more goods they be forfayâ—ed in the Indies boâ—h shippe and goods The masters are bound to keepe the course that the Admiral doeth leade and euery shippe to follow her and shee must goe alwayes in the Sea before all the rest of the fleete and by night caâ—y light that all may knowe where she goeth The viceadmirall must come behinde all and so euery shippe in the fleete before herâ— if any be ill of sayle all are bounde to fit their sayles in such order that they goe no faster then she doeth The Admiral and the viceadmirall goe neuer but halfe laden but very well armed of men and artillery three times double and more then any of the other haue because they may help to defend all the rest if neede doe require and the dead freight of these two shippes is alwayes borne vpon the whole goods that are laden in the fleâ—te as also at the least there be two hundred souldiers in euery of thâ—se two shippes besides the mariners great gunners gromettes and other officers The voyages bee so appointed that alwayes they goe and come in the best of Summer aâ—d bee there all the winter in the ports to discharge their lading and recharge backe againe The ships that are Admirall and viceadmirall be neither the greatest nor the smallest shippes but of 3 hundreth or 4 hundreth tunnes at the most but they be very good saylers and strong chosen for the purpose to sayle well and to beare good store of ordinance In these two shippes aâ—e alwayes going and comming two good knights men of warre and Captaines and souldiers expert in the warres And in euery other ship is a Captaine which ruleth in all causes of controuersie or fights in the seas the Pilot directeth onely in gouerment and leading the shippe to her port All the Captaines Masters Pilots Maryners and passengers and all others bee obediâ—nt to the two shippes so appoynted to passe they doe as in all other commandements what is by them appoynted hauing power to hang or doe any iustice vpon any man as to them seemeth good at sea and this is the last commandement vpon payne of death if the General please Concerning the Contractation house there are therein sixe Iudges of the highest sort There are visitours of shippes as it is sayd before to see whether the ships goe in order well and sufficient in al things and what manner of men the Masters of the ships and Pilots are whether they be able to answere to all such articles as the reader is able to obiecte vnto them in matters of Nauigation if they be not found sufficient they are not admitted â—o take charge The maâ—ter must knowe whether the ship be sufficiently talked tackled and furnished in all things accordingly as with mastes sayles cables ankers and all other necessary furniture that at such tâ—â—e as any of the high iudges with their ordinary visitours appointed for such causes doe come there be nothing found out of order or lacking according to The booke of orders which euery shippe proportionable to her burthen ought to haue which is not vnknowen to aâ—y of the masters being in writing common among them and all the charge giuen to the Master and Pilot serueth onely to conduct the ship from port to port The counter Master or masters mate is obedient in all things whereunto hee shall bee commanded by the master and Pilote and at his commandement are all the maryners of the ship The shippes commonly goe deeper laden from Spaine then our shippes doe in any voyage The order of the Carena giuen to the ships that go out of Spaine to the Indies THe shippe of what burthen soeuer shee bee must giue a Carena as they call it in the Spanish tongue which is in English shee must be throughly calked and fortified as well with carpenters to set knees into her and any other â—ymbers appertaining to the strengthening of a shippe as with calking which is to put occam into her sides and that kinde of calking is not vsed as ours is here in England but first before they put in any â—hreede of occam they with certaine crooked yrons with an hammer in one hande and the crooked yron in the other doe forcibly pull out all the olde threede that hath bene in the shippe the voyage before and so driue in new If the seame of the shippe be worne to any bredth as many olde shippes be by reason of often raking them vpon that seame there is clapt a piece of caste leade nayled vpon the calking and seame with speciall nayles which leade is cast a handes bredth and as thinne as may bee for the same purpose and at euery voyage it is taken off and renued and by that meanes their shippes are very stanch a yeere or two The Carenero or the Calker doeth giue in suerties that if the shippe so cast ouer as they doe commonly vse to cast them in such sort as any man may goe drie vpon the keele as I haue done and without any butte pipe or any other kinde of timber vnder her sides more then with counter-poyze of stones in her made within certaine timber as though it were a cheste and with the stones the Carenero doeth bring her as hee will high and low leaning or rysing and if shee miscarrie in her Carena then is the Carenero bound if it bee either by fire water or sinking or any other misfortune to pay for the valew of the ship The Carena of a shippe of one hundred tunnes being done so substantially as they vse to doe it will cost two hundred Duckets of two hundred tunnes foure hundred Duckets of three hundred tunnes sixe hundred Duckets and so according to the greatnesse of the shippe It would be done here in England for one third part of the money by reason that the necessaries that goe to it are better cheape here by much and the calkers farre better châ—ape by two parts This Carena may not be giuen at any hand but in a riuer where no tempest can arise as in this riuer of London
desireth to be examined Whereto the eâ—aminate answereth that he would bee examined concerning Nueua Espanna or of Nombre de Dios and Tierra firma And others that are not experienced in those partes craue to be examined of Santo Domingo Puerto rico and Cuba Then the Pilot maior commandeth the examinate to spread a sea-chart vpon the table and in the presence of the other pilots to depart or shewe the course from the barre of Sant Lucar to the Canarie-Islands and from thence to the Indies till he come to that place whereof he is to bee examined and then also to returne backe to the barre of Sant Lucar in Spaine from whence he departed Also the Pilot maior asketh him if when he saileth vpon the sea hee be taken with a contrary wind what remedie he is to vse that his ship be not too much turmoiled vpon the sea And the examinate answereth him aswell as he can Then one of the other pilotes opposeth him about the rules of the Sunne and of the North-starre and how hee ought to vse the declination of the Sunne at all times of the yeere whom the examinate is bound to answere in euery thing that hee demandeth Then another asketh him of the signes and markes of those lands which lye in his way to that hauen whereof he is examined And then another demandeth that if his mastes should be broken by tempestâ— what remedy hee would vse Others aske him if his ship should take a leake to the hazarding of the liues of himselfe and his company what remedy he would find to stoppe the same with least danger Others aske him what remedy if his rudder should chance to faile Others oppose him about the account of the Moone and of the tides Others aske him if a Pirate should take him and leaue him destitute of his Chart his Astrolabe and his other instruments seruing to take the height of the Sunne and of the starre what course hee would take in that extremitie Others demand other questions needfull for a mariner to know which desireth to be a pilot Unto all which the examinate is very attentiue and answereth to euery particular After they haue all asked him so much as they thinke expedient they bid him depart out of the hall to the ende that euery one of them may seuerally bee sworne vpon a booke that they will speake the trueth Then they put into a certaine vessell of siluer standing there for the same purpose so many beanes and so many peason as there are pilots within the hall and euery one putting his hand into the vessell inorder he that thinketh the partie examined to be sufficient taketh vp a beane and he that thinketh him not sufficient taketh vp a pease And after that all haue taken out what they please the Pilot maior looketh what voyces the examinate hath and if he finde him to haue as many voyces for him as against him he commandeth him to make another voyage but if he hath more voyces for him then against him then they giue him letters testimoniall of his examination signed by the Pilot maior by the kings reader and the secretary and sealed with the seale of the Contractation house And vpon the receipt of these letters testimoniall the new pilot giueth a present vnto the Pilot maior and the kings reader for their gloues and hennes euery one according to his abilitie which is ordinarily some two or three ducats And then he may take vpon him to be pilot in any ship whatsoeuer vnto that place for which he was examined and if he finde in the Indies any ship vnder the charge of a pilot not before examined he may put him out of his office and may himselfe take charge of that ship for the same wages that the other pilot agreed for The pilots wages for making a voyage outward and homeward is according to the burthen of the ship If she be of 100 tunnes hee hath 200 or 250 ducats and if shee be of 400 or 500 tunnes he taketh for his wages 500 or 550 ducates and if she be bigger he hath a greater allowance ouer and besides all which he hath euery day while he remaineth on landâ— foure reals for his diet And the greater shippes are alwayes committed vnto the more ancient pilots because they are of greater experience and better skill then the yonger sort which newly take vpon them to be pilots The pilot vndertaketh no farther trauell nor care but in directing the course or nauigation for the masters of the ships take charge of the freighting and preparing their ships and to pay the mariners and to doe all things needefull for the ship For the pilot commeth not vnto the shippe vntill the visitours come to visite the same to see whether hee hath all things necessary for the boyage The visitours are foure men which are appoynted by the king and these are men of great vnderstanding and they come to visite the shippes before they take in their lading to see whether they be well prepared to make the voyage And after the ships bee laden they returne againe to visite them the second time to see whether they haue all things necessary according to The orders of the Contractation house and whether they haue all their mariners victuals pouder shot and ordinance and all other things necessary for the voyage And if they want any thing they charge them vpon grieuous penalties to prouide the same before they set out of the hauen The ships that goe to the Indies are wont eche of them to haue with them a Notarie whose charge is to keepe a note of remembrance of all the marchandize which is laden in the ship and to take the marks thereof therby to deliuer the commodities in the ship to their particular owners after they haue finished their voyage and he serueth likewise to make willes and other instruments which are wont to be made by a Notarie if any man chanceth to fall sicke And his wages in eche voyage is as much as the wages of two mariners The Generall of the fleetes vseth continually after hee is arriued in the Indies to send into Spaine a barke of Auiso to aduertise the king of the state of his arriuall And after the fleetes be ready to come home hee dispatcheth another pinnesse of Auiso to certifie them how the fleetes are now ready to set saile with other particularities There go with the fleetes two great ships the one as Admirall the other as Uiceadmirall of the burthen of 400 or 500 tunnes which carry nothing but victuals and souldiers for the wafting of the rest of the fleete and these are payd out of the marchandize which come in the fleete after the rate of one in the hundred and sometime at one and an halfe in the hundred There is in the Contractation house of Siuil a table which serueth for an Arançel or table of rate or taxation written in letters of gold
villa Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam Norwegiaâ— The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway Maior Communitas stapulae Charta anno regni sexto conâ—ecta A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne Eâ—â—seri seatres The first war mooued against the Prussian infifidels anno â—om 1239. The Prussians abandon Christianitie A memorable stratageme 4000â— This man sent an ambassage to Richard the second The great master ouercommeth the king of Polonia The king by treason ouerthroweth the Master The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels Edward the 3. The arresting of the English goods and marchants 1388. An ancient custome The priuiledges of the English marchaÌ„ts in Prussia 1403. 1405. 1406. These ships were taken by the English y e 20. of Iuly 1404. Hamburgh Bremâ— Stralessund Lubec Gripeswold Campen 1403. ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at Câ—leis The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen at Orwel and Zepiswich Note well 1403. The anâ—cient friendship betweene England and Prussia Margaret queen of Denmarke 1403. The coÌ„plaints of the Liuonians Note well 1400. Newcastle An English ship of 200. tunnes â—ull Hull Hull Hull Hull Yorke Yorke London London Colchester Yermouâ—h Norwich Yermouth Longsound in Norway Yermouth Yermouth Selaw in Norway Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley â—â—â—eton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Lenne Lenne 21. houses of English marchants burnt at Norbern in Norway The Vitalians Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Hanâ— The ancient customes of wools Pence for the towne of Cales The great charter of marchants A speciall Charter The customers of the pety custome 1405 The customers of the subsidie The Hans societie determineth the ouerthrow of English marchaÌ„ts Statutes against y e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland How many which be the Hans townes A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. Here relation is had vnto y e king of the Romans Septem 27. 1408. A motion for a perpâ—tuall league A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes ‖ 1404. ‖ Notaâ— Naues maximae Henrici quinti. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praesertiâ— arcti inter Doueram Galisiam Sigismond died 1438. He was here 1416. Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suoâ— oculos ait regi Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerâ—ntur in monetâ— aurea Anglicâ— quae dicitur Nobile scilicet Rex Nauis gladius Mare Quae designant potestatem Anglicoâ—um super Mare In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores Flandrenses alij dicunt Anglicis Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem imponite onem Intendentes quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris modo his diebus sunt vâ—â—ordes victi ad bellâ—ndum Mare obseruandum velut oâ—es Figges â—aisins Wine Bastard Datâ—s Lycoâ—as â—iuil Oyle Graynes White Pastel Sopâ— Waxe Iron Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell Saffron Quickesiluer Flemish cloth made of English Wooll The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders Wine Osey Waxe Graine Figs Reisens Hony Cordeweyne Dates Salt Hides Note well The Britons great Rouers and Theeues Historia oâ—â—endenâ— quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris ad debellandum eos subiugandum Britannos minores Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14 Pitch Tarre Board Flexe Collein threed Fustian Canuas Cardes Bokeram Siluer-plate Wedges of Siluer and Metall ‖ 〈◊〉 Woad An example of deceite ‖ Or loue Note diligeÌ„tly A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants The pâ—aâ—se of Richard of Whitingdon marchant Mader Woad Garlicke Onions saltfish What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other Of Hankin lions Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause False colouring of goods by Lombards Alas for bâ—ibes gift of good feasts other means that sâ—oppen our policie This is the very state of our time It to a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y e land may haue no remedie of so many as take heÌ„selues wise men of gouernance * Or hunting Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland This is now to be greatly feared This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter that he would vndertake iâ— nâ— pain of losse of al his liuelihood But this proffer could not be admiâ—ted Ergo malè The trade of Bristow to Island The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. Thâ— ioy of Sigiâ—mond the Emperour that â—aleâ—s was English Harflew was loâ—t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth * Dieit Chronica quod isle Edgaru cunctis praedâ— ceâ—io ibu â—uiâ— faelicâ—or nolli sâ—â—utaâ—â— inferior omnibus moâ—um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucr◠〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t◠〈◊〉 quam Cyris Persia Catolin Fâ—anci Homulus verò Romanis Dicit Chronica preparauerâ—t naueâ— rob utissi nas numero â—ria millia sexcenta in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeuÌ„ a suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu ciâ—cumnauigate consâ—euerno Dicit Châ—onica c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita boâ—orum operum mercolem donauerit cum aliquando ad maximâ—m cius festiuitatem reger comites mulâ—aâ—umque prouineiarum protector es conuenissent c. Caleis was yeâ—lded to y e English 1347. King Edward has 700 English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis The battell of Scluse by sea The great ships of Henry the fift made at Hampton Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford 1416. The French name thus onerâ— Hâ—owen was of fiue hundred saile The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost Exâ—ortaâ—io generalis in cuslodiam toâ—lus Angliae per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa littoâ—a eiusdem quae debeâ— esse per vnanimiâ—aâ—é Consiliaâ—ioâ—um regis hominum bonae vâ—luâ—tâ—tiâ— Tâ—â—â—â—unâ— câ—uâ—ae predictae custodiae sâ—ilicet hoâ—oâ— commodum â—egni opproâ—â—â—m iâ—iâ—â—iâ—is Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur Cum placuâ—â—ine Domino viae hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet Vibs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke 1462 A secrete The discouery of the North. By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo that came to S. Domingo Note Nauigation vnder the Pole Tartaria China New found land discouered by y e English Doctor Leys
hangeâ— for his trecherie The maner â—â— the people of Capul A stranâ—â— thing Circumcisâ—â— The inhabitants of Capâ—â— with all the islands adioyning promiâ—e to ayde the English against the Spaniardâ— Our departurâ— from the islanâ— of Capul The isle of Maâ—baâ— The island â—â— Panamaâ— Markes of shallow water A Baâ—sa is a great canoa A Spaniard of Manilla taken 50 or 60 Spaniards shâ—w themâ—elues A newe shippe of the kings in building They manned out a Frigate after vâ— An hospitall in Manilla Mâ—nes of very fine gold in the Island of Panama The island of Negros in 9 dâ—grees Their departure from the Philippinas Batochina 11 or 12. small ylands in 3. degrees 10 min. to the Southward Islands in 4 degrees southward oâ— the line The death of captaine Haâ—ers March 158â— Our arriual â—â— Iaua maior The Morisâ—â— or Arabian tongue common in Iauâ— A King of Iaua his Secretary Nipeâ— wiâ—â— Cloues pepper sugar and many other commodities in Iaua maiorâ— Nine or 10. of the Kings canoas Two Porâ—ugales in Iaua â—nquiriâ— of Don Antoniâ— The state oâ— Iauâ— Raia Balamboam The wiues kill themselues after their husbands deaths A strange order Faire women â—n Iaua Don Antonio might be receiued as King in the â—ast Indiâ—â— They depart from Iaua the 16 of March 1588. Cabo 〈◊〉 They doâ—oâ— the Cape de Bona Speranzâ— From Iaua tâ— the Cape of Bona Speranâ—â— is but 1850. leagues Iune 158â— They anker â—â— the yland of Sâ— Helena the â— â—â— Iune S. Helena is â—â— the latitude oâ— 15. degrees â—â— min. to the Southward The greaâ— store of diuers excellent fruiâ—â— in S. Heleâ—â— Abundance of partridges in S. Helenaâ— Great store of fesants Turkies in great quantitie Exceeding numbers of goats Plentie of swine Our departure from S. Helena Iuly 1588. Coruo anâ— flâ—res two ylanâ— of the 〈◊〉 * * Or â—uatulco * * Or Panama * To the Southwards of the â— me The enâ—raâ—â— of the streighâ— The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 streighâ— Th◠〈…〉 33 deg 〈◊〉 In whicâ—â—â—â—â—ht staâ—â—â—th Quinâ—eâ—â— 27 dâ—g 40 mâ— In which height standeth Coâ—â—â—â—o 23 deg 30 mâ—â— In which height standeth Moriâ— motenâ— 18 deg 30. mi. In which height standeth Arica 13 deg 30 mâ—â— In which height stand Paraca Pisâ—â— 11 deg 50 â—â— In which hâ—igh stand the ilands of Lobos 5. degrees In which height â—tandâ—th Paâ—â—a 2 deg 50 min. In which height standâ—th the iland of Punâ— Leagues 25. Leagues 1â— â—â—aguâ—s 80. Leaguâ—â— 7. â—â—agues 7â— Leagues 55. Leagues 70. Leagues 90. Leagues 120. Leagues 35. Leagues 90. Leagues 45. Leagues 25. Leagues 25. Leagues in all are 751. Leagues 60. Leagues 40. Leagues 160. Leagues 8. Leagues 17. Leagues 40 Leagues 14 Leagues 60 Leagues 160 Leagues 2 Leagues 12 Leagues 78 Leagues 80 Leagues 7 Leagues 10 Leaguâ—â— 30 Leagues 18 Leagues 30 Leagues 20 Leagues 108 Leagues 1850 Oâ— Guâ—nâ— Leagues 320 Leagueâ— 15 Leagues 6 Leagues 15 Leagues 15 Leagues in all 2414 Leagues 22. Leagues 18. Leagues 6. Leagues 10. Leagues 30. Leagues 26. Leagues 1â— Leagues 100. Leagues 220. Leagues 18. * This is â—he isle oâ— Baly Leagues 1800 Leagues 30. Leagues in all are 2292. Leagues 600. Leagues 1200 Of our abode tenne dayes where we watered Of our abode foure twenty dayes where we watered Of our abode eleuen dayes where we graâ—ed our ships Of our abode two fiftie dayes where we watered Of our abode foure dayes Of our abode 6 dayes where we watered Of our abode three dayes Of our abode two dayes Of our abode sixe dayes Of our abode one day Of our abode 9 daies where we watered Of our abode 8 dayes where we watered Of our abode 7 daies where we watered Of our abode one day Of our abode three dayes Of our abode fiue dayes Of our abode 2 dayâ—s where we watered Of our abode twelue dayes where we watered Of our abode 14 dayes where we waâ—ered * Ouaâ—â— Of our abode nine dayes Spaniards building of a new ship in the Philippinas Dayes 30. Of our abode elâ—â—en dayes where we watered Iaua mâ—â—or Dayeâ— 56. The cape of Buena Espeâ—anza Of our abode twelue dayes where we watered Dayes 14. The space of our â—auigation betweene those ilands was threescore fiue dayes Fadoms 10. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 10. Fadoms 5. Fadoms 7 Fadoms 25. Fadoms 16. Fadoms 7 Fadoms 6. Fadoms 12. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 7. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 5. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 7. Fadoms 4. Fadoms 10. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 8. Fadoms 9. Fadoms 17. Fadoms 4. Fadoms 12. Fadoms 6. Fadoms 10 Fadoms 16 Fadoms 12 * To y e South side of the Equinoctiall 1587. It is as colds at Paquin as in Flanders * Or Quiebeâ— Garisons against the Iapons M. Chidleys voyage intended partly for Arauco in Chili Cape Blanco The Delight looseth the company of the rest of the Fleet. Port desire Two springs of fresh water found at Port desire They enter me to the Streight of Magelan They loose 15. of their men by tempest A Spaniard taken at Port famine Seuen of our men killed by the treason of the Sauages on the North shore They passed 7 or 8 times ten leagues Westward of Cape Froward They returne homeward The yle of S. Sebastian in 24 degr of southerly latitude on the coast of Brasil They land at Monuille de Hage 8. miles West of Cheâ—bourg The wracke of the ship 〈◊〉 the malice of the Normans Theâ— arriue in Bogland The Spaniard taken in at Port Famine Bâ—ya de Saluador A barke taken Cabo Frio Lila de Placencia Isle de S. Sebastian The towne of Santos taken The towne of S. Vincent burnt They artiue at Port Desire M. Adrian Gilberts barke returneth for England A pinnesse built at Santos They fall with the Streights of Magellan They returne from the Streights of Magellan The occasion of losing the Generall Then come againe to Port Desire the 26. of May. A quiâ—e road A poole of fresh water on the South side of Port Desire Abundance of muskles and smelts A dangerous 〈◊〉 The maner how they lost their Generall An Isle neere Port Desire bounding with seales and penguins They depart the second 〈◊〉 from Port Desire 〈◊〉 The Streights of Magellan Certaine Isles neuer before discouered fifty leagues northeast off The Streights The first and secoÌ„d Streight Cape Froward Saluage cooue The northwest or last reach of the streights Their first enterance into â— South sea They enter the South sea the second time This Santoâ— standeth vpon the coast of Peru in 9 deg of Southerly latitude They enter the South sea the third time The blacke pinnesse lost in the South sea The Cape Deseado most dangerously doubled after they had been nine dayes in the South sea An excellent plat of the Streights of Magellan Penguin isle within three leagâ—es of Port Desire They enâ—er Port Desire the â—â—â—rd time Penâ—uin Isle scarâ—e a mile frâ— the maine â—ine men lost A great multitude of Saluaâ—es with vizards or faces like vnto dogs â—aceâ— The riâ—er of Port Desire but 20 miles passable by boate The great benefit of the herbe called Scuruy grasse They stayed 7 weekes in Port Desire A prety deuise 〈◊〉 make salt A pooâ—e allowance of victualâ— The I le of Plâ—cencia in Brasilâ— Ommens and forewarning dreames Thirteene men lost at the I le of Placencia by their owne â—â—treme negligâ—nce Cabo Frio 30 leagues easâ— oâ— the I le of Plâ—â—cenciâ— A most strange and noâ—some kind of worme bâ—ed of vnsalted Penguins They arriue at Bear-hauen in Iâ—eland the 11 of Iune 1593. Ximo Coray contineÌ„t land with Paqui From Coray an armie may passe by land in few dayeâ— to Paqui the chiefe citiâ— of China A description of Coray A meane to keepe head birds sweete in their feathers a long time A Fleete of 800. ships Short gunnes charged with forked arrowes The signification oâ— Miacó The length and bredth of Coray The people of Coray and China stronger in shipping then they of Iapan The king of Coray freth out of his principall citie Iâ—â—nds neerâ—â—â—â—o Coray A mighty riâ—er of 3. â—â—ags broad The warre of Iâ—â—an against 〈◊〉 and China The Isle of Mateumai Ieâ—â— a nation of Tartars dwelliâ—g on the 〈…〉 to the North of Chinâ— vsing cloth The Piloâ— The Master The Purser A Romagâ—r The Masters mate The chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house 〈◊〉 bâ—ing skilfull mariners The names and markes of men taken The Pragmatica oâ— orders of the Contractation house Prouision of vicâ—uals vpon othe The Register of euery ship The two ships of warâ—â—â— to draft â—he fleet 〈◊〉 of peace Note A Caâ—taine in euery ship Sixe Iudges Foure visitours The â—eader of tâ—â— arte of Nauigation The booke of â—â—â—rs â—â—â—ed iâ— Sâ—aâ—iâ—h Pâ—agâ—matiâ—a 〈◊〉 wrâ—ting amoâ—g the masters â—alking with tâ—inne plates of â—eaâ— The Calker or Carenero Alonso de Chiâ—uez Piloto mayor Rodrigo Zamorano Cathedratico La Sala del exameâ— La manâ—â—a de â—lecion de los maestrâ—s y pilotos Carta del examen Sueldo de loâ— pilotos Maestros y suâ— oâ—ficios Loâ— quatro visitadores y su officio Prematicâ— Escâ—iâ—â—â—o y 〈◊〉 officio Primero nauâ—o de acilo Legando nauio de â—uâ—lo D. sâ—aoâ— de guâ—â—ia The witnesse of fiue or sixe pilots The pilots admission to the leâ—turâ—â— of the kings reader They heare the kings readers lectures two houres a day â—oâ— two moneths Their disputations of the art of nauigation before the kings reader who is their moderatour The hall of examination The maner of the yong pilotâ— examination The maner of their election Letters testimoniall of euery new pilots examination and appâ—obation vnder the hands of the Pilot maior the kings reader and the secretary and seale of the Contractation house Foure visitoure The orders of the Contractation house The first barke of Auiso The second barke of Auiso A table of rates c. set by in the Contractation house