might not value or receive them with due reverence She said he might safelier treat with the Prince of Orange in regard the like admonition formerly sent from Paul the fourth had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality neverthelesse she would prepare him for the Legate But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop and desired Pavesio to represent her for that favour kneeling at his feet and humbly kissing them though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies unlesse the King would please to give her leave But she assured his Holinesse that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her as it had ever been dearer then her life Lastly touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners and gave him their severall characters telling which deserved Rebuke which Praise or Pitie The Legate finding all she said to be true and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon belike her Excellence had prepared him as she promised admiring her industrie and pietie professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this The Covenanters being returned as I have told you into their respective Provinces and giving it out that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again magnifying the name of the Gheuses calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie and putting themselves under their protection Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased especially in Antwerp even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheuses Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People wearing in their hats besides the wallet stampt in silver a wreathed pilgrims staff the ends bowing acrosse signifying as I suppose that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey and seek libertie in another Climate This conspiracie was spawned out of the other it being the off-spring as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie of that two years before raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel where they first wore hoods and then Darts But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court and the ambition of a few afterwards turned into the publick mutiny of the Provinces Great men it seems never can offend alone and vices whilst they passe from hand to hand are soyled with being touched and grow still fouler Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names do any good nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces about that time received wherein his Majestie promised That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys and in person moderate the severitie if any such were of his fathers Edicts In the mean time he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours whereupon formerly relying both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do and now he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men Onely the pardons which the Governesse in her letters to the King desired for certain persons were by his Majestie more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time In the interim the evil increasing and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally or by intervals but compleated and in a knot breaking forth all at once For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel flocking in crouds the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany invaded and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns First they held their Conventicles in the fields by night then successe smiling upon them fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed they should fail of dispatching what they came for they thought it best by way of prevention to shew themselves in the light and before the people that ran to meet them out of towns and villages boldly to preach against the Spanish tirannie against Religion corrupted by the Bishops and for the pure and sincere light of the Gospel Emulation made them more impudent lest the Calvinists that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction but more Proselytes and applause should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists or that the Lutherans should have more great Protectours then both the other Sects Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns as if they were to make new plantations every one being for himself and all against One. Miserable and calamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions and running upon the rocks of errour Whilst impure men Apostates both from divine and humane faith whilst the scumme of their own nations the Refuse of Germany and France promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose filling all places with turbulent sermons infamous libells hopes fears and jealousies Whilst such a multitude first out of the next villages but at last out of great towns came with incredible desire to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel that once in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals At Antwerp in one day were gathered together thirteen thousand next day fourteen thousand a while after sixteen thousand men Lastly taking more freedome in many places especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders they married people in the fields and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner And that all this might be done with safety they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons armed with pikes and muskets I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw how the Peopleâ— zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height that neither the Magistrates by authoritie nor their Officers by force nor
Margaret of Parma to be Governesse of the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 20. is commended to her by his Majestie l. 2. p. 40 his favour and power with the Governess ibid. and p. 41. l. 3. p. 68. his dextâ—rity in giving counsel l. 2. p. 40. he Acts for the new Bishops l. 3. p. 65. is hated by the Lords l. 3. p. 66. and Commons p. 71. The Lords envie emulation and malice towards him l. 2. p. 39. l. 3. p. 67. 68 72 74. The greatness of his spirit in despising his Rivalls l. 2. p. 42. he approves not the sending away of the Spanish souldiers out of the Low-countreys l. 3. p. 51. at last consents to it ibid. is created Cardinal by Pius the fourth l. 3. p. 54. why for a while he deferred the acceptance of his scarleâ— ibid. he receives his Robes and Hat sent from Rome as an extraordinary favour ibid. what benefit he aimed at in being made Cardinall p. 54. 55. he consults with his brother the Spanish Ambassadour touching the French affairs p. 55 58. What his opinion was concerning the exchange of Sardinia for Navarre l. 3. p. 58 59. he is defended by the Governess l. 3. p. 68. and 72. by the King p. 71. Three Lords write a letter against him to his Majesty l. 3. p. 72. the Kings answer l. 3. p. 74. he speaks in Senate against the ambition of the Prince of Orange l. 3. p. 67. his power with the Governess decreaseth l. 3. p. 74. the danger of his life p. 75. Scandalous Libels against him l. 4. p. 77. the giving of Hoods for Cognizances was thought to be a combination against him l. 4. p. 77 78. l. 5. p. 115. l. 7. p. 49. he is called out of the Low-countreys l. 4. p. 79. the Kings letters that discharged him dejected him not ibid. his words as if he desired a manumission from publick imployment ibid. he would gladly have been commanded into Spain ibid. the King sends him to Burgâ—â—â—diâ— l. 4. p. 80. He goes giving out that he is shortly to return ibid. a plot to keep him from coming back ibid. he goes to Rome to the Conclave l. 4. p. 81 is employed by King Philip in his affairs at Rome ibid. especially in the transaction of the holy League against the Turk ibid. He is created Vice-roy of Naples ibid. and delivers the Christian Colours to Don Iohn of Austria ibid. returning to Rome he labours in the Conclave for the election of Gregory the xill l. 4. p. 81. going back to Naples he offends the Pope in a controversie with the Archbishop of Naples p. 82 which is at last composed ibid. the report of his return to the Low-countreys is there believed l. 7. p. 68. he treats in the Kings name with Margaret of Parma and Alexander Farneze to accept of a joynt-commission for the government of the Low-countreys l. 9. p. 47. he is sent for into Spain by the King and there made President of his Italian Councel l. 4. p. 82. his liberty in speaking to the Grandees and to the King himself ibid. he governs Spain in the Kings absence p. 82. is honoured by him at his return ibid. at Ausburg he marries Katharine daughter of King Philip to Charles Emmanuel Duke of Savoy ibid what he said when he heard the Duke of Alva had not taken the Prince of Orange l. 6. p. 33. he dieth at Madrid l. 4. p. 83. his bodie is transported to Besançon ibid. his principall commendations p. 83 Antonio Perez Privie-Seal to Philip the second l. 6. p. 23. l. 9. p. 53. Anthony sonne to Philip Duke of Burgundy â—uart of Brabant l. 9. p. 36 Anthony Painter l. 7. p. 78 Antonio Saulio the Popes Nuncio to the Vice-roy of Naples l. 4. p. 82 Anthony Strall Consul of Antwerp l. 6. p. 33. intimate with the Prince of Orange ibid. beheaded l. 7. p. 49 Antonio de Toledo Prior of Leon a Knight of S. Iohns of Ierusalem l. 6. p. 23 Antwerp one of the chief cities of Brabant l. 5. p. 98. stands much affected to Breâ—erod l. 5. p. 112. a Mutiny in the Town occasioned by the punishment of an Apostate l. 4. p. 84. the number and habit of the Gâ—euses there l. 5. p. 115. the Calvinists frequent sermons l. 5. p. 116. their Tumult l. 5. p. 117 118. upon the News of Tholose's overthrow at Oostervel l. â— p. 4. for the quieting of which stirres they desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Governour l. 5. p. 118. what a multitude of people meet him with acclamations and applauses ibid. their Iconomachy and violation of sacred things l. 5. p. 123. 124. the great Church restored to its use and beauty l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 18. Hereticks hold their Consistories in the Town l. 5. p. 138. Solemn Procession l. 6. p. 28. the sack of it by the Spaniards l. 8. p. 22 23 Antwerpers animated against the Catholicks as farre as from Constantinople l. 5. p. 138. 139. They cunningly offer money to the King l. 5. p. 139. they threaten to Revolt l. 6. p. â— they sue for pardon to the Governess l. 6. p. 17. they offer her to render the town ibid. Antwerp-Fort designed by Margaret of Parma l. 6. p. 20. Built by the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 40. entred and kept by the mutinous Spaniards l. 8. p. 5. attempted by Don Iohn l. 9. p. 35. possessed by the Estates ibid. dimolâ—shed l. 9. p. 38 Apologie published by the Prince of Orange l. 1. p. 4. l. 2. p. 38. p. 43. 45. p. 47. Aquila a town l. 9. p. 47 Aranda vide Iuan Archdukes of Austria vide Maximilian and Matthias An Archbishoprick in the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 28 Ardingbel l. 4. p. 91 Aremberg vide Iohn Ligneus Arescâ—ot rendereth it self to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 53. is betrayed l. 10. p. 13 Arscâ—ot the Duke vide Philip Croi Arias Montariâ—s vide Benedictus Armeâ— figures of little men and horses brought to maâ—ch upon a table l. 1. p. 7 Armenterians conspire with the Tournay-Gheâ—ses l. 6. p. 7. their plot is discovered ibid. they are defeated by Nâ—â—carmius l. 6. p. 7. Armenterius vide Thomas Arminius his overthrow compared with that of Lewis of Nassaâ— l. 7. p. 56. 57 Arms of Castile l. 4. p. 78. assumed by the associated Provinces ibid. The Gheuses Arms l. 5. p. 109. the Arms of the Empire vide Empire the Kings Arms l. 7. p. 65. the Arms of death l. 9. p. 41. Army prepared for the Duke of Alva from France l. 7. p. 46. from Spain l. 7. p. 58. from Italy l. 6. p. 25. By Alva in the Low-countreys to be sent into France l. 7. p. 64. Alva musters his Army l. 6. p. 29. it marches in three divisions p. 30. against Don Iohn raised in Germany l. 10. p. 7. sent to him from Italy l. 9. p. 41. Ranged for battel l. 9. p. 50. brought off from the Cannons
about the Beginnings of the Low-countrey tumâ—lts Ostentation of wit Faction Ignorance of the difference between Beginnings and Causes Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian So did the ancient and best writers Fab. Pict in his Annalls Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. To follow whose examples it is easie for a man acquainted with Princes secrets The Low-Countreymens Priviledges very great Lud. Guicciardin in Descrip. Belg. From whence this evil had its Originall because the King trencht upon them three wayes The retaining of the Spanish souldiers 〈◊〉 first Cause of their 〈…〉 The Low-Countreymen are aggrieved Instigated by the Prince of Orange And exasperated by the Spaniards the 〈◊〉 Hence grew their 〈…〉 the King 〈◊〉 Cause is 〈…〉 wholly to 〈…〉 to the Low-Countrey-men Not to the King Whether the Belgick tumults are to be derived from this fountain Multiplying the number of Bishops the second cause of Insurrection The complaints made thereupon By the old Bishops The Lords temporall The Abbots And almost all that stood for the Low-countrey priviledges In 2. Addit ad â—aetum introitum Principis Hispaniae Artic. 24. What those priviledges were Artic. â—6 And how violated by increase of Bishops For which many men rail at And threaten the King Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie From Precedents in other countreys Which makes against the complaints of the old Bishops Baronius ann 639. 741. Extrav Solvator de Praebend Dignit As likewise against the temporall Lords And against the Abbots Aubertus Miraeus in Notitia Episc. The literal sense of their priviledges Whence some infer that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold Havens de novis Episc. l. 2. Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves de nov Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Doctors and necessity the greatest of Priviledges And that the King was not obliged to summon the Estates Generall Nor out of his own purse to allow maintenance for the Bishops Especially when he gave them Pensions Whether the beginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrections The first occasion of introducing it into the Government of the Church The different forms thereof Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet Not without Penalties J Manich and l. Quicunque C. De haereticis C. ut inquisitionis de haereticis in 6. In Spain especially from the year 1383. Martin Luthers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed Emp. Max. 1. Gratian. Theod Arcad. Honor Martian c. Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leoâ— Seven times the Emperour renued it The Brabanters refuse the Inquisition King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts Commands the execution thereof to the Governess The Governess to the Magistrates The Magistrates let it cool The Brabanters still refuse The people differ in opinions The common discourse against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition and punishment of Delinquents Some men censure the King Others excuse him C. Sane 2. de Off. Potest Jud. lib. 1. §. Quiâ—manda tam. 〈◊〉 de Off. ejus Of the Prince of Orange His Ancestours came out of Germany Into the Low-countreys Ann. 1292. The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. Their power in the Netherlands Anno 1544. The birth of the Prince of Orange Henr. Ranzou in exemplis Astvol Michael Airzinger in Leone Belg. His Nativity calculated His civill And military education Called the ordinary Bands Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy His favour at Court Some suspect him The Emperour answers all Objections And commends him to the King The King makes great account of him The Causes of his Discontent His Designe His Wit and Manners Which relished not of Courtship or Levity The splendour of his Family His doubtfull Religion He declares himself a Calvinist Apology 1518. His Apology Anno 1518. Whether from his heart or no is uncertain Ann. 1581. He was Hostage for K. Philip to Henry K. of France Ann. 1581. He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks And from thence takes his hint for Commotion Ann. 1559. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece out of the same Apology Hoventius Momorancy Lord Montany Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers 1559. In the some Apology Out of the new Bishops In his said Apol and so Granvel writes Ann. 1582. Out of the Inquisition Out of Granvels power Out of the troubles arising in the Duke of Alva's government The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxonie He offers himself To the destruction of the Publick The Causes and Occasions of the Belgickâ—nmults â—nmults summed up 1559. The Spanish souldiers have Orders to depart 4. Octob. Their Departure countermanded by the King Whereat the Low-countreymen rage And grow desperate Tacitus in his Annals l. 13. Called the Consult 1560. The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed 1560. Of the same mind were all the Councell of State 1560. But onely Granvell Who at last consents The Governesses Express to the King Her private letter 12. Decemb. The King assents in these words The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain 1561. A new Modell of the Foot Touching forrein and domestick souldiers 1562. The Marriage between the Prince of Orange and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxony Landgrave of Hessen Anno 1550 The Landgraves Plot to break the match Discovered to the Duke of Saxony 1561. The Nuptials with Princesse Anne celebrated Afterwards he sued out a Divorce Anno 1572 At Brill is Holland Granvel made a Cardinall A Cardinalls hat brought to him He delays his acceptance 25. Feb. 12. Iuly 1562. 27. March The Governess likes not his delay He at last owns the scarlet And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness For which he gives the Governess his reasons as she wrote to the King 29. Novem. 1564. 1562. The Crown of France being endangered succours are sent from the Low-countreys Of the French Tumults The Lutheran Religion brought into France Upon what occasion The City of Paris Its Favourers Margaret of Valois sister to K. Francis T is almost extinguished â—y the King Calvinisme succeeds First among the Commons Afterwards among the Lords Out of their â—mulation and envie 1562. To the Guises Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre The Prince of Condè brother to the King of Navarre Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot All these were infected with Heresie But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret Queen of Navarre Julius II. The Lord joyn with the hereticall rabble 1559. Against whom assistance is requested of the King of Spain And promised Alibret exasperates her husband against the Catholicks Tit. Liv. l. 1. The conspiracy at
Ambois Where and how the name of Hugonot came up Thuan. lib. 4. of his History Gil. Geneb lib. 4. of his Chronicle and others The Authours of the tumult at Ambois Succours sent from Spain Limosin Strange fortune King of Navar Prince of Condé The hereticks imboldened Granvels design Sancta Cruz endeavours to draw off the King of Navarre from the hereticks He is taken off and sends an Embassadour into Spain Rui gomez de Silva 4. Aprill 1562. By whom Granvel likewise writes Sardinia is offered in stead of Navarre Whether in carnest or no. A match between the King of Navarre and the Queen of Scots falsly rumoured Thuan. in his History l. 28. 1562. 1564. The King of Spains Letter concerning the Queen of Scotlands marriage Dat. 6. of August Alibrets indignation The Guises power revives And the Malice of their Rivals Either party prepares for war Katharine of Medices King Philip sends Foot out of Italy Spain May 2. And commands the Governess to dispatch away the Horse out of the Low-countreys The Belgick Lords oppose it Perhaps set on by the Prince of Conde 1562. April 4. Iune 30. The Governess cools in the business Iuly 1. She is checkt for it by the King Instead of men she sends money And writes her reasons to the King August 31. The King of Navarre enters Roan triiumphant and dies A memorable Battel Dreux The French Low-countrey tumults paralleld The first Belgick tumults occasioned by French Calvinists Lâ—isle The insurrection at Tournay quieted Novem. 15. 1561. That at Valenciens inflamed by the Hereticks escape of punishment 1562. March 22. Which at last are condemned But rescued by the Commons And by the Magistrate carryed back to prison Davids Psalmes turned into French meeter The Authour Clement Marot Ex. Florim Hist. de ortu c. Haeres l. 8. His Manners Dubious Religion His Translation of the Psalter Forbid by his Majesty Marot flies his Countrey Dyes Beza finishes Marots Work of the Psalmes It is published but prohibited immediately by the Catholicks Retained by the hereticks The Valencenian Sedition renued They incourage one another either to rescue or revenge the Prisoners They forceably 〈◊〉 them out of the Iayl. Souldiers are brought into the Town by the Governesses Order A Councell is called about punishing the city The milder opinion carries it New souldiers put into the Town The seditious executed Valenciens quieted The Governesses vigilancy Her particular care of Religion in Frisland New Bishops brought in The Brabanters will have no Bishops The Popes Buls were delayed at Rome Pius IV. The Abbots exasperated the Brabanters The Brabanters send Agents publickly to Rome and privately into Spain Their Instructions Expedition money given them The Governess prevents them by Agents of her own that came before them to Rome And into Spain The Agents for the Estates rerurn from both places without Dispatches The Brabanters will not give it over thus Count Horn writes for them to his Maiestie Iune 2. Many Low-countrey Lords assist them Discontented at the King and at Granvel Their principall Abettours the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont Count Egmonts liberty of speech 4. Octob. 1559. Regnard sooths him in it Out of emulatition to Granvel begun when they were school-boyes Mart. Delrio lib. 1. Tumult Belg. Granvel Regnard Continued when they came to Court And there turnned into envy against his Superiour This made Regnard so active against Granvel The Governess therefore labours to have Regnard sent for out of the Low-countreys Which at last but too late was effected The Prince of Orange sets on the Brabanters His Ambition is checkt by Granvell Who put a kind of affront upon him Which occasioned the Prince of Orange and Count Egmonts first complaints to the King that they were neglected at the Councel-board That one ruled all And Granvell was the man But the Governess defends him in her letters to the King Decemb. 18. 1561. â—4 1561. The Governess denies her assent for summoning the Estates generall But gives way to a convention of the Knights of the Order Where the seeds were sâ—wn of a conspiracy against Granvel The result of the Convention Montiny sent into Spain The Governess dispatches a Messenger before him with this private letter Iune 14. What Grievances the Lords pretended How the Governess answered them The faith and freedome of Count Barlamont 27. Iuly The Governess is commanded to find out Some expedient for setting the Lords at difference among themselves What disparity betwixt Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange P. Orange C. Egmont C. Egmont P. Orange C. Egmont P. of Orange Which the Governess made use of to divide them and it ministred a double occasion The Princesse of Orange brought a bed of a Daughter Montinys Embassage out of the Kings letter to the Governess 23 Novem. His Conference with the King He imputes the generall discontent to the new Bishops and Granvel The King gives his reasons for increase of the Bishops Desends Granvel Possesses Montiny with his Resolution to go in person to the Low-countreys Montinies Relation in Senate 14 Day of Decemb. Which they credit not 1562. The Lords offended at Granvel upon new suspitions He despiseth his enemies His Rivals plot against him Some dissenting 22. March Letters writ against the Cardinall to the King by C. Egmont C. Horn. and the Prince of Orange 1562. Of these letters the Governess preadvertised the King March 9. How the Governess came by her intelligence causes a grievous falling out between Egmont and Aremberg May 5. The Kings answer to the Letters sent from the three Lords inviting one of them to Spain 1563. Iune 15. A private letter from his Majestie to Count Egmont But none of the three would go For which they give reasons to his Majestie Granvel grows out of date at Court Aloyfio Cantera lib. 9. in the life of King Philip. The Governess displeased with him for three reasons August 29. She sends Armenterius into Spain Who was to inform the King among other passages Of the Lords complaints against Granvel On the 25. Of Granvells danger Septem 13. The King at large hears him Who first suspends and then alters his Majesties resolutions The Belgick Lords leave the Court. 1564. 1564. A report raised that King Philip was murthered Which he himself was active to suppresse 4. Ianuary Scandalous Pamphlets posted up and handed through the Low-countreys 15. Iuly 1561. 10. August 1562. Emblematicall Cognizances given by the Lords-Conspiratours 29. Of March Invented at a feast In imitation of the Germans They throw the Dice who shall name the Livery Egmont chuses 29. Of March How the People interpret the Device The Governess gets them to leave off part of it Which the Lords supply with another Embleme As the King answered Egmont Prince of Orange in his Apollogy 1481. What many men conceived it to boad The King and Occasion puts an end to these Rebuses 20. Granvel sent for out of the Low-countreys Why the
apart But though I read the other almost in all writers yet what the words of the Charter should be whereby the King obliged himself so as that he could not augment the number of Bishops I find in no Historian For what some write that the King swears at his Coronation not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall is not an ingenuous allegation because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen which they call Mortmains but upon certain conditions This is far from the point in controversie therefore I held it fit to march further into their records where I found one Clause that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops Which condition of their priviledges unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian I might safely have concealed because they themselvs do not mention it that have I am sure written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant by his father Charles the fifth among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province inserts this clause That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices Lands or Goods of Abbots Bishops or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant under the name of a Commendum But whilst by the Kings procurement Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries after the Abbots deceases the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken and the people had occasions offered that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit they might all in publick fairly declaim against by the name of Breach of Priviledge Some therefore wondered what was in the Kings mind or counsel to bring in new Bishops make a thing displeasing of it self far more distastfull and odious by taking their estates from the Monasteries And therefore they further said That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves and that the Prince ought to remember that when he made their Charter he articled They should pay him no subjection or obedience if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations Yet some there were of a contrary opinion and by how much they saw the King endeavour it with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself so much the more they commended his sincere religion who in this business looked upon nothing but the good of his people And indeed What was there apparent that men could justly blame the encrease of the number of the Bishops or of their maintenance As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys which he had done in Germany and in France between which two Nations in the middle lieth the Netherlands Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third and Zachary adde three new Bishops to the former The very like cause there was among other reasons for doing the same in the Low-countreys But what motive was in France the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees by Iohn the 22 not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon Bourges or Cahors out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse and some of these new ones were endowed but the Bishop of Tholouse must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese That the neighbour Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome and heard in a business of this nature their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power is sufficiently apparent Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground that is they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes about Religion and Monarchy by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge For when they alledged that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours and bandy against the King it was a pretence to cozen children with they doubted themselves that if they should appear against the King they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries that had received and hoped for more from his Majesty then ever the Abbors did Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks were somewhat more then became them It was not without precedent that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot Let them look upon France they shall find that Iohn the xxii indowed the Bishops of Condom Vabrince and Lâ—mbere to name no more with Monastery lands And if there should want an example yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope that may command the Monks they might have been so modest as to teach others obedience to his Holiness They might have remembred most of their Mannors and Lordships were the bounty of the Belgick Princes which made it seem more just so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince and contributed to the necessity of the people by so much more freely by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe stirred up the people and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage For the great grievance that the King had broke their Priviledges First they did not sufficiently understand the difference between a Commendum and the Annexion of Church-livings A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums if the possessour die revert to the depositor as the Lord Paramount unless they be passed over to another by a new Commendum but such as are annexed do not revert but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office to which they are appendent For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing then was by giving them in Commendum because that which is annexed doth no more revert to Monasteries then that which was commended forasmuch as what was once commended is conferred again from one to another by the Pope to whom it reverts Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence farre more then a Commendum so as what might have come by a Commendum to a forreiner by Annexion was retained in the
was in dispute if the Governess had conditioned That so long as their neighbours were in arms so long the borders should have their Cities besides their own train-bands kept with forrein Garrisons Certainly they had in generall such a longing to be rid of the Spaniards as they would have agreed to any terms whatsoever and afterwards the Governess might easily have suppressed the tumults with those forrein souldiers But being then ingaged in troubles the Dutchess endeavoured to compose them for the present Unless perhaps she were deterred from entertaining forrein souldiers by the emptiness of the Exchecquer fearing in that great want of money if their pay should fall short forreiners would mutiny more dangerously then the natives which from their Princes hand might divers wayes receive correction The publick joy of the Low-countreymen for the departure of the Spaniards was accompanied with private joy at Court for Granvels being created Cardinall and the solemnity of the Prince of Orange's marriage solemnized in Saxony whither many of the Lords were gone along For whilest he was present at the marriage of his sister he had there concluded a Match for himself his first wife Anne Egmont being dead with another Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxony wherewith he preacquainted the Governess Who at first disliking his marrying into a Lutheran family assured him it could never be approved of either by his Majesty or her self that he should have a Lady born in a Lutheran Court not onely bred an heretick by her father long since deceased but whose zeal would be dayly inflamed by her fathers brother Augustus who succeeded Duke Maurice in the Electorate and by her mothers Grandfather Philip Lantgrave of Hessen But the Prince of Orange perswaded her Excellence he had taken order for that and by way of prevention had agreed with Augustus Guardian to the Lady Anne that he would not marry her unless she turned Catholick and that Augustus and she her self under their hands and seals had Articled as much though Philip her Grandfather was against it refusing the condition of altering her religion because he had a design when that marriage should be broke off under colour of Religion to match his own daughter to the Prince of Orange To this purpose he had treated with him by letters promising for his daughter that he would accept the condition of her renouncing the Lutheran faith So little account they make of abusing Religion whose profit is their God The plot being discovered and greivously complained of by Augustus Philip replyed said the Prince of Orange That he being but poor and the father of many children it was not unhandsome for him to receive conditions from another but it would be a dishonour for the Duke of Saxony a Prince Elector to have William of Nassau give the Law to him and therefore he had refused the condition for his Neice and accepted it for his Daughter but this answer was not satisfactory to Augustus therefore to prevent him he resumed the Treaty with the Prince of Orange And when the Prince of Orange had often professed That nothing was or could be so dear to him as his soul and honour and duty to his Prince the Governess at last consented But yet she gave no leave to the Governours of Provinces to accompany the Prince of Orange which he made his suit because she had use of their service at home the French being in arms upon the borders Notwithstanding lest he should depart discontented she permitted the rest of the Nobility to go with him And in the head of that gallant Troop he rode to Saxony followed by Florence Memorancy Lord of Montiny who in the name of the Dutchess of Parma visited the Bride and presented her a diamond ring The Prince of Orange at Liepswich a city in Saxony having celebrated his marriage in the beginning of August where the King of Denmark was present and divers other Princes of Germany immediately returned into the Low-countreys renuing his promise to the Governess touching his wives Religion Which Promise he as truly performed as she did the Faith she had sworn to him in marriage being thirteen years after taken in adultery and sent back into Germany by the Prince who married Charlotte Bourbâ—n daughter to the Duke of Mompensier But his new marriage feast was kept in Holland with more pomp then joy by the Prince of Orange offended at Granvels scarlet which he had long forborn to wear but now the Prince found him in his robes For Pius the fourth made him together with seventeen others Cardinall of the Sacred Romane Church this year upon the twenty sixth day of February and within twelve dayes after the messenger brought the news into the Low-countreys soon after came one to Machin that was to present Granvell letters from his Holiness and a Cardinals hat But Granvel put off the receiving of those honours till he knew the Kings pleasure He therefore dispatched a messenger into Spain I suppose because he was sensible that the Governess had used means to procure him this dignity without acquainting the King with the contents of her Letters to the Pope Indeed she had not onely concealed it from his Majesty who she knew would like well of it but from Granvel himself Though it had been long in agitation between her and the Pope as she afterwards wrote to the King Therefore fearing the King would conceive him to be obliged onely to the Dutchess Granvel would not accept that honour without his Majesties consent and as it were from his Royall hand Perhaps he had some little doubt that the Dutchess at one time or other would take occasion by reason of that Ecclesiasticall advancement to remove him from the Civill Government And therefore he thought it fit to wait for the Kings approbation who by a speciall and strict injunction had commended him to the Governess But whatsoever he thought the Dutchess liked not his demur upon it and therefore answered his letter to this purpose That she condemned not his resolution but her opinion was he should have done better to have put on his Cardinals Robes without delay nor did she doubt but he would find the King of Spain of the same mind and that he would receive with his Majesties Letters his Command to force him to it And though she was very glad the Popes Nuntio as Granvel wrote to her took it in the best sense Yet he must have a speciall care that neither the Nuntio nor any of his servants should write to Rome lest the Court there should take occasions to cavill at this kind of modesty or lest the Pope should take offence as if his gifts should have their estimation from another In the mean time she heartily joyed him of his honour which was joyned with so much good to Religion and the King to which ends she had endeavoured it
distracted between two factions wavering and fearing the successe of either Things being in this condition whilst King Charles made all the friends and means he could to help himself King Philip was extraordinarily carefull to dispatch away succours to his kinsman Perhaps moved by zeal to Religion perhaps solicited by his wife who trembled at her brother Charles his danger perhaps jealous of the Low-countreys lest the arms or example of the French should there prejudice his affairs Therefore having raised three thousand foot in Italy and made Iohn Anguisciola their Colonel to be commanded in chief by Imbertus Platerius Bordillon Lieutenant Generall for the King of Spain in Piemont and dispatching as many more from Spain by the way of Navarre he writes to his sister Margaret Governess of the Low-countreys presently to choose two thousand horse out of the Low-countrey Militia to march against the French Rebells and if the Queen or the Guises shall desire more men to furnish them The Governess reading the Kings letters at the Counsel board observed that all the Lords were against sending assistance to the French The Prince of Orange and Count Egmont argued that the horse was maintained by the Provinces for a guard to the Low-countreys and to that end they were at first ordained Therefore to carry them out of the Low-countreys the Provinces must give their consent but that would be a work of time and exposed to much danger now especially when the Low-countreys wanted additionall forces and ought not to have their own taken from them But they had perhaps a higher Consideration For it was believed at the instigation of the Prince of Conde some German Princes had threatned their neighbours the Low-countreymen if they assisted the Guises enemies to the new Religion they in defence of the Cause would bring an armie into the Low-countreys Nor do I think it unlikely that both the Prince of Conde attempted it and the Germans undertook it For on the one part the Prince of Condes faction was much troubled about the raising of those forces in the Low-countreys as appears by a book then published and sent by the Spanish Embassadour Cantonet with letters to his brother Granvel wherein they give the Hereticks many reasons why the King of Spain should not assist the Catholicks in France On the other part the Governess by an Express to his Majestie informs him That the Low-countrey men either terrified by the Germans or out of some other cowardly considerations would hardly nay could by no means be drawn to give order for the horse to march into France and threatned mischief if they went In which letter she seems to touch what I have here mentioned the cause of their dissent And she her self either despairing that the Provinces would let them go or believing they could not be well spared from the Low-countreys equally endangered by a war from Germany and an Insurrection at home pressed the business more remissely at the Councel Table When on the sudden came an Express from the King wherein the Governess was not a little chid for her delay and commanded without further consultation immediately to send away the Horse She anxious how she might obey his Majesty in that particular by the advice of Granvel changed the name not substance of the Kings desires demanding money instead of men Which being granted she presently returned it into France to the Queen-wother and signified to King Philip the reason of her so doing Not onely because she knew money would be far welcomer then men to the Queen according as she her self formerly intimated and after the receit confirmed but likewise for fear the Governess should loose both her endeavours and authority in pressing the Low-countrey men to that which she found by experience was not to be obtained or if it were obtained would be disadvantageous That she feared the Low-countreys now their hearts were down and that in Tournay and Valencena were begun no inconsiderable stirrs about Religion and no doubt but they would encrease if the seditious once saw the Low-countreys left naked without defence of their Horse Lastly for that some by their Place were to conduct the Horse whose faith she might very well suspect it seemed to be no less dangerous to trust them with Arms then to shew a diffidence in them by choosing other officers The King received rather then approved the condition of the money which the States had granted and sending fifteen hundred horse out of Spain to the Queen-mother which the Governess was to pay he strengthened the Catholicks in Francâ— But before these succours came the King of Navarre the Guise and Momorancy had taken Roan from the Prince of Condes men The King himself though dangerously shot lying upon his bed in a kind of Chariot was triumphantly brought into the Citie But a few dayes after his wounds bleeding afresh in the same sepulchre with himself he buried his hopes of the Kingdome of Sardinia which he had kept alive till his last gasp to the great good of the Catholicks Nor was the War prosecuted with lesse care Momorancy commanding in Chief both Armies exceedingly increasing For with the Kings forces were joyned 6000 foot sent from King Philip and the fifteen hundred Horse formerly mentioned And near to Dreux a Town in Normandy they fought a battel with great courage on both sides The Prince of Conde and Momorancy both the Generals were taken prisoners and above ten thousand men slain the Victory at last fell to the King but with more honour then joy Such fatall wars issued from the liberty given to the Hereticks and cherished by the ambition of the Lords But these miseries of the French which I have related for to that end I have related them brought the same mischief upon the Low-countreys as any man will easily perceive that hath leasure to compare the practises of Hereticks in both Nations and the differences of either Court the names of Hugonots and Gueses raised in their severall tumults The Cardinal of Lorain answering to Cardinal Granvel the Queen-mother of France to the Dutchess of Parma in the Low-countreys the like conspiracy of the Nobility the like Edicts of their Princes the plunder of Cities and Churches not to be distinguished all things in both Countreys almost the very same as springing from the self-same Causes save onely that the War was more suddenly begun by the French and more obstinately pursued by the Low-countrey men The first Low-countrey Towns that followed the example of the French were their next neighbours Tournay Lisle and Valencena which by their sudden motions plainly signified the subsequent ruine of the Netherlands For in October the year before two French Calvinist preachers in the same night the one at Valencena the other at Tournay openly before a great assembly in the Market-place delivered their new Gospel and when they had done
same contention held still in King Philips Belgick Court. But because in Dignity and the favour of his Prince and the Governess Granvell far out-stripped him he that was cast behind had the more envie in regard they had once been equals Regnard therefore finding a way open to mischief Granvell through the hatred born him by the Lords began every where to solicite and dispute the cause of the discontented Nobility and by aggravating the indignation of such as were his own friends plotted in the mean time his private revenge The Governess fearing the sting of this Viper would secretly poyson the State she to avoid shipwrack by a dry tempest perswaded the King to remove him out of the Low-countreys under colour of some advancement but it was deferred till five years after and when the storm was grown too boystrous Regnard was called into Spain almost to no purpose but onely to shew how strong a disease grows by the delay of remedy And although Count Egmont who was not of an ill nature when he had no advisers at the beginning of these troubles carried himself with obedience and fidelity to the Governess yet his private grudge to Cardinal Granvell interposing he inrolled his name among the Conspiratours and sided with the Prince of Orange who being at that time grievously injured by Granvell sought but to match his own indignation with some other alike offended Now the Prince of Orange to ingratiate himself with the Brabanters casting out words of these differences especially of the new Bishops said There was no other help for it but that the Brabanters who have no particular Governour but onely such as commanded the whole Low countreys should petition the Governess to appoint them one of the Lords that should look into their affairs and onely regard their interest And some to please the Prince of Orange moved this at the board But Granvell suspecting what was aimed at bitterly inveighed against that Counsel and at last What man soever said he undertakes their protection ought to consider with himself that he is created Prince of Brabant and divides the Sovereignty of the Low-countreys with the King Not contented thus he moved the Governess a while after when the Magistrates were to be chosen for Antwerp that the Prince of Orange should not be called to Councel lest he should boast himself the Authour of that benefit to the Town which neglect he deeply resented This caused the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont to write their complaints to his Majesty That they were seldome called to Councel and what concerned their particular Governments never communicated to them but all things privatley determined by the advice of one or two and then they were called in merely for a show to consult upon the reliques and refuse of Affairs being there contemned here mocked To say truth it is a great incentive to anger and disâ—â—â—tent and hath raised mighty troubles in many States when a Prince imployes onely one main in divers Offices For though a River swell by the accession of waters yet so long as it keeps it self in the Chanel it is injurious to none but when it flows over the banks into the adjoyning medows and intrencheth upon anothers harvest then it is accused by the just grief and complaints of the Husbandman And indeed Granvell was not limited to any certain employment The Governess both of her own accord and by the Kings command suffering him to do what he pleased The very Expresses that came to her Excellence from Spain or other parts were never brought to the Councel till she had privately either by conference or by letter acquainted Granvell with the contents who weighed every thing with himself and gave his judgement upon the particulars then returned them to the Governess or to Viglius President of the Consult or Cabinet-Councel and he omitting those heads which Granvell had marked with his pen read them to the Lords at the Councel-table and though it was privately carried for Viglius was true to Granvell yet because the Prâ—nce of Orange often received Duplicates of the Dutchese's letters they found some things were concealed from them and therefore suspected all complaining That business was malignantly communicated to them and the Low-countreys and the King defrauded of much good counsel But this moved not the Governess She onely gave the King an account of her proceedings putting him in mind of his letters dated June wherein he enjoyned her That whatsoever concerned England or the Councel of Trent or Religion in generall should be as the Pope had advised privately debated Yet I deny not said the Governess that in other things wherein the Provinces are interessed sometimes the Lords are not admitted to consult As lately in choosing the Magistrate of Antwerp the Prince of Orange was not called which I did on purpose lest he should aim to increase his present authority by that election Notwithstanding I cannot but acquaint your Majestie that it is not for our Honour to communicate all concernments freely to the Councel lest the dangers fears and necessities wherewith I am sometimes pressed be laid naked before their eyes and then if any of them be false they may abuse that knowledge by preventing our designis with contrary counsels and secretly hinder the successe of our affairs Howsoever as well in these as other things all shall be done according to your Majesties letters and commands But the King writing nothing to the contrary the Governess continued her former custome of privacy in her Councels Whereupon a rumour was spread by some of the Conspiratours that there was a necessitie to summon the Estates generall to raise subsidies for his Majestie and to put the Low-countreys into a posture of defence against their neighbours the French that were in arms Some perhaps really intended it but the most onely made use of that publick remedy to alter the present condition of the Court But the Governess who borrowed the ears of many faithfull persons was present at their Councels and conferences almost in their very thoughts and cut off that exspectation publickly professing that the King among his other commands left in charge with her not to call an Assembly of the Estates till he returned This harsh deniall of the Governess was mollified by permitting for this was another of their requests a Convention of the Order of the Golden-fleece But as soon as ever they were met at Bruxels presently it appeared that summons was not endeavoured for the publick but for their private Interests For besides the meeting in presence of the Governess where they consulted about the preservation of the Low-countreys against the French they had private discourse with the Prince of Orange and there it was resolved they would no longer suffer the power of Cardinall Granvel To this ingagement entered into by the great Commanders the Prince of Orange Count Egmont and the
Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands and severally sounded the Knights of the Order but some refusing to sign an ingagement against the Cardinall it was laid aside Especially because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell and wearying them with fresh imployments took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart and in good time put an end to their publick consultations The result whereof was that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Governess in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low countreys Florence Momorancy the Lord of Montiny was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Goverâ—â—ss but penned by Granvel He likewise received instructions for his carriage and four thousand crowns to defray the expences of his journey which he began in June But before Momorancy set forth the Governess to make her vigilance appear and to prepare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect That she making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall that he assured her the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell for as much as Granvel jealous of his power had wrought the King to that suspicion and had boldly written to him that he should never be absolute Lord of the Netherlands unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army and being so possessed of them he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased by the right of Conquest That the increase of Miters the first whereof Granvel wore tended to no other purpose but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys To which words of Barlamont she had answered That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew Nor was Granvel whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip so ignorant a Statesman that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him or of so rash a malice that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King and might be sure she would oppose him in it Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty for would any man make war upon himself and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own Lastly for the Bishops Granvel indeed sought to bring them in as the King had injoyned him in pursuance of the Popes command not to make way for the Inquisition but to protect Religion in a troublesome time The charge whereof as of all things else which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative because Granvel fearlessely undertook despising all mens murmurs he was therefore hated ly many as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King and desired him in a little note by it self that he would use the service of some one of speciall trust in the decyphering of her letter Though Barlamont himself as he was open hearted and thought that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse I suppose because he saw the grievances of his own framing were proposed in the name of a generality which therefore could not be imputed to him alone but would receive authority from the multitude In the interim the King adviseth the Governess by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie but to find out some expedient that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State might be handsomely dissolved and that keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells she should still have him at Court and in her eye And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult because they had formerly stood at a very great distance before their common hatred to Granvel united them Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition free of speech and confident the Prince of Orange of a sower nature not to be discovered therefore to be avoided In this you could not but commend his cunning but the other better kept his faith The one was an Ajax a better Commander then a Councellour the other an Ulysses that could fight better with his brain then with his sword This had a great forecast and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion That seldome took care but for the present yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared then unready or unwilling to encounter it You might hope more from the one and fear more from the other You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange And to demonstrate that there was not the least resemblance between them Egmont had a well-featured face a strong-timbered body a look full of honour the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexioned man and bald Yet they were exceeding popular both but the people loved the one and reverenced the other The Governess who exactly knew them wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a division and pointed out the best means to effect it viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence about the sending whereof at that time to the Governours of the Provinces he had before consulted with her should not be distributed to all but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont and the Count should have more then the Prince that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties favour and the rest of the Lords because they were passed by somewhat resent it in them both This plot went on and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder the Governess still having her irons in the fire And to this purpose at the generall Dyet or convention of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King
Philip whilst all the Nobility were in exspectation of the imployment the Dutchess made choice of Philip Croy Duke of Arescot not because he was bred up in Germany with Charles the fifth as she declared her self at the Consult and therefore was likely to be well received by his brother Ferdinand But because he was an enemie to the Prince of Orange his faction she honoured him with that Embassage that others might follow his example on like hopes of honour Yet the Prince of Orange resolved to be present at the Dyet as a private man pretending business with the Elector of Saxonie about his wifes portion and with the Emperour concerning his Estate And though the Governess would not without the Kings consent approve of his journey yet he departed in such hast as he would not tarry till his wife was brought a bed Who three dayes after was delivered of a daughter that was christened by her appointment with the ceremonies of the Church to the great satisfaction of the Governess Montiny having twice had audience of his Majestie prepared for his return and when he took leave the King whilst he commended to his care the state of the Low-countreys as it were upon occasion of discourse began to fift him and charged him by his faith and sinceritie virtues he had found in him to deal plainly what he thought was the cause of those Grievances and Heart-burnings of so many in the Low-countreys Montiny though he said he knew nothing whereof his Majesty had not been long since informed yet as farre as he could conjecture the reasons partly proceeded from the new Bishops put upon the Provinces without the consent or privity of their Governours therefore the people believed they intended to bring in the Spanish Inquisition partly out of the hatred conceived against Cardinall Granvel from the highest to the lowest so implacably that it was to be feared that at one time or other it would ingage the people in an insurrection The King replyed that all this was indeed known to him but that he admired the Low-countreymen could be moved with such vain rumours For seriously no other cause brought him to augment the number of the Bishops but onely the necessity of his people and the Councell of his father Charles the fifth And that was not concluded so secretly or suddenly as the Marquess of Bergen could tell him who had given his advice therein and commended his design when he waited on the King into England at his Marriage with Queen Mary And that for his own part it never entered into his mind by that adjunction of Bishops to impose the Spanish Inquisition upon the Low-countreys Nor had Cardinall Granvel ever perswaded him to do it or was so much as acquainted with that purpose of his Majesty till he sent Francis Sonnius his Embassadour to Rome He likewise assured him they were much deceived that hated the Cardinall as conceiving him by private information to asperse the Lords for he did never attempt it neither had his Majestie himself at any time discovered in Granvel any malicious inclinations which if he should hereafter find in him or any other of his ministers of State he never should indure them But howsoever he hoped shortly to be in the Low-countreys and then to satisfie both his own person and the Provinces desires Montiny thus dismissed by the King returned to Bruxels in December and reading to the Councel his letters which contained the Kings pleasure for settling the intricacies of the Exchecquer for assistance in future to be sent to Charles King of France and specially for defence of Religion he added of himself many arguments of the Kings affection towards the Low-countreys but to little purpose For in Montinies absence they had conceived still greater jealousies The Prince of Orange and some others reasoned against the promises made by the Embassadour for they rather trusted their own reall or to justifie their discontents pretended intelligence from their private friends in the Court of Spain then the professions made either by King Philip or his sister Their indignation was augmented because Montiny told them the French accounted them Patrons of the Hugonots About which scandall they passionately expostulated with the Governess affirming it was onely forged in the Cardinals work-house The Dutchess declared her self of a contrary opinion and shewed them it was rather invented by the French hereticks and rebells who to advance the authority of their faction would have the ignorant believe the Low-countrey Nobility were of the same sect To conclude they being more and more exasperated because the Governess would not displace their Competitour that feared not their plots or envie but proposing to himself onely the Kings favour respected this Iove alone despising the other petty Gods as if a man could be onely struck with a thunderbolt and could not be killed by the hand of a common souldier or that Ioves lightning were not fed by the baser elements the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont particularly agreed to write letters to the King against Granvel in the name of all though all were not consenting perhaps because the Governess had formerly scattered among them seeds of dissention perhaps some of the Lords therefore differed in opinion because they were not chief of the Conspiracy Indeed the Duke of Areschot pressed by Count Egmont as they were hunting to joyn with the rest denied to set his hand against the Cardinall or to prescribe the King how he ought to use his servants and it proceeded so farre that at last the Duke concluded he would receive the Law neither from Count Egmont nor the Prince of Orange to neither of which he thought himself or his family inferiour The Counts of Aremberg and Barlamont then present were much troubled at the accident and lest it might come to more then words turned the discourse to another subject Nor was there lesse heat between Count Aremberg and the Prince of Orange upon the same occasion Of both which passages the Governess certified the King But though by these Lords example and for private reasons many withdrew from the conspiracy Yet were letters directed to the King signed by Count Egmont the Prince of Orange and Count Horn a Copy whereof which the King afterwards sent to the Dutchess I give you verbatim out of the French Originall Sir We are infinitely sorry that we are at this present inforced to presse upon your Majesties great affairs but as well the account of our service which we ought to give as the mischief undoubtedly impending will not suffer us longer to be silent especially because we hope this our intimation as free from any passion will be received by your Majesty so graciously and with such remembrance of us as we your affectionate servants have indeavoured to deserve We likewise beseech your Majesties pardon if we write later then the exigence
requires When the greatest and wisest men consider the Government of the Low-countreys questionlesse they cannot but hink it absolutely managed by Cardinall Granvel which hath made so deep an impression in the hearts of the Low-countreymen that it cannot be hoped the opinion will be blotted out so long as he lives among them Therefore we humbly desire that for our fidelity which Sir you have ever acknowledged to speak nothing of our services you will not be displeased to take into consideration how much it concerns your Majesty to ease the common complaints and grievances of your people For again and again we beseech you to believe that the businesse of the Low-countreys will never have an happy end so long as it is ordered by the man they hate Nor should we presume to write thus much unlesse we had the mischief in our eyes to which if your Majesty apply not present remedy the whole state will certainly be indangered Wherein if ever your Majesty gave credence to our words or actions we beseech you now to credit our hands This indeed was the cause why so many of the Lords and Governours of these Provinces with a multitude of others desired to have it signified to your Majesty that our imminent destruction may be timously prevented and your Majesty will prevent it as we hope and the merits of so many Low-countrey men and their prayers for the safety of the publick will be more valued by your Majesty then that for one mans sake you will reject the petition of so many of your Majesties obedient subjects Especially since none of all this number but is so far from complaining of the Governess that we give your Majesty immortall thanks for so prudent a Princess And that your Maiesty may not think as some perhaps will suggest that we have plotted this out of an ambition that we our selves may govern we all of us earnestly intreat to be removed from the Councel-table and affairs of State it being neither consistent with your Maiesties interest nor our own reputation that we should come any more to Councel with the Cardinal But touching Religion which is now a thing of greatest Concernment we promise in our own names all that can be justly exspected from good Subjects and Catholicks such as we professe to be And truly if the Lords had not looked into it Religion had not been in that tolerable condition wherein now it is the minds of the Common people being infected with Heresie a disease hardly curable by the Cardinals authority or example Lastly that we may no longer trespass upon your Majesties weighty occasions we humbly beg you will please favourably to interpret what we have signified no less out of duty and alleagiance to your Majesty then out of fear that hereafter you might blame us if any misfortune should befall the Low-countreys Thus we humbly kiss your royall hands and pray God long to preserve and blesse your Majestie From your City of Bruxels the last of March 1563. LAMORALL EGMONT WILLIAM NASSAU PHILIP MOMORANCY These Letters thus signed by the Triumviri Count Egmont secretly sent into Spain to Charles Tisnac a Low-countrey man and the Kigns Procuratour in Spain for business of the Low-countreys But before the Dispatch was made the Governess understanding what they had writ pre-acquainted the King Nor was the intelligence she gave concealed from the Conspiratours Count Egmont charging the discovery upon Count Aremberg as if he were fallen off especially because there was difference between him and the Prince of Orange But he seriously denied that ever he had spoke of it to any man living nor needed their project a discoverer which they themselves in every place vain-gloriously divulged Yet Count Egmont insisting upon it replied That a friend of his had assured him it could not be revealed by any but himself Aremberg growing into a rage And I said he assure you he lyes who ere he be that fathers this upon me which I am ready to make good with my sword The Governess writing this passage to the King forgot not to complain of Count Egmont that he whom his Majesty had accounted faithfull above the rest could so far ingage against him as publickly to solicite and encourage others to joyn their minds and endeavours for their Countreys benefit and liberty And now after three moneths the Kings Letters came from Spain written by the hand of Charles Tisnac wherein his Majestie answered the demands of the Triumviri in this manner That he had received their Letters and doubted not but that they signified these things out of sincere affection to their Prince and Countrey For they had given many sufficient proofs of their fidelity and service But since they had not yet given particular reasons for Granvels removall and that it was not his custome to change any of his Ministers of State without proof against them He should therefore take it well if some one of them would come over to Spain and make him understand the matter for by how much they affirmed there needed the greater remedy by so much the lesse ought the business to be agitated by absent persons Besides these Letters the King wrote privately with his own hand to Count Egmont that he should be glad to hear from the Count himself the causes that were not inserted in their Letters His Majesty likewise acquainted the Governess what answer in common he makes to all three and what particularly to Egmont that he invites one of them to divide them and wishes it might be Egmont because he separated from the rest might be easily wrought upon new moulded and so brought again to himself and his right reason But neither Count Egmont nor any of the rest could be brought to go the journey perhaps thinking it below them to undertake so great a voyage to accuse Granvell perhaps their guilty consciences durst not trust themselves in Spain Yet in their answers to the King they laid the cause of their stay upon their neighbours the French who having souffled up a kind of Peace at home it concerned them to watch whether they would use their Arms abroad and while the people continued in that Jealousie and fear they held it impious to leave their Countrey to inform against any man Notwithstanding if the King pleased to send for them upon other terms they would immediately obey his Maiesties commands In the mean time they would forbear the Councel-board lest they should meet there to countenance Granvels Actions In all things else they would never be wanting to their Prince and Countrey The like auswer was made particularly by Count Egmont who likewise humbly thanked his Maiesty for his speciall grace and favour to him Whilst this was in agitation Granvell tottered at Court For 't is hard to stand long in a slippery place if a man be iustled by many specially when a Prince is made jealous as if his servants
derivative power detracted from his own ability to govern Nor have the old Court-Engineers many better inventions to crush the favour of their Rivals especially with such Princes as are ambitious to be famed for wit whether deserving or undeserving With this very stratagem a few years after Didacus Cardinall Spinosa no lesse endeared to the King in Spain then Cardinall Granvell to his Majesties sister in the Low-countreys was cast down they say from the highest point of favour by such as knew the King loved his Ministers of State so long as they carried themselves as servants and not as authours of his Counsells And now the Governess seemed to be altered in affection towards Granvell perhaps weary of the man as if he were her adjunct in the Government if not her superintendent perhaps seeing her self in danger of being infected with the peoples hatred which he was incurably sick of perhaps at length she had looked into him and found him ambitious and envious fomenting the divisions between the King and his people as she afterwards enformed his Majesty Which last reason being contrary to the commendations she had so often set upon Granvell in her letters to the King whether it were true and discovered by the Governess upon long acquaintance or that she knew it at first but then as she concealed it in favour of the man so now weary of him and fearfull of imminent mischief she revealed it or whether mis-informed and compelled by his enemies she wrote thus to the King I dare not absolutely affirm The Governess therefore as she had resolved sent Thomas Armentâ—rius an old Courtier and Counsellour into Spain with an exact account of business part whereof he was to read to the King and part to insert in his discourse if occasion were offered The heads were these To let the King know the State of the Netherlands and the Countreys adiacent and how to that day the Governess had ordered the Sacred and Civil Government And when they came to speak of the combination of the Lords against Granvell that he should punctually tell the King how the Prince of Orange the Marquess of Bergen the Counts Egmont Horn Mansfeld and Megen came to her in Iuly last and the Prince of Orange after many complaints made in the name of the Estates touching the present condition of affairs the appears so long due to the horse and foot the Kings Collectors undone with paying interest and the complaints of the Merchants thereupon concluded that since all this proceeded from the dominion of the Cardinall and his followers they were resolved henceforth to come no more to Councel not for any exceptions taken at the Governess whose wisdome and affection to the Low-countreys they would alwayes gratefully remember but lest they should contribute to those Acts passed with so much prejudice to the King and the Low-countreys Moreover which Egmont added lest by coming to the Councel-table and yet not providing for the necessities of their Countrey they should loose the Peoples affection together with their own reputation and consequently the Opportunity of doing his Majesty service Nor would this seem strange if the King pleased to remember that long since when Charles Count Lalin was President of the Councel Granvell being then Bishop of Arras refused to come to the Board offended at the Counts Potencie Then he should tell his Majesty that the Prince of Orange and the Marquess of Bergen bitterly inveighed against Granvell and the Arts he had used to make the King believe they juggled with Religion and their Prince Nay they very well knew that Telidan a Divine of Lovain as he himself boasted wrote to the King That the Low-countrey Lords were all tainted with Heresie and that the very same occasion of enmity which the French Hereticks took against the Cardinall of Lorain was now revived by the Nobilitie of the Low-countreys And that another day the Governess taking Egmont aside he confirmed the same grievances wondering the King would suffer the Low-countreys to be troubled for one man who was not so much as a Low-countrey man and therefore both his fortunes and affections were forreiners neither had he taken the Oath of Allegeance to the King but partly to the Emperour as born in an Imperiall Town and partly to the Pope from whom he had received his scarlet When Armenterius should have discoursed this to the King he was then to acquaint his Majesty what the Governess answered to the particulars according to his Notes containing the summary of his Embassage Lastly she charged him upon the same heads to be sure to remember That Egmont had lately told her it was by his onely means that Granvell lived to that day but that hereafter he would leave that care to the Governess whom he had now clearly informed that the Cardinalls life was every houre in danger and therefore when his Majestie should well consider what Insurrections such publick crimes draw along with them he would in his wisdome resolve how to dispose of Cardinall Granvell With these Commands after a moneths voyage Armenterius arrived in Spain and as he found the King very desirous to know the State of the Low-countreys accordingly at his first Audience he held him four hours together in the speech which he made out of his Notes At which as likewise at other not much shorter Addresses he exceedingly satisfied the King with the Governesses endeavours first suspending which seldome any man could do and finally altering his resolution to retain the Cardinall in the Low-countreys But whilst the King deferred his purpose busied in the assembly of the Estates of Castile then sitting and being likewise of himself a Prince naturally jealous and apt to demurre the Low-countrey Lords as if their suit were neglected in the beginning of the new year with-drew from Court all but Count Egmont who told the Governess the rest would not return till Granvell was departed with whom in compass of the same walls they would be no more confined The End of the third Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The fourth Book BEfore the end of this year a sad uncertain rumour was raised at Madrid and immediately dispersed through all the further Spain That King Philip was pistolled This report he was so farre from sleighting though otherwise subject to delays that he laid it before it could passe out of Spain sending Duplicates of letters post both by sea and land into the Low-countreys wherein under his own hand he certified his sister that in all probability this fame was forged by the hereticks upon some close design set afoot by that treacherous kind of people Withall he commanded her that if she did but hear the least intimation of such a report she should presently dispatch letters through the Low-countreys and so into France Britain and Germany to rectifie the errour not onely that his uncle the
Petition whereto was added the approbation of the Governess either altered in her mind or Counsels and hoping by that sacrifice to the publick odium to gain the affections of many of the Lords This Granvel long since foresaw upon the return of Armenterius presently observed the Courtiers which used to adore him would not take pains to stoop so low and that he had a thinner train and fewer suiters waiting at his gates divers of his friends then forsaking him when they were brought to the test Nor did Granvel upon receit of the Kings letter decline his departure but very cheerfully shewed himself ready to go whithersoever his Majesty would please to send him And before his departure as if he were tired out with tedious cares he was often heard to argue with his friends like a Philosopher Of case and retirement from the hurry of affairs That he had long enough followed others occasions that a man broken with continuall toil could not but wish for rest and that to one besieged with Petitioners liberty was not to be refused especially when he knew that Petitioners and flatterers met like pitcher-carriers at a spring which they drain and trouble That favour at Court hath a better face then inside and that all humane things are found to be farre lesse in the possession then they are fancied in our hopes You would think he discoursed this out of a mind armed against dangers long foreseen and exspected Unless perhaps it was not constancy but discontent putting a face of mirth upon his griefs whereby he might at least defraud his Rivals eyes of that sad object which they looked for Indeed a few moneths before when he saw his Remove inevitable he wrote to his old friend the Duke of Alva that if he must needs leave the Low-countreys he would please to make it his suit to the King to send for him into Spain But the Duke was in great suspence whether he should bring a man to Court that was not unpractised in Court-designes and might happily precede him in the Kings favour for no virtue is lesse raised at Court then that which is most feared or whether by the accession of a friend he might increase his power or at least by using a man hatefull to the Low-countreys as Armenterius wrote to the Governess out of Spain he might revenge himself of his enemies in the Netherlands this later reason carried it with the Duke of Alva his fear was overcome by his fury the stronger motive to prevail with Courtiers whom long prosperity makes not more secure of favour then impatient of affronts But in vain the Duke solicited for Cardinall Granvels coming into Spain For the King had been lately perswaded by Armenterius that it would be greatly to his prejudice to have the Cardinall in his Court who out of his hatred to the Low-countreys would be suspected in all their affairs to corrupt the Kings commands which would be thought to be the Cardinals pleasure His Majesty therefore would rather have him retire into Burgundy and to live not far from the Low-countreys where He hoped in time to settle him again Granvel was the more willing to go thither because he had the fair pretence of doing his duty at Besonçon to his mother now old and diseased in company of his brother Cantonet who having dispatched his French embassage was for the same cause travelling towards Burgundy Therefore not suffering his going away to be named till his brother arrived at Bruxels that it might seem he resolved of himself and with his brothers advice to visit his Countrey and not upon the Kings command to leave the Netherlands on the tenth of March he took his journey into Burgundy giving it out that he would shortly return Likewise about this time the Low-countrey Lords upon letters from the King commanding them to fit again in Councel and more to regard the authority of their Prince then their own hatred to any private man waited again at Court to the joy of all degrees and qualities Save that it took off a little from the generall contentment that it was reported the Cardinall would come back though many thought it an idle rumour invented by the man himself who as they said was proud in misery and would not stoop but even as he fled still threatned But others were not of that opinion especially the Governess that knew with how much difficulty and reluctation the King had called him away By her letters therefore she acquainted his Majesty That Egmont concealing the Authours names had discovered to her a plot against Granvel who if ever he set foot again within the Netherlands was to be murthered the same day The Low-countrey writers out of uncertain reports name one Villet a Countreyman of Granvels that undertook to kill him And the Counts Egmont and Horn were charged as privy to Villets intention at their Triall in the year 1568. Besides in the private intelligence which a Lady of quality from the Borders sent into the Low-countreys I find this design against the Cardinall mentioned unles perhaps all this was feigned to fright the Governess Granvell being gone for Burgundy the Town and the Court seemed quite another thing The people that as a comfort to their low fortunes use to behold with greediness the fall of powerfull men especially of such as are Princes Favourites because they impute to these Privadoes all the severer mandates of the Prince began now to rejoyce as if they were freed of a heavie tax-master In particular the officious Courtiers joyed the Lords for having banished their Corrival and they themselves boasted That now they had sued out the Governesses Livery who had lived long enough under a Guardian That it was sufficient they had for so long time endured the insolence of a new man an upstart that triumphed in his scarlet robes for his Conquest over the Low-countryes From thence forth they were much more observant to the Governess came oftner to the Councel-board bestowed more time upon the Publick The Governess thinking it best to use that opportunity pressed them to many things at once particularly to continue the Subsidie of the new year for three years yet to come which she had often but in vain attempted and most of her Proposals were in a fair Way to be effected when by letter after letter coming from the Cardinall that spake of his return into the Low-countreys and by increase of the faction of the Cardinalists for so they called the Duke of Areschot Count Barlamont and the President Viglius many mens minds were filled with fresh suspicion and much of their new joy and alacrity abated For on the one part diverse of the Lords said They feared unlesse they pretended fear to colour their private meetings that if they should removing all Obstructions dispose things to a good conclusion Granvell upon a sudden
consulted liked it not and therefore made answer It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted lest Rome a Citie apt to prejudicate should from thence have matter of censure and other Christian Princes that looked upon Spain occasion of imitation For that which is said in the Councel touching Sovereignty and Subjection was sufficiently considered when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain where all those difficulties were discussed And as at that time no exception was taken but the Councel absolutely proposed onely with a little moderation to be used in the practice so it should be in the Law-countreys whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation that his Subjects throughout all his Dominions might obey him by one rule The Governess according to his royall Mandate beginning to be active and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Netherlands begun how sad a commotion followed in the end of the next year when the people to the ruine of many broke out into Rebellion I shall in its due place commemorate In the mean time the Governess seeing the difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King and looking upon Count Egmont as one that besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit her Excellence designed and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five with the advice of the Senate sent him into Spain And Count Egmont willingly undertook the imployment because as he said to the Governess and she informed the King by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie Having therefore received large instructions with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all many of the Nobilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way he set forward the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany whither he was sent by the Governess in the name of King Philip to the Emperour Maximilian his Empresse and the Princes of Germany to condole the death of his father that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly and made great promises of service to his uncle At this time the Prince of Orange had by Princesse Anne of Saxony another sonne called by the name of the Prince Electour her father Maurice This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall who being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince though by another name which is commonly the end of long Governments dyed of grief conceived at the siege of Breda when he saw it must inevitably be taken The Governess wrote to the King that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme but that which most troubled her was on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen both Lutheran Princes in whose names two Lords infected with the same heresie were his Godfathers For even in this likewise the Prince of Orange who alwayes acted two parts had something Catholick and something Hereticall to please both sides still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter In the letters the Dutchesse informed the King what jealousies and reports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Senate touching the meeting that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine between Katharine of Mediâ—es Queen-mother of France governing that nation joyntly with the King and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain For King Philip by his letters had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords that nothing more was intended by that interview then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain To the same purpose he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe not so much as any Lord of Italy or Spain or any one Minister of State but was by instructions from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies but rather increased them many especially Hereticks being apt to believe that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions and the disturbances of both Kingdoms which they suspected the rather because it was rumoured King Philip would be there in person And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him to add to their contentment his presence I find by his letters to the Governess that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney though she diswaded him and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince to trust himself to the power of the French at that time when partly the French Kings minority partly the condition of a Quen-regent made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours Yet his Majesty replyed that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Religion he was resolved for Gods cause to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever Yet consenting to the going of his Queen and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her and present in his name to the King of France the Order of the Golden-fleece he himself went not either diverted by many cares having then as he wrote to the Governess received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta or else to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance which I suppose was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing before she had by her letters advised with him But at this enterview so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars even of the Poets themselves when in so great state and glory King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion the French sleighting the Spanish pride with greater pride all that was concluded the more secretly it passed onely in presence of the Duke of Alva with the more confidence do some writers as if they had a blank before them fill up the space with wit and deduce from hence strange secrets of State Omitting such divination out of the letters which I have written in King Philips own hand to his sister about that conference this I know The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons no doubt by the command of King Philip had desired her Brother and Mother whom it
Lord of all to be their father And so the eleventh year after her marriage dyed Princesse Mary no lesse admirable in her death then in her life For as in this she was most nobly active so in the other she was most undauntedly passive the onely glory that remains for dying persons Her patience and the strong assaults of the Devil divers then present have set down in writing A little after her departure in a private box within her Cabinet was found a short Diary written by divine instinct with her own hand containing the heads of her actions every day and almost every houre of her life In which may be seen for it is printed and bound up with her life what her judgement was concerning Christian perfection and how she applyed her self to that progressive rule indeed so exactly as the Houses of Portugall and Farneze may glory in the beauty of her mind and the example of Princesse Mary may be set for a pattern to all princely maids and wives And now to proceed with the businesse of the Low-countreys The Governesse had begun with great industry to execute the Kings commands brought by Count Egmont out of Spain but receiving new letters from his Majesty at Validolid wherein he seemed to command the quite contrary to what he wrote by the Count the Governesse amazed was at a stand and Count Egmont excessively troubled in his mind complained That his authority esteem would be lost among his enemies by that change of the Kings Counsell as if he had delivered one thing and the King enjoyned another that it seemed the Kings Councellours were in a way if they held on to force the Low-countreys into the receiving any form of Government rather then the present though it were to put themselves in the power of the Germans the French or of the Devil himself For his own part he was resolved if the King would not make good his determinations to retire to his own house and leaving his Government of Flanders to testifie to the world by his absence that Egmont had no hand in the troubles of his Countrey When the Governesse had writ this to the King as she had it from the mouth of Count Egmont three moneths after she received an answer from his Majestie dated at Segovia â—n these words That it was a false allegation of those men who affirmed he had commanded any other thing in his dispatch of Count Egmont then in his late letters from Validolid therefore to expresse himself more fully In the first place he would have the Anabaptists and other Hereticks put to death of what families soever they were descended and their punishment neither remitted nor themselves reprieved Since experience had sufficiently demonstrated that a violent and volatile disease was but ill cured by indulgence or delay Then That he commanded the Inquisitours of faith a judicature neither new nor unnecessary for the Low-countreys to be every where with reverence retained and assisted with all the power of the Dutchesse her self and the Governours of the respective Provinces Lastly because the Councel of Treâ—t was now established in the Low-countreys it was their duty to they the Decrees of the said Councell and likewise the Imperiall and Royall Edicts Moreover he desired the Governesse that in the execution thereof she would use her greatest care and industry for asmuch as no one living could do any thing more acceptable to himself or more advantagious to the Provinces This was the summe of those letters which the Prince of Orange charged with all the calamities that befell the Netherland And though the Governesse thought it a work of danger to undertake so many things at once and therefore wrote many letters to beâ—eech the King to excuse her yet she attempted it and by her Proclamation commanded all the King had enjoyned her and advised the subordinate Governours in these words as appears by her Edict speedily sent to Ernest Count Mansfeldt Governour of Luxemberg the rest being onely transcripts of the same For asmuch as nothing is dearer to the King then the peace of these Privinces and that his Majesty desires to prevent the great evils wherewith we see many nations afflicted that change their Religion Therefore it is his Royall pleasure that the Edicts of his father Charles the fifth and his own with the Decrees of the Councel of Trent as likewise of Provinciall Synods be kept intirely That all Favour and Assistance be given to the holy Inquisitours and the Cognizance of Heresies left to them unto whom it appertains both by divine and humane Laws This is the Kings command who respecteth onely the Worship of God and the good of his people and hereof I give you notice that you may without exception imbrace it your self publish it to the Magistrates of your Province and take speciall care that no man upon any pretence whatsoever slight its due observation you terrifying the conâ—umacious with those punishments specified in our letters annexed to the Edict And that you do this with more facility you shall chuse some one out of the Senate to visit and superintend your Province whether the Edict be punctually and justly observed by the Magistrates and the People you your self together with the Magistrate you make choice of every quarter of a year giving us an axact account of the premises And it shall be our paâ—t to endeavour that your pains may receive due recompence and advancement In short partly the care of these Edicts partly of the late Marriage ended this yeare which was the last of peace and happinesse that ever the Netherlands enjoyed The End of the fourth Book The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The fifth Book NOw comes in a year memorable for the open conspiracy of the Gentry seconded by the mutiny of the people and the turbulent counsels of the Lords the furious incursion of Hereticks Sacriledge with ruine of Religion and no lesse ignominy to the Authours The Edict formed by the Governess was sent and published in the Kings name by the severall Governours of Provinces but some of them first complained to her Excellence protesting they were not able to govern the people with that severity enjoyned by the Edict Nay divers plainly told her they would not be guiltie of burning five or six thousand men in their Provinces whereof the Governess advertised the King warning him of the storm which she foresaw The first signe and terrour of the Tempest lightened out of Brabant For when the Chancellour of that Province had propounded the Kings Edict to the Brabanters who have no other Governour but his Majesties Lieutenant over all the Low-countreys immediately the chief Cities of the Netherlands that is Lovain Bruxels Antwerp and the Bus assembling the Senate and petitioning the Chancellour very violently and angerly desired that their Priviledges might not be violated to
which in regard the Judicature of the Inquisitours and the Emperours Decrees were repugnant they ought not to have been so easily proposed by the Chancellour nor could they possibly admit them The Governess having notice of the Petition commanded it to be brought and read at the Councel Table And though some held it a bold request yet it was her pleasure the Annals and Records of Brabant should be searched especially the Commentaries of Francis Hulst a Brabanter who first executed the Office of Inquisitour in that Province Upon sight whereof answer was made That because from the year 1550 this kind of Inquisition was not used in Brabant and that the King had declared his resolution to innovate nothing therefore it pleased his Majestie there should be no change within their Government but onely that the Decrees of Charles the fifth should be in force till it was otherwise ordered by the King Which moderate Answer neither satisfied the Brabanters that promised themselves all their desires and yet encouraged those of Flanders to present such another Petition to the Governess But her Excellence was by a speciall Messenger ingaged in business of higher concernment For she received fearfull intelligence from a man till then unknown but by the endeavours of Christopher Assonvill a worthy Senatour privately admitted to her presence That many noble persons of Brabant had entred into an Association in case the King should by force impose the Inquisitours upon their Province that they would by force defend themselves which confidence was built upon a privy confederation betwixt them and certain forreiners principally Gaspar Colligny Admirall of France Some such thing the Prince of Orange a little while after wrote from Leyden to the Governess And the same was discovered to her by the Counts of Egmont and Megen who said The Conspiratours had privately issued out Commissions to Captains and Colonels and that if need required they had in a readiness above twentie thousand men But what manner of Conspiracie this was and the Original of it I shall now demonstrate out of the Letters which are in my custody written by some that were purposely appointed to examine the matter of fact For when the Governess the year after this by the Kings command sent certain persons hastily to inquire in the respective Provinces who they were that had raised or fomented this years tumults they seized upon the Letters Books and Notes of many men out of which compiling a Treatise they informed his Majesty and the Governess of the beginning and progress of this designe And in discharge of what I have undertaken partly from thence partly from other Records I borrowed this which in short I shall deliver to you Long before the bloudshed of this year 1566 some of the Nobilitie of the Low-countreys in particular some young Lords none of which I can readily name but onely Lewis of Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange sojourning for a long time at Geneva and such like Towns were easily intrapped by the Hereticks For they had onely been so far instructed in Religion as might serve to keep them Catholicks at home but not abroad to teach them if they should be circumvented how to distinguish truth from falsehood and truly no man ought to come near infected persons without a Preservative about him These young Noblemen therefore having been new-catecâ—â—â—ed by Hereticks when they returned to their Countrey often spake in commendation of forrein Religions and libertie of conscience and found the people intentive and inquisitive after new Doctrines Nor did many of the Merchants wish a greater happiness then this Liberty for themselves were inveigled with the like strange opinions and consequently would have no one for Religion to be barred free Traffick These joyning their Counsels plotted for which they had divers examples by degrees to shake from the shoulders of their Countrey the yoke of the Catholick Faith that would not suffer any other doctrine to predominate within their Cities This designe I collect was laid in the year 1559 when King Philip resolving to return to Spain commanded that his Fathers and his own Edicts which during the Wars could not should now be strictly observed Which happening in that conjunction of time when the Prince of Orange advised the Low-countrey men to petition for disbanding the Spanish souldiers lest by their means the Spanish Inquisition should forcibly have been imposed upon them as he himself hath left recorded in his Apology I do not think it improbable that the Prince of Orange might be privie to matters then in agitation Yet I believe not that upon the first conference of the Nobility and Merchants any thing was certainly pitched upon or the form of a Confederation conceived in writing Nor is it likely that a Conspiracy of many persons should for six years lie undiscovered But then the seeds of Rebellion were onely sown which afterwards in the year 1564 when Cardinal Granvell went into Burgandy sprung up by occasion of the Councel of Trent as I am well assured out of the said Notes and Letters Moreover in that year 64 those Gentlemen and Merchants which met about it knowing that so great a weight could not be supported without arms determined to try the Hereticall Princes of Germany either to get their assistance or at lest to have some colour for using of their names to aw the Governess and her Party For this cause they sent Agents into Germany which had secret conference with the Prince Electour Palatine and brought all their transactions to Egidius Clerus a Lawyer of Tournay imployed by Lewis of Nassau and lying at Ausburg onely for this purpose as appears by many Letters and Pamphlets of his writing Whence it may be conjectured that Prince Lewis himself was at the same time in Germany soliciting the same business Which though it was concealed with wonderfull sâ—lence till the end of the year 653 yet in the beginning of 66 when the Edicts concerning the holy Inquisitours with the Decrees of Charles the fifth and of the Councel of Trent were Proclaimed which were by many accounted great grievances then the Conspiratours pretending to maintain the Liberty of the Subject with incredible dexterity scattered Libels over all the Provinces to the number of five thousand as the Governess afterwards wrote to the King jeering cursing and railing at the Spanish Inquisition and advising the people Not to enslave themselves to Tyranny which all Nations and as it were the generall consent of Mankind resists That the Inquisition was not introduced at Rome without a tumult what then should be done in the Low-countreys armed with so many Priviledges against any Innovation whatsoever Fears and Jealousies were increased by preparation for a war made in Spain by the King wherein the Duke of Brunswick Pay-master-generall for his Majestie in the Low-countreys was very active The
a gentler execution of the Emperours Edicts against the Hereticks And this Petition was presented in all their names to the Governesse who by her letters certified his Majestie as well of the publick as private carriage of the conspiracy Moreover as she was ignorant of nothing that passed among them for in their Cities and private houses her Spies which are the ears and eyes of Princes knew all they did and gave her intelligence so making no shew of fear she thought it best to strengthen her self in case they should break out into Rebellion She therefore minded the people of their duty by her Edict the Magistrates by her letters and she had her private Confidents that viewed the towns and their Fortifications She caused it to be reported that the King would shortly come in person She sent Expresses post to the Spanish Embassadours residing with the Emperour the King of France and Queen of England to let them know what a conspiracy was set a foot in the Low-countreys whereunto as it was said the Germans English and French were the Incendiaries Shortly she omitted nothing that might either expresse her knowledge of what was then plotted or her courage to oppose it At this time she had intelligence given her by Count Megen That about the beginning of April some five hundred Gentlemen intended to come to Bruxels and present her a Petition against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts Others told her as commonly true reports are mixed with falsities that the conspiratours were resolved unlesse she gave them audience to bring their forces into the Town and carry away the Governesse to Vilvord there to detain her prisoner till she had granted their desires Which though aâ— first she laughed at yet in the end as it may be gathered by her letters she doubted whether it would not be safest for her to leave the Town and retire to some place of strength In the mean time she summoned a fuller Senate then ordinary to meet upon the twenty seventh of March not so much to hear their advices as to sound their affections and lest they might turn her enemies whom she did not acknowledge to be her friends Then writing new letters into Spain she represented to his Majestie the present condition of the Low-countreys complaining that she had often foretold it but never could be heard The Governours of Provinces the Knights of the Golden-fleece and the Lords of the privy Councell met all upon the day appointed and sate in Senate next day where by the Senatour Filibert Bruxellius divers letters were read containing whether true or false the conspiracie of the Lords and the Hereticks designes The Governesse making a short speech That she had called that noble Senate to prevent by their counsels and indeavours the impendent evils in the first place asked their advice whether it were safe to admit those that were shortly to come to Bruxels led By Henry Brederod Then what answer she should make to their demands which Fame had then divulged Lastly what course should be taken to dissolve that confederation and how the new motions of those turbulent men might speedily be composed The Lords came thither severally affected many hated the Inquisition others had secret projects and few but preferred their private interest before the publick Philip Croi Duke of Areschot and Charles Count Barlamont were of opinion that the Conspiratous should not be suffered to enter the citie so many at once For what need of five hundred men to deliver one Petition that they could not think such pomp fit for suppliants that they might send out of their number some one of quality to present their desires with lesse ostentation and envie Lastly that either the Ports should be shut which they rather inclined to or that in the next place there should be many eyes upon their behaviour and such as carried themselves contumaciously to be forthwith punished Contrarily the Prince of Orange that hated those Lords as Cardinallists and especially Areschot for the old contest of the Houses of Croi and Nassau about Precedency affirmed those fears to be vain that were conceived against persons not unknown to him many of them being allyed to him in friendship some in bloud that it would be a great indignity if that were not permitted to Noblemen which is lawfull for the poorest peasant to petition To the same effect that no danger could be in their coming spake Count Egmont Especially since if they were to be resisted forcibly or by the sword he did not see how the Governesse was prepared to encounter men already armed and likely by such a repulse to be exasperated That it was not safe to affront those we have not power to destroy But though Count Mansfeldt liked not the Popes Inquisitours in the Low-countreys yet he said it was ill done of those that by such mutiny and tumult behaved themselves more proudly then became petioners and added that he had schooled his Sonne Charles who he heard was one of the Conspiratours And indeed I have a letter of his wherein with great fury he disclaims him for his sonne unlesse he presently renounce that league and bids him otherwise never hope to recover his fathers favour But the youth being of a fiery nature slighted those admonitions and threatnings belike he thought his Father was not in earnest and therefore would not leave his party for the present The Counts of Aremberg and Megen had the same sense of the conspiracy and Covenant as if by such ostentation of their forces they came to compell not to intreat their Prince and concluded That a Treaty of this kind should be rejected or to use milder terms put off Nor could such a sudden confederacy last long but in a little time must necessarily fall asunder for no Mutineers were ever constant to their Principles or to one another The rest of the Senatours spake doubtfully and moderately of the Covenanters violently and plainly against the Inquisition The same arguments though in a more obscure and remisse manner were made against the Emperour's Edicts By degrees they fell to complaints against the King and pressed them with more confidence because they knew he had then more use of their services The Prince of Orange said he could add to those old Grievances but perhaps he feigned new ones that he might have the more colour to desert the Kings interest and to pursue his own because he was lately informed some enemies to the House of Nassau had moved his Majestie to take off his head and confiscate his estate and that the King onely exspected an opportunity to sign the warrant Was this the reward of service done in the late warres by the Low-countrey Lords for defence of his Authority in the Netherlands though he had now sufficient experience that King Philip looked not upon the Low-countreys with the eyes of his Father Charles the
support their Architecture a while which if compleated and able to stand alone then they easily suffer their fictions to grow out of date to be pulled down and cast away like props and scaffolds when the building is brought unto perfection And the Governess knowing it was now no time for delayes sent for as many of the Order as could conveniently attend her for it was Passion week and the major part had retired themselves to make their Confessions in the Monasteries of their own Towns according to the custome of the Nobility and shewed them the Declaration upon sight whereof Count Egmont and Count Mansfeld who were the first that came protested that no part of it was either done or said by their Companions of the Order It was therefore resolved that expedition should be used whilst the multitude had onely a tast of the Errour but had not as yet swallowed down the Falsehood and that they should not expect till the wooll dipt in Ink were made uncapable of another die That the Governours of the Provinces and the Magistrate of every City and Town should be immediately informed of the truth and a copy sent them of the Petition presented by the Covenanters with the Governesses marginall Answer They were likewise to take notice that if any thing else were published by any whatsoever it was to be reputed as the Invention of some seditious persons endeavouring to beget domestick Tumults and accordingly by the Kings Laws and Authority to be punished These Letters though presently sent into the Provinces yet failed to undeceive the people which in many places had already heard and believed the untruth to the great prejudice as I shall presently shew you of the ancient Religion and the Publick peace Which forced the Governess to hasten the Embassie into Spain that was lately voted by the Senate Iohn Glimè Marquess of Bergen and Governour of Haynolt was named for the imployment But he whether his guilty conscience could not brook the Kings presence or whether the trouble of the voyage frighted him at first refused to undertake it then was willing so that another might be put in Commission with him Florence Momorancie Lord of Montiny was therefore joyned with the Marquesse Both of them because they doubted their business would not please the King were suiters to the Governess to dispatch away a Messenger into Spain that should prepare his Majestie with the knowledge of their coming in the interim they resolved so to order and spin out their journey that the Messenger should meet them upon the way with the Kings Letters wherein they might perceive if his Majestie approved of their imployment Notwithstanding all this caution which their ill-presaging minds rather used for their security then for their Honour they escaped not but this Embassage cost them both their lives They had yet other unlucky Omens for two dayes before they set forth the Marquess of Bergen as he walked in the open Court of the Governesse's Palace was hit upon the thigh with a Ball of wood by some playing at Pall Mall and being very grievously hurt kept his bed and was constrained to deferre his journey You would think this good office was done him by his Genius who not contented by other warnings to have pulled him by the ear now laid him by the heels and kept him lockt in fetters to â—inder his unfortunate voyage But what Fate hath ordained for every man is not so easily prevented as foreseen In the mean while the Governesse it concerning her to loose no time got the other Embassadour though against his will to go before the Marquesse of Bergen who should follow as soon as he recovered and to acquaint his Majestie with the state of affairs in the Low-countreys after the Gentlemens petition was delivered To this purpose besides letters instructions and other appendents to an Embassage her Excellence gave him a Book containing in eighteen chapters the principle actions of that year which she left to his Majesties consideration and concluded that onely his presence would with the least hazard settle the Low-countreys Yet before his departure the Governesse as she had promised her two Embassadours sent away Fabius Lembus a Neopolitan an old Courtier and faithfull with private commands and notes wherein she interpreted most of that which she had given in charge to Montiny She sent likewise a copy of Charles the fifth's Edicts somewhat qualifyed in the penalties against Hereticks by advice of the Senatours and Divines likewise signifying that she had shewed that qualification severally to the Estates of the Low-countreys and that by most of them it was approved of yet that she would not publish it nor propound it to the People without his Majesties consent but she earnestly beseeched him to command it and to deferre his intention of establishing the Popes Inquisitours So on the seventeenth of May she dispatched Fabius Lembus thus instructed In ten dayes after Montiny followed and the seventeenth of June was by the King gratiously received at Madrid and divers times had Audience Yet before he could get a determinate Answer he was commanded to exspect his fellow Commissioner the Marquesse of Bergen nor found he the King inclinable to or well pleased with his Embassage Indeed to divert his Majestie from consenting to the Low-countreymens desires though he was of himself sufficiently constant both to Religion and his opinions Pius the fifth interposed his authoritie by whose Nuncio Pedro Camaiono Bishop of Asculum who had an eye upon that Embassie from the Low-countreys his Majestie was continually solicited not to suffer the Catholick Religion to fall in the Low-countreys but that he would personally by force of arms punish the disloyaltie of that turbulent people And for this cause his Holinesse commanded Iulio Pavesio Archbishop of Surrentum whom he sent Legate to the Emperour Maximilian to take the Low-countreys in his way and in his name to set a high commendations upon the Dutchesse of Parma for her zeal to Religion manifested in her Government of the Low-countreys wherein he should incourage her by promising supplies of money from the Pope with his utmost assistance For now a Cause was controverted for which he would not fear to stake his triple Crown Moreover he was to advise with the Governesse about delivering the Popes letters to the Prince of Orange and Count Cuilemburg exhorting the Count to forsake the Hereticks unto whom it was said he adhered and to reconcile himself to the old Religion and admonishing the Prince not to suffer with impunity so many foul things as were committed by Hereticks in his Principality of Orange to the great dammage of all the neighbouring Cities especially Avignion But the Governesse whose counsell the Legate was commanded to follow did not approve of the delivery of the Popes letters to Cuilemburg least as he was a youth of a weak and fantasticall brain he
moved for a generall Convention of the Estates as the best expedient for restoring peace to their Countrey Otherwise though against their wills they must be necessitated to have recourse to forrein help These letters being read in Senate after every man had delivered his opinion the Governesse answered Lewis and his companions that were called by jeering people his twelve Apostles that upon the twenty sixth of August the Knighrs of the Golden-fleece were to meet at Bruxels and she would advise with them about it In the interim the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp when no good could be done there certified the Governesse that the Citizens had been earnest with him to receive the Government of Antwerp and for his securitie to put a Garrison into the Town The Governesse consenting to it he not onely raised men but was so bold as to ask leave to have a Guard about his person which she likewise granted And so to his great contentment he was made Governour meaning shortly to make himself an absolute Prince by the too much indulgence of the Governesse who with these favours endeavoured to ingage the Prince of Orange or at least would have him believed to be of the Kings partie But the despair of succours long looked for out of Spain together with her fear increased her indulgence Now at length upon Montinyes sollicâ—tation the Kings letters came wherein those three particulars the Dutchesse had so often requested of his Majestie were all granted but upon certaâ—n conditions For his Majestie gave way to the remove of the Ecclesiasticall Inquisitours provided the Bishops were first placed in their stead for he was resolved and fixed not to leave Religion naked without a guard of those that should take cognizance of her cause and revenge her injuries It was his pleasure likewise that the Imperiall Edicts should be somewhat moderated by his Councell in the Low-countreys but it must be certified to and approved of by his Councel in Spain before it should be published in the Provinces In the last place his Majestie was contented that 〈◊〉 Covenanters and others should be pardoned but the other two heads were first to be dispatched But these remedies came from Spain too late when the face of things was altered in the Low-countreys When the fury of the Hereticks plundering the Churches and openly defacing all venerable and sacred monuments of Religion was to be incountered in another way And indeed that destruction which I think was one of the greatest that ever happened if we consider the sudden mischief to Religion the rage of the People their small number and mean qualitie from what parts or by whose Counsell it was brought upon the Low-countreys is no more certainly known then the causes and originall of a sudden plague I should think by many letters I have read that in all probability it came thither from the Geneva Calvinists their next French neighbours perhaps by accident perhaps upon design for so Peter Ernest Count Mansfeld informed the Governesse and she the King The very same intelligence she received from Pedro Ceballio an old Spanish Commander who assured her that the Prince of Condegrave and the three brothers of the Colygn the heads of the Hugonots to advance their own partie in France while Heresie reigned in the Low-countreys by their Emissaries dayly solicited the Hereticks in these Provinces to make some attempt wherein they promised sufficiently to furnish them with men and Arms. The like hope they had of the Queen of England This agrees with what was resolved upon at Centron by the confederated Gheuses in which number the Admirall of France and others of that nation being comprehended it was easie for them upon this occasion to trouble the Low-countreys Besides these mysteries of State other things were plain to be discerned For the people partly corrupted with Heresie partly dreading the Inquisition exceedingly favoured the Hereticks that sought to overthrow that judicature The confederated Gheuses willingly took upon them the protection of the Commons because many of the Covenanters were birds of the same feather and all of them ambitious to be Masters and Tribunes of the people The Knights of the Order and the Lords were divided among themselves Those that continued faithfull to their Religion and their Prince were the weaker party the stronger either declared themselves for the Conspiratours or at least were of their chamber-counsell And now the Governesse wrote to the King that she had certain knowledge of the Prince of Orange's design by those tumults to invade the Government of the Low-countreys and share it with his fellow-rebells Therefore upon Assumption-eve they began to rifle the Low-countrey Churches first rising in the lower Flanders which lies between the river Lys and the West Sea In these parts a few of the raskall sort of Hereticks met and joyned themselves with some companies of thieves upon the day appointed for proclaiming warre against heaven lead on by no Commander but Impietie their Arms were staves hatchets hammers and ropes fitter to pull down houses then to fight withall some few of them had swords and muskets Thus accoutered as if they had been furies vomited from Hell they broke into the towns and villages about St. Omer and if they found the doors of Churches or Monasteries shut forced them open frighting away their religious inhabitants and overturning the Altars they defaced the Monuments of Saints and broke to peices their sacred images Whatsoever they saw dedicated to God and to the Blessed they pulled it down and trod it under their feet to dirt whilst their Ringleaders clapt them on the backs and incouraged them with all their force to destroy the Idols The Hereticks glad of this successe to the first that ever they sent out upon a party left the place with speed and with unanimous consent shouted and cryed aloud Let us to IPRES that being a citie much frequented by the Calvinists And they were drawn thither as well out of hope of protection as out of hatred they bare to the Bishop of that City Martin Rithovius an eminently virtuous and learned man and therefore meriting the spleen of Hereticks Whereupon they ran violently thither gathering upon the way such vagabonds and beggars as joyned with them out of hope of plunder And as a snow ball rolling from the top of a hill grows still greater by the accesse of new snow through which it passes and wherein it is involved so these thievish vagabonds multiplying by the way the farther they go the more they rage and the more considerable their thievish strength appears And when they had pillaged a few small villages about Ipres upon the very day of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin the citizens of Ipres opening their gates unto them they entered the town and went directly to the Cathedrall Church where every one fell to work Some
be forced to accept of unjust conditions But whilst Orange and Egmont to whom she would needs bid Farwel disswaded her from the journey the news was all over the Town and some of the Citizens shutting up the Gates others went to the Governess humbly beseeching her that she would not by her flight adde to the impudence of wicked men and make the Kâ—ng condemn that faithfull Citie under the notion of Conspiratours against his Majestie Nor did she alter her resolution for all this though a great man informed her Excellence that the Prince of Orange speaking of her going away to some at Court told them among other discourse That if the Governess would leave the Town and consequently desert the State he himself was resolved his Towns and Fortunes should not become a prey to any That their French neighbours might easily possesse themselves of Flanders and that long since they pretended a title to Artois and Haynolt nor could the rest of the Provinces want new Lords But that which most of all troubled the Governess was a rumour dispersed in Bruxels that she was the onely cause why the Gheuses had not their Petition granted which she might do of her self having received plenipotentiary Authority from the King to signe any conditions for quieting the Low-countrey tumults And that if still she pretended to exspect answer from Spain putting them off with such flammes there were some in readiness that seizing upon her together with Viglius Keeper of the Seal and Egmont himself would extort by force what they could not obtain with modestie Such reports as these though at first the Governess accounted them vain threatnings of the Hereticks which had cunningly named Egmont to make her think the Conspiratours hated him Yet when she saw the same affirmed by many that seemed utterly to despair of any good once more attempting to get out of Town and being staid again Fear overcoming her she at last was induced to grant some of the Covenanters demands Which after other businesse she wrote to his Majestie in these words Now when I come to add what finally I granted to the Covenanters unworthy my Resolution unworthy your Majesties Religion truly the grief of it peirces my very soul and shame comes upon my face in blushes I call God to witnesse who knows the secrets of my heart that often and with my utmost power I resisted them many nights together I have not shut mine eyes being at that very time afflicted with sorrow and a fever At last besides the spoil of Churches which I heard of from other quarters when the storm hung over this Citie and that so many openly rung in mine ears that the destructive spight to holy things would never cease til I should grant two demands made by the Covenanters When my house was besieged my mind languishing and my body sick sending for Orange Egmont and Horn and protesting before them that my consent was extorted thereunto I made a concession of pardon and indemnity to the Covenanters and to the rest I gave libertie to hear their Ministers preach onely in places where they had been accustomed so to do provided they came unarmed and molested not the Catholicks With a speciall clause limiting these two Grants to such time as the King with consent of the Estates of the Low-countreys would be pleased to allow Yet to both these I consented not in your Majesties name but in mine own so as when you please you may avoid them without the least blemish to your Honour which you have not your self ingaged and being ill-ingaged by me you should not and I hope will not make it good Nay I beseech and conjure you Mighty Sir by that which is dearer to you then your life your care to defend the Catholick faith that immediately not exspecting the convenience of the Spring you will please to come in person and revenge the wrongs dâ—ne to afflicted Religion which now sadly and solely addressing her self to your Majestie exspects relief which otherwise she dispairs of from that right hand of yours renowned for faith and power indeed unlesse this one hope remained my life which lingers in a miserable manner would soon part from me though perhaps this hope it self will be hardly able to keep off death Thus her Excellence fainting under the burden of her grief wrote privately to the King but publickly shewed no womanish passion and still intent to affairs of State gave Count Mansfeld Commission to govern Bruxels as her Lieutenant put into the town a new Garrison of horse and foot fortified the Count left nothing undone that either concerned her own or the Cities preservation Indeed having made that agreement with the Covenanters they gave her jealousies a short breathing-space for upon the foresaid terms taking a new oath of obedience to the Governesse they so ordered the matter that upon the day appointed the Gheuses attempted nothing against the Church Nay the Prince of Orange returning to Antwerp hanged three of the sacrilegious villains and banished three more setting open the great Church commanding the Priests to exercise their function and boldly to instruct the people Which had not a little rejoyced the Governesse but that in the same letter which he about it he inclosed two petitions delivered him by the Germans that desired some Church in Antwerp where they might freely exercise the confession of Auspurg This took off much of the Governesses contentment especially because the day after she understood by other letters from the Prince of Orange that he and the Senate of Antwerp had permitted Hereticks to preach in the citie and to use all the other rites of Luther and Calvin assigning them three places for that purpose The reason whereof the Prince of Orange explaining affirmed to the Governesse who very hainously resented it in three letters sent immediately one after another that he was extreamly unwilling to make conditions with the Hereticks but some considerations inforced him First that he might by this means restore the Churches and Churchmen to securitie Then whereas no lesse then twenty thousand men used to go out of Town to sermons he greatly feared lest at their return some pragmaticall knaves gaping after pillage might joyn with them and the multitude prevailing plunder the rich Merchants houses Lastly because the Hereticks already had sermons in Antwerp therefore in pursuance of that agreement he had assigned them places in the citie Notwithstanding the Governesse liked not the proceedings of the Prince of Orange perhaps because she her self was guilty of too much indulgence and likewise in fear to be reproved for anothers fault perhaps because the Prince of Orange had indeed given further allowance to the Hereticks then they could challenge by their articles which licensed their Sermons within the walls but not their Baptisme Marriage or other Hereticall ceremonies But
whilst the Governesse chides the Prince and wiâ—â—s him to revoke his Act news is brought to her that the Counts of Hotchstrat and Horn had followed the example of Antwerp he at Machlin this at Tournay and both rebuked by the Governesse gave her an account of their actions Hotchstrat said he could not do withall for the law was given to him by the inraged people whom he found at his entrance into the citie barbarously spoiling the Churches But Horn of whom her Excellence complained to the King as of a greater Delinquent then the rest because when he had made suit for the Government of Tournay it was granted him upon certain conditions which he ingaged to observe yet had broke every particular laid the fault upon the citie so full of Hereticks that of five parts scarce one continued Catholick The Governesse heard yet worse news from Utrecht and worst of all from the Bus those having chased away the Catholicks from the Churches and these the Bishop from the citie A while after the Prince of Orange certified the Governesse that three hundred of the common people at Antwerp in hope of spoil taking arms were ready to break into a Monasterie of Franciscans but that he came in with his horse and scattered them But the same wickednesse prospered better at Amsterdam Where a few men of the poorest roguey sort of Hereticks but countenanced by many and potent Citizens rushing into a Church and Monasterie of Franciscans and defacing all the consecrated things beat and stoned out the Religious hurting the Consull of the town and one of the greatest Senatours that opposed them and so made themselves masters of the Convent At which time the women of Amsterdam did a memorable exploit For while these impious madmen running to all the Churches in the town closely followed their victorious beginning and broke into a Chappell famous in those parts for miracles wrought by the holy Eucharist where they laid hands upon that heavenly bread the women that were about the Altar took to themselves mens courages rising up in defence of the blessed Sacrament and resolving rather to die then suffer that execrable rudenesse And what with threats and authoritie for some of them were women of qualitie what with force and clamour those barking hell-hounds ran away without so much as touching the Altar or tearing the Church-ornaments These women are indeed worthy the knowledge and commendations of posteritie Unlesse perhaps their praise may seem a disparagement to the men But the women of Amsterdam merited not more honour then the same sex deserved infamie at Delph a town in Holland For a whole Regiment of them undoubtedly possessed by the Devil knowing one anothers minds upon the sudden like Bedlams or Furies got into a Church of the Franciscans broke the Saints images towsed and spoiled the holy Altar-clothes From thence with like speed and rage they furiously made their way into the Monasterie it self with such violence as if they had been the Snake-haired hags sent from Pluto running over the house and rifling every corner so as the Franciscans frighted with the strange sight of these Bacchides thinking this to be the prologue to a massacre for it was rumoured that within two or three dayes all the Priests should have their throats cut part of them to save themselves fled and the rest hid themselves I know some were of opinion they were not women that durst make this attempt but men in womens clothes Yet that the women of Holland might be so wicked it is agreeable to their mannish principles in mastering of their husbands And that it was their Act the Governesse who shrewdly sifted things out affirmed and among divers such like prodigies whereof in many severall letters she informed the King her Excellence laments the desperate condition of the Low-countreys that had no hope but onely in his Majesties presence therefore she humbly beseeches him if he meant to keep those Provinces to cut off all delays and by the example of his father Charles the fifth who marched through France into the Low-countreys in the deep of winter onely to quiet one mutinous city now when all the cities were indangered he would please himself personally to come and speedily with his Armie to subdue that stubborn people as his father had done Gant and to impose such laws upon them as should stand with the pleasure of a Conquerour and a Revenger And now the King as appeared by other letters to the Governesse resolved upon a war Therefore in two packets sent by his Majestie from Segovia dated in August he appoints her the place and number of men she shall raise and pay Yet in his first Expresse before he opens his determination of levying forces he acquaints her with the Queens happie deliverie who having been two dayes in labour was brought a bed of a daughter baptized at the holy Font by Iohn Baptista Castaneo the Popes Nuncia afterward Urban the seventh by the name of Clara Isabella Eugenia The first of these names was given her from the Saints day on which she was born the second from her mother the third in honour of the martyr Eugenius Bishop of Toledo whose sacred body brought out of France King Philip helped to bear the same day that he perceived his Queen to be with child This is the Isabella that as she was born in the heart of the Low-countrey tumults so afterwards being married to the Archduke Albert Brother to the Emperour Rodolph had the Low-countrey Provinces and tumults for her Dowrie His Majestie having passed these complements to his Sister commands her to raise three thousand horse and ten thousand foot in Germany and giving them two moneths pay to have them ready in case they should be sent for into the Low-countreys Of these horse she was to order one thousand to be raised and commanded by Erick Duke of Brunswick five hundred under his Brother Philip 250 under Iohn Barnise the rest under Iohn Valhant The foot she was to distribute into 33 colours ten whereof to Count Iohn of Nassaâ— brother to the Prince of Orange as many to Count Otho Erber stein eight to Colonell Cremberberg the other five to Captain Valdersong For all these severall Officers the King sent Commissions the the Governess together with 300000 Ducats part whereof she was to distribute among the said Commanders and part to others if more should be entertained or any else thought fit to be nominated in their places that were already chosen For which purpose his Majestie sent her divers blanks signed with his signe manuall Finally lest any of the Germane Princes should make an ill construction of his levying those men he enclosed in her packet letters to them acquainting them all with the ground of his designe particularly the Emperour Maximilian to whom he explained himself both by Express and by the mouth
Governess wrote to the King that by many Letters sent from Spain and there produced it was confirmed that the King incensed at the plunder and spoil of Churches was resolved to bring an army into the Low-countreys to punish such as had either been principalls or accessaries to the fact In other Letters it was added that the Prince of Orange Egmont and Horn were believed at Court to be the Advisers and Protectours of all these commotions and therefore the King aimed chiefly at their Heads To this effect were read the Letters of Francisco Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to Charles the ninth written from Paris to the Governess and pretended to be intercepted which certified the Governess of the Kings coming with a potent army of Spaniards and Italians and of the new League concluded between the Kings Philip and Charles that his Majestie might be the better able to punish the Rebells and four Lords that is besides the fore-mentioned triumvirate Peter Etnest Count Mansfeld as he himself told the Governess he heard it from divers reported Whether all this was cunningly given out to move the people to despair of pardon or really writ from Spain and by Alava I leave to indifferent Judges Sure I am that the Governess writing to the King professed she had as yet no certain knowledge of the Letters sent her by Alava and said to be intercepted and assured Count Mansfeld that he was in very great esteem with his Majestie and that lie was onely invented to draw him from the Kings party The Kings coming being therefore ascertained by many mens Letters read in that private Convention of the Lords the question was put how the King might be prevented from bringing his Army into the Low-countreys And when on the one part severall wayes of resistance were proposed on the other part a warre was feared which they could encounter with no proportionable strength and that a third sort held it the best course to trust to the Kings mercy from which the major part dissented herein their different opinions concurred that to oppose his Majesties passage into the Low-countreys the treason would be certain the victory doubtfull and to admit him were yet more dangerous For now the Breach was so farre made as it would be a madness to hope for mercy when they had received an angry and an armed Prince They must therefore either flie the place and leave their countrey unpeopled to the Conquerour or they must set up a new Prince under whose protection they may live in safetie This last Proposall seemed the best and they might take a singular good occasion if now that the Emperour Maximilian shewed himself desirous to compose those differences under colour of making him the Umpire they secretly treated to put the Low-countreys into his hands which would be less subject to censure because in so doing they should not strike at Monarchy but onely change their Monarch Especially since they still adhered to one of the House of Austria And this advantage would ensue that the new elected Prince would have so great an obligation laid upon him as if their Designes should haply want success howsoever the Emperour would be engaged never to desert them without making their peace with King Philip Having in this manner consulted they left Dendermond full of cares and doubts particularly Count Egmont who either to draw more of the Nobility to the cause or that being yet unresolved himself he had a mind to try how his friends stood affected wrote a letter to Count Mansfeld wherein putting him in remembrance of what they had ioyntly acted in the begining of these troubles he complained of Mansfelds abandoning their friendship without any iust pretence Then he accused the inconstancie of the Governess who would not see that performed which she had promised to the Covenanters but that she her self had solicited the King to annull her Act. as forced and therefore pressed him to come with an Army and make his seditious and rebellious subjects a formidable example to posterity Finally Egmont assured him it was evident by many mens letters which he had compared at Dendermond that the King resolved to cut off the heads of four Lords in which number Mansfeld himself was listed to keep the rest in obedience In the last place he said he should be very glad by his answer to know what he would advise him to do This Letter Count Mansfeld privately gave the Governess and with the same fidelity shewed her what he answered That no man could justly complain of him when from the beginning he went a long with Egmont and the rest upon no other ground but because it seemed advantageous to Religion and their Countrey that Cardinall Granvel should be removed the Inquisition taken away the rigour of the Emperours Edicts mitigated and lastly a generall Pardon granted to such as the Governess would move for to the King To all which particulars his Majestie having graciously condescended he saw no colour of a grievance now remaining He would therefore freely speak his thoughts especially at his Request that things were gone too farre to the great contempt of the Divine Majesty and scandall of the Christian world That there was time yet left to make some kind of Satisfaction for offences past that is by so behaving themselves among the present troubles that when the King comes they may meet him not with a cloudie look nor such a mind as can be taxed by any Touching the report of the Kings anger and intended revenge for his own part he feared it not He had ever been and ever would be so faithfull to his Sovereigne that if he pleased to command his attendance in Spain he would instantly go thither and having rendred an accompt of his actions hoped to receive from his Royall Master no little Grace and Benefit Nor spake he this as if Count Egmont could not securely say as much but that he might daily adde to this security by cutting off all occasions of suspicion And having so often affronted the King with pretending publick Necessity they would now at length forbear to press their Prince to govern his Provinces by other mens directions Lastlâ— for thus Mansfeld concluded if Egmont would hear his friends advice he should remain his friend for ever if not he was resolved to value nothing in this world equall with his Honour Having read these Papers and highly commended the constancy of Count Mansfeld the Governess sent the heads of both letters to his Maiestie beseeching him that since he found so much faith in Mansfeld especially at such a time he would be pleased abundantly to recompence him with the grant of his just desires a particular whereof she had annexed to the Letter This moved by the Governess might perhaps make one suspect these Letters to be forged by Mansfeld to ingratiate himself with her Excellence and to obtain with more facility those
things for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King or at least that he had counterfeited if not Egmonts Letter yet his own Answer to it But many things offer themselves which absolutely clear this doubt as Count Egmonts hand well known to the Governess and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery Add to this the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld which manners either absolve or condemne every one far from the least imputation of any such deceit and lastly his constant adherence to the Kings cause So as the Governess justly confident in his integrity commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty one thing she seemed to admire that she found in Egmonts Letter the very words she had writ in cypher to the King She therefore complained to the King that secrets were brought out of his Court into the Low-countreys Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brained or open breasted to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands or so ill-natured and perfidious as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past and divers of the Originalls themselves were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords How destructive was this to his affairs how derogatory to the Royall Dignity She therefore beseeched the King that hereafter he would either see her Letters burnt or give them in custody to faithfull Servants that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise And yet I find after this time the Prince of Orange bragged to Christopher Assonvil that every word the King spake as well private as publick was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys Indeed these discoveries cost much money but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time Which being granted what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal bountie since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond the leading men and such as could be suddenly got together met at Amsterdam unknown to the Prince of Orange as he wrote to the Governesse yet he was near the town but peradventure he connived It is believed they agreed at this meeting to use their utmost indeavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie and that either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian or by a publick Revolt from their obedience to petition with swords in their hands And it fell out very commodiously that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Ausburg where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen but in case he denied their request then to addresse themselves to the Electours who might signifie to the Emperour that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King they the Electours could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk Nor was it handsome whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie that they destitute of men and money should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces If this succeeded not they would venture upon any thing make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse and by their assistance which some say was promised stop King Philips passage into Savoy Nay more to find the King work at home they would send to Sivill three thousand of those Calvinisticall books of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers of these twelve were nominated that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey This Expedient was committed to the managerie of a Spanish Merchant lying then in Antwerp a hot-headed fellow and malitious to Catholicks So the Governesse wrote to the King and added that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain But these deliberations because sudden and full of fear did more terrifie then hurt Yet in that Assembly this was resolved The Gentlemen-Covenanters for men that are in like danger easily associate conspired with the Merchants and the rest of the hereticall people and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose That the Covenanters should protect them against all men that sought to restrain the libertie of Conscience and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money and their utmost indeavours for the common securitie But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Antwerpers perswading them for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion all to give way to the confession of Auspurg for so not onely the Electours who professed that Religion would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen their brethren in Religion and it was done accordingly For though the Calvinists hate the confession of Auspurg yet as Religion among Hereticks is not their own but accidentall and translatitious asking advice as far as Geneva of Theodore Beza and he approving this truce of opinions they subscribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg which was to be presented to the Emperour at the next Session together with a Petition wherein they prayed that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize and reconcile them to the King Moreover they instituted Consistories which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention in many cities according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp creating Magistrates and Senatours by whose advice it being first communicated to the Court of Antwerp to which they gave the preheminence the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germanie enemies to the house of Austria and therefore ready to enter into any league whereby they might hope by such troubles as these to dispossesse the King of Spain as the Governesse informed him of the Low-countreys The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen which was reported to be ten Cornets of horse and thirty foot colours and these levies were to be made in Germanie
as the Governess sent the King intelligence by Alphonso de Lapes a French man That they should frame a Letter to invite Count Egmont to joyn with them give an account of their proceedings to the Governess by a new Petition and in the mean time levie men even in the bosome of the Netherlands And a Letter was writ to Egmont by the Prince of Orange Hochstrat and Brederâ—d desiring him to give in his name to their Association for by this new conjuncture they promised to silence the preaching Ministers in the Low-countreys whereby they would either take away any pretence of the Kings coming with an Army or else if when all things were quieted his Majestie though intreated should come armed into the Provinces they might justly unite their endeavours and forces to stop the Kings passage and preserve their Countrey from Tyrannie which by the rigour of punishments building of Forts Spanish Garrisons and forcing of the Low-countreys was certainly intended Egmont imparted this to a friend either out of love or for advice or perhaps that he might acquaint the Governess with their letter and his answer for he likewise shewed him hâ—s absolute deniall to joyn with them Notwithstanding the Governess confided not in Egmont who as she now feared all things suspected this to be merely artifice and deceit But Brederod who was to present this Petition from the Covenanters desired a safe conduct from the Governess for himself and fourty horse which she long since offended at such Treaties absolutely denied and commanded that if he came to the gates they should give fire upon him Whereupon Brederod contented himself with sending the Petition and with it his particular complaint The Covenanters remembred the Dutchess that in August last they met by her command to disarm and quiet the people They complained that by letters directed to the Magistrates from her Highness they were prohibited to exercise the Ministery of the Gospel in those places where they were allowed to have Sermons when notwithstanding that under the notion of Sermons all other rites were comprehended For it is the solemn custome where Sermons are permitted there likewise to tolerate all appendences to the same Religion and they accordingly explained the toleration to the People and promised them the free use of Sermons and all their other Rites of which freedome the People being now debarred they claimed promise of the Covenanters every day implored their faith by new Expostulations and Letters some of which they had annexed to this Petition Lastly they were amazed and grieved to see the Low-countreys every day frighted with great forces themselves expelled the Cities watched in the fields and every where reputed for enemies to the State All which being inconsistent with their own Loyalty and Honour and the Tranquillity of the people they humbly prayed her Highness that according to her Princely word obliged under her hand and seal she would both secure the Covenanters and suffer the People to hear Sermons and those things which alwayes go along with Sermons For the better effecting whereof they humbly desired that her Excellence would please to disband the souldiers lately raised and call in her Edict contrary to the capitulation For which they should be so much bound to his Maiestie her Highness that both their Dignities should by them be ever valued far above their own lives or fortunes But otherwise in spirit they foresaw a great destruction of the people and the imminent ruine of the Nation the foretelling whereof and labouring to avert it as much as in them lay would hereafter free them if not from sorrow yet from any crime This Petition the Governess communicated to her Privie Counsellours and a few dayes after by their advice returned answer to Brederod withall commanding it should be printed and published the heads whereof I shall briefly give you She understood not she said who those Gentlemen were or those People of the Low-countreys in whose name this Petition was presented when many of those Gentlemen that petitioned in April last did not onely profess themselves to have received satisfaction but daily came to offer their services to the King That she onely tolerated Sermons and that so much against her will as may testifie how farre she is from giving them power to appoint Consistories create Magistrates to levy taxes to collect above twenty hundred thousand Florens to confound the marriages of Catholicks and Hereticks and consequently their Successions and Honours Besides the Calvinisticall Suppers which they had and Congregations in most part whereof since they detracted from the Authority of the Prince and his subordinate Officers and sought by degrees to introduce a new Commonwealth they might see how likely it was that these things which they call onely Ceremonies of Religion should be permitted by the Governess to the so great Dishonour of God and the King That indeed she had capitulated with them and that the capitulation was and shall be observed but not in things prejudiciall to Religion and the Royall Authority But why should they that complain of the breach of Articles passe over in silence That since their own agreement in the moneth of August so many faithlesse and sacrilegious Villanies have been done Churches destroyed Religious Persons turned out of their Monasteries Hereticall Gospellers from forrein parts by force of Arms brought to preach in places where their Sermons were never heard before Cities aâ—d Provinces by their Letters or Emissaries solicited to mutiny and rebell and diverse other foul things committed whereof the Petitioners themselves were Authours for under their Protection the people have presumed to seize upon his Majesties Magazines to expell his Officers at the ringing of a Bell to muster in the fields to destroy Monasteries and Gentlemens houses with fire and sword to possesse themselves of Towns and marking out all Catholicks for the slaughter the Governess her self not excepted they would have made a generall Massacre in the Low-countreys if the Traitours Letters to them of Valenciens had not been intercepted and so their horrid Designe by Gods goodness prevented That by the premisses they may perceive how unseasonably they petition for her Edict to be revoked and the Souldiers disbanded that is in other words for Iustice to be disarmed and exposed to the injuries of the wicked Let them not cozen themselves she would do neither of both but was resolved to guard the Commonwealth if need should be with new Laws and Souldiers and not to lay down especially at this time the sword that God puts into Princes hands She therefore advised them to forbear meddling with Publick Affairs and every one to mind his private business that they may not shortly force the King at his coming to forget his native Clemency That she her self will use her utmost endeavours to save the Low-countreys from the Ruine threatned by these popular Tumults which they have raised The End of
Kings immediate Commission can neither be taken away by the Governesse nor resigned by him without the King's Leave That therefore he should presently resume his Offices and consider it was no rash Determination of his Majesty in this common Disturbance of the Provinces to require that their Governours by a new Oath should testifie their Fidelity and Allegeance The Prince of Orange replyed in the presence of Count Hochstrat who came in by chance that for many and serious considerations which he had as yet communicated to no man he refused this Oath First because the like was never required of any former Governour then for as much as he had long agoe taken an Oath of Allegiance to the King as other Lords did that lived within his Majesty's Dominions it might be thought he had broke his first Oath in regard he was put to sweare againe Moreover because he had sworne to preserve the Priviledges of his Provinces if peradventure he should be commanded to the contrary he could not obey the Order being tyed by Oath not to doe it and yet he bound himselfe to obey it if he should now sweare to doe what he should be commanded in the King's name against any persons whatsoever Add to this that in the Forme of the Oath the Emperour was not excepted to whom as a feudatary he was obliged and would not beare Armes against him Nay more there was no exception of his Sons and Friends as the Duke of Cleve and diverse others against which he would not fight Another Reason was for that many Edicts were daily published making it capitall for all such as were not Catholiques which Edicts should never be executed by his Authority for his Heart would not suffer him to inflict such punishments as men were now liable to for their Religion Nay if he should take this Oath he might be compelled in the last place to put his Wife to death because she was a Lutheran Lastly it was to be considered that he who commanded in the King's name might be such as it would not be consistent with his quality and Honour to obey and here with Indignation he named the Duke of Alva and said no more For as it was reported the Duke of Alva's coming troubled him exceedingly his other Reasons only were pretended and because invalid therefore multiplyed Nor would the Prince of Orange have lost his Government for an Oath but he thought it unsafe to trust himselfe in the hands of that Spanish Duke by nature melancholick and cruell and out of an ancient Emulation betwixt them too likely to carry himselfe proudlier in his Command or if he should be civill yet the Prince of Orange could never brooke a man from whom he must receive Common Civility in the nature of a Pardon But Bertius sufficiently instructed as well by nature as by the Governesse answered him prudently to every particular He said it was no wonder in regard the Provinces were not troubled in the time of their former Governours that no such Oath was required of them That to take the same Oath againe was not by a new Profession to repaire the Violation of an old Vow but to raise greater Alacrity in new Dangers That to preserve the Priviledges of the Provinces the King had noe lesse obliged his Faith then the Prince of Orange his and therefore it concerned his Majesty to be careful that nothing should be commanded which was Breach of Priviledge Nor was the War in agitation against the Emperour or Empire or the Duke of Cleue all which he was assured the Governesse would very willingly let him except in his Oath That the Care of the Edicts and Penall Lawes against Hereticks should not be committed to him much lesse should he be inforced by any ones Command to Punish his wife Thus Bertius endeavoured to overthrow the Prince of Oranges Reasons without mentioning the Duke of Alva perhaps doubtfull how to answer that Point perhaps because vpon the naming of his Wife the Prince of Orange replyed not expecting till he came so farre as Alva that he knew the King when he arrived in the Lowcountryes would not suffer any mans Wife to be of another Religion therefore for his owne part he was resolved to remoue into Germany with his Family before the King 's Coming lest if he did it after it might be supposed he was rather banished then that he departed of his own accord neverthelesse in what place soever he remained he would live as became a Subject to his Majesty never omitting any thing that might conduce to the Kings Honour Bertius seeing him not to be wrought vpon at least not able to make a Peace desired a Truce praying him for this was part of his Instructions that before his Departure he would giue a meeting to Count Egmont aâ—d any other of the Lords that he himselfe would name whereunto he willingly condiscended and appointed Willebroc a Village betweene Bruxells and Antwerp for the Place of Conference Where on the one part the Prince of Orange on the other Egmont Mansfeldt and by Command from the Governesse Bertius also met and after they had treated diverse times of the same things they departed having concluded nothing They say the Prince of Orange before he went taking aside Count Egmont spake of the present Dangers and intreated him to withdraw and by no means to stand this bloudy Spanish Tempest that hung over the Low-countryes And when Egmont confident in his owne merits and scorning Danger disputed against his opinion and how the King's mercy would pardon all if he found the Low-countries quieted This Mercy of the King said Orange that you trust to will be your ruine My Soule presages I wish it may be false that you are to be the Bridge the Spaniards will tread upon in their coming over to the Low-countryes At which words as assured of his Prophesy and that he should never see Egmont againe he held him hard in his Armes and so both weeping tooke their last Farewell Next day he wrote a Letter to the Governesse Intreating her that she would please to remember the King and make a gracious Interpretation herselfe of the Paines he had taken now and long since both in Peace and Warre for his Majestyes Honour and Advantage And that he himselfe wheresoever he lived would alwayes be her Highnesses most faithfull Servant Immediately he removed with his wife and Children all but his eldest Son Philip whom he left a Student in Lovaine to his City of Breda many of the Nobility waiting on him Having staid there awhile he retired to Cleueland and about the end of Aprill to Dilemburg the antient Seat of the Nassau's And Egmont though he was troubled at the Parting of his Friend soone after grew cheerefuller then ever For now being quit of his old Rivall and therefore assuring himselfe of the first Place in the Governesses Favour he
the remainder of the publique Composition-money Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes she commanded to be pulled downe which the people did with so good a will that at Gant which is almost incredible a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground You would think these were new Cityes and new People which a few months before having been zealous to the cause and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party were so changed as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples as if that could excuse Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed especially in the Province of Flanders that the beames of the Churches which they ruined served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience Thus the fire kindled by the peoples discontents blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit fed by the Emulation of the Lords and finally scattered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses devouring and destroying the Lowcountries was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse that Religion and Obedience were every where restored the Hereticks restrained by punishment or forced to fly the Country some few getting their Pardons others forfeiting their Estates and living in Banishment so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet that is they were made true Gheuses and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their antient Peace and Tranquility One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen which could not make their peace frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine daily left their Habitations and to the great dammage of the Cities carried away their Merchandise Manufactures and consequently the Gaines into other Nations Wherefore she had often intreated his Majesty that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces or else which she thought would be best to come himselfe among his Subjects now quiet and willing to obey not terrifying them with an army but receiving them to mercy And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdinand Toledo Duke of Alva his Lieutenant thither because it was the great businesse of Spaine and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Proceedings The Governesse from the very begining desired the Kings Presence and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill and her foresight of a greater yet to come that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Asculum to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes where no doubt his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons But if in such a precipitate Mischeife he should either delay his going or act there by any of his Ministers of State he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion and the King lose the Lowcountryes His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands Spaine and Rome resolved to go in person Commanders were listed Shipping provided and his meniall Servants that were to attend him named And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Expedition against the Lowcountrymen The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Lions To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy upon whom he much relyed the King sent Iohn Acugnia to advise with him what time by what way he he would direct him to bring his Army and which were the most dangerous Places for Ambuscadoes and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes Forts by which every day his Souldiers were to march with the locall intervalls dimensions who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Alburcher Governour of Millaine should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere with a painter and a Surveyer lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new upon which he had not preconsidered But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested the lesse they were intended for Security being only to amuse the world and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March there was nothing of substance all meerly Show and Colour Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip a subtill and ambitious Prince would at that time leave his chiefe strength when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles Prince of Spaine For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause which the Prince was thought privatly to favour or leave him behind and trust him with Spain which it was likely he would involve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace But the King concealed these Reasons and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter from interessing himselfe in the businesse of the Lowcountryes and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses The King was hâ—lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague which holding him long was thought to be the Cause of his Delay especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry suspected his Ague likewise to be fained But when the King was recovered and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebellion of some Townes and Danger of all unlesse prevented by his Coming quickned with Griefe and Anger he made all things ready with such formall Hast as not a Servant in his Court no not the Lowcountry-Embassadours the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin thaâ— had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition did now doubt the truth of it
yet still the King did but act his part was not serious For among other dissuasions from his Voyage Letters came from the Governess giuing him intelligence that the Lords were resolved if the King as they heard would bring an army into the Lowcountryes that they themselves would call in forreigne Assistance and casting off their Allegeance oppose his Entry Which howsoever he dissembled or publiquely seemed to slight questionlesse he that was so jealous of his Crowne and Honour must needs be very sensible how much both would be indangered if by carrying an Army thither he should teach the Lowcountryes how to arme so render himselfe contemptible to his Subiects and to the neighbour Princes that would looke on or perhaps secretly assist the Rebells Therefore in the last Consultation which he held about it at Madrid his Majesty would only have it put to the question Whether he should goe without an Army which some perswaded or take his Forces along which the Popes Nuntio earnestly advised Among his Privy-Councell which then were numerous and great Statesmen because the King greatly relyed vpon their Iudgements there came to the Board Ferdinando Toledo Duke of Alva Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebora both of them very powerfull with the King but as Favour tooke place of Estimation he was greater in his Majestyes Account this had the greater Honours conferred upon him There was likewise Cardinall Spinosa who from very meane beginnings was advanced to be chiefe Inquisitour and President of the Councell of Castile and had beene of so high Authority in King Philip's Court that he was called the Spanish Monarch There was also Gomez Figueroa Duke of Feria Iohn Manric de Lara and Anthony de Toledo Knight of St Iohns of Hierusalem and Prior of Leon all excelâ—lent and active wits But Feria besides the vast indowments of his mind exceeded them all in handsomnesse and sweetnesse of disposition Manric was conspicuous for Prudence the Prior for Religion Then sate Bernardo Fresneda the Kings confessar a Franciscan Anthonio Perez Privy Seale and diverse others most of them Councellours of approved integrity and such as seriously intended their Prince's Honour which notwithstanding as every one was of a sowre or gentle temper they interpreted according to their owne inclinations Thus it is that all men forme their Opinions and the Vote which nature extorts we thinke is given to the Cause when indeed we give it to our Humour The King himselfe sate in Councell to moderate by his presence the publique and continuall Iarres between the Duke of Alva and the Prince of Ebora contending no lesse for superiority at the Board then for preheminence in Court Or rather his Majesty came in person that if any one which he heard was designed should move for his Son to be Generall he himselfe might breake off the proposall And there was one that perswaded the sending of an Army remembring his Majesty of Tiberius Caesar that left forrein Warres to the Managery of his Sonnes But immediately Prince Roderick who very well understood the King as if he approved that part of the Advise for the King's Security tooke the Speech out of the others Mouth and by degrees brought it to this That he could not but think it unseasonable to exasperate quiet and obedient Subjects with an Army thereby ingaging the Hereticks their Neighbours to assist their Brethren That the Fire of Civill War is carefully to be watched especially in such a place where they are neere that feed the flame and they farre off that must extinguish it though indeed it can never be extinguished without the Conquerours's Losse For in the civill Ruine of Cityes Men and Fortunes the Prince loses whatsoever is taken from the conquered The Offences till that day committed by the Low-country-men were sufficiently punished and subdued by his Majestyes Sister and if any thing were unsubdued it was their minds not their their bodyes but those should be conquered not by Armes but Favours being more agreeable to the King's Clemency and to the nature of the Low-country-men of whom his Father Charles the Fifth was wont to say There is no people under Heaven so they be fatherly used that more abhorre servitude or more patiently indure it Then summing up the expence of an Army the Dangers the Jealousies of Princes he concluded That nothing was so intricate in the Low-countryes or ravelled into such hard knots but might be easily and gently untyed without drawing of a sword to cut it Certainly forrein Troubles might be composed at distance by a Prince without diminution to his Authority reserving his presence for cases of extreame necessity This Counsell of Roderick Gomez was the sense of a man potent at Court whose principall Aime was peace and quiet and his greatest Policy to prevent a Warre where the businesse and consequently the Power should be transferred to others Of the same opinion was Bernardo Fresneda a plaine and sweete-natured man and Anthonio Perez a Creature of Prince Roderick's But the Duke of Alva was for Armes and Revenge as the only cure for Wounds given to Religion and Royall Authority For by other Artifices and facility nothing was effected but the taking away obedience from the King and feare from the Rebells At first the Low-country-men desired only to be freed of the Spanish Garrisons and protested nothing else was wanting to quiet the People But when our Souldiers were disbanded were the people quieted or the rather and with the more confidence did they not demand that Granvell should be removed from the Governesse and the Helme of State which he protected never desisting till with base Libells ridiculous Fooleryes and traiterous combinations at last they extorted their desires But peradventure when one man was cast overboard it laid the wind which raised that popular Tempest No rather as Licentiousnesse more easily increases then begins having now got ground as men imboldened by our Gentlenesse they publish scurrilous Pamphlets against the Multiplication of Bishopricks the Revivall of the Emperours's Edicts the Councell of Trent and the Pontifician Inquisitours they petition but with their swords in their hands they fright the Governesse with Threats and weary the King's patience with obsâ—inate and impudent Messages Whereupon the King out of his clemency considering himselfe as a Father was pleased to moderate some of his Decrees and the Governesse to grant something more then she should have done to such base Petitioners For what wrought her Indulgence but only that when they had obtained their Requests by not obeying they forgot themselves to be subjects unlearned their Principles of Obedience and shaking of Allegeance to their Prince made an Association of the Provinces as if the number of offendors should secure them and undervaluing all things humane and divine in comparison of the Liberty they had once tasted off Indeed his Father Charles the fifth who was not ignorant of the Low-country-men's
England to his Marriage with Queene Mary at his returne he created him Knight of the Golden-Fleece and made him Grandvenâ—ur or Justice in Eyre and Governour of Haynolt In which Province because he seemed not according to his duty seriously to advance the Catholique cause though he himselfe was seriously a Catholique the Governesse was then much displeased with him and a few months after his Decease being for the same attainted of High Treason he was condemned by the Duke of Alva The Governesse receiving the newes of his Death speedily that is within eight dayes written as I said from the Prince of Ebolo immediatly before the Report could be divulged sent Mandevill with a select Company of Fire-locks framing a Letter to the Lady-Marquesse of Bergen That she heard the Hereticks of that Towne offended with the late Edict endeavoured some Innovation therefore she had in haste dispatched Souldiers to guard her and the City to make them the welcomer had chosen out of her Ladiship 's Vncle Beavor's Regiment Captaine Mandevill whom She had commanded to receive Orders from her Ladyship Her Husband 's Death she mentioned not lest it might lessen the Favour and move a suspition of the thing intended But when she sent away the Captaine being a man of approved Fidelity she discovered to him that hee was in the King's name to possesse himselfe of the Towne He should indeed serve the Lady-Marquesse in any thing that might be for her safety but if she refused his Souldiers or commanded them to depart the Towne he must tell her he could not doe it without acquainting the Governesse In the meane while by writting Letters and expecting Answers he should spinne out the time till his Majesty expressed his absolute pleasure For the Prince of Ebolo from the King and afterwards the King himselfe had writ to the Governesse that she was to bring the Marquesse's cause to a Triall and if he were found to have been privy to the Tumults and Rebellion his Estate should be confiscated otherwise it should descend to his Heires The King added in his own Hand That whereas the Marquesse had declared his Sister's Daughter his Heire who was said to have no good Catholique Education the Governesse should find meanes to get her out of her Father's hands and breed her till she were married to that Kinsman unto whom the Marquesse had by his will disposed her The City she forthwith seized but the young Lady her Mother was a great while fearefull to deliver And after the Governesse had been present at the Procession wherein the Body of our Lord and Saviour was carryed through Antwerp then solemnized with more exquisite preparations and Pompe then ever and followed with such multitudes and Reverence that one would thinke they had not so much as conversed with Hereticks her Excellence leaving Count Mansfeldt and 13. Companies in the Town with the rest and a great Traine of Lords returned to Bruxells there to expect the Duke of Alva whose coming every day more afflicted her and many that loved him not aggravated her distaste telling her that by his Pride all which she had with so much paines and wisdome reconciled and composed would be presently put into confusion and he would make Troubles which it might be thought he was come from Spaine to quiet whilst the Honour Settlement only due to the governesse would by his vaine-glory be numbred among his Triumphs The Governesse therefore not only expressed to the King her Resentment in her Letter by Gaspar Robley but likewise writing to the Duke of Alva to congratulate his Arrivall at Millaine she let him understand the State of the Low-countryes and wished him to advise whether it would not be a greater Act of prudence to disband part of his Army then by those unseasonable Forces and Expences to irritate the Low-countryes which were now reduced to Obedience such a Remedy in most mens Iudgements being too strong for the Disease But the Duke of Alva pretended the King's command And the Prince of Ebolo by Robley who was dispatched from Spaine about the end of Iune answered her That the King was carefull of his Sister's Estimation purchased of all the world for governing the Low-countryes with so singular wisdome in so dangerous times taking Cityes subduing Rebels and at length vigorously reducing all the Low-countryes to their Religion and Loyalty Nor was Alva sent to rob her of any part of that glory wholly appropriate to her Highnesse but that by serving her with his endeavours and counsells what was gained might be preserved with lesse troubles to the Governesse and no envy that could reflect upon her for punishing of Delinquents But nothing so much satisfied her as the King's-Letter sent by Lopius Gallus after Robley's departure wherein giving thanks to his Sister for so industrious and wise an Establishment of Peace he said he would shortly better expresse those thankes in person longing exceedingly to be an Eye-witnesse of her vertue And among other commands injoyned her to have in readinesse at least eight Sayle of Ships to meet him whensoever an Expresse came of his weighing Anchors And the Governesse in good earnest provided the Shipps the Senat decreeing that for the King 's happy Voiage publique Prayers should be made which neverthelesse his majesty meaning to stay at home needed not as some said comparing him to Tiberius Caesar who gave out from day to day that he would leaue Rome and suffered the Empire diverse times to make the like supplications for his good Journey and Returne long busying the Roman Provinces with that Expectation But the beliefe of the King's Expedition was to be maintained with such new Scenes or else the Play would have been spoyled Howsoever the Duke of Alva equally distastfull to the Nobility and the People would have been much worse received by the Low-country-men if they had not perswaded themselves by these appearing hopes that the King himselfe would shortly follow And now the Duke of Alva having perfectly recovered his Health when he came to Ast tooke the generall Musters of his Army which being greater in worth then number though feare among the timerous had multiplyed the very number he found to consist of 8700. Foote and but 1200. Horse For the Duke cared not for multitude which commonly is a hindrance to the March but desired to have stout men and valiant hands not many names meaning afterwards to increase them more opportunely in the Low-countreys where without danger he might adde to his old Army as to a body strong in nerves and bone as much young flesh that is untrained Souldiers as he pleased The Foot in a manner all Spanish he distributed into foure Legions in regard they were raised out of foure Provinces commanded by so many Spanish Colonels conspicuous for their abilities in warre Alphonso Vlloa
fifth perceived when after the Resignment of his Kingdomes returning out of the Lowcountryes into Spaine he grieved exceedingly to see the Nature and Education of his Grandchild then but eleuen yeares old But King Philip having tryed many Remedyes at last made experience of the Vniversity of Alcala sending his Son Charles thither accompained with Don Iohn of Austria and Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma in hope that conversing with such a confluence of learned men as his body by the change of ayre so his mind might recover by the change of Company but Prince Charles being removed from his Father not from himselfe the sicknesse of his mind altered not with the Place but somewhat increased by an accident for falling form a high Ladder he pitched upon his Head and hurt his braine so dangerously as the Physicians despairing of his life they were ready to lay him out when the Body of the blessed Didacus being brought into his Chamber as he was a dying King Philip who had come post from Madrid vowed that if the already beatified Didacus recovered the Prince he would be an earnest Suiter to the Pope to give him the title of Saint Whereupon immediately beyond all expectation he was restored to life But this wrought no cure upon the Manners of the phantastique youth altogether differing from his Father Which made King Philip more harsh towards him and the Prince better pleased with any thing then his Fathers Sight This Aversenesse grew as the Prince did and the King dayly more offended and distrustfull of his Son from time to time put off the Match concluded beweene Prince Charles and the emperour Maximilianâ—s Daughter forbidding him to meddle with Affayres of State in that point of time when the Prince thought it but a modest Ambition for a youth of twentie two to expect the Crown From hence sprung his Hatred to his Father's Favourites and Counsellours which he thought were Spyes over him and told all he did to the King advising his Majesty to deferre the Match and to lay Commands upon him not to act in publique businesse for which hee somtimes threatened them with Revenge From hence likewise sprung his Favour and Patronage of such as hee knew had offended his Father and were by him deserted especially the Low-countrymen whose Embassadours the Marquesse of Bergen and the Lord Montiny were very gratious with him and often privately called into his Bedchamber and it is reported he defended their Cause more passionately then became him making them a Promise that he would himselfe goe into the Low-countreys to settle those Provinces And whereas the Governesse formerly complained to the King that many Letters of high concernement written to his Majesty in Spaine were returned into the Low-countreys to their hands against whom they were written I thinke it not improbable that it might proceed from that Familiarity betwene the Prince and the Low-country-Embassadours Sure I am when the Duke of Alva being to goe for the Low-countreys tooke his leaue at Court and came to kisse the Prince's Hand his Highnesse cast a terrible frown upon him and replyed No man should go thither but himselfe And when Alva said that he was sent before by the King to quiet the Tumults raised in the Lowcountreys where it was not safe to venture the Heire apparent to the Crowne The Prince in a rage drew his Dagger saying I will prevent thy Iourney The Duke hardly declined the Blow and when he saw the furious youth strike at him againe grasped him hard betwene his Armes in the posture of a suppliant kneeling and beseeching him not to offer Violence to an old and faithfull Servant but still notwithstanding his youth and fury the Duke held his Hands till the noise of their Strugling brought in the Waiters that were but on the other side the Hangings then the Prince withdrew From this time he resolved whether his Father would or no to passe into the Low-countreys and from thence to Germany to his Mistris acquainting his vncle Don Iohn of Austria and two others with his Resolution earnestly desiring them to go along Don Iohn shewing him how difficult it was and indeed impossible to be effected when he saw his perswasions wrought not and found the Prince obstinately bent upon the voiage imagining the King would know it by some other to whom the rash inconsiderate youth would impart his Counsell he himselfe ingaged the King by the Discovery fearing if he kept it secret he might be held accessary to the Princes Flight The King commending Don Iohn's Fidelity and being informed of his Son's Intention by many others and lastly by Raymont De Tassis his Majesty's Principall Secretary hearing that he had layed Horses at severall Stages for the Speeding of his Iourney remained in a sad suspence yet before he would fix his resolution his Majesty commanded Prayers and Supplcations to be made in all Churches of the Towne and desired the Advise of certaine great learned men well knowne unto him The Opinion of Martin Azpilcueta Doctour of Navâ—rre the famous Casuist for this of all the rest I have only seene was briefely that the King could not without grievous sinne neglect the safety of his Kingdome but it would be neglected if he permitted the Prince to go away who afarre off and therefore more confidently and and publiquely handying against his Father would distract the Kingdome into Factions and Partyes just as it hapned to Charles the seventh of France upon the difference betweene him and his Son Lewis when he fled into Burgundy But the Father was put out of his doubts by his Sons hast who as Raymond brought word had appointed the next day for his Departure Therefore the King would no longer deliberate but taking a long the Prince of Ebora the Duke of Feria and two others about tewlve a clock at night entred his Son's Bedchamber who was fast asleepe and taking away his Sword which he had laid under his Pillow baâ—e him rise immediately and blaming him that having frustrated so many gentle Remedies used by his Father he had forced him to a sharper course but more seasonable for his Son he opened his Cabinets and tooke out his papers discharged his old Servants and gave the Prince in custody to some of his owne chusing And now the unfortunate Prince who but a while since was continually waited on by the Lords and Grandees of Spaine striving to kisse his Hand seeing himselfe guarded by a few men and those Enemies that observed his words his looks and almost dived into his Thoughts after six Months when he found his Father not moved with Embassages in his behalfe from the Princes of Europe and Petitions presented from his own Kingdomes falling into a Sicknesse caused partly by an obstinate Refusall of his Meate partly by his sometimes intemperate eating and drinking Wine too much cooled in Snow
restored their Churches to the Catholiques as they did Noâ— was it lesse needfull to give some way to them at Tournay and in Tournacese the Hereticks being there the stronger party That they justly opposed the Cardinall as pernicious to the Government of the Provinces That Casembrot was retained in Egmont's Family for the Service he undertooke to do against the Church-Robbers That Tournay being then well pacified had no use for Beavor and therefore they consulted about sending him away especially being requested so to doe by those of Flanders Thus in order severally and respectively they answered to the other parts of their Impeachment which if I should but run over would be an infinite worke Count Hornes particular charge consisting of 600. heades How they cleared themselves I define not Truly I know many of those very Objections were made against them both to his Majesty by the Governesse Nay their designe of dividing the Provinces I find to be discovered euen by the Bishop of Osnaburg in Westphalia who gave intelligence thereof to the Governesse by Cobell one of his Councell adding that he heard it long since from Count Suarzemburg cosen to the Prince of Orange and by George Holly a German Colonell when they were merry at Supper where they said the King of Denmarke would put in for a share All which the Governesse inserted in her Letters to the King as we have related in the yeare 66. Notwithstanding the people giving their Judgement either out of hatred to the Duke of Alva or out of love to Count Egmont acquitted him and laid all the fault upon Alva as one that envied Egmont his old Rivall in the Warres They likewise reported that he bare a grudge to Count Egmont because long since the Count won many thousand Crownes of him at Dice and afterwards in a publique Solemnity when they shot at markes for a wager the Duke of Alva lost it the Low-countrey-men shouting for Joy that one of their Nation had the victory over a Spanish Generall Which Stories either false or little trifling matters yet remembred by the vulgar were brought in to foment their pitty And I verily believe in the processe of this Triall a greater Odium was cast upon the Duke then he deserved Nay I have read how it was affirmed by very worthy men that after their sentence was brought out of Spaine Alva wrote to the King that he was every day slower to put it in execution because he fore-saw what mischiefe would insue and that the King incensed against Egmont partly for the promise of his Faith made when he was in Spaine but not performed partly for the many complaints against him writ to his Majesty by the Governesse and aggravated by Cardinall Spinosa then the great man at Court blamed the Duke of Alva's Slackness commanded him according to former Order forwith to dispatch him Yet the Duke deferred execution til the Prince of Orange invading Brabant he was forced to meet him with his Army Perhaps this Relation may not gaine like credit with all persons but howsoever no man's Malice to Alva shall deterre me from writing what I have from good hands receive'd As also the peoples Favour to Egmont shall not make me omit the clearing him of a Crime which I find by many obiected against him That he received great Summs of money which made him winke at diverse things acted in his Provinces such as he being a military man and not considering of what dangerous consequence they were to Religion did not imagine to be so preiudiciall to the Church Yet this offence not touched in his Impeachment wherein nothing was pretermitted either by negligence or out of Favour I suppose to be a Fiction Howsoever Egmont and Horne were brought from Gant to Bruxells the third of June and by the Duke of Alva President of the Councell of twelve the King having inabled him by peculiar Commission to exercise Authority over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece Sentence of Death was pronounced against them and Martin Rithovius Bishop of Ipres sent to acquaint them with it and assist them in their â—ast necessity And Egmont though it much troubled him he should come to an end so farre below his Merits yet collecting himselfe as became a Valiant man and only carefull of his Wife and Children wrote in French to the King The Copy of which Letter sent by Christopher Assonvill to the Governesse I here give you Sir since you are pleased that Sentence of Death must passe upon your humble and faithfull Subiect and Servant who never aimed at any thing but your Majestyes Service for advancement whereof as my past Actions testify I neither spared my paines nor fortunes but to a thousand dangers have exposed my life which never was so pretious to me but that if it might any way be offensiue to your Majesty I would a hundred times before this have exchanged it for death Therefore I doubt not but when you shall fully understand the Carriage of Businesse in these parts you will clearly perceiue how iniuriously I have beene used whilst they have perswaded your Majesty against me in things that never entred my Imagination I call God to witnesse and I pray that he will revenge it upon my soule that must this day appeare before his Iudgment-Seat if I have neglected any part of that which I beleive'd to be my Duty towards my King and Country I therefore beseech you Sir I that shall petition your Majesty no more that for the Reward of all my painefull Services you will please a little to commiserate my Wife and eleven Children with the rest of my Family which I have commended to some few Friends yet left me And presuming your Majesty out of your native Clemency will not deny me this I go to suffer death which I willingly imbrace assuring my selfe my end will give many satisfaction From Bruxells the fifth of Iune at two of the clock after midnight in the yeare 1568. Your Majesties most humble most faithfull and most obedient Subject and Servant prepared to dye Lamorall Egmont This Letter for the King hee gave to the Bishop of Ipres and confessing his sinnes to him spent the rest of the night in reconciling himselfe to God and arming of his minde to suffer The like did Count Horne assisted by the same Prelate and other Divines In the morning being Whitsun-Eve a Scaffold hung with blacks was set up in the Market-Place guarded with the Regiment of Iuliano Romero whereon were laid two Cushions before a silver Crucifix About Nooneday Count Egmont was brought thither accompanied with the Bishop of Ipres and Romero after some few prayers he put off his Damaske-Gowne threw away his Hatt and speaking a few words to the Bishop fell upon his knees before the Crucifix and his night-cap being pulled over his eyes the Executioner that lurked under the Scaffold and was once as it is said his
they call the States till it should be otherwise ordered by the King who for some time doubted whether he should allow that form of Goverment or no. For Gregory the thirteenth who had mutually agreed with King Philip to assist the Queen of Scots then a Prisoner being to nominate a Generall for that expedition for it was undertaken in the Popes not the Kings name lest it might distast the Rivalls of the Spanish Greatnesse his Holinesse made choice of Don Iohn of Austria famous for Sea victories And therefore advised the King by Ormanetti who was trusted in the transaction of that businesse to send his Brother into the Low-countreys wanting at that time a Governour who would be in great esteem with the Low countrey men that honoured the memory of his Father Charles the fifth and might from thence passe with a Fleet into England where he if any man might exspect success He likewise articled with King Philip that the Queen of Scots if it pleased God they freed her from captivity should be married to Don Iohn with the Kingdome of England for her dowry which would be a fair title to the Island for the House of Austria to ground a Warre upon The King disliked it not though he more approved of the Expedition then of the Generall but instantly resolved and promised the Nuncio to send his brother into the Low-countreys But his Majestie thought it not amisse to protract his Brothers going for a while that he might see how the Low-countreymen would govern the Low-countreys moved hereunto by Ioachim Opper a Low-countrey man his Secretary for the Netherlands who delivered his opinion that the Low-countrey Lords would no doubt be infinitely carefull of the Common-wealth and would now themselves apply to the evill that remedie for which they had so often solicited the King Who by confiding in them would for ever oblige the hearts of the Low-countrey men Especially in that his Majestie well knew the Principall Senatours Duke Areschot the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont and the President of the Senate himself Viglius Zuichom were men of most undoubted Religion and Loyaltie But to govern by a Committee that I may not accuse the Kings prudence from the event was then unseasonable For in the most troubled State the most present remedy is for one man to rule Truly this indulgence of the Prince did more hurt to the Low-countreys then all his severity as appeared by the immediate ruine of the Provinces For the people freed from a Spanish Governour would not acknowledge a new one in the Senate or rather greatly feared not a power divided and diminished among many And the Lords despised the government of their Peers and easily deluded their discordant Votes and Orders Some enemies to the Spaniard desirous of revenge fomented this difference of the Lords especially the Burgesses for Brabant and Haynolt whom Requesenes had larely called to Bruxells For these as they were chosen under-hand by means of the Prince of Orange in regard of the Authority wherewith those Provinces intrusted them hugely distracted the Senate And though both parties pretended the Kings name and cause yet their Designes and Counsels were so different that some of them were vulgarly called Spaniards others Patriots or Protectours of their Countrey And as the word Countrey infinitely takes the People with a counterfeit and deceiving image of Libertie it was not to be doubted but in case of a Warre the major part of the Low-countrey-men would adhere unto this party Nor was occasion long wanting to mature the mischief For when they had taken Ziriczee after Requesenes his death the Germans and Spaniards clamouring for their pay for that Island had afforded very little money it was resolved on by the Senate for easing the Low-countreys of the burden of forrein Souldiers to pay and cashiere the regiment of Hannibal Count de Altempse because there having lately been a breach between him and the Governour of Antwerp Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin about the Garrison it was feared lest publick mischief might ensue In the mean time the Spaniards that took Ziriczee under Colonell Mondragonio when they saw themselves passed by and the many moneths pay which was promised them issued out to others interpreting not falsely as some said that it was done out of malice to their Nation and they thereby necessitated to an Insurrection First as if he looked not into their business they threatned Mondragonio then hearing of the complaints made in the Senate of Bruxels by Count Altempse who publickly affirmed that he was casheired not for any danger to the Town of Antwerp nor with relation to his fouldiers importunity for pay which he himself a fortnight longer was able to have satisfied but only by the subtilty spleen of the Lord Campin that excluded souldiers faithfull to the King and so weakning the Spanish partie intended to betray the citie to the Prince of Orange Whereupon the Spaniards troubled at the publick danger and the more exasperated by their private injury in regard they demanded but what was due to their extraordinary labours and unprendented courage in wading through the sea seized upon their Captains and chose themselves a Generall in Mondragonio's place Whereto they were animated by the example of the horse and recruited by the accession of Valdez his Regiment They sent letters therefore to the Senate at Bruxels threatningly petitioning for their money Nor did the Senate deny it the major part being Royallists But the Burgesfes of Hoynolt and Brabant long since bought as I said with the Prince of Oranges money interceded in the name of their Provinces pretending publick necessitie And whilst the Senate partly affrighted with their protestations partly intangled in crosse votes deferred their payment the Spaniards thinking their menaces contemned took up their Colours in furie crying Away for Brabant And having left Ziricze guarded with a few Wallons quitting Schelt and Duveland Islands they had conquered with so much glory to their Nation they ran up and down Brabant threatning but not resolved upon any determinate design the Cities generally trembling and in amazement exspecting where that storm would fall But having first rejected the conditions which Count Mansfeldt meeting them near Asc brought from the Senate then sending away Iuliano Romero who for the same cause came from the Spaniards without so much as hearing him speak afterward shaking their swords and presenting their muskets against Francisco Montesdocha they commanded him to come no nearer and lastly on a sudden possessed themselves of Aelst a town in Flanders not farre from Bruxels hanging the King Officer that opposed them before the Gates openly professing they meant to keep Aelst as a pledge till their Arrears were paid When this news came to Bruxels with addition but false that they had plundered the Town and put the People to the sword the minds
discharge of forreiners for the Obedience which they formerly shewed to the Dutchesse of Parma questionlesse they will not now deny to you and to the King himself But when the Spaniards shall be dismissed if there be danger the Low-countreymen solicited by the Prince of Orange may soon forget this Act of Grace shall we therefore conclude that we must necessarily be circumvented by their fraud and oppressed by their arms Are not the Loyall Provinces able to sustain the first charge of an insurrection till Forces can be sent for out of Burgundy had at hand and out of Germany not farre off And then we have so much more reason to look for good successe by how much we shall be assisted with a more powerfull armie sent from the King in defence of his own commands and we may with more justice punish the perfidious Rebels Wherefore in a word I deny not but the forrein souldiers whether retained or dismissed may somewhat indanger us but when I see on the one side a certain warre and the Kings certain displeasure no help and on the other that you are offered the possession of the Government hope of quieting the Low-countreys the Kings favour and assistance and consequently if a warre should break forth that which would much conduce to victorie I think in point of discretion this ought to be preferred before the contrarie Don Iohn though he was very unwilling to forgo his Spanish forces a greater secret then I have yet discovered won him to consent For if he by keeping them should have interrupted the peace of the Low-countreys which his Majestie had particularly recommended to him he might well suspect it would be whispered in the Kings ear open to such kind of jealousies that by laying the plot for a warre he was ambitious of new power and greater fortunes Besides he longed exceedingly for the voyage into England which if he were ingaged in the Low-countrey war he knew would slip out of his hands Withall he took it for granted that the Low-countreymens hearts alienated by the Warres and Taxes of former Governours might by contrary arts be reconciled Therefore according to mans nature thinking himself and his winning carriage would be more prevalent then any stratagem of the Enemie and coveting what others could not get in the Low-countreys the title of Peace-maker he resolved to allow the assembly at Gant and to sign their conditions Especially because he conceived that he should sufficiently provide for Religion and the Crown forasmuch as the league concluded in these words We the Delegates of the Estates whose names are under-written and by whose authority the Estates are now assembled have do promise for ever to maintain the League for the conservation of our most sacred faith and the Romane Catholick Religion for the perfecting of the pacification of Gant For the expulsion of the Spaniards and their Adherents due Obedience to the Kings Majestie being still and for ever rendered Notwithstanding he asked the opinions of the profoundest schollars whether by those heads which he gave them accurately to examine the orthodox faith or the Kings honour might receive any prejudice And when they resolved him no danger could accrue to either in case this clause were added That nothing in those Articles or any part thereof was established or decreed contrary to the Catholick Religion and the Kings Authority Don Iohn confirmed by their judgements sent their advice and the Bishops letters to the same effect unto his Majestie Who consenting and likewise the Emperour Rodolph Bishop of Liege and Duke of Cleveland by their Embassadours swearing to it a new Pacification called the perpetuall league was made at Marcha a Citie in the Province of Luxemburg Wherein by Don Iohns Agents the dismission of the Spaniards and the whole pacification of Gant was confirmed and by the Deputies of the Estates a caution for constancie to Religion and the Kings obedience which they had formerly sworn for ever to continue was again expressely inserted And now Don Iohn after he had caused the pacification to be proclaimed first at Bruxels then at Antwerp and in other Cities set forth from Luxemburg being met upon the way by the Low-countrey Lords with an infinite number of the Gentrie and at Lovain in the beginning of March he was saluted with a generall joy Governour of the Low-countreys There he thought fit to make some stay that he might from thence quicken the dull motion of the Spaniards departure For they held it a grievous injury to be upon a sudden at the pleasure of the Low-countreymen dispossessed of so many Forts and Garrison towns as they had in so long a time purchased with their bloud Moreover many of them having lived divers years in the Low-countreys being possessed of land and having married wives of that Nation by whom they had children were brought then by degrees to love the place like Natives Nor waâ— ted they some Mutineirs that cryed out Was that cashiering a just reward for their labours and so much bloud as they had spent in Service must their gaping Soars their losse of Limbs and their crackt Sinews in stead of Rest and Accommodation be recompensed with their Countreymens ingratefull oblivion or neglect however with the publick hate and execration of the Dutch what would the French the Italians and other Nations say but that the Spanish Souldiers could be suffered to live no where Sixteen years ago the Governesse Margaret of Austria had turned them out of the Low-countreys and now this Governour Don John of Austria had again expelled them with so much the greater dishonour by how much there was then a fairer pretence for the Kings sending them into Africa to recrueit his Armie But now plainly by publick Edict they who alone in the Low-countreys had maintained the Kings Right were now forsooth declared Enemies to the King and the Low-countreys and by a common confederation of the Provinces expelled as if Peace and a Spaniard could not inhabite there together Thus they discoursed though discontentedly not threatningly yet furie as the custome is by meeting others and communicating their Grievances increased the nearer the day of their departure came grief making them still more sensible of their condition the more obstinate they shewed themselves especially at Antwerp where their number and late victory had so elevated them as there was little hope they would easily deliver up the Fort. But the care of the vigilant Commanders and Reverence to the Royall bloud among the loyall Regiments trained in the old Discipline prevailed so much that by degrees the love of Obedience returned and Iuan Escovedo a very prudent man sent post to Antwerp by Don Iohn appeased the Mutiniers with an apposite Oration For after he had read the Kings letters wherein the Spaniards were commanded to depart the Low-countreys beginning with
and the Navarines sallying out but with losse beat back were thought to be upon the point of yielding When the Turks either by the connivence or ignorance of Prince Alexander's Souldiers put in men by night and relieved the Garrison Besides the Turkish horse and foot coming from al quarters Prince Alexander fearing they would block up his retreat and not hoping to take the Castle thought it enough in his enemies sight to retire with his Cannon to the Fleet. And Don Iohn since the Turkish Navy shunning a general Battell could by no affront be provoked to sea contented to have struct a terrour into the enemy and forced them to confesse themselves not able to appear upon the Main the mindes as well as the Fleet of the Christians being divided he went to Sicily the rest to other places Thus was Alexander Farneze initiated in war which as it begat an opinion both among those great Souldiers and Princes absent specially the successour to Pope Pius Gregory and King Philip of Spain that he would prove a gallant General so afterward it moved the King of his own accord to call him where the war was most dangerous into the Low-countreys For his Majesty pressed with the Low-countrey-mens daily complaints against Don Iohn of Austria and very desirous to quiet the Netherlands without Arms that weaken even the Conquerour himself he resolved to satisfie the desires of the Provinces and in his Brothers place to substitute his Sister Margaret of Austria with her Son Alexander Farneze Hoping either by her prudence and power with the Low-countrey-men to find out some expedient towards the concluding of a Peace or by his valour if there was use of Arms strongly to pursue the war Therefore he ordered it that Cardinall Granvell then at Rome should perswade his sister of Parma to return into the Low-countreys The Cardinall taking a journey to Aquila found there very opportunely the Dutchesse and Prince Alexander and read his letters containing the Kings desires to both together Though his Majesty had likewise commanded the Marquesse of Ayamont Governour of Millaine to treat with Prince Alexander apart The Dutchesse answered doubtfully she would advise upon it either fearing as she pretended to displease Don Iohn or by that delay and seeming refusal aym to put a higher value upon her journey But Alexander Farneze without the least demurring said he would obey the King with all his heart if it so pleased his mother He made yet a plainer answer to two letters delivered him by Raphael Manrique from Ayamont that was sick and kept his bed together with his Majesties letter wherein after expression of his grief for the death of Princesse Mary wife to Prince Alexander he signifies his resolution to imploy him in the Low-countreyes I am certain they are the Kings words now you know it with a ready and undaunted mind you will satisfie my exspectation of you and my love which highly esteems you and your virtue most illustrious Prince But when the King altered his determination of substituting the Dutchesse in his Brothers place by reason of Matthias the Arch-dukes coming into the Low-countreyes it was doubted at Parma whether it would be handsome for Prince Alexander to go and fight in the Low-countreyes commanded by another which consideration he out of duty to the King and desire of glory in the wars easily contemned especially incouraged by some dark words of Granvell promising great matters Besides Gregory the thirteenth interposed his Authority and exhortation who informed of the design by Cardinal Farneze highly praised it and bad the Cardinal write to the Prince of Parma in his name that the expedition would be pleasing to God and therefore under so mighty protection and upon encouragement from his Holiness he should willingly and speedily undertake it The Pope I suppose did not thus commend the warre onely for the King of Spain's sake and the common cause of Religion but for some peculiar benefit that might result to the Pontifician Empire For the Prince of Parma being a Feudatary and Homager to the See Apostolick his Holinesse thought himself concerned in sending the Prince to a Forein warre whence he might return an able General to defend the Church of Rome Wherefore Alexander Farneze having within a few dayes received three letters from Don Iohn of Austria which invited him with great entreaties and no lesse promises to the society of warre and glory making ready with all possible speed the twelvth day after he left Parma arrived at Luxemburg and there met Don Iohn who with expressions of incredible contentment received Prince Alexander that stood amazed to see his uncle no lesse impaired in his health then in the presence and Majestie of the most fortunate Generall So true it is that they are most sensible of adverse fortune which have been in most felicity It is therefore probable that Don Iohn not against his will or onely by the Kings command sent for the Prince of Parma nor did with dissembled joy welcome him from whose long approved fidelitie and valour he might promise safety to the publick and a particular preservation to himself whose life was sought by so many plots At their first meeting Don Iohn imparted the Kings commands that he should acquaint Prince Alexander with all businesse of Warre and Peace and reserve for his use 1000 Crownes a moneth Both which conditions pleased him very much especially the later usually given by the King to none but Viceroyes Governours of Provinces or Generalls of Armies For some dayes the Prince of Parma took the money till the Kings high estimation of his merit was thereby divulged among the people afterwards writing his humble thanks to his Majesty he as one more ambitious of honour then profit refused the pay adding that it was not fit he should be so remunerated who had yet done no service and he needed no encouragement But Alexander Farneze acting nothing without order from Don Iohn wholly applyed his minde and endeavours to inform himself of affaires at home and abroad which he found to be in a very bad condition For the King had but two Provinces that continued loyall in the rest the few Forts that held for his Majestie daily revolted to the States Nay even in Holland Amsterdam it self began to waver And in Brabant Bergen op Zoom where the Souldiers basely betraying their Colonell Charles Fugger yeilded to the States But the Garrison of Breda a while before deceived by a stratagem of the enemy carryed themselves yet more basely towards their Colonell For the Generalls of the Sates Arrmy Philip Count Holach and Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin that besieged Breda they were gallantly opposed by George Fronsberg Colonel of the Germans that served Don Iohn but the Garrison because they were some payes behind daily growing to mutiny Fronsberg by a man of know
Genius considered most unhappy Indeed I that find the Impulse of Nature inclines me to seeke by the Glory of Armes the Immortality of my name cannot but hope the Divine Assistance will enable me in that profession above the Common sort of men And I stand upon it the more as conceiving how much it behoves the King to suite all his Ministers with fit Imployments Nor was Don Iohn otherwise opinioned of a Truce Which in behalfe of the States being afterwards earnestly pressed by Embassadours from the Emperour Don Iohn the more earnestly denyed conjecturing by the Requesters unusuall Endeavours their Necessity And his hope was advanced by the opportune Arrivall of many in the Campe. For at the same time beyond Expectation were come from Spaine Pedro de Toledo Son to Garcia Viceroy of Sicily Lopez Figueroa that commanded a Spanish Regiment which he brought with him out of the old Garrisons of Italy and Alphonso Leva Son to Sancho Viceroy of Navarre with a hundred selected Spanish Gentlemen to whom the Brother of Alphonso Sancho Leva was Lieutenant Diego Hurtado Mendoza Alphonso's Vncle Ensigne Not long before this Gabriell Serbellonio was released from Tunis by Gregory the thirteenth in Exchange for Prisoners kept in Hardrians Tower ever since the Battaile of Lepanto an eminent Commander that both in regard of his perfect yeares and judgment in military affaires was by Don Iohn and all the Royall Party highly esteemed especially having levyed by Don Iohn's Command 2000 Italians in the Province of Millaine and brought them along with him But nothing more incouraged the Army then the returne of the Lord Bill out of Spaine sent thither by Don Iohn after the battaile of Gemblac to move his Majesty for new Supplies which he obtained For the King made Don Iohn an Exhibition of 300000. Ducats a moneth to pay 30000. Foote and 6000. Horse letting him know this was the summe he could and would spare for the Low-countrey-Warre and cutting off all hope of an enlargment To the Prince of Parma his Majesty once more offered which he commanded him to accept a yearly pension of 10000. Crownes and 2000. for his Friends and servants sending him the Arreares thereof since the day of his coming into the Low-countreys He likewise confirmed Octavio Gonzaga Generall of the Horse with a stipend of 500. Crownes per Month. Christopher Mondragonio and Francesco Verdugo Spanish Colonells had an Assignation that of 800. Crownes this of 500. and Anthonio Olivera chiefe Commissary of the Horse was to have 300. yearely Besides he gave Charles Count Mansfeldt 16000. Crownes and distributed many Donatives to others But at the same time Don Iohn understood that by orders from the King new Forces were raised in Italy for the Low-countrey-service The Governour of Millane nominating for their Commanders Alphonso Count de Somai a Millanese Vincentio Carafa Prior of Hungary a Neapolitan Pyrrho Malvezzi a Bononian and Stephano Mutino all men of quality and able Souldiers Yet it stung Don Iohn to the quick that Officers of his Army should be chosen at the pleasure of the King's Ministers Therefore dispatching away Letters to the King after his humble thanks for the Money and Men sent into the Low-countreys by his Majesty he shewed him There would be no use of more Souldiers out of Italy because he had already ordered the Counts Altempse and Polvillerio old and faithfull Commanders to bring men from the nearest parts of Germany some of which were arrived his allowance being limited could hardly maintaine the Army now raised much less that to be raised So he stopt the Levies of Italy yet in the Low-countrey-Army still kept afoote the once believed Report of new Italian Recruits to discourage the enemy and to animate his own forces Indeed the King's men needed no lesse Incouragement considering what preparations were made against them For an Army raised in Germany for the States had passed the Mose and was now before Nimmenghen and Duke Alencon Brother to the King of France of whom we shall speake much hereafter was with a French Army come to Mons the chiefe City of Haynolt and Iohn Casimir with a very great strength marched towards Nimmenghen through Gelderland certaine intelligence whereof was brought from all parts to Don Iohn who calling a Councell of Warre resolved to fall upon some Quarter of the Enemy and immediatly inforce them to fight But either by his delay or the Enemies expedition it hapned that the German Auxiliaries joyned with the States Army neare Lyre and Mechlin before Don Iohn could bring his men to their Colours and muster them Yet hee had lost the opportunity not the Desire of fighting especially when at another Councell of Warre he saw all the rest of the Commanders desirous of a battaile onely the Prince of Parma dissented to the generall Admiration which he himselfe observing gave his reasons in this manner and almost in these very words which he wrote into Spaine to Samaniego I see Grandees of the Warre you wonder I should not concurre as one that many have taxed of Confidence none yet of Feare you may therefore imagine I am induced by some great considerations that contrary to my custome I thus decline a Battaile Which considerations though I am better at Action then Discourse I shall in short explaine We invade an Enemy strong in number safe in their ground and conveniences for reliefe intrenched and pallisadoed by the adjoyning woods If they when we come to face them knowing themselves secure and therefore slighting us shall keepe within their Trenches by what Force by what Art can we draw them out into the Field But if we only shew our Army and having given them a sight of us retire what shall we gaine by our troublesome March hither and the leaving our Garrisons naked and consequently exposed to the danger of the French Yet their backwardnesse to fight will make them appear the weaker why rather should not our frustrated indeavours and our Retreate shew them to be invincible Besides never without losse diâ—â—aany Army fall off and give the Word for a Retreate though never so skilfully and Souldierly But suppose the Enemy as we wish draw out and give us Battaile of their owne accord Or say our valour force their Trenches shall we presently promise our selves the Victory Truly a wise Generall is concerned not only to consider his owne but likewise the Enemies strength and Inclination and industriously in his heart to cast up a just account of what benefit will result to himselfe what to the enemy by the fortunate or improsperous chance of Warre Indeed my opinion is that our condition and theirs at the present differs very much In the Royall Army here in the Field with us all our strength consists that being defeated which Omen God turne upon the Enemy where shall we raise
Alencon and Prince Casimir should be comprehended in the Articles of peace That the province of Limburg and whatsoever Don Iohn had taken either by Force or Rendition in Brabant and Haynolt should before the end of August be restored to the States extreamely offended at these insolent demands Don Iohn as he used to do communicated his Resentment to the Prince of Parma He though he denied not the conditions to be indeed very unjust yet said It would be much worse if the States despairing of a peace with Spaine should put into the hands of the King of France the Frontier provinces which he had so oft attempted It was to be considered that even Charles the fifth and how great an Emperour was he could hardly cleare those Provinces of the French only What should the King's Forces do at the present commanded indeed by a Son to Charles the fifth but with a lesse number of men both against the French Nation and two other powerfull Armies His opinion was therefore that the Commissioners should be put in hope of peace till the King's pleasure was knowne as to those proposalls which if he accepted no doubt but in his wisdome he would provide another place worthy of his Brother but if looking upon their basenesse he rejected them then in case the Confederates were prosecuted with more severity hereafter his Majesty could not accuse his Brother and the Army as desirous to keepe the Warre afoote Don Iohn though he did not much feare the Confederates knowing them to be oppressed with their own multitude and understanding that Prince Casimir's Army marched in a body by themselves because they refused to obey Count Bolduc Generall for the States Yet constrained for want of men and money besides his Sicknesse both of body and mind which is able to breake the greatest Spirit and forcibly to cast it downe upon considerations at other times contemptible He resolved to follow Alexander Farneze's Counsell Though in his Letters to the King certifying their Propositions he with some bitternesse complained That the Rebells confidence received Incouragement out of Spaine and the Assistance promised to him by his Majesty was from time to time put off and when he intreated money only a returne was made of words wherewith a Warre cannot be managed unlesse they imagine that he is able out of Words to extract Gold He therefore humbly beseeched his Majesty either to subdue the Enemy or at least not to suffer the Generall of his Royall Army so unhandsomly to conclude a peace In the interim he commanded Serbellonio speedily to advance the Trenches which he had a while before designed not farre from Namure Don Iohn had chosen that ground upon the Hill of Buge close by the River Mose induced by convenience of the place and his Father's example who being pursued by Henry of France with three great Armies brought his Forces then very small to this ground and here intrenching secured them And now Serbellonio quick both at raising and defending workes had finished most of the Redoubts and drawne about a line by the directions of Scipio Campio of Pisaura an Engineer not inferiour to his Father Bartholomeo slaine at the Siege of Harlem where overtoiled with hasty labour or struck with a pestilentiall aire he fell dangerously sicke At the same time Don Iohn having now brought all his Army within the Trenches except the Horse which Octavio Gonzaga had 〈◊〉 upon the neighbouring Villages his owne sicknesse increasing would needs be carryed into the Campe. Both of them kept their beds and their Fitts tooke and left them in the same manner But the Physitians made farre different Iudgments of their two patients For they all and there was a whole Colledge of them either deceiving others or deceived themselves pronounced that Don Iohn would certainely recover but Sonbellonio could not possibly escape with life And what they said was credible enough this being aboue 73 yeares old he not yet 33 and yet when the young man dyed the old man was perfectly well againe Whereupon Hippolyto Pennonio grew into great Esteeme formerly commended by Duke Octavio for Physitian in Ordinary to his Son Prince Alexander who durst against the whole pack of those Doctours affirme that Serbellonio would live and Don Iohn die of that disease For which a long while being jeered and scorned he became thereby better knowne to the People and finally more honoured Vpon the day of Saint Matthew the Evangelist on which very day was twentie yeares dyed the Emperour Charles the fifth Don Iohn as if by remembring of his Fathers death he were minded of a time a like fatall to himselfe easting off all humane Cares transferred the whole Power of Peace and Warre upon Alexander Farneze Prince of Parma and in case he should dye declared him Governour of the Low-countreys and Generall of the Army till the King should otherwise determine And truly Prince Alexander doubted for a while whether he should undergo the Burthen not ignorant how miserable and broken a Province he must have and withall how much it would reflect upon his Honour if perhaps the King did not confirme upon him that Assignement It being more Disreputation to fall from a place of Eminence then never to have beene advanced Yet that he preserred his Faith to God and the King he writes to his Mother calling God to Witnesse that he should justly thinke himselfe a Traitour if when they had such an Increase of Enemyes and no Generall he should have deserted the Kings Army in that Conjuncture of time wherein undoubtedly all the remaining Catholique Religion and Allegeance to his Majesty would have beene indangered And forasmuch as the Duke of Parma did not very well like this Resolution of his Son 's nor gave Assent to his Acceptance of the Regency but reproved him for his overmuch confidence Prince Alexander at length answered his Father in these Words Sir Whereas in your Wisdome your Excellence thought fitt to admonish me as if I were gone too farre in accepting of that Government which by my endeavours should rather have beene transfer'd upon the Royall Senate of the Low-countreys it is no more then I my selfe imagined as when I wrote of Don Iohn of Austria's Sicknesse I signifyed to your Excellence But when I called to minde that after the death of the greate Comendador the Lowcountreys were undone by that very Trust of the Royall Power is the Senates hands which Ruine in all mens opinions had never hapned to the Provinces if his Successour had beene forthwith nominated And when I plainly saw the Losse of this Catholique Army without a Generall to be inevitable by reason of the feuds among the Lords and their discordant mindes some drawing one way some another and daily more slack in asserting the Kings Right and which is yet more considerable one or two of the greatest in his Army
the tincture of pleasure seldome or never takes another die the boy was hardly drawne to leave those Sports and a while after Charles the fifth deceased A little before his death the Emperour discovered to his Son Philip King of Spaine which till then he had concealed from him that Philip himselfe and this Iohn had both one Father and therefore charged the King to send for him and to love and regard him as his naturall Brother But King Philip deferred to do it two yeares after the Emperour's death till his Son Charles Prince of Spaine was growne up Then resolving to acknowledge his Brother he went to Validolid to the Abbey of of Spina with a great traine of Lords to hunt commanding Aloysio to bring the Boy and meete him in the Field Aloysio when his Doggs were in a readinesse mounted a Horse richly trapt and carried along little Iack on an ordinary Horse among the croud of hunters When they came to the hill Torose where he discovered the King a-hunting he then leaped off his Horse and bad Iack doe so too Which done presently Aloysio falling on his knees Giue me said he your Highnesse's Hand to kisse What this unusuall Honour I now do you signifiyes the King that hath sent for you will explaine Now get upon this Horse that had not shone in all this bravery but for you The Boy stood amazed at the novity yet gave him his hand to kisse and got upon the Horse the lookers on admiring and longing as upon a Stage to see how that Scene would end When behold King Philip with those that waited on him to the Chace comes in Immediately little Iack presented by Aloysio bowes himselfe and handsomely honours the King upon his knee His Majesty raised the boy with his hand and smiling asked him if he knew his Father And when he doubted what to reply because he saw himselfe now disclaimed by him he formerly though his Father the King alighting said Alegramente boy thou art Son to a man of Honour the Emperour Charles the fifth that dwells in heaven is Father to us both uttering these words he imbraced him as a Brother set him upon his horse and appointed Servants to attend him as became one of the House of Austria and the Son to an Emperour the whole Plaine ringing with the joyfull Halloes of the Hunters and Gratulations of the Lords cheerfully wishing that day happy to the King happy to the King 's new Brother his Majesty himselfe often protesting that in all his Life he never had better hunting Fortune Thus Don Iohn of Austria being acknowledged was brought to Court therebred with Charles Prince of Spaine and Alexander Prince of Parma who not long before was sent out of Italy by his Parents to the King his Vncle as I have in its place remembred And they were allmost all three of one yeare the eldest being not about 14. But they were not al of one disposition Feature or Manners Prince Charles saving his haire and Complexion in all the other parts of his body was deformed for one shoulder was higher and one legg longer then the other nor was he lesse deformed in his furious and hauty mind Prince Alexander was indeed of a passionate and military Inclination but full of Courtship whereto his sweete and pleasant Countenance seemed to be naturally composed But Don Iohn of Austria as well in the habit of body as Generosity of Deportment farr transcended both His face was not only faire but excellently featured His haire yellowish his eyes â—uick shining with a lovely proportion of all his limbs answerable to each other His manners infinitely set off his Louelines his Louelinesse his manners Civility Industry and Integrity were eminent in the Youth and as in one newly come to his Honours Modesty Which Vertue and Beauty of his compared with their Contraries in Prince Charles at first made him beloved afterwards envyed as eclipsing the Prince in his Fathers Court. And King Philip was somewhat distasted at Don Iohn's Aversion from holy Orders to which he had beene pressed upon his Fathers Designation but too late His Majestyes Displeasure was increased by his suddaine leaving of the Court when inflamed with a desire to fight in Malta without the King's Leaue which if he had hoped he would never have declined he tooke Post for Barcelona with a great traine of Gentlemen being then 18 yeares of age And this Levity he aggravated with his Pride not vouchsafing to heare what message Aloysio Quisciada brought who followed him by his Majestyes Command But as he was going abroad at Barzelona receiving the Kings Letters which threatningly commanded his Returne swifter then imagination he rode back to Vallidolid and by his ready Obedience not a little qualifyed his Majestyes Indignation which a while after he clearly cancelled when he first discovered to the King his Son Prince Charles his new designe For this Service his Majesty in the Warre of Granado made Don Iohn his Generall against the Moores which held him play for a long while but at last he fortunately defeated them And that which seemed to be his Remuneration was but a step or Earnest of more Honour For when the Christian League was concluded he was made Generalissimo of the Fleete that carryed the Forces and Hopes oâ— Christendome and joyning battaile with the Turkes at Lepanto gained upon the common Enemy a Victory since the memory of the Othoman Name the greatest Thence from the East turning his Armes into Africa he conquered Tunis that commands the Libyan Sea the Mahometans flying before him stormed Biserta and tooke prisoner their King Amida with two of his Sons which he brought in triumph back to Italy Here the of Spaine was highlyer offended because Don Iohn had not only contrary to the Commands sent him from Spaine not dismantled the City but had likewise furnished it with Munition put in a Garrison and made Gabriel Serbellonio Governour as if he had resolved in that Towne to fix himselfe a Royall Seate As the King then especially believed when in that very point of time he saw the Pope's Legate in the name of Gregory the 13 move him to honour Don Iohn for his Victoryes in Africa with the Title of King of Tunis Which made King Philip jealous that the youth proud of his Conquests would not long brooke a private Fortune and now only requested Kingdomes but hereafter would invade them Therefore removing from Don Iohn all such as he thought advised him to those courses he placed new Servants about him and made Iuan Escovedo his Secretary that is he changed the names but not the Natures of his Brother's Followers The King likewise observed that his Brother grew to a greater Animosity Because when he was called out of Italy into Spaine to go from thence to the
Mother of a Trouble But now Alexander Farneze acquainted his Majesty with those three last Requests made by Don Iohn and earnestly sollicited the King's Grant Of himselfe and of the Governement intrusted to him he wrote little rather like one declining then ambitious of the Honour Only he exaggerated the danger of the Catholique Army the French being entred into Haynolt and the States Army ready to besiege their Campe so that in this desperate Condition of Affaires only his Fidelity to the King compelled him rather undauntedly then ambitiously to receive that burthen Although as I conjecture not so much the present Danger which was indeed very great as his doubtfullnesse of the King's mind held Alexander Farneze in suspence For he feared lest his Majesty laying aside the care of Armes should call back his Mother into the Low-countreys where she was popular and therefore fit to conclude a Peace or that upon certaine Conditions which were now in Agitation he should confirme even the Arch duke Matthias in the Governement To which He might be easily perswaded by some that were no frends to the glory of Alexander Farneze And truly as David Secretary to the Duke of Parma wrote from Spaine in Cypher to Prince Alexander there wanted not some at Court that objected many Considerations to the King for breaking off that Designation I believe because they thought it Imprudency to trust Alexander Farneze with an Army at that time when his Son a boy of a great witt and it seemed capable of the greatest fortune pretended to the Crowne of Portugall especially when not without an Affront to Spaine that proud Nation desired to be governed by an Italian But the King looking upon the Vertue of Alexander Farneze and considering him as his Sisters Son cut off the Subiect of this discourse praising the choice Counsell of Don Iohn And presently by Letters to Prince Alexander his Majesty first gave him without any Exception the Governement of the Low-countreys and Burgundâ— with the Militia of those Provinces all which he prolixly commended to his Nephew's Faith and Worth To Don Iohn's last Requests he breifely answered That he would not be unmindefull of his household Servants when Alexander Farneze should certify him too as afterwards he did of every particular man's Deserts That he had long respected his Mother which should be done more publiquely hereafter As indeed it was For his Majesty that yeare sending for her into Spaine very graciously received her and within a few Months honourably disposed of her in the Royall Cloister of Saint Cyprian Where after she had lived foure yeares among the Nunnes nobly attended by Maides of her owne going for her health to take the ayre at Laredâ— she there religiously dyed Although I must not conceale from the Reader What a man of Eminence discovered to me touching the Mother of Don Iohn not Barbara Blomberg as to that day the World believed but a farre more noble Lady to say the truth a Princesse for saving of whose Reputation Charles the fifth would have another named and getting Barbara Blomberg to act the Mother's part and take upon her the glorious Title of the fault it was afterwards followed by King Philip to maintaine the Scene So King Philip himselfe told his Daughter Isabella to whom he imparted all his Secrets which she at diverse familiar Conferences communicated to that Person of whom I had it If this be true I must confesse there is no trusting humane Knowledge When so great a Prince that used to discover the very thoughts of his Enemyes should live and dye so blinded in his owne Parentage and in himselfe and being twice deceived in his Mother should still aske Blessing of a wrong Woman never of her that bore him Concerning Don Iohn of Austria's supposed Brother his name was Pyramo Câ—nrado the King wroteback that Alexander Farneze should observe the inclination of his mind and how he demeaned himselfe He did so and replyed That the youth had beene sent into Burgundy so follow his Booke but that within a few dayes leaving his study and falling into some Deboshes he was by Don Iohn's Command committed to the Tower from whence after his Brothers Death the Youth wrote him a Letter that since he was not made for a Scholler neither his Fancy nor Abilityes agreeing with that course of Life he would please to set him at Liberty and make a Souldier of him and then he hoped to give a fruitfuller account of himselfe and Prince Alexander certified the King that he thought no lesse therefore beseeched his pleasure might be signifyed where the Youth should be imployed in his Majestyes Service It pleased the King that he should learne his first Elements of Warr under Alexander Farneze assigning to the young Souldier 50 Ducats a Month. Lastly the King consented to the translating of Don Iohns Body into Spaine by what Way and in what Manner Prince Alexander should appoint The Prince of Parma committed that Charge to Gabriel Nignio Zuniga Master of the Horse to Don Iohn commanding him to convey the Corps through France and by meanes of the Spanish Embassadour at Paris to get a Passe from King Henry for some of Don Iohn's Servants that were to returne into Spaine without any mention of the Body which he would have secretly carryed to avoide those vast Expences and ceremonious Contentions of Magistrates and Priests at City-Gates that vsually way-lay the Progresses of Princes whether alive or dead And therefore made it be given out that the Body went with the rest of Don Iohns Household through Italy Nay to avert the least Suspicion he caused him to be tooke in pieces and the bones of his Armes Thighes Leggs Breast and Head the Braines being taken out with other the severed parts filling three Mailes were by Nignio and the principall of the Convoy being about 80 brought safely into Spaine Where the bones being set againe with small wiers they easily rejoynted all the Body which being filled with Cotton armed and richly habited they presented to the King Don Iohn intire as if he stood only resting himselfe upon his Commanders Staffe looking as if he lived and breathed This Sight having for a while renued Court-Sorrow the Corps was carryed thence into the Church of Saint Laurence at the Escuriall and buryed according to his last Desire by his Father the Emperour Charles the fifth Alexandder Farneze likewise in the Church at Namure where his Vncles body had beene deposited leaving a Monument thereof to Posterity applyed his whole minde and incleavours to keepe the remaining Provinces in the King's obedience Then he sent Agents Letters to the Catholique Princes of Europe holding it requisite to let them every one know that Governement was consigned to him by his Majesty minding therâ— of the danger of the Royall Party not too sollicitously lest he should raise
p. 31. It concerns the Wisdome of a KING to provide that a Crown once moderately refus'd by a subject should never more be in the power of his acceptance l. 1. p. 20. L. LAlin vide Anthony Charles George Philip. Lambert Count and Abbat of Gemblac l. 9. p. 52. Lambert Wirtzemberg l. 7. p. 80. Lamentation at the Obsequies of Charles the fifth Celebrated by himself l. 1. p. 7 8. at the death of Count Egmont l. 7. p. 25. and of Don Iohn l. 10. p. 21. vide Obsequies Lamoral Count Egmont created Knight of the Golden Fleece by Charles the fifth l. 7. p. 53. General of the Low-countrey horse l. 1. p. 11. victorious at St. Quintine and at Graveling ibid. l. 7. p. 53. Governour of Flanders and Artois l. 1. p. 16. l. 7. p. 53. Commander in Chief of the Spanish Forces in the Low-countreys and Designed by the Peoples wishes for Governour of all the Low-countries l. 1. p. 18 19. his Alienation from the King l. 2. p. 38. l. 3. p. 67. his freedome of speech ibid. his Envy and Emulation against Granvell l. 2. p. 41. the Prince of Orange preferred before him by Charles the fifth l. 2. p. 44. he joyns with the Prince of Orange and the rest that dissentâ—rom Granvell l. 3. p. 67. his first Complaint to the King l. 3. p. 68. he combines against Granvell ibid. 72. and exasperates others l. 3. p. 73 74. his Letter to the King against Granvell l. 3. â—p 72 73. his dissimilitude to the Prince of Orange l. 3. p. 70. the King invites him into Spain l. 3. p. 74. he will not go ibid. he differs from Count Aremberg l. 3. p. 73. his Complaints against Granvel l. 3. p. 75. he discovers Granvels danger to the Governesse Ibid. l. 4. p. 80. when others leave the Court he stayes l. 3. p. 75. he is Author of the Liveries and Cognizances worn by the Lords servants l. 4. p. 78. Invents a New Cognizance instead of the Old ibid. the Governesse sends him Ambassadour into Spain l. 4. p. 87. he is very graciously received by the King l. 4. p. 89. he excuseth himself to his Majesty ibid. returnes into the Low-countries with Alexander Farâ—ezè l. 4. p. 90. his Complaints occasioned by the Kings Letters l. 4. p. 96. he writes to the Governesse of Confederation Decreed by the Nobility l. 5. p. 99. his Vote in Senate for the Covenanters l. 5. p. 103. he denyes to fight for the Inquisition or the Emperours Edicts l. 5. p. 106. he meets the Covenanters at their Feast in Culemburg house l. 5. p. 110. he is sent by the Governesse to Centron to disturb the Convention of the Gheuses l. 5. p. 119 120. the Covenanters desire his mediation for them ibid. he disputes with the Governesse touching the plunder of Churches l. 5. p. 123. resists not the Church-robberies of the Gheuses l. 7. p. 50. speaks in Senate against a War l. 5. p. 129. meets the rest of the Lords Conspirators at Dendermund l. 5. p. 136. l. 7. p. 50. his letter to Count Mansfeldt l. 5. p. 136. his Complaints against Count Mansfeldt and the Governesse ibid. he refuseth to enter into the new League l. 5. p. 142. is offended with the Valencenians letter l. 6. p. 6. sent by the Governesse to Valenciens l. 6. p. 9. what his opinion is of the strength of the town ibid. p. 10. he promiseth to take the Oath of Allegiance l. 6. p. 11. and doth it l. 6. p. 14. his Conference with the Prince of Orange at Willebroc ibid. he adheres to the Kings party ibid. opposeth the Covenanters ibid. breaks friendship with them ibid. is call'd to sit in Councel with the Duke of Alva l. 6. p. 32 33. invites Count Horn to come likewise to the Councel-table ibid. is Arrested in the Kings name by the Duke of Alva ibid. imprisoned in the Castle at Gant l. 7. p. 49. Many are Suitors to the King for his life ibid. his Ladies humble Petition ibid. the Crime charged against him by the Kings Advocate ibid. p. 50. his Answer to the Charge ibid. divers of those particulars formerly objected against him by the Governesse l. 7. p. 51. the Peoples affection to him ibid. he is brought from Gant to Bruxels ibid. sentence of Death pronounced against him by the Duke of Alva ibid. 22. his letter to the King ibid. He religiously prepares himself to die ibid. is beheaded ibid. the Extraordinary lamentation at his death with threats and presages confirmed by a strange portent ibid. and 53. the saying of the French Ambassadour touching his execution ibid. his Elogy ibid. many hate and threaten Alva for putting him to Death ibid. Lancelot Barlamont Count Megan l. 9. p. 35. Colonel of the German Regiment l. 10. p. 5. attempts Sichem l. 9. p. 54. the Mutiny of his men l. 9. p. 56. his Death l. 10 p. 5. Lancelot Bastard son to Brederod one of the Water Gheuses l. 7. p. 31. turns Pirat ibid. Dies in the siege of Harlem l. 7. p. 80. Lanciers at the battel of Mooch l. 8. p. 3 4. worst the Raiters ibid. at Gemblac l. 9. p. 50. at Riminant l. 10. p. 10. their Commanders in Chief l. 8. p. 3. Langafco the Mountainous part of Liguria l. 9. p. 32. Lanoy the town assaulted l. 6. p. 7. Lanoy an Heretical Calvinist l. 3. p. 62. Lanoy vide Iohn Philip. Landtgrave of Hessen vide Philip. Laurentio Priulo Duke of Venice l. 1. p. 14. Laurentio Tuccio l. 9. p. 57. l. 10. p. 12. Lazarus Swend l. 2. p. 41. Lec a River in Holland l. 8. p. 9. Lefdal Servant to Count Egmont one of the first Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. troubles Holland l. 6. p. 19. is defeated ibid. Leiden befieg'd by Valdez l. 8. p. 6. reliev'd by a Sea-breach l. 8. p. 8. Levcadia Patronesse of Toledo l. 7. p. 75. Leovare a Town in Frizland l. 7. p. 48. Lepido de Romanis l. 10. p. 12. Lerodam l. 8. p. 9. Letters of Alexander Faâ—neze to Philip the second joying his Majesty for the Victory at Gemblac l. 9. p. 53. to his Father Octavio Duke of Parmâ— l. 10. p. 15. to his Mother Margaret of Austria l. 10. p. 13. to Samaniego how he disswaded Don Iohn from giving battel l. 10. p. 7 8 Of a namelesse person to the Duke of Alva praying him to take off the tenth part l. 7. p. 67. Of Count Egmont to Count Mansseldt l. 5. p. 135. to the King of Spain against Granvel l. 3. p. 72. to his Majesty after Sentence of death l. 7. p. 52. Of the Duke of Alva enraged to the Provinces l. 7. p. 67. of his son D. Federico chiding him l. 7. p. 78. Of the French Embassadour to Charles the ninth touching the Death of Egmont l. 7. p. 53. Of George Fronsberg to Dan Iohn l. 9. p. 48. Of Cardinal Granvel to the Prince of Ebolo and the
in 8o. 45 Poems c. with a Masque called The Triumph of Beauty by Iames Shirley in 8o. 46 Steps to the Temple Sacred Poems with the Delights of the Muses upon several occasions by Richard Crashaw of Cambridge in 12o. 47 The Mistris or several Copies of love Verses written by Mr. Abraham Cowley in 8o. 48 Divine Poems written by Francis Quarles Senior in 8o. 49 The Odes of Casimire translated by George Hills in 12o. 50 Arnalte Lucenda or the melancholly Knight a Poem translated by L. Lawrence in 4o. 51 The Sophister a Comedy in 4o. by Dr. S. 52 The Women-hater or the Hungry Courtier a Comedy written by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher Gent. in 4o. 53 The Taagedy of Thierry King of France and his brother Theodoret written by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher Gent. in 4o. 54 The unfortunate Lovers a Tragedy written by William Davenant Knight in 4o. 55 Love and Honour a Comedy written by William Davenant Knight in 4o. 56 Madagascar with other Poems written by William Davenant Knight in 12o. 57 The Country Captain and the Variety Two Comedies written by a person of Honour in 12o. 58 The Cid a Trage-Comedy in 12o. 1650. 59 The Sophy a Tragedy written by Iohn Denham Esquire 60 Coopers Hill a Poem by Iohn Denham Esq the second Edition in 4o. with Additions 1650. 61 Clarastella with other occasional Poems Elegies Epigrams and Satyrs written by Robert Heath Esquire 1650. 62 The Academy of Complements wherein Ladies Gentlewomen Schollers and Strangers may accommodate their Courtly Practice with Gentile Ceremonies Complemental Amorous high Expressions and Forms of speaking or writing of Letters most in fashion with Additions of many witty Poems and pleasant new Songs newly printed 1650. 63 Poems with a Masque by Thomas Carew Esquire Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to his late Majesty revised and enlarged with Additions in 8o. 1651. 64 The elder Brother a Comedy written by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher Gent. 1651. 65 The scornful Lady a Comedy written by Francis Beaumont and Iohn Fletcher Gent. 1651. 66 Hymnus Tobaci Authore Raphicle Thorio 1651. 67 Hymnus Tobaci or the Excellency of Tobacco set forth in an Heroick Poem by Raphiel Thorius and now Paraphrastically rendred into English by Peter Hausted Camb. newly printed 1651. 68 Comedies Trage-Comedies with Other Excellent Poems by Mr. William Cartwright late Student of Christ Church in Oxford and Proctour of the University The Ayres and Songs set by Mr. Henry Lawes servant to his late Majesty in his Publick and Private Musick 1651. Several Sermons with other excellent Tracts in Divinity written by some most eminent and learned Bishops and Orthodox Divines 69 A Manuall of private Devotions and Meditations for every day in the week by the right reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrews late Lord Bishop of Winchester in 24o. Newly printed 1651. 70 A Manual of Directions for the Sick with many sweet Meditations and Devotions by the right reverend Father in God Lancelot Andrews late Lord Bishop of Winchester in 24o. 71 Ten Sermons upon several occasions preached at St. Pauls Crosse and elsewhere by the right reverend Father in God Arthur Lake late Bishop of Bath and Wells in 4o. 72 Six Sermons upon several occasions preached at the Court before the Kings Majesty and elsewhere by that late learned and reverend Divine Iohn Donne Dr. in Divinity and Dean of St. Pauls London in 4o. 73 Pretious Promises and Priviledges of the faithful written by Richard Sibbes Dr. in Divinity late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge and Preacher of Grayes Inne London in 12o. 74 Sarah and Hagar or the sixteenth Chapter of Genesis opened in nineteen Sermons being the first legitimate Essay of the pious labours of that learned Orthodox and indefatigable Preacher of the Gospel Mr. Iosias Shute B. D. and above 33. years Rector of St. Mary Woolnoth in Lombardstreet in Folio 75 Christs tears with his love and affection towards Jerusalem delivered in sundry Sermons upon Luke 19. v. 41 42. by Richard Maiden B. D. Preacher of the Word of God and late Fellow of Magdalen Colledge in Cambridge 4o. 76 Ten Sermons preached upon several Sundays and Saints dayes by Peter Hausted Mr. in Arts and Curate at Vppingham in Rutland in 4o. 77 Eighteen Sermons preached upon the Incarnat on and Nativity of our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ wherein the greatest mysteries of godlinesse are unfolded to the capacity of the weakest Christian by Iohn Dâ—wson Oxon. in 4o. 78 Christian Divinity written by Edmond Reeve Bachelour in Divinity in 4o. 79 A description of the New-born Christian or a lively pattern of the Saint militant child of God written by Nicolas Hunt Master in Arts in 4o. 80 The true and absolute Bishop wherein is shewed how Christ is our onely Shepherd and Bishop of our soules by Nicolas Darton Master in Arts in 4o. 81 Divine Meditations upon the 91 Psalm and on the History of Agag King of Amalek with an Essay of Friendship written by an honourable person in 12o. 82 Lazarus his Rest a Sermon preached at the Funeral of that pious learned and orthodox Divine Mr. Ephraim Vdal by Thomas Reeve Bachelour in Divinity in 4o. 83 An historical Anatomy of Christian Melancholly by Edmund Gregory Oxon. in 8o. FINIS Polybius lib. 3. Tacitus Lib. 3. Lib. 4. Lib. 5. Sallust The Proposition of the work How satisfactory it will be to many How rare to all A great State out of small beginnings The strange fertility of the soyl even in the time of Warre The King of Spain fights in jeast as some think But falsely This prefaced he begins with imploring â—iviue assistance See Pâ—inies Panegyrick pag. 1. 1555. The Emperours resolution to resign his Kingdoms A full presence of Princes Elianor and Mory sisters to Charles the fifth King Philip made master of the Order of the Golden fleece The Low-countreys and Burgundy resigned to him in Bruxellius his speech Iâ—terrupted by Charles the fifth who repeats all his own actions The Prince of Orange in his Apologie of the year 1571. The end of all Cesars designes Why he resignes his Kingdoms What be requires of the Low-countreys What he promiseth to them The Emperours speech to his Son before be gave him possession Bishop Granvell answers for K. Philip. Masius for the Estates replies to the Emperour and King Qu. Mary surâ—enders her government of the Low-countreys Shortly after the Emp. gives up all his Dominioâ—s to his soil Ian. 17. 1556. And sends his brother the Imperial Crown by the Prince of Orange Who would have excused himself from being the messenger Mary sister to Charles the V and Ferdinand 1556. The Emperour sails outâ—of the Low-Countreys August 1556. Septemb. He arrives in Spain the storm sparing him but not his ship His words when he landed His admired constancy put to the Test by the Spanish Lords But especially by his son Which alittle moved him Whereupon some thought he wavered in
hope of impunity Their new Conspiracy And new fashion The Originall of these kind of confederacies May 17. Not cured either by the Governesses care 6. or 21. of May. Or by the Kings letter gracious indeed March 15. But unseasonably protracting the Grant of Generall Pardons to some great ones 1570. The Low-countreys over flowed with Hereticks 1566. Privately at first Then openly preaching Three â—orts or Classes of them Calvinists Lutherans Anabaptists Catholicks What they were that came in Infinite Resort to hear them And to the Sacraments after the hereticall way Why the people are so fond of sermons Some out of zeal to heresie Divers taken with the Rarity 1565. Many delighted with singing of Psalms But the most with hearing them rail and jeer in the Pulpit Their audience increased by severall Countreymen striving to have their heresie preferred Which necessitates the Governess to hasten away the Marq. of Bergen into Spain Who sickning by the way Sends the Steward of his house before with his Letters 1566. Her Excellence by Edict banishes Forreiners But cannot resolve what course to take with the new Preachers She revives the Edict against them Who were more followed because prohibited Especially at Antwerp The Governess is desired to come thither 1564. She sends count Megen before her But upon a mutiny of the people He is called away The Town petitions for the Prince of Orange Who is made Governour of Antwerp Multitudes of people meet him upon the way He silences their shouts and the Hereticks acclamations Consults about a remedie for the present mischief Sermons in the fields frequented as much as ever For which she justly reprooves the Senate of Antwerp and tries severall wayes to make the Prince of Orange A meeting of the Gheuses at Centron or San-Truden They desire the use and freedom of the Town from the Bishop of Liege Gerard Grosbech Which he denies But the Townsmen let them in They convene in the City Where they unanimously agree to petition for their Indemnity Touching Libertie of Religion they differ among themselves A few Pages lower The Governess sends Count Egmont and Count Horn to break off the Convention These Lords remember the Covenanters of their promise But they by a new message from S. Truden make high demands from the Governesse She puts them off for the present The Prince of Orange would be made Governour of Antwerp to enable him for ruling of the Town And is made Governour accordingly with power to chuse himself a Guard But this concession was a great weakning in her Excellence The Kings letters wherein he grants the Governesse her desires So limited as gave the people no satisfaction And so long a coming as rendered them unusefull to the King Of the plunder of Churches From whence that Mischief came into the Low-countreys August 28. What forreiners incouraged them Why the Low-countreymen joyned with them August 28. The day appointed for the Picture-scuffle The Place The quality of the Image-breakers Their Instruments First the Villages are plundered Then the Cities They are received at Ipres Deface and pillage the great Church Burn the Library Violate all things sacred The People and the Magistrate diversly affected A new Party of Image-breakers in other Towns S. Omer Menin Commines Vervich Encountred by the Secliners And defeated The Governess's words to Count Egmont His Answer Her reply His Rejoynder Her Conclusion The Senates resolution upon the Exigent A new Iconomachy at Antwerp Begun with scorn put upon the holy Pâ—ocession Mockerie And quarrelling in the Cathedrall Church Whereof the sacrilegious people shutting out the rest possest themselves And singing Psalmes fall to work Breaking all things consecrated And defacing the whole Cathedrall O Profane What a great stately Church was this How small a number defaced it In a few houres Some thought the Devil helpt his Children Because none of the Sacrilegious were so much as hurt in the doing it From the Church they fall upon the City And their number encreasing Plunder all the Churches And Religious Houses in the Town With incredible security Terrifying the Inhabitants The Merchants keep their own houses and there stand upon their guard Those that had the custodie of things sacred run away from their charge Religious men dare not appear All the Town in a fright The Nuns flie to their fathers Houses The Sacrilegious make but one nights work of it Both Catholicks and Hereticks conceal themselves out of mutuall distrust The Church-robbers plunder with more licentiousnesse then before The Pillage continues for three whole dayes together At last the drowsie Citizens awake And taking Arms Fright away the Sacrilegious The like mischief at the same time Shaked all the seventeen Provinces like an Earthquake Onely sour excepted Tac. l. 2. Annals To an infinite losse Especially in Flanders Some thought this Pillage a design to betray the Low-countreys Martin Delrio in Alter Belg. l. 1. Sen. Truden l. 4. Plotted between the French and Low-countrey Hereticks With consent of the Gheuses An instance whereof is Lewis of Nassau's letter And his Patronage of the Iconomachy Septemb. 8. The Governesse calls a Senate or Great Councell Aug. 27. Her Speech The divers senses of the Senatours upon this Speech some for others against a Warre Their heat ended The Senate made this Decree nemine contradicente â—he Gheuses threaten Bruxels and the Governess Who frighted resolves to leave Bruxels But is stayed by prayers force The Prince of Orange expresses verymuch trouble The Governess more and more threatned Ulricus Viglius Yet not suffered to depart the Town And very much terrified Makes some concessions to the covenanting Gheuses Giving the King this account by letter Of the Causes moving her to do it And of the particulars granted Blaming her own indulgent Act and beseeching his Majestie not to confirm it But rather to vindicate Religion She in the interim secures her self and the Town of Bruxels And gets time to breath upon the present alteration of affairs by the endeavours of the Gheuses at Bruxels And of the Prince of Orange at Antwerp Who afterwards offended the Governesse by his grant of Churches to the Hereticks Septemb. 3. For which he gives her reasons Septemb. 4. Septemb. 4. 5. 7. But not satisfactory The like done at Mechlen and Tournay by the Counts of Hochstrat and Horn who excuse themselves Septemb. 8. The very same at Utretcht And at Bolduc The Franciscans at Antwerp endangered by the Hereticks Septem 17. And turned out of doors at Amsterdam The pious Act of the Amsterdam women The impious act of the women of Delph Septem 27. Octob. 10. and 16. The Governesse beseeches the King to come with an Army Gant 1539. 14. and 24. And the King after he had communicated the joy of his Daughters birth August 12. Clara Isabella Eugenia Approves of her advice Directs her what numbers to raise And what Commanders to employ Sends Commissions And money to the Governess Giving reasons to the Princes of
death upon the Counts Egmont and Horne Iuly 1. Count Egmont Letter to his Majesty after Condemnation All night long Count Egmont prepares himselfe for death He is brought to execution the next day about noone Beheaded In the same place and manner died Count Horne Strange lamentation for C. Egmonts death Not without Threats And presages Confirmed by a portent from heaven as was commonly beleeved From hence sprang the hatred to Alva A saying of the French Embassadour Charles ix Count Egmont's Elogie The merits of Count Horne The Duke of Alva's Expedition against Lewis of Nassau Vitelli defends Groening Count Aremberg's Fanerall Alva's March Boldue He sends out his Scouts Their ridlculous mistake Occasâ—oning a military Proverbe Groningen The number of Alva's Army Lewis of Nassau's Forces His Trenches Assaulted by the Spanish The Nassavians run Many lost in their flight Iuly 21. The Battaile of Geming The Site of Lewis of Nassau's Campe Dicco Their Feare made the greater by a second mutiny of their Souldiers Which coming to the eare of the Spaniards Dicco Some make an appearance of charging the Nassavians in the front Others â—ssâ—ile them on the sâ—â—ke And take their Cannon opening the way for their fellowes to doe execution Iuly 26. The greatest that ever was Equall to the Enemy's cowardice The newes of this Victory in a wonderfull manner comes to the Groine Bern. Mend. l. 3. Groningen Tit. liv 〈◊〉 1. The like hapned among the old Romans The number of the slaine The Spoile The subtill Flight of Lewis of Nassau Tacit. l. 2. Annals The Resemblance of this Victory over Nassau to that of Germanicus Caesar over Arminius in the very same place Of this Spanish Trophey you will read mâ—re in thiâ— booke and in the beginning of the eight This Victory attributed to the prayers of Pins v. Iuly 27. Who gives God thanks for it with great solemnity Whether it may be thought a Miracle The Piety of the Spanâ—sh Souldiers The fury of the Sardinian Legion Revenging Count Aremberg's death with the firing of many Villages 1566. The Duke of Alva punishes this burning Brigade According to the old military forme Val. Max. l. 2. cap. 2. de Discipl milit How great a losse the Countrey hadby this fire Alva returnes victorious to Groningen Orders the affaires of that City The coming of Duke Alva's Son The Prince of Orange's Army raised by the joint assistance of the Princes of Germany How great this Army was How payed William Lumè's Vow The fame of this Army Which Alva seemes to contemne His answer to a souldier frighted at the number of Princes confederate against the King of Spaine 1565. Alva suspects the Lowcountrymen in generall Particularly the Wood-Gheuses Wonders in Heaven Christ. Asson vlt. Se. The D of Alva sâ—aâ—es at Maestricht to attend the Prince of Orange's Motion But the Prince of Orange passes the Mose With rare Artifice and celerity l. 7. bell Gall. l. 1. bell Civ Beyond the D. of Alva's imagination The Prince offers battaile to the Duke Vitelli holds it best for the D. to fight him The Duke is otherwise resolved And will go no higher then light Skirmishes How Strada comes to know the particularities of those little fights Two Troopes of Vitelli's horse intercepted Vitelli himself escapes Chafes at the mischiefe done to his Mare Threatens to be revenged for it And accordingly falls upon the Prince of Orange's Rere Does very great execution Takes 150. Horse His Merry saying to the Duke Still the P. of Orange uses all provocations to bring Alva to a Battaile Who is not moved but places the assurance of Victory in Delay Chiap Vitelli. The Orangians mutiny The Prince of Orang's danger Recruites sent him out of France Of the Fight 〈◊〉 the River Geta. The Prince of Orange having taken Centron or San Truyen intends to passe the River and joyne with the French Auxiliaries Thienen Alva commands Vitelli not to ingage The Prince passes the River leaving part of his Forces behind Which Vitelli charges Alva sends to his assistance his Son Duke Federico He takes the Hill The Fight Vitelli would gladly have pursued them beyond the River Barberino sent to signifie his desire to the D. of Alva Who orders the contâ—ary very much offende The Fight renued upon the River-bank The Orangians cut to pieces Vitelli's valiant gallantry Highly commended by the Duke of Alva The number of the slaine Count Hochstrat's death The remainder of the routed Forces surrounded in a house Which the King's men fire Their severall kindes of death Some of them dispatch one another Opinions touching the Enemyâ—â— being suffered to passe The Prince of Oranges Army growne greater and likewise his Necessities Strange to see how oft he changed his Quarters stâ—iving to take some Towne or to circumvent the Duke But all in vain He thinks of goiâ—g fâ—r France It kept out of â—â—â—ege â—lunders the Countrey about it And diverse Villages in Haynoâ—t Does some mischi fe to the D. of Alva Is prohibited to enter France And his hopes there fâ—iling returnes into Germany Of the Taxes he exacted The tenth The twentieth And 100. part The cause of these impositions The Estates deâ—â—re him to remit the tenth part But Alva is not to be moved A contest between the D. of Alva and the Queen of England M. Isselt's Hist and Meâ—eran l. 3. Thuan l. 44. and Meurs l 5. and B. Adrian l. 20. Aloys Caberera l 8. Hier. Conest l. 3. Occasioned by her interception of his Moneys He seizes the goods and ships of the English in the Low-countreys So doth her Majesty the Low-countrey-men and Spaniards commodities in England The Queene will not admit of his Embassadour May. 20. 24 The Portugall-Fleete with their Indian Frieght taken by the English A new Embassage from the Duke The Queen's Answer Barberino's Relation The Originall Strada saies he hath by him Nothing is concluded The D. of Alva proceeds in exacting Tribute from the Low-countrey men Who refuse to pay Taxes Plutarch in Themestocles Feb. 1570. Whereat he inraged writes threatningly to the Provinces And proves as good as his word They yield to the Duke in some things for the rest they pâ—tition the King Iuly 16. Sent to him March 25. A generall Pardon long since desiâ—ed by Margaret of Parma Sent too late by the King to Alva And yet the Promulgation by him deferd The Fore nâ—one Ceremonies at the Promulgation Praâ—ers Sermon in Low Dutch Maâ—â—e The Popes Letter read An Oration in French Interrupted The afternoone Pompe Out of Count Mansfeldts Letters to Marg of Parma 9. of August A stage in the Market-place The Duke upon a Throne The Cryer reades the K. Letters in Low-Dutch and French But so low that few heare him Out of the Letters of Christ. Assonv to Marg of Parma Iuly 17. And fewer like of what they heare Princesse Ann Espoused to K. Philip. August 11. Anne Daughter to the Empeâ—rour Maâ—imilian and Isabella Daughter to King Henry The
of his Embassadour at Vienna intreating his Imperiall Majestie for the nearness of their love and bloud to assist with his authority those levies But the Emperour because he had heard that the Governess and the confederate Gentlemen were now agreed commending the wisdome of that policy diswaded the King from those Arms and Levies Perhaps because the Turk then threatning him he could not spare so many men perhaps because he thought it an honour to be the Arbiter and Composer of other Princes quarrels Therefore in his Letters to the Governess the Emperour promised her his endeavours if any thing was yet uncomposed And wrote likewise to the Covenanters to this effect That he was much troubled to hear of their difference with the Governess and of the stirres that daily followed thereupon which because they were in the confine of the Empire in the Dominion of the King his Uncle in Provinces so much by him esteemed it concerned the Majesty of the Empire that he should by his assistance and authority assert the obedience of the Subiectâ— to their Prince That he hoped these his endeavours would be acceptable to the Catholick King and he was sure they would be safe for the Confederates Therefore he advised them in the interim to attempt no Innovation but as Allegiance bound them to compell the tumultuous people to be quiet This Letter and divers more of the same subject written to the Lords the Emperour sent the Governess to read and as it should be needfull to deliver But the Governess sending copies of them to the King a good while exspected his Answer till the stirres daily encreasing her Excellence receiving new commands from his Majestie to levy forrein forces gave thanks to the Emperour Maximiilian letting him know that the present condition of affairs was such as no capitulation could be made with an armed Faction without arms Wherefore dispatching the Kings letters to the Electours of the Empire and others especially to those that were to raise the men she beseeched the Emperour that the Assistance which he had graciously offered in the Low-countreys he would please to perform among the Germane Princes and the Commanders there which would be now more opportune and a farre greater favour to the King And truly the Emperour did not onely this but likewise by Edict prohibited and made it death for any Germane to bear arms against the King of Spain Which among divers others how deeply it was resented by the Prince of Orange though otherwise subtil and close he expressed at table wine laying open the secrets of his heart For being invited by Gresser Agent for the Queen of England after he had drunk soundly the Prince began in great fury to inveigh against the Emperours Edict That the Emperour and the King and whosoever was of their opinion deceived themselves that not onely the Germans would take arms but a great sort of other Nations bordering upon the Empire That the Danes the Swedes and many others would not be wanting which both would and could help the confederate Low-countreymen Thus threatning in his rage after supper he was mollified with a song But the Letters which I have mentioned sent from the King and the Governess to the Princes of Germany were by them diversly answered The Electours of Trier and Mentz did much approve of the Kings designe against the Rebels and disturbers of the Catholick Religion promising their assistance as befitted good friends and neighbours both Princes of the Empire and allies unto his Majesty they would therefore give free passage through all their Towns and Jurisdictions to such forces as upon this occasion should with the Emperours consent be raised The like promises were made by the rest of the Catholick Bishops in Germanie The Duke of Bavaria added that all men were bound by force of Arms to oppose such tumults that as plagues laid cities desolate and he desired his Majestie would be very vigilant in it Farre different expressions were returned from the hereticall Princes for the Landtgrave of Hessen and the Duke of Wirtemberg excusing themselves in point of Religion which would not suffer them to prejudice those of their own Profession advised the Governess to seek redress without arms onely by allowing the Confession of Auspurg and Liberty of conscience But the Count Palatine Frederick the third who declared himself Defendour of the new Faith in Germany wrote the most confident and longest letter of them all For he not onely pleaded to the Governess the cause of the Low-countrey men and maintained their innocence but defying the Bishop of Rome the veneration of holy Images and the tyrannie of the Inquisitours concluded that Religion bound him not to oppose his brethren professing the Faith of Ausburg and the pure word of God The Landtgrave of Hessen and the Palsgrave not thus contented perswaded the Duke of Brunswick not to engage in a warre undertaken merely for Religion and not to accept the Command of horse offered to him Notwithstanding he took it nor did any other Commander invited by the King refuse his Commission but onely Iohn of Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange Nor did Charles the ninth of France requested by the Governess fail to declare himself enemy to these insurrections commanding by Proclamation that none of his subjects should presume to assist the Rebels of the Low-countreys with relation as I conceive to the mutuall promise of Assistance made at Baion and particularly fearing if the Hereticks should be masters of the Netherlands France would be overflowed with the same filthy sink I am certain King Philip sent him letters full of thanks and likewise signified to the Governess his Intention presently to begin his voyage for which all things being now in readiness he onely wanted health for his quartane Ague had not yet left him though he meant not to exspect a perfect Recovery but to go forthwith to Madrid that having setled his affairs he might from thence contemning any danger to his life pass over into the Low-countreys This which was likewise by Bergen and Montiny writ from Spain in cypher began to be believed The minds of many were exceedingly troubled at the news insomuch as the Prince of Orange his brother Lewis the Counts Egmont Hochstrat and Horn met at Dendermund betwixt Antwerp and Gant to communicate the intelligence which every one of them had received concerning the Kings coming and thereupon to advise what generall course was to be held Though this meeting was appointed and came together with all secresie yet the industrious Governess knew all their proceedings And as multitudes of spies alwayes attend a Jealous Prince there wanted not that kind of men Eves-droppers and Hocus-Pocuses the summe of whose life is to know and not to be known which pryed into all their secret consultations and resolutions And as farre as she could understand the
with any more skill handle his Armes then he used to do his Text. For at the very first Charge being frighted relinquishing his men this hare in a Helmet fled out of the Field Two hundred and thirty of his Disciples were slaine and presently stripped of their armes leaving Rassinghem Victorious without bloud Who with his Triumphant Souldiers laded with the Spoiles of the enemy entering into Lisle the newes of that sudden execution made the feare of the City greater then his honour by the Defeat of such an inconsiderable Enemy Their consistoriall Counsell was therefore now at their witts end and the Souldiers of Tournay hearing of the Armentarians Overthrow retreated from Lisle to Lanoy which shutting their Gates against them their Generall Sorean indeavouring to take the Towne gave Norcarmius time to overtake him But before Norcarmius came vp Rassinghem vnderstanding by the Armenterian Prisoners that the Gheuses of Tournay were marching towards him raising as many of the Country as he could upon the suddaine resolved instantly to fall upon them not imagining that Norcarmius besieging Valenciens had the same Designe And it fortuned that Rassinghem sending out some Scouts as the manner is to discover the strength and motion of the enemy they fell vpon the like number of Horse sent by Norcarmius to the same intent and as night and suspicion doses the mind either Partly mistaking their fellowes for the enemy fired upon one another and one or two being shot retired frighting and affrighted While this Accident held Rassinghem in suspense Norcarmius by other meanes understanding the Enemy to be neere Lanoy presently marched thither and going to order his men for a Bataille her perceiued the Gheuses too weake for the open Feild by little and little fell backe into the lanes trenched with Ditches and bulwarkt with Woods Wherefore he sent thither three Companyes of musketteers with some Pikes mixed among them which he him selfe followed with the Horse The Gheuses stood the first Charge indifferent stoutly and shot off some small Field-Pieces that guarded the mouth of the Lanes Nay thought many fel they filled vp their places with fresh men without much Difficulty taking the Advantage of those Straits beat back the Norcarmians But at last the Avenue being opened by the Pikes the Horse and Foote breaking in they gaue back were routed fled and in the Flight more Dangerous then in the Battaile were killed like sacrificed Beasts A few with their Generall Sorean but dividing themselues escaped through the woods Norcarmius with the Losse of only six men having taken nine of the Enemyes Colours twentie Field-Pieces and two Barrells of Powder though it best to follow the Opportunity and to march with his men now fleshed and desirous of Victory up to the Walls of Tournay and sending a Trumpet to the Towne commanded them in the name of the Governesse to receive a Garrison of his men if they denyed or paused he would use his Victorious Armes The Townsmen hearing by such as fled out of the Battaile that their Army was defeated being struck with the suddaine and armed Summons of Norcarmius the Conquerour at their Gates and Feare within their hearts depriving them both of time and reason for consulting they yielded to mercy He entered the Towne triumphantly and forthwith disarmed the people sending Souldiers from House to House which he did afterwards through all the Signiory of Tournay that tooke away their Armes and carryed them to the Magazine Then he imprisoned the Incendiaryes and restored the Bishop and Clergy to their Honour and Authority Lastly he put downe the Consistoryes and prohibited all such kind of Meetings the common Forges of Sedition thereby absolutely disinabling the Hereticall Faction in that City This done by Command from the Governesse he made Iohn Croy Count of Reuse Leiutenant-Governour of Tournay for Montiny who was yet in Spaine soe leaving eight Foot Companyes in the Towne besides 450 Garrison Souldiers in the Fort he returned to the Siege of Valenciens and was ready to storme it when the Governesse should command But she being to consult the King presently after the render of Tournay with the Newes of the Victory writt to his Maiesty her Resolution to take Valenciens by assault because the beseiged adding Obstinacy to Rebellion had made diverse Sallyes out of the Towne and beate vp the Quarters of his Maiestyes men as in Contempt of the King His Maiesty though he disliked not the Siege yet intimated that he should have better liked noe Siege now since it was gone soe farre it concerned his Honour to continue it but it likewise concerned his clemency and Affection to his Subjects to forbeare the Battery of the Towne aâ—d putting them to the Sword lest the fury of the Souldiers should destroy the Innocent together with the guilty The Governesse should therefore try all wayes to win the besieged to yield without fighting which was feizible witnesse the example of Tournay But if the Rebells stubbornesse could not be broken but only by Armes his Majesty would not have the Town stormed before his pleasure was known and two Regiments come out of Germany But these cautions were given to no purpose the besieged growing every day more obstinat Therfore the Governesse commanded Norcarmius to make his approches neerer to look more narrowly unto the cutting off all Victuaâ—l and commerce and to present his Cannon and Army as prepared for a generall Assault so by frighting and wearying the Enemy to spinne out time till the German Regiments should arrive commanded by Oberstein and Scouwenberg She likewise writ to the King that Mercy was fruitlesse that she and the Senate thought it necessary before they were better fortified or relieved to take the Towne which Norcarmius was of Opinion might be effected in eight dayes and that Delay would be dangerous lest the Gheuses being inraged all over the Low-Countryes and upon the Borders of France might have time to raise an Army But all this moved not the KING who dispatched back his Adviso with more then ordinary speed that they should hold off and rather take the Towne by Feare then by the Sword perhaps starved and wearyed they might yield yet if there was no remedy but to force them which he must leave to their Iudgement that were upon the Place then he would have these commands principally observed First that raising their Batteries and planting their Cannon they should prove them with theâ—â— Preparations and Fore-runners of a Storme leaving them in the meane time some space of Repentance Then if they yielded not they should storme the Towne and do the Duty of Souldiers but yet forbeare to do execution not only upon Children Old-men and Women but that no Citizen whatsoever should be killed in cold bloud The Governesse well weighing this letter though she knew it was more mercifull then
opportune because about the same time a Company of sacrilegious Villaines sallying out of Valenciens had fired cerraine Monasteries that stood neere the Towne and brought the plunder of them into Valenciens yet mindfull both of his Majesties and her owne moderation she resolved to leave nothing unattempted It was told her the Valencenians bore an implacable hatred to Norcarmius she therefore sent to them two of the Lords Lamorall Count Egmont and Philip Croy Duke of Areschot to see if they by their Authority could bring the Towne to consider of their Safety These Lords sending for the Valencenian Commissioners gently admonished them to lay downe their Fury and Obstinacy that would not secure them when their Walls should be battered with the Cannon for to that day their City had stood not by their strength but by the King 's and Governesse's Mercy That they found by sufficient experience how vaine it was to expect forreine Ayde That the French stirred not in the Quarrell and if they should it would bee neither handsome nor advantageous for the Low-country-men to be assisted by their antient Enemies The Consistories of Antwerp being distracted into factions what had they yet done These of Tournay had taken Armes but were withall suppressed They of the Bus and others had enough to do to looke to themselves all the hope left them must be in Tholouse but he and his whole Army let them not deceive themselves were destroyed by Beavor in the sight of Antwerp Who couâ—d be now expected or from whence to come and raise the Siege They ought therefore to redeeme their pride by their Repentance and by their Duty and Obedience to prevent whilst yet they might their Princes Indignation and their Countryes Ruine Having premised this they read the conditions offered by the Governesse that the Valencenians should render their City and receive a Garrison That after their rendring the Towne and receiving a Garrison those that would obey the King should have Liberty to remaine in Valenciens the rest immediately after the Surrender were to depart the Towne carrying with them all their portable Goods The Commissioners reported this Offer to the Senate and the People which were prepossessed with wicked Counsels their hearts hardned especially with Grange's Sermons a man eloquent with a mischeife to the Publique They were confirmed in their Obstinacy by a Rumour that Tholouse had the Day and Beavor was fled cunningly given out by the Hereticks to amuse the Towne and hinder them from crediting Tholouse his overthrow at least to suspend their beliefe so long as the Commissioners treated Who returning to Areschot and Egmont they when they saw nothing was done by the Valencenians and themselves slighted in great fury threatning the Towne presently dismissed the Commissioners And Egmont whose military heart and therefore more sensible of a Provocation was grievously offended at the Obstinacy of the Besieged that very day and the night following with Cressonerius in his Company viewing the Walls and sounding of the Ditch assured the Governesse that Valenciens might be taken in a very little time But for as much as the Kingâ—s commands were obeyed in admonishing and terriying of the Towne and that her Excelâ—ence heard the German Forces were at hand specially being vexed with the Newes of a Sally made by the Valencenians in the night to beat up Quarters she commanded Norcarmius that making his Approaches still nearer without further Delay yet according to the King's Instructions he should storme the Towne Valenciens is no lesse strongly then pleasantly situated part thereof standing on a rising Ground and the rest lying on a Levell invironed with Walls Towers and Ditches the River Schelt running through the midst of it and falling into the River of Rouell they flow round about the Walls and make the Place almost inaccessible But Norcarmius knowing he had to do with an ignorant Enemy and that the Towne was like a strong Body governed by a weake Soule finding the Ditch to be narrow in some places and the Bankes by negligence fallen downe with a great and gallant Resolution began the Assault and calling in part of his Forces that were set to keep the Pasâ—es and to cut off Provisions under the Câ—mmand of Gâ—spar Lord of Bill he tooke Mâ—ns-gate a Port of the Suburbs in the â—ight From thence with some Companies of Haynolterâ— piying those that came upon the Walls with Musket-shot so as none duâ—st put out their Heads Cressonerius with wonderfull dexterity raised a Mâ—unt scaled the Walls and with the losse of very few of his men obâ—erving the discipline of Warre he faced and beat the Enemy fâ—om their Workes And so dividing his Forces under the Commands of Mâ—ximilian Count of Bolduc Charles Mansfâ—ldt Son to Count Ernest and Egidius Lord of Hierg he gave the generall Assault first making his Battery with 10 piâ—ces of great Cannon then with 20. besides other lesser Guns with so great an Impression that within lesse then foure houres space their prime Workes about the wall were beaten down The Citisens terrified with such a beginning sent two Trumpets to intreat â—hat Norcarmius would please to give safe Conduct unto their Commissioners to treat for the present Render of the Towne He gave them leave to come but neverthelesse the Cannon still played upon the Battery which hastened the Commissioners that were 20. who came about Sun-setting to the Generall promising to yield up the City upon the same Termes which three dayes before were offered by Areschott and Egmont But Norcarmius laughing at them said Belike you think your condition to be as good to day as it was three dayes since Valencenians you are wise too late I never use to article with a conquered Enemy All that night he continued the Battery giving them no time to repaire the Breaches made in so many placeâ— that now the Ditch being filled up with the ruines of the Wall the Souldiers might enter on even ground But about two a clock in the afternoone the Valencenian Commissioners returned and without any exception yielded the Towne and themselves to mercy Norcarmius sounding a Retreate just when his men were got up the Wall and in hope to sacke â—he Towne sent a Countermand enjoyning them to containe themselves within those Bounds of Modesty which by Order from the King the Governesse had set downe The Battery held 36. houres without any inâ—ermission It is reported that 3000. Cannon were shot into the Towne doing gâ—eâ—ter Execution upon Walls then Men. The same day being Palme Sunday and making good the Omen of that victorious name unto the Conquerour Norcarmius entred the Towne with 13. Companies of Foote and was met in the Streets with multitudes of women and Children with greene boughs in their hands lamentably crying to him to have Compassion upon the Towne He sent them away with gentle Language without the death of