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A50910 The life and reigne of King Charls, or, The pseudo-martyr discovered with a late reply to an invective remonstrance against the Parliament and present government : together with some animadversions on the strange contrariety between the late Kings publick declarations ... compared with his private letters, and other of his expresses not hitherto taken into common observation. Milton, John, 1608-1674. 1651 (1651) Wing M2127; ESTC R12978 91,060 258

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the subject adulterate the true Protestant Religion with the superstitious mixture of Popery as it manifestly appeared by his admittance of a Jesuiticall crew into his own Court Cappuchins at Somerset-house with large maintenance even in the face of the Court and eye of the Kingdom with a generall connivence amounting to a tacite toleration to all Papists together with idolatrous Masses both in his own house permitted andused throughout the Kingdom in most Papists houses without controule in imitation of Solomon after that by his Wives he was turn'd Idolater to set up the abomination of Ashteroth even in the face of Jerusalem And as to his invading of the Libertyes of the people with his many other oppressions and irregularities we all know and have good cause to remember them The Breviary of his Life and unfortunate Reigne manifestly declares as to his intent of suppressing of Parliaments and future oppression of the people the observations I intend to send you with his own Letters sufficiently demonstrates by whose motion and Counsels those exorbitances were first by his own Fathers Instructions pursued found in his Cabinet at Theobalds immediately after his departure and whereof one was to quit himself by degrees of all Parliaments as too bold Co-partners in the Government with their Kings to run the future course of his government answerable to that of France and to verifie this I shall point you to King James his own Speech in open Parliament 1609. March 21. Where you may see what preparations he had provided for his Successor to rule by parallelling himself with God who he saith Hath power to create or destroy make or un make at his pleasure to give life or send death to judge all and to be judged or to be accomptable to none to raise low things and to make high things low at pleasure and to God are both Soul and Body due the like power saith this King have Kings they make and unmake their Subjects they have power of raising and casting down of life and death Iudges over all their Subjects and in all causes and yet accomptable to none but God alone they have power to exalt low things and abase high things and to make of their Subjects like men at Chess a pawn to take a Bishop or a Knight and to cry up and down their Subjects as they doe their money Whence you may observe this Kings Principles which in the Speech it selfe every where extant you may find that even this King whom the world stiled the Platonicall King and was reputed a pious Prince took the hint of his tyrannicall principles from a Bishop who in the very face and audience of a Court of Parliament preacht all these fine arbitrary doctrines and yet in the Speech it self fol. quarto you shall find the King defends him Hence you way perceive by whose counsells the late King steered all the course of his government after his accession to the Crown with the reason of his seldome calling of Parliaments and his often dissolving of such as he did call without their due effects I shall now faithfully relate the whole progresse of the War and by what female advice he was directed to the reducing of all the three Kingdomes under his absolute power and for your better satisfaction shall by the way present you with the orignall cause of his hatred against this Parl. and by what strange means it was summoned and at a time when all wise men had given all Parliaments for lost which although long since and by many more able pens than mine have been sufficiently manifested to the world yet for your sake I shall adventure to present them a new as having little more in addition to the elabourate pains of others than in some particulars which I find not as yet produced to the light of the world Briefly then It is a knowne truth that the King in that his unnecessary raising of a warre against the SCOTS and through the prodigality of the Court especially the petulancy and lavishnesse of the Queens side had so exceedingly exhausted both his Exchequer and Credit and reduced himself to that extreme Indigence that he knew not whither to turn himself neither as in the Breviary of his Reigne is exactly laid down could that great head-piece the grand Master for carrying on of all his Arbitrary work shew him how to dis-intangle himselfe out of that harle wherein his owne wilfull Inclinations had incumbred him We all know that the King on the entrance of the Scots at Newborne in August 1640. took a posting journey Northward to his Army Strafford being Commissioned Generall in the room of the Earl of Northumberland whither they were no sooner arrived but they found the Souldiery in little better than mutiny for want of their pay the whole army then lying on Free-quarter on the County of York and the King without so much money as would pay halfe a Regiment the Scots possest of the Town of Newcastle the Nobility having been exhausted in their attendance the Summer before yet to shew their loyalty they again repair to York amongst the rest the Earls of Hartford and Essex in their journey take an occasion by the way to addresse themselves to the Queen to whom they declare the sad condition wherein both the King and Kingdome were then reduced and that they saw no possible means other then a Parliament whereby to repair the State relieve the King and peece up the rents and breaches between both Nations on this expostulation they prevailed with the Queen to write her Letters to his Majesty to move him to condescend to the summons of this Parliament the mention whereof they very well knew without such a mediatrix would be very displeasing unto him these Lords being thus provided with her Majesties Letters repair to Yorke and presented them to the King and upon consultation with the rest of the Lords then attending his Majesty five and twenty of them joyn in a Petition to that purpose The Scots likewise and 200 Gentlemen of the County of York concurring in the same sute for a present summons of a Parliament Thus was his Majesty as I may say beleaguered on all hands not anyone but Strafford dissenting in the end what between the Kings urgent necessities and a concurrency of Petitions together with the Queens Letters which weigh'd most with the King was this Parliament contrary to the expectation of all men produced to the admiration of the Kingdom though against the Kings expresse vow taken at the putting off his robes as before is mentioned when he dissolved his second Parliament and in a contemptuous deportment threw them from him protesting that it should be the last time of their putting off or on Hence we may discern through what difficulties and streights this Parliament took it's beginning we may well say by Gods speciall providence and by hers principally as the instrumentall cause thereof which
such as here he promiseth the Queen should be both to his honour and advantage and he renders the reason viz. That he was then left free to himselfe to doe as he listed and as his inclinations should prompt him as being quit of those base and mutinous motions of his mungrell Parliament at Oxford where you may observe how well Parliaments suited with the nature of this King for this at Oxford which was of his own designe and calling of set purpose to annihilate the legall Parliament at Westminster was as himself stiles it a base mutinous and mungrel Parliament and he might with good reason so accompt of it for they were indeed a sort of perfidious Fugitives false to themselves and their Countreyes and the King no doubt in his own thoughts esteemed them no other for such as would be fals to themselves the King was not to seek to make his own judgement what they would be to him on the turn of any tyde of advantage but that at Westminster he calls a Rebell Parliament though of his own first Summons The truth was none would or could please him neither any councell but such as futed to his own will and pleasure It s true and it is confest that after he had lost all and was a prisoner he seemed more inclinable to embrace peace and to that end sent his frequent Messages to the Parliament but evermore with the old scruples of his Conscience and Honour persisting to his last as being fed with hopes of the generall rising 1647. and the comming in of the Scots under Hamilton to wind himself up again to that power whither his restlesse ambition to be more absolute than he ought to have been lead him to the precipice of his own ruine and it is more than probable that during the last Treaty in the Isle of Wight and the expectation of the successe of that rising to his rescue he had a perfidious hand therein for it cannot be imagined that such an association of English Scots and Welch would ever in one conjuncture of time adventure to rise without either his Privity or Commission howsoever it is manifestly known that both the English and Welch had for their undertaking the Princes Commission under hand and seale neither is it likely that the Prince himself during a Treaty so neer a period to an attonement would either authorize that rising or to have approached at that very time with his Fleet so near the Thames mouth without either his Fathers Commission or approbation the perfidie shewed therein I am more than confident utterly lost him and was a principall canse that the Parliament could not in reason or with safety of themselves and the King dom readmit or trust such a Prince with the government of whose Reformation they could not but despair Observations upon the Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae IT is worth his pains who desires to berightly informed of the truth of al passages and transactions between the late King and the Parliament his mysterious motions pretences and carriages both during all the warres and since his death how matters have been managed by his partakers especially by those which first published his Pourtraicture and him who hath taken such pains in collecting so many of his papers printing exposing and dispersing them throughout all parts of the Kingdom purposely both to deceive the people and malitiously to work upon the facility of their affections in commiseration of him and casting an odium on the Parliament The artifice which this Impostor uses is worth consideration as he hath garnished the approaches to his collections with the Kings picture in some places standing in others kneeling and as it were ejaculating his prayers to God and those drest with sundry devices and motto's and all this to invite the eye if not the understanding of the silly beholder to a beleef that he died an innocent Martyr a Prince who suffered for his restlesse endeavor to desend the Protestant Religion the Laws and Libertyes of his Subjects as he would intimate by his hudling of the Kings many specious and fraudulent overtures for peace to the Parliament and avoyding of future bloodshed In all the Catalogue of his one and twenty Messages of the Kings besides additionalls he is pleased not so much as to insert one of the Parliaments Answers in rejoynder to any of the Kings Messages onely taking in so many of his Majesties which he conceived might serve his turn to clear the Kings innocency and leaving out such of the Parliaments most materiall Missives to which the King omitted to give any answer at all as for instance let him produce what reply the King made to the Parliaments charge for Ruperts intercepting of the Clothes Provisions horses and other necessaries sent by the Parliament in the way to Chester for the releef of the relicts of the poor Protestants in Ireland true it is that long after an answer was such as it was made though not by him mentioned viz. that those provisions might have been better guarded a proper answer if you please to take notice of it when its mostevident that the Kings forces not only took them with his expresse command but drew over the principall Commanders and Soldiers before sent by the Parliament to his own assistance against the Parliament now that you may see how the active part of the war was carried on by the King take into your serious considerations his Message of the 15 of April 1642. from Huntington wherein he earnestly desires That the Parliament will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of Ireland in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his Majesty that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence he having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdome which he hath expressed in his former Messages being unable to manifest more affection to it than he hath endeavonred to do by those Messages having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his Parliment therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them though his Majesty shall be deeply concerned in and sensible of their sufferings he shall wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work Observation A very pious work indeed as himself ordered it if you please to examine it to the bottome then make your own judgement whether it was not the Kings reach to gull the Parliament by pressing them to expedite the sending of Forces to the relief of his poor Subjects of Ireland and with such words of pity and expressions of his remorse how deeply he was concerned therein and how sensible of their sufferings and calamities which might grow upon them and just Pilate-like to wash his hands before all the world from the least imputation of slacknesse in him when 't is manifest his meaning was both to make
the West marches to assist the Irish Army landing at Milford as need should require and the President my Lord of Bridgewater commanded to wave that place for his Majesties speciall service a person as it seems that was too honest to be wrought upon At the same time his Lordship Cottington was likewise made Lord Warden of the Tower with authority to take in Souldiers and to fortifie that piece which accordingly was put in execution and the White-Tower planted with many great Ordnance with their mouths forced against the City to the great amazement of the Citizens and the whole Kingdom What the King meant or intended by these irregular and prodigious acts of his let the most willfull Malignant make his own judgement when as the whole Kingdom was never in a greater calme of peace loyalty and quietnesse or in any appearance of insurrection The Excise at that instant was likewise in agitation and the very same house wherein now that office is erected in Broadstreet taken by Cottington to the same purpose and Strafford much a-about that time dispatcht into Ireland there to call a Parliament for assistance in relation to the intended Scotch War where he musters a new the Irish army gets four Subsidies presently returns for Engl. where a Parl. for the same end was likewise summoned not any thing now stood as Remora in the way of the Kings great designe but those refractory Scots this was the block that in the first place must be removed to begin this work of darknesse first fomented by the Bishops especially Canterbury here and that pragmattick Prelat of Scotland Maxwell with Hamilton and Traquair on the by These two assisted by Strafford had the whole managery of that affair We must not too much insist on every particular this Scotch work alone requiring a volume to derive it from its first fountain and originall as a project of the old Kings to introduce the Episcopal power and Church Government there conformable to that of England and to suppresse or master that of the Kirk Presbyterian power as the only obstruction to absolute Soveraignty Gods providence and his wayes are insearchable and the carriage of this work of darknesse is very remarkeable it hath left the world in a maze how the Kings designs by this Scotch enterprize should turne and overthrow the whole frame and fabrick of all his former projections and of so faire a fore-game so to bring it about as on the very nick of the accomplishment to lose both it his reputation and life and at a time when all wise men had given the freedoms of the English nation utterly lost and meerly by the wilfulnesse of his own irregular motions more beloved reverenced and obeyed than any of his Predecessors The state of the three Kingdomes as abovesaid but a little before this Scotch enterprise as to a any Warre from abroad mutinies and insurrections at home was well known to be in as great a calme of Peace and quietnesse as in any reign since the Conquest the subject passive loyall and obedient to the Kings will and pleasure himfelf at peace and amity with all his Allyes Confederates and Neighbour-Princes nothing could be Imagined to have troubled him but his own ambition and those restlesse appetites of his which would not suffer him to enjoy content in the mid'st of prosperity and to rest satisfied in the fruition of more abundance than ever any King of England attain'd unto In this requiem could he have seen it was his soule restlesse and as we may of truth say by no instigation more troubled than by hers which had the honour of his Bed an unhappy unquietnesse which his principall privadoes rather added fewell to the fire thereof than water to quench it they had studied his inclination which was the rule they walkt by not how to apply wholsome medicines to cure the raging malady of his ambition which by none was more cherish'd than by the Bishops and his formal clergy in the way wherein his will and lust had predominance over his reason such as had not only taken the same fiery infection but as much laboured therein as himself whose sunction and office if grace had guided them it properly was rather to have applyed antidotes than venome to their Masters disease and to have told him plainly where the fault lay But to returne to the relation of this Scotch enterprise the King as before is intimated through meer necessity was induced to call a Parliament not to reforme abuses crept into the Common-wealth better it may be said violently introduced through his ill Government and discontinuance of Parliaments the ancient remedies of publick grievances but to supply his own wants in reference to the war intended the Kings wants being more pressing than ever the servants of his own side in Court a good space before debard of their Wages purposely to scrape up moneys towards this needlesse Warre the Queens Servants on the other side were notwithstanding exactly paid It would be superfluous and impertinent to describe the whole story of this designe so obvious and generally knowne to all the Kingdom how first this affair was carryed on by sending a new Litturgy to EDINBVRGH as an experiment how the Scots would swallow the first bayt to their inthraldome how there the Litturgy was resented and with what after disgusts it was not only refused but detested How that Traquire and Hamilton one after the other were Commissioned with power instructions to inforce their conformity what Flames Invectives and Comments flew here abroad of the Bishops penning of their Rebellion how againe the Scots stood upon their punctillioes in defence of themselves and their Covenant against this innovation how many Petitions and Messages past between them and the King how at last on dispute between their Commissioners and his Majesties at their first Treaty in the North and the aversnesse of the Kings souldiers to imbrace the quarrel the King granted them his royall Pascification and sent them home well satisfied how againe on his Majesties returne his act of Pascification was here in Court resented by the Queen and the Bishops and with what Language the King was affronted to have brought home a dishonourable Peace and obstructive to his own designes how then this needlesse and willfull quarrell was revived and the Kings Pacification vilified and burnt by the hands of the common Hangman and the King easily brought on anew to muster a second Army to subdue those stubborn and rebellious Scots as generally then especially by the Bishops they were stiled when as by the Free-quarter of his first Army most parts of the County of York were beggered and the Soldiery unpaid how the Parliament and generally the people abhor'd this war and refused to contribute towards it how thereupon quinto Maij 1649. it was suddenly dissolved how on the very same day the Cabinet Councell sate in close consultation at White-Hall how to raise moneys to defray
entrance of his reigne answerable to his Fathers instructions began his arbitrary worke and in pursuance thereof had laid sundry destructive and darke plots how to invassalate the three Nations and by degrees to reduce them all under one Intire arbitrary and absolute soveraignty and when they took not the effect he desired being discovered and opposed by this Parliament then to set up his Standard and array the poore people against themselves which never any King of England durst attempt otherwise than by publick consent and against a forraigne enemy and at last to wage open Narre against his owne subjects and the representative of the Nation Plundering Fyring and desolating the Kingdom to the utmost of his power had you avouched thus much you had hit on the right and shewed your selfe both a friend to truth and your Country but it seems you still stand close to your old destructive principles as at first you sided with the King living so dead you persist to make good his cause whether right or wrong it mattered not much with most of your party the truth is how good or bad soever his cause was it was the bare name of a King and hopes of preferment which drew your Iron into the field and t is the very same at present which invites all of you to flatter and sooth up your selves with the empty name of Loyalty to bring in the new Crown'd King of Scots on the old score without looking to the preservation of the Liberty of your Country and proprieties of your own posterity and the sad consequence thereof as if the publick interest ought to be given up for the fulfilling of your desires and of one mans wilfull pleasure a strange dotage that hath possest you and more strange it is that you should now fall a fresh on a subject that loathes any man of ingenuity to think on it much more to treat on a theam so stale were it but in reference to the memory of him who is at rest But since I find that a kind of confidence possesses your intellectuals that all your allegations are unanswerable and that your provocations amounts to a challenge the fault must be yours not mine If in vindication of truth I lay open the grossnesse of all your errors in the manifestation of his which with such eagernesse and confidence you think your self able to defend being forced through your importunity and the nature of the taske you put upon me to run over the whole progres and managery of all the late Kings designs visible and long since very well knowne to all men of common understanding though I confesse I do not much marvell that your selfe amongst the rest of the facill beliefe have been deceived by the Kings woonted and plausible protestations especially as he handled the matter in the cunning and umbragious carrying on of all his close and hidden designs for I very well know many knowing Gentlemen which have had a long conflict with themselves what judgment to make on the first difference arising between the King and Parliament his Majesty so often protesting how much he intended the welfare of all his subjects how unwilling to embrew the Kingdom with blood how willing to embrace and conserve the peace of the Land how resolved to maintaine the true Protestant Religion how carefull and studious to uphold the Lawes and Liberties of the People how ready to preserve inviolable the privileges of Parliaments and how forward to supply his distressed Protestant Subjects in Ireland all which as a Copy of his counterfeit Countenance he so often protested and confirmed with Imprecations that truely the spirits of many wise men were amazed and a long time stood staggering what to be lieve in the case and doubtfull whether the Kings cause or the Parliaments was most just which party gave the first offence which began the Warre and of this number I confesse my self to be one which stood sometimes diffident in a controversy so variously attested but having made a diligent search into all the passages and transactions between both parties both from before the Sword was drawn and after to the year 1645 when the Kings Cabinet Letters were taken at Naseby and other manifests elsewhere I then began to bethink my self that which before I only admitted in a kind of Ambitious beliefe that the Parliament had then to deal with a King howsoever heretofore valued as a Prince of no deep reach who was not to seek without the help and influence of a malicious Councell to play his owne part I shall not say better but more dextrous and cunningly for his owne ends and to the reducing of the Kingdomes under his absolute power than any of those could direct him whom he most trusted with the mannagery of his designs and secrets truely Sir on that discovery on the publishing of his Letters let me tell you there were many thousands which fell off and from the opinion they held of his integrity and the Iustice of his Cause it being in the next degree to a miracle that after so full a disclosure of the Kings juglings and dissemblings there should any remaine to take his part and the wonder is the more remarkeable that since his death any man should believe him to be a Martyr but whom God hardens they shall be hardened let the Charmer Charme never so wisely some will be deafe and diffident of visible truthes never so clearly manifested of which number that you should perceveere to make one as by your sundry invectives it appears surely it hath not a little troubled me to see the excrescencies of your inveterate malignancy to break out even to obstinacy and so long to have blinded your judgment from discerning of truth from falshood and to have bard you from the right use of distinguishing between reason well weighed and fraud umbrated and attested with the usuall artifices of the royall protestations a faculty by your favour too too common with the King and those quaint pen-men which attended him with plausible Declarations frequently sent abroad ad faciendum populum to catch fools and as the Kings usuall phrase was to undeceive the people prepossest with the reality of the Parliaments Remonstrances when in truth the Kings ends were no other than to decoy the poor credulous Annimalls into an opinion of his good meaning towards them when he intended them most harme as we find it evident in the silly devises and quaint impresses of his money coyned at Oxford pretending that he took up arms in defence of the Protestant Religion the Laws and Liberties of the People and the Priviledges of Parliament when the direct contrary appeared by all his Actions and when as it was manifest that before he began to quarrell with the Scots he tacitely intended and even then designed to suppress Parliaments or so to qualify them that they should be onely usefull to his own ends not to the people and likewise to invade the Liberties of
more necessary than to be imployed in the slaughtering of the English with the hazard of their own lives and for no other end but to advance their own prodigious and bloody designs for observe it in the former Letter he manifestly declares his resolution to call them over to his assistance and heere he tells it that as to the Irish if the taking away of Poynings act and the penall Statutes against Papists by a Law will do it he shall not thinke it a hard bargaine provided they freely and vigorously engage against his English and Scotish Rebels for which no conditions can be too hard not being against Conscience and Honour here you may safely aver is one of the strangest Consciences and an Honour so illimitable as that I am confident the subtillest Logitian in his Oxford Garrison would be driven to his ne plus ultra to give either of them a right definition that close of not being against Conscience or Honour considered with his former commands to Ormond without doubt is one of the finest peeces of Non-sense that ever I have seen and surely had I been in the Marquesses place that very restriction in the close would have made me to forbear the putting in execution of any of his commands for there was not a syllable of them all but in due construction was or ought to have been against his Conscience and Honour sure it was point blank opposite to his many Protestations and that fearfull imprecation of his Damnation on his receiving the Sacrament at Christ-Church and doubtlesse in my understanding all parts of this Letter considered the very last clause of not being against Conscience or Honour would have been sufficient warrant for me to have sate still and done nothing towards the concluding of so Irreligious and dishonourable a Peace But I beseech you look upon the Kings ends and you shall find them to be no other than in a brutish manner to set all his Subjects together by the ears to kill and make havock of one anothea English against English Scots againt Scots and Irish against both so that he might thereby accomplish his own pernitious designes And in the mean time to make no manner of scruple or Conscience of spilling of Innocent bloud without the least remorse of that horrible Massacree of 200000 of the English Nation butchered by those barbarous Villains for whom he was so solicitous to defend them and to procure a happy peace for them whatsoever it cost and with so many wiles and fetches he had so often endeavoured to engage them to joyne with Ormond against Inchiquine and the Scots as that you may evidently see in the Postscript of his Letters to him number 24. 1644. from Oxford as also in his Commissions to Montrosse first to ruine the Scots and after to come for his assistance into England Now that you may further understand what Conscience he made of bloodshed and what care he had to preserve his Subjects in Peace and Prosperity I shall tell you another story from the mouth of one of his principall Commanders Gerrard by name who upon the rendition of his Oxford Garrison came to London and made his addresses to Sir John Merricke at Essex house desiring him that he might have the Honour to kisse my Lord of Essex his hands Sir John told him That he had not behaved himself worthy of the name and honour of a Soldier to be admitted to such a favour having barbarously burnt his Lordships house at Lamphey together with most of the Gentlemens houses of the County of Pembroke and destroyed the whole Country even to desolation Gerrard replies in his usuall Oath God damme me Uncle if I did more than the King from Cardiffe by two severall Letters strictly commanded me to doe and then to march to him with all my Army for which I have his Majesties owne Letters for my Warrant Here is an excellent Conscience and care in a King bound by his Oath to preserve his Subjects from violence and yet commanding to destroy them with fire and rapine Sir in a few words more would you be pleased on an exact perusall of all this most unhappy Kings Declarations and transactions considered as you shall alwayes finde them sweetned and gilded over with the plausible pretences and specious professions of his love and care towards all his Subjects when he meant nothing lesse and many of them confirmed with Imprecations I say compare them diligently with his actions and the Letters of his own hand writing which of other evidences are the best keyes to unlock the secrets of mans heart not leaving out that Posthumus Imposture of his Pourtraicture and I am confident that the contrariety dissimulation hypocrisie and juglings you shall every where finde in them interwoven with a Pharisaicall justifying of himself and defending all his actions will astonish you as they have done me For in all the late horrid War and bloudshed throughout the three Kingdomes you shall find it for an infallible truth that he who spake and insisted so much on his Honour and Coscience for many years together never made any Conscience or was truely sensible of all the blood spilt either in his own behalf or against him more than of one wicked Mans though condemned by Law and the just judgement of a Court of Parliament and this man also acknowledged by himself to be uttterly unworthy to bear any publick office in the Common-wealth and untill God in his Iustice turnd the power of his Sword to nothing then indeed and as I may judge really he ever now and anon deplores the sad condition of his Kingdomes but never sincerely as I am bound to beleeve till he had don his worst and all that possibly he could invent to ruine the Parliament and to destroy all those that stood up in their defence And towards his last his principall labour tended to little more than in pittying of himselfe and complaining of the hard measure offered him during his restraint that he was not admitted to a Personall Treaty with the Parliament for the procuring as he would have it beleeved of a happy peace when in all his Treatyes and specious overtures from the first to the last his hand was well known to be in one plot or other how to get himselfe out of that toyle and Labyrinth wherein he had wilfully intangled himselfe and the Kingdomes being still one and the self same man justifying himself and standing on his own innocency with the Pharisee but little of the Publican God be mercifull to me a sinner still in his wonted inflexibility to the last utterly refusing to signe onely Four Bils for the publick security continuing his usuall pretences that they were against his Conscience and Honour When as all the Kingdome long since knew him to be preingaged to the Queen and that by one word of her mouth both his Honour and Conscience would easily have been dispenc'd withall This I may truly