binding themselves by that Act which yet must bind the King tho it might as well be alleadg'd He did not intend it he boldly concludes with threatning and daring the Judges to do their duty Precibusque minas regaliter addit The same reasons says he which may be given for discharging such as are not Committed for breach of Priviledge if it be grounded on the Act for the Habeas Corpus will hold as strong for discharging of Persons Committed for breach of Priviledge and so consequently deprive this House of all its Power and Dignity and make it insignificant This is so plain and obvious that all the Judges ought to know it and I think it below you to make any Resolve therein but rather leave the Judges to do otherwise at their Peril and let the Debate fall without any question See the Debates of the House pag. 217. Was not this a rare Assertor of our Liberties who instead of allowing us the benefit of the Laws wou'd have us all made Beasts of burden to maintain the Grandeur of some Arbitrary Demagogues in the House of Commons and be content to turn Gally-Slaves rather than their Power shou'd become useless or insignificant But I find this daring Speech did not frighten all the Judges for Baron Weston to his immortal Renown had still the courage to grant the Habeas Corpus and rather expose himself to the malice of the Faction than deny or delay Justice contrary to his Oath Our Religion and Liberty being thus secur'd have we not reason to be fond of these worthy Patriots who tugg'd so hard against Popery the better to bring in Presbytery and to make sure that the Prince shou'd not use Arbitrary Power took all possible care to keep it in their own possession It was the Kings Prerogative in the days of yore to have the Power of making War and Peace and declaring who shou'd be counted Friends and who reputed Enemies to the Kingdom But now the Tribunes of the People are willing to ease him of that trouble and take upon themselves by the following Vote to declare some of His Majesties best Subjects and most Faithful Friends Enemies to the King and Kingdom Resolved That all persons who advis'd His Majesty in His last Message to this House to insist upon an Opinion against the Bill for excluding the Duke of York have given pernicious Councel to His Majesty and are promoters of Popery and Enemies to the King and Kingdom And this extravagant Vote they are pleas'd particularly to apply to four Noble Peers of the Realm exposing them to the Rable without the least colour of proof for Promoters of Popery and Enemies to their Soveraign for no other reason but because they were truly Loyal and free from the contagious leaven of the Faction What a happiness it is to live within the Walls of the House of Commons where the Knave becomes Honest and the Fool a Politician where People are sure never to be in the wrong but always impeccable and may freely rail and reflect upon their Betters which without doors wou'd cost them very dear Yet I cannot but wonder why these Noblemen unless they as well as many others took that Character for a mark of Honour from the givers have taken no course at least with the Printer and Bookseller if not with the then Speaker for ordering such Scandalous Votes to be publish'd contrary to express Acts of Parliament For if the Kings immediate Command cannot be allow'd as a good excuse in Law for any Illegal Act so that altho the Prince be unaccountable yet the Minister is to suffer for his Obedience sure a Vote of the House of Commons shall not be thought of force at least out of Parliament-time to Protect any Offender from Justice because whatever Title the Members within the sacred Walls of the House may claim in some Cases to impunity their Officers and Servants who execute their Illegal Commands abroad cannot in the least pretend to have any But how shou'd these Noblemen be enemies to the King and Kingdom for their advising His Majesty against the Bill of Exclusion when the whole House of Peers few discontented Lords Dissenting who by their Lives and Conversation never shew'd themselves the truest Protestants nor the best Subjects openly declar'd against it and upon the first reading threw it out of doors is a Mystery not easily to be understood His Majesty in His Message to the Commons declar'd He was confirm'd in His Opinion against that Bill by the Judgment of the House of Lords who rejected it why then are four Lords singl'd out and not the whole House declar'd Promoters of Popery and Enemies to the King and Kingdom The reason some will guess that the Leading Members saw matters were not yet ripe to shew themselves bare-fac'd or discover the bottom of their Designs and once more to Vote the House of Lords dangerous and useless and therefore to be laid aside But why the Opposers of the Bill of Exclusion enemies to the King and Kingdom When 't is made plain even to Demonstration in several Treatises publish'd these four years past about the Succession that the Promoters of that Bill tho some perhaps meant otherwise were in fact Enemies to the Monarchy and no Friends to the King nor to the True Protestant Religion 'T is strange that such as loudly exclaim against Popery shou'd have the face at the same time to practice the worst of Popish or rather Jesuitical Principles and endeavour to force their Soveraign to disinherit His only Brother upon a bare suspicion of his being of another Religion which Henry the 3. of France being tender of the Monarchy and of the Hereditary Right of Succession was so far from offering to the King of Navarre tho a known Protestant and but a remote Kinsman that he cou'd never be perswaded to give the Royal Assent to the Bill which the powerful influence of the Factious Duke of Guise got pass'd by the three Estates for his Exclusion Oh! but say they Popery and Slavery will break in upon us if the Duke succeeds And I am sure Anarchy and Presbytery and an Intestine Civil War will undoubtedly follow if he be excluded the King expos'd to danger and the Kingdom to ruine How fatal it prov'd to Henry 6. that he suffer'd the good Duke of Gloucester to be made away by his Prosecutors which made way for his own Deposition and consequently for his untimely end Historians do abundantly testify and Baker tells us how the great Duke of Somerset then Protector by Sacrificing his Brother the Lord Admiral to the malice of his Enemies in hopes to stop their mouths by yielding to their demands clear'd the way for himself to the Scaffold A Warrant saith this Historian was sent under the hand of his Brother the Protector to cut off his Head wherein as afterwards it prov'd he did as much as if he had laid his own Head upon the Block For
Popish Plotters and Whiggish Associators 'T is true some of the best People in England have had for the King's sake and in some measure for his own Merits sufficient kindness for his Grace and still wish him more Grace and consideration than to continue obstinately disobedient contrary to common Prudence and to all the ties and obligations of Nature of Duty and of Gratitude But as for Mr. Hunt's best People of England tho' pretended his only Friends they have been upon all occasions his real Enemies made a Property and a Tool of him to set him up like another Perkin Warbeck in opposition to the Royal Line and if that succeeded to kick him down again as they did Richard Cromwell to make room for Themselves and their darling Commonwealth But to return from this digression and examine what is left yet unanswer'd of this idle Pamphlet I find our Chief-Baron wouâ—d-be has stumbl'd at last on those two famous Statutes of Edward III to prove that Parliaments must be held once every year which saith he is confirm'd by an Act of this King call'd the Trienial Act p. 21. But by his Lordships good leave these Statutes if well consider'd will be found to have been made rather to oblige the Commons who then grumbl'd no less at the frequent calling than the Factious do now at the long intermission of Parliaments to send their Representatives to the King 's Great Councel than to bind the King to summon them when there was no occasion for their meeting and therefore to make the case more plain the conditional Clause If need be which may aptly refer to the whole period is expresly provided in the said Statutes For to affirm it was absolutely enacted that a Parliament shou'd be held once every year whether there was any or no need of their meeting when the choosing of Members was so troublesom and their expences eundo morando ad propria redeundo so chargeable to the people besides the great Taxes they usually granted is altogether unreasonable As for the Triennial Act of this King it makes more against than for his Lordships design since it requires but to have a Parliament once in three years and not sooner without some extraordinary occasion which I doubt not but His Majesty according to His late most Gracious Declaration will see punctually observ'd as He has been pleas'd to do in the whole course of His Reign And the Statute of Provisors 25 Ed 3. is no less impertinent to his purpose for tho' it be the Right of the Crown of England and that the Law of the said Realm is such that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to His Realm the King ought and is bound by Oath with the accord of His People in Parliament to make remedy and Law in removing the mischiefs and damages which thereof ensue Yet if His People in Parliament prove peevish and obstinate and will not accept of His Majesty's gracious Condescensions nor of the expedients by Him propos'd who then is to be blam'd the King or His People How many Proposals and Overtures of accomodation have been made by His Majesty to His last Parliament at Westminster and how undutifully they were rejected by some Leading-Members in the House of Commons How often did he offer to consent to any reasonable expedient they cou'd find out for securing the establish'd Religion in case of a Popish Successor But all was slighted as if nothing but the Subversion of the Monarchy was able to secure some Gentlemen in their Religion that were shrewdly suspected to have none to lose This discourse I know will not relish with our Irish Chief-Baron who seems already very angry that a Cabal as he calls the Loyal Addressers of the Nation shou'd take upon themselves to arraign the Proceedings of our latest Parliaments p. 8. And yet his unmannerly Worship because he thinks 't is a Priviledge peculiar to the Godly to speak evil of Dignities scruples not to rail at the best Parliament that ever met in his time which really was what he scoffingly calls it a Parliament of famous Loyalty tho' in their latter days when by the Death of several good Members too many of the old Leaven had crept in that vigor was much abated which they always express'd in their former resolutions and for which this Factious Lawyer presumes to say that obliquely they gave the Papists many assistances p. 14. and in plain terms calls them the corrupt Villains of the late Long-Parliament Considerations consider'd p. 19. But to clear this point without insisting upon retortions and recriminations I say to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament in its true and legal sense that is of King Lords and Commons is a very great and a very hainous Crime not to be conniv'd at or endur'd in any Subject whatsoever because it tends to the vilifying and consequently to the subverting the Government for as Seneca well observ'd Nihil valet Regum potestas nisi prius valeat authorit as If Princes lose their Authority the awe and reverence due to them from the People they have lost their Power and Command and are in effect more than half Depos'd But to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament when this Name is abusively appropriated to the House of Commons to whom this lawless Scribler attributes a high and uncontroulable Power p. 9. as if the King and Lords were only Cyphers the Crime is not near so unpardonable as some people wou'd have us believe I am sure Mr. Justice Hutton in his Argument against Ship-money which so pleas'd even that Rebellious Conventicle of Forty-One who swallow'd up the King's Prerogative and the Peoples Liberties in their Parliament-Priviledges that they gave express Orders to get it printed thought it no such Crime to say I know not whether the last meeting in Parliament either by ill choice of the Members of the House or by the great encrease of the number or by the ambitious humour of some Members of that House who aim'd more at their own ends and designs than the good of the Commonwealth things were so carry'd not as was us'd in ancient times but so disastrously that it hath wrought such a distast of this course of Parliaments as we and all that love the Commonwealth have just cause to be sorry for it p. 33. Nevertheless I must confess that even in this sense 't is not becoming every private Pen to censure or condemn them upon every slight occasion and the motives must be very extraordinary when such practices are allowable Yet when we consider that matters have been so carry'd on for some years past that of necessity we must eâ—ther mislike our Princes Wisdom and Councils for Proroguing and Dissolving so many Parliaments or conclude as undoubtedly we must that the unseasonable heat of the Leading-Members in the House of Commons necessitated His Majesty to take such unwelcom resolutions And withal when we find not only the King but the
generality of the Nation in their repeated Addresses express their dislike to the Proceedings of a prevailing Party in that House all Loyal Subjects I think concern'd in the election of such Members ought to be so just to Themselves and the Publick as to declare their own Integrity and their constant affection to the King that the world may see they are no Abettors of the unwarrantable resolutions of their Representatives who perhaps ran into such unusual extravagancies in hopes to be seconded by their Principals But tho' the occasion be never so extraordinary it must nevertheless be granted for an undeniable Maxim that whatsoever misdemeanors any Members of that Honourable House happen to commit it ought not to reflection the House in general nor yet the errors of the whole House at any time put either Prince or People out of love with that wholsom and excellent Constitution For such is the instability of Mundan affairs that as the Poet said Nihil est ab omni parte beatum there is nothing upon Earth but hath its failings and even the best of Governments has sometimes its own inconveniences Thus Princes are now and then apt to give too much credit to their flattering Favourites and be led for a while by their evil Counsels till time and experience convince them of their error and 't is plaâ—n the wisest Assembly that ever sate â—n the House of Commons cannot be always free free from the like mistakes but are sometimes mpos'd upon by the plausible pretences of some designing Politicians and cunningly decoy'd in to act contrary to their inclination to their interest and their duty Of this kind we have several remarkable passages in the Intestine-Troubles of Forty-One where a few Factious Members in both Houses insensibly inveigl'd the rest and inflam'd the whole Nation into a general combustion And these four years past can sufficiently furnish us with fresh instances almost of the like nature but that through the great Prudence of our Sovereign and His Most Honourable House of Lords mindful of their Fathers miscarriages all these endeavours prov'd abortive and unsuccessful If we serâ—ously consider what measures some persons of greater parts than honesty made use of at that time as well in as out of Parliament we shall find cause enough to admire how people that pretend so much Religion Loyalty so much affection to their King and Countrâ—y cou'd be wrought upon to run head-long into such extravagant courses so destructive of the Prerogative-Royal and of the Peace and Settlement of the Three Kingdoms The horrid Popish-Plot which has already cost us so many Millions in our Trade and Commerce and I am afraid a great deal more in our Credit and Reputation abroad was made a stalking-horse by the ambitious to attain to their expected Greatness of being chief Ministers if not chief Magistrates of all the K's Dominions And because His Majesty wisely considering it was impossible to make a just and impartial enquiry into that hellish Conspiracy whiâ—e the people were so far transported with heat and passion which nothing but time cou'd cure and withal discovering what use some designing Demagogues intended to make of this Plot against the Monarchy thought it convenient or rather necessary sometimes to Prorogue sometimes to Dissolve his Parliament and call another in hopes to meet with one of a better temper and more moderation Our cunning Machiavellians took hold of this opportunity to enflame the unthinking multitude and make them believe their All was betray'd without a speedy Parliament to enquire into the Popish-Plot and redress the Grievances of the Nation and therefore they clamour'd it was absolutely necessary they shou'd all joyn in a Petition to His Majesty for that purpose whereby they were sure either to gain their point and get the Parliament to sit which they might model and influence as they pleas'd or at least know the strength of their party by the number of Subscribers and lessen His Majesty's credit in the hearts of his People To this end Agents are sent about and the Petition is sign'd by many Legions of the Goaly Party None so forward to subscribe this Petition to the Son as they who petition'd for Justice agaâ—nst the Father There you might see Presbyterians Independents Quakers Brownists and Anabaptists all in a string to petition His Majesty for a speedy Parliament A mysterious Riddle to all sober and understanding men that Fanaticks who always but in Forty-One dreaded the face of that August Assembly shou'd now be more zealous for their sitting than the True-Protestants of the Church of England It was certainly an Omen that cou'd portend no good either to Church or State and therefore as the King had reason to mistrust there lay a Snake in the Grass the Brethrens zealous petitioning to that purpose did rather hinder than forward their meeting At last when it could not be thought the effect of the Fanaticks importunity but of His Majesty's grace and goodness the Parliament met on the 23 of Octob 1680 and the King having solemnly renew'd them His former promises of complying with any thing they cou'd in reason propose desir'd them to wave all unseasonable disputes and hasten to settle the affairs of the Nation and bring their meeting to a happy conclusion The People were generally big with expectation to see the issue of this famous Session and doubted not but all their jealousies and distractions wou'd now be fully removed the Three Nations settl'd and compos'd and the Popish Plot speedily shifted to the bottom Parturiunt montes They sate almost for three entire months without any lett or interruption and what have they done all this while towards the effecting these weighty matters that lay before them what great progress have they made towards the suppressing of Popery or putting a period to that hellish Conspiracy They spent nine or ten days about my Lord Stafford's Tryal and when all expected the other Lords shou'd immediately follow our charitable Patriots tender it seems of shedding more Popish-Blood sate down to breath themselves and not a word more of the Papists to the end of the Chapter The truth is the Leading-Members that govern'd all in the House of Commons had other fish to fry They were ferreting out Papists in Masquerade or half-reform'd Protestants now thought more dangerous than the profess'd Romanists A Reformation they intended both in Church and State and God knows where it shou'd have ended It was enough they fix'd the Popish-Plot by the conviction of my Lord Stafford but it seems it was their interest to keep it on foot for other purposes perhaps in imitation of the wise Romans who thought it impolitick to demolish their great Rival Carthage which while standing might serve to keep them from idleness and exercise their Valour The Papists therefore must have a time to breath and the Fanaticks are the great favourites of the House while known Protestants of the Church of England under the
odious names of Abhorrers are forc'd to bear the brunt and suffer as Betrayers of the peoples Rights and Liberties for obeying their Sovereigns Proclamation tho' not repugnant to any known Law or Statute but approv'd of by the Judges and other Sages of the Law and conformable to an express Act of Parliament in the like case provided 13 Car. 2. c. 5. 'T is the peoples Right I know or to speak more properly 't is their Duty to petition their Prince for relief and redress of their Grievances but still 't is the undoubted Prerogative of the Sovereign to judge whether such Grievances be real or pretended fit to be granted or necessary to be rejected And when upon weighty considerations as the Subject ought in duty to suppose the Prince openly expresses his dislike to such Petitions to importune him any further is very unmannerly and plainly tending to Sedition 'T is an undutiful part in Subjects saith our British Solomon to press their King wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them In his Speech to the Parliament anno 1609. The evil consequences of these tumultuous Petitions are too well known to those that remember our late unhappy Confusions to be dwelt upon or describ'd in so small a Treatise 'T is enough that the wisdom of the Nation both King and Parliament after His Majesty's miraculous Restauration have declar'd It hath been found by sad experience that tumultuous and other disorderly soliciting and procuring of hands by private persons to Petitions Complaints Remonstrances Declarations and other Addresses to the King or to both or either Houses of Parliament for alteration of matters establish'd by Law redress of pretended Grievances in Church or State or other publick Concernments have been made use of to serve the ends of Factious and Seditious persons gotten into power to the violation of the publick Peace and have been a great mens of the late unhappy Wars Confusions and Calamities in this Nation 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Besides our Lawyers tell us and King James declares in his Speech to the Parliament on the last of March 1607 That Rex est Lex loquens and where the Law is silent the King's will is a temporary Law Upon what account then were the Abhorrers of the late tumultuous Petitions so exactly resembling those of Forty and so contrary to His Majesty's express Orders and Proclamation censur'd or imprison'd what Crime have they committed or Law have they violated or can there be any transgression where there is no Law or Punishment where there is no Transgression Oh! say they tho' there be no positive Law directly against Abhorrers yet 't is the great Fundamental Law Lex consuetudo Parliamenti and the Priviledge of Parliament that they may judge what Crimes are punishable ex post facto and by their arbitrary Power punish any man for what they please This I must confess is a pretty knack to help us off at a dead lift and will serve as well to vindicate the most exorbitant proceedâ—ngs of a mad Parliament as self-preservation is generally wrested to justifie the horrid Conspiracies of Rebellious Subjects It proves the great Earl of Strafford has been lawfully Executed tho' his very Enemies then gave us reason to believe and both King and Parliament since have declar'd him Innocent And the known Laws of the Land are at this rate very defective since they are not the entire Rule of the peoples Civil Obedience but are further liable to be try'd by that mysterious Riddle Lex consuetudo Parliamenti which neither our Fathers nor We were able to understand 'T is an undoubted Maxim both in Law and Reason that promulgation is absolutely necessary to the obligation of all positive constitutions insomuch that the immediate Laws even of the Almighty are not obligatory where they were never preach'd or made known How then comes it to pass that so many Loyal Subjects and good Protestants have been troubl'd upon the account of those mystical Riddles Lex consuetudo Parliamenti and the Priviledges of Parliament which were never publish'd or made known to the people but lie dormant in the House of Commons till started up as occasion requires It were to be wish'd that Honourable Senate wou'd so far oblige the Nation as to give them a true description of this Law and Custom of Parliament and an exact account of their Priviledges that people might in some measure for the future be able to shun those dangerous rocks and not be surpriz'd or shipwrack'd on such hidden shelves Till then all those loud pretences of securing the Subject from Slavery and Arbitrary Government must seem very ridiculous to the sober and judicious who as they cannot be easily impos'd upon by outward appearances to believe peoples words not suitable to their actions will be apt to mistrust that what these Gentlemen so stifly oppose in others they design wholly for themselves But to come closer to the purpose let us suppose the Parliament has this Arbitrary Prerogative to turn our most innocent actions into misdemeanors and make what they please a breach of Priviledge yet by what Authority can the House of Commons alone pretend to execute that Power or take upon them to be sole Judges that cannot act as Justices of the Peace Our Ancestors it seems have brought their Hogs to a fair Market who have struggled for many Ages to preserve themselves and Posterity from the unbounded rule of Arbitrary pleasure and having wrested that Power from their Soveraign like wise Politicians have left it in the hands of their Fellow-Subjects nay of their Attorneys and Servants to whom as such they always allow'd their daily wages for their attendance in Parliament 'T is certainly an odd kind of Liberty that the people can neither be Fin'd nor Imprison'd by their Soveraign unless for transgressing some known penal Law of the Land but their Deputies and Trustees may uncontroulably punish them for any thing they are pleas'd to call Criminal Is this the great happiness of Freeborn Subjects instead of one to have five hundred Masters and see the Fundamental Laws of the Nation Magna Charta and all the good Statutes confirming and explaining the same thus eluded and made useless by a pretended Custom of Parliament What are we the better at this rate that by the Great Charter of the Liberties of England c. 29 't is declar'd That no Freeman shall be taken or Imprison'd or be disseiz'd of his Freehold or Liberties or his Free Customs or be Outlaw'd or Exil'd or in any manner destroy'd but by the lawful Judgement of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Or that 28 Edw. 3. c 3. 't is enacted That no man of what estate or condition he be shall be put out of his Land or Tenements nor taken nor Imprison'd nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought to Answer by due Process of Law Or to omit many others that 42 Ed. 3. c. 3. It is assented
against any of their Pretensions yet I must say the power they claim now-a-days to punish all sorts of misdemeanors and what they please to term a breach of Priviledge is not to be endur'd by any free-born Subject For besides that 't is needless because such offences may and by Law ought to be try'd in the ordinary Courts of Justice 't is very dangerous to the Publick least the Grand Inquest of the Nation appointed to represent the Peoples Grievances and pray redress shou'd upon this account be diverted from pursuing those weighty affairs by every sawcy Footman belonging to the meanest Burgess in their House I confess it were somewhat tolerable in the Commons to imprison and punish their own Members for words by them spoken or misdemeanors committed in the House 1. Because by 4 H. 8. c. 8. they are not punishable elsewhere for any rashness in Parliament that does not amount to Treason Felony or breach of the Peace which the Commons neither can nor I hope will as in Forty-One endeavour to protect 2ly Because 't is suppos'd the Members upon their entring into that Assembly unanimously agreed the lesser number shou'd always submit to the greater and the major Vote be observ'd as the Act and Sense of the whole House if therefore by consent and original compact every single Member submits himself to the rest he cannot complain tho' otherwise they had no authority if they imprison him for his misdemeanors because scienti volenti non fit injuria provided always they exceed not the common Rules of Justice nor the bounds of our establish'd Laws for then no private Act can bind a Subject tho' made with his own free consent as appears by Clark's Case against the Mayor and Burgesses of St. Albans Coke lib. 5. p. 64. I cannot therefore but think the power assum'd of late years by the House of Commons over their fellow-Members to expel them the House when and for what they please without any legal Tryal which the Lords never practic'd against any of their Peers is in it self most unreasonable and of very dangerous consequence as Mr. Prynne tho' otherwise a great Champion for the Priviledges of Parliament proves at large in divers of his Treatises The practice saith he of sequestring and expelling Commons by their fellow-Commons only is a late dangerous unparliamentary Usurpation unknown to our Ancestors destructive to the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliaments and injurious to those Counties Cities and Boroughs whose Trustees are secluded the House of Commons being no Court of Justice to give either Oath or final Sentence and having no more authority to dismember their fellow-Members than any Judges Justices of the Peace or Committees have to Dis-judge Dis-justice or Dis-committee their fellow Judges Justices or Committee-men being all of equal Authority and made Members only by the King 's Writ and the Peoples Election not by the Houses or other Members Votes who yet now presume both to make and unmake seclude and recal expel and restore their fellow-Members at their pleasure contrary to the practice and resolution of former Ages to patch up a Factious Conventicle instead of an English Parliament In his legal Vindication of the Liberties of England p. 10. But whatever Power the Commons can pretend to have over their own Members to say they can lawfully punish others tho for a breach of Priviledge much less for any other Crime seems to me a very groundless Assertion not warrantable by the Ancient Law and Custom of Parliament but rather contrary to the Fundamental Constitutions of our Government First because 't is impossible to make out from whom this Power is deriv'd From the King The Factious will not own it and none can prove it For they have neither Patent nor Statute to shew for 't nor yet any Legal Prescription which is a constant immemorial Custom such as the Lords have in point of Judicature to warrant it the Ancientest President they can alledge being that of 4 Ed. 6. or the Case of Ferrers referr'd to them by the Lords in the 34 H. 8 about sevenscore years ago Do they deriâ—e it then from the People from the Freeholders and Freemen their Electors These have no such Power of themselves they can Imprison none without His Majesties Commission and what they have not sure they cannot give Nemo dat quod non habet As for the Power given by the Electors to their chosen Members who are order'd by the Writ of Summons to have from the persons they represent Plenam sufficientem potestatem 't is no Judicial Power nor Political Jurisdiction which the People have not and consequently cannot give but only a Power of consenting as well for their Principals as for themselves to the Kings Laws and Ordinances And certainly if the King be the Suprem and the only Suprem Governour of this Realm as we affirm in the Oath of Supremacy and if all Authority and Jurisdiction Spiritual and Temporal be derived and deducted from the Kings Majesty as 't is expresly declarâ—d 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. § 3. Or as Old Bracton saith Ea quae sunt Jurisdictionis pacis ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem lib. 3. c. 24. Unless the Commons can make out they have their Power from the King they can have no manner of Jurisdiction and by consequence cannot lawfully Punish or Imprison any Criminal if not perchance their own Members in the Cases aforesaid Besides in the first Parliament of Queen Mary 't is declar'd That the most Ancient Statutes of this Kingdom do give assign and appoint the correction and punishment of all Offenders against the Regality and Dignity of the Crown and the Laws of this Realm unto the King 1 Mar. Sess. 3. c. What then are the breakers of the Commons Priviledges are they Offenders against the Dignity of the Crown or the Laws of the Realm If so they ought according to this Act to be punish'd by the King if not they are not punishable at all for to trouble any that does not offend against the Crown or the Law of the Land is very Illegal and Arbitrary and a high breach of the Liberty of the Subject Secondly because the Law has expresly provided where and how breaches of Priviledge ought to be punish'd and gives the House of Commons no power to take any cognizance of them for by several Statutes it appears that if a Parliament-man or his Menial-servant be Assaulted Beaten or Wounded in Parliament-time Proclamation shall be made where the deed is done that the Offendor shall render himself to the Kings-Bench within half a year after there to be tryed and if the Offendor will not appear he shall be Attainted of the Deed and pay to the Party griev'd his double Damages to be tax'd by the discretion of the Judges of the said Bench for the time being or by Inquest if need be and also make Fine and Ransom at the Kings will Moreover it is
look'd upon by our Laws as persons of no less Integrity than Honour in the distribution of Justice and besides are assisted by all the Judges of England by the 12 Masters of Chancery by the Kings Learned Council and by His Attorney and Solicitor General in consideration whereof the same Laws have repos'd that extraordinary trust in this August Assembly that to them alone it belongs to redress delays and reform the erroneous Judgments of other Courts of Justice and give a final decision to all manner of Appeals Now by the Laws of other Nations as well as ours 't is the nature of Superior Courts that they may determine matters tryable by an Inferior and therefore it must be allow'd that tho the House of Commons cannot because no Court of Judicature yet the House of Lords the dernier resort of all Suits and Actions may if they please punish the Invaders of their Priviledges notwithstanding that the Law directs them to be try'd in Inferiour Courts Having thus sufficiently demonstrated that the House of Commons have neither Common nor Statute-Law nor yet any legal Precedents to warrant their Fining or Imprisoning the meanest of their Fellow-subjects 't is high time I think tho a great deal more might be said on this subject very useful to be known to give you a brief account of other Particulars and examine whether the Remedies propos'd in Parliament by our late Mountebanks of State be not equally dangerous if not really worse than our Disease But to expose the designs of some ill men there and the unwarrantable Votes and Resolves they got pass'd in the Lower House is a task no less tedious than difficult for me to undertake I will therefore tell you in short that notwithstanding all the noise and clamour they made about the Protestant Religion and the Liberty of the Subject the Nation had too much reason to believe they minded more their own ends than the common good of the People The Kings best Subjects who having so many years experience of His Majesties most happy Government declar'd themselves satisfi'd with His prudent management of Affairs and in Obedience to His Royal Proclamation express'd their aversion to all Tumultuous Petitions were no more run down on the one side than the Factious Fanaticks even such as signaliz'd themselves in the late Rebellion were countenanc'd and favour'd on the other insomuch that many were of opinion people had no surer way to ingratiate themselves with some of the Leading Memberr than openly to asperse the Government and reflect upon the King and His Ministers as Favorers of Popery and Designers of Arbitrary Power 'T is almost incredible what pains they took to get the Notorious Anabaptist Ben. Harris discharg'd out of Prison for no other reason that I find but because a Dissenter who with a great deal of favour was condemn'd only to the Pillory instead of Tyburn for publishing that Treasonable Pamphlet The Appeal Neither is this all the main Bulwark of our Church must be broke down the Penal Laws against the Non-conformists Repeal'd to let in a Deluge of Sectaries the scandal of the Reformation who have nothing of Christianity but the Name to Profane the Temple of God And because this Project luckily miscarry'd their Friends in the House endeavour'd to leave them a new kind of Dispensation and the very last day of their sitting that with their dying breath they might testify to the World their great zeal for the Dissenters in general of what sect or perswasion soever to the admiration of most men they pass'd the following Vote Resolved That it is the Opinion of this House that the Prosecution of Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws is at this time grievous to the Subject a weakening of the Protestant Interest an encouragement to Popery and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom I need not comment upon this unwarrantable Resolve by which our worthy Patriots even without the King and House of Lords once more were pleas'd to assume to themselves a Power of suspending and consequently of making Acts of Parliament The encouragement this gave to the Republicans to pursue their wicked Designs against the Crown and the Church like to have prov'd fatal to both is enough to convince the World they cou'd hardly do the Nation a greater mischief and that their confining several Gentlemen tho contrary to Law and Reason was not near so dangerous to the Government as their breaking down the Rails of the Church to let a swarm of Sectaries creep in at the Windows It was observ'd with some admiration how during this Session of Parliament there was not one Fanatick Imprison'd nor so much as question'd by the Commons for any Crime or Insolence whatsoever very few Papists molested but the true Sons of the Church of England daily Prosecuted in vast numbers to their great loss and vexation tho it prov'd at last the eternal shame and confusion of the Authors I cou'd not but smile to see the perplexity they were in when one of the Judges to his never-dying fame for giving the first Precedent of that kind made application to the House of Commons about the Execution of his Trust and desir'd their Opinion whether he shou'd do Justice to one of their Prisoners by granting the Writ of Habeas Corpus to Mr. Sheridan then in the Custody of Serjeant Topham Three several days the Case was stifly debated in the House the Act read twice or thrice over and yet no resolution taken The Warrant of Committment which order'd the Gentleman to be confin'd without any Cause shown During the Will and Pleasure of the House of Commons was look'd upon so Illegal and Arbitrary a Procedure even by several Members of the House that Serjeant M. till he heard it was already made publick wou'd have them immediately recal the Old and grant a New Warrant more conformable to Law Besides the words of the Statute were so full as admitted of no Comment and so plain for the Liberty of the Subject as made it undenyable that Prisoners unless for Treason or Felony were still Bailable by what Person or Persons soever Committed not excepting the King and Council much less the House of Commons who had no Legal Power to Commit any Criminal But still the point was very nice and the Leading Members no less uncertain what resolution to take for if they openly declar'd against the Habeas Corpus the Nation wou'd be much alarm'd and suspect these Gentleman instead of securing intended to invade the Subjects Liberty but if they allow'd the Writ the delicious power of Imprisoning such as they had a picque to was utterly lost and all persons referr'd to the ordinary Courts of Justice or upon their failure to the House of Lords the suprem Tribunal of England At last Sir William Jones like an Imperious Dictator starts up to decide the matter and having made a bawling Harangue concerning the Power of the House and their Intention of not
any person or persons or body-politick for any Manors Lands Tenements Hereditaments or things above-specified contrary to the words sentences and meaning of this Act shall incur the danger of the Act of Praemunire ib. § 41. What cou'd the wit of man contrive or devise more firm in Law or more satisfactory to all parties concern'd in Church or Abbey-Lands than these and several other paragraphs provided in the same Act of Parliament Why then are people by groundless and imaginary fears discompos'd or frightn'd out of their wits and made tools to drive on the Designs of some ill men against the Monarchy and the Church who will have nothing sufficient to secure them in the Religion they have not but what will unavoidably shake the very foundation of the Government 'T is true our State-Mountebanks in their Address presented in the Name of the House of Commons are so dutiful to their Sovereign as humbly to threaten this may possibly happen if the Duke succeeds We further humbly beseech Your Majesty say they in Your great Wisdom to consider whether in case the Imperial Crown of this Protestant Kingdom should descend to the Duke of York the opposition which may possibly be made to his possessing it may not only endanger the farther descent in the Royal Line but even Monarchy it self 21 Dec. 1680. But that season I hope is over and the Nation now thorowly sensible of the fatal consequences of such resolutions and can never forget the unparallell'd Tyranny of the Rump nor the doleful Tragedies that ensu'd the Quarrel between York and Lancaster which made England a Field of Blood But what has this great Prince once the peoples darling done to deserve so severe a treatment or be thought so dangerous a person to the Publick Has he defrauded any of an Ox or an Ass or was he ever found worse than his word or unjust in his dealings If he has chang'd his opinion which yet is improbable about the modes and circumstances of Religion 't is plain he has not chang'd his moral Principles nor his natural affection to his Countrey I need not instance how often he expos'd his Person to danger like a common Sea-man to fight our Battles nor how zealously he always studied the true Interest of the English Nation in opposition to French Designs a truth too well known even to his most inveterate Enemies but ill rewarded with ingratitude 'T is prodigious what tricks and arts have been us'd of late to incense the unthinking multitude against His Highness and set them a-madding with the apprehension of Stakes and Faggots and all the Chymoera's of a crack-brain'd fancy when 't is palpably evident it is not in the power of any Prince tho' the greatest Bigot of Papists to force this Nation in point of Conscience or alter the establish'd Religion since the Laws de Haeretico combâ—rendo which in Queen Maries time were in force and warranted the Cruelties then committed upon the Protestants as the Statutes made by Queen Elizabeth do the executing of Priests and Jesuits as Traytors both uncharitable and ill-becoming a Christian-Magistrate are now happily repeal'd and abolish'd Why then shou'd people be bugbear'd out of their senses with imaginary fears of Smithfield-Faggots or think that the Duke who never advis'd his own Children to become Papists wou'd offer tho' able to compel any other to renounce his Religion If He has express'd some kindness for such Romanists as had signaliz'd their Loyalty to His FATHER here or to His BROTHER Abroad when those that now call themselves true Protestants openly absur'd his Title 't is an instance of his gratitude and good nature but no Argument of his approving the Opinions of that Party And yet we have no better proof than such groundless whispers and surmises unless we believe the ridiculous Salamunca Doctor 's peeping through the Key-hole of his being a Papist or any way inclin'd to the Popish Communion How false then is the Preamble and therefore justly rejected had there been no other reason by the House of Lords of the intended Bill of Exclusion That the Duke of York is notoriously known to have been perverted from the Protestant to the Popish Religion Or the extravagant Vote whereon they grounded this Abortive Bill Resolved That the Duke of York's being a Papist and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown hath given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present designs and conspiracies against the King and the Protestant Religion 2 Nov. 1680. Whereas it might with greater Truth and Justice be Resolved That the late endeavours of some Leading men in the House of Commons in favour of the Fanaticks and their declaring That if His Majesty should come by any Violent Death they would revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists has given the greatest countenance and encouragement to Colledge and his Accomplices to conspire against the King and the Church and has openly expos'd His Majesties sacred Life to the blind zeal of the Faction to whom besides the prospect of destroying their enemies it was a great temptation to commit the villany that they cou'd safely leave it at anothers door Thus Sir I have given you in short my Opinion on Mr. Hunts Defence of the Charter and for your further satisfaction have added some Remarks on the Proceedings of our worthy Patriots so much commended by that Gentleman in the last Parliament at Westminster There remains a great deal more to be said as well of this as of the other that follow'd at Oxford but some earnest business requiring my attendance I will at present give you no further trouble only speak a word or two to the general Calumny cast by the Factions on all that dare oppose their Designs and which I cannot well expect to escape viz. That we are no Friends to Parliaments But I appeal to any man of Sense whether I who wou'd have the Commons freely enjoy their Priviledges yet confin'd within their Ancient and Legal bounds or the Fanatick that labours to make their Power absolute and uncontroulable be a greater friend to that Honourable Assembly And whether they can possibly have more pernicious enemies than such as make them Controullers instead of Councellors to their Soveraign and Competitors with him in the Government when their Being wholly depends on his Will and Pleasure and can expect to fit no longer than during their good Behaviour How Fatal the Insolencies of the 3d. Estate in France Anno 1614. prov'd to that Nation in general who never since had the like Assembly is particularly observ'd by several Historians 'T is true we have no reason to mistrust any such thing having so good and so gracious a Prince as has solemnly engag'd His Royal word That no Irregularities in Parliament shall ever make Him out of Love with Parliaments Declar. p. 9. Besides that our Constitution is such that we cannot reasonably fear it Nevertheless Policy as well as Duty requires that the Commons give no such distast for the future as will justly occasion even any long intermission of their meeting since Parliaments provided they behave themselves with Prudence and Moderation Are the best method as His Majesty says for healing the Distempers of the Kingdom and the only means to preserve the Monarchy in that due credit and respect which it ought to have both at hom and abroad Ibid. FINIS * In making our ancient Laws saith the great Antiquary Mr Selden the Commons did petere the Lords assentire the King concludere in his Judicature in Parliament pag. 132. pag. 27. * 4 Ed. 3. 14. 36 Ed. 3. 10. * 16 Car. 2. 1. * Ne frena animo permitte calenti da spacium tenuemque moram male cuncta ministrat impetus * You all know that Rex è Lex loquens and you often heard me say that the King's will and intention being the speaking Law ought to be Luce clarius And again In any Case wherein no positive Law is resolute Rex e Judex for he is Lex loquens and is to supply the Law where the Law wants * Ib. f. 60. Beechers Case The like he hath fol. 120. Bonham's Case and lib. 11. f. 43. Godfrey's Case and in several other places * Dyer f. 60. a. says the Parliament consists of three parts viz. the KING as chief Head the LORDS the chief and principal Members of the Body and the COMMONS the inferiour Members * Coke 4. Inst. p. 25. 31 H. 6. n. 26 27. * Mich. 12. Ed. 4. Rot. 20. in the Exchequer * Hill 14 E. 4. Rot. 7. * Dyer fol. 59. * 8 H. 6. Rot. Parl. n. 57. * 39 H. 6. n. 9. * 14 Ed. 4. n. 55. * The Lords themselves cannot by Priviledge of Parliament set any at Liberty by their immediate Orders to the Gentleman vsher or Serjeant at Arms but only by a Writ of Priviledge from the Lord Keeper as appears 43 Elizab. D'ewes Journals p. 608. * See Prynn's Remarks on Coke's 4 Inst. p. 42. * None can be Judge and Party Coke's 8 Reports Dr. Bouham's Case f. 118. b. * The constant Custom of the Commons even to this day to stand bare with their Hats in their hands while the Lords sit cover'd at all Conferences and Tryals is a plain Argument they are not Fellows or Colleagues in Judgment * 10 Jan. 1681 80 * 7 Jan. 1680. * 2 R. 2. 5. 11 R. 2. 11. c. de Scandalis Magnatum * 25 Ed. 3. Statute of Provisors * 38 Ed. 3. Stat. 2. c. 1. 2 H. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 6. 3 H. 5. c. 4. * The same is resolved 12 H. 4. f. 16. 14 H. 4. f. 14. 8 H. 6. f. 3. 20 H. 6. 1. 35 H. 6. 42. 7 E. 4. 14. 12 E. 4. 16. * 1 2 Phil. Mar. c. 8. num 32. * Volentes ac decernentes quod dictorum bonorum Ecclesiasticorum ram mobilium quam immobilium possessores praefati non possiut in praesenti nec in posterum seu per Conciliorum Generalium vel Provincialium dispositiones seu Decretales Rom. Pontificum Epistolas seu aliam quamconque censuram Ecclesiasticam in dictis bonis seu eorundem possessione molestari vel inquietari 1 2 Phil. Mar. c. 8. num 33.