the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ— to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ— c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruâ—â—ia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ— nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râ—x Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing So being mounted vpon the Iennet they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee and all the ground spread wâ—th Turkie carpets and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance and all things necessarie were brought into my tent where I both tooâ—e my table and lodging and had other conuenient tents for my seruants The souldiers enuironed the tents and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there although I sought my speedier dispatch On the Wednesday towards night I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde and there pitched our tents till the next morning and so traueiled till ten of the clocke and then pitched our tents till foure and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents Immediatly after came all our English marchants and the French on horsebacke to meete me and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men diuers mules laden with victuall and banker for my supperâ— declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himsâ—lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his countrey as neuer any Christian the like and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning which he did About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants and a great number of souldiers I passâ—d towards the citie and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs and especially the Portugales and I countenanced them accordingly So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie and then Iohn Bampton returned shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming that hee could not deuise to doe too much to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie and her Realme His counsellers met me without the gates and at the entrie of the gates his footmen guard were placed on both sides of my horse and so brought me to the kings palace The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him as well the Moores as the Elchies and according to his order giuen vnto me before I there declared my message in Spanish and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters and all that I spake at that present in Spanish hee caused one of his Elâ—hies to declare the same to the Moores present in the Larbe tongue Which done he answered me againe in Spanish yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundâ—ment and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge The same night he sent for mee to the Court and I had conference with him about the space of two houres where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie finding him conformable willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes then hee in comparison from vs. Further he gaue me to vnderstand that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment albeit said he I know what the king of Spaine is and what the Queene of England and her Realme is for I neither like of him nor of his religion being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England He shall not come to my presence as you haue done and shall dayly for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters when as he tooke me by the hand and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water and there sitting himselfe in a chaire he commanded me to sit downe in another and there called for such simple Musicians as he had Then I presented him with a great base Lute which he most thankfully accepted and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary I finde him to be one that liâ—eth greatly in the feare of God being well exercised in the Scriptures as well in the olde Testament as also in the New and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion which forbiddeth worship of Idols and the Moores called him the Christian king The same night being the first of Iune I continued with him till twelue of the clocke and he seemed to haue so good liking of me that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones rubies and turkies and did bestow it vpon me and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time The next day because he knew it to be Sunday our Sabboth day he did let me rest But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me and I had conference with him againe and musicke Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden finding him layd vpon a
from Mexico the 30 of May 1590 to Francis Hernandez of Siuil concerning the speedy building of two strong forts in S. Iuan de Vllua and Vera Cruz as also touching the notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico 400 leagues Northwest of Mexico pag. 396 Certeine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of California and of the sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America THe voyage of the right worshipfull knight Francisco de Vlloa with 3 ships set forth at the charges of the right noble Fernando Cortez by the coasts of Nueua Galicia Culiacan into the gulfe of California called El mar vermejo as also on the backside of Cape California as far as 30 degrees begun froÌ„ Acapulco the 8 of Iuly 1539. p. 397 The voyage and discouery of Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the R. H. Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of New Spaine to the very bottome of the gulfe of California and 85 leagues vp the riuer of Buena Guia begun the 9 of May 1540. pag. 425 The voyage and course which sir Francis Drake held from the hauen of Guatulco on the backside of Nueua Espanna to the Northwest of California as far as 43 degrees from thence backe againe to 38 degrees where in a very good harbour he graued his shippe entrenched himselfe on land called the countrey by the name of Noua Albion and tooke possession thereof on the behalfe of her Maiestie pag. 440 The memorable voyage of Francis Gualle a Spanish captaine and pilot vndertaken at the appointment of the viceroy of New Spaine from the hauen of Acapulco in the sayd prouince to the islands of the Luçones or the Philippinas vnto the hauen of Manilla and from thence to the hauen of Macao in China and from Macao by the Lequeos the isles of Iapan and other isles to the East of Iapan and likewise by the Northwest part of America in 37 degrees and ½ bâ—cke againe to Acapulco begun the 10 of March 1582 ended 1584. Out of which voyage besides gâ—eat probabilities of a North Northwest or Northeast passage may euidâ—ntly be gathered that the sea betweene Iapan and America is by mâ—ny hundred leagues broader and the land betweene Cape Mendoçino and Cape California is many hundred leagues narrower then we â—inde them to be in the ordinary maps and relations pag. 442 An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles in Nueua Espanna in October 1597 touching the discouery of the rich islands of California being distant eight dayes sailing from the maine pag. 439 A catalogue of diuers voyages made by English men to the famous city of Mexico and to all or most part of the other principall prouinces cities townes and places thorowout the great and â—arge kingdome of New Spaine euen as farre as Nicaragna and Panamá and from thence to Perú c. THe voyage of Robert Tomson merchant into New Spaine in the yere 1555. pa. 447 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham to Sant Iuan de Vllua in the bay of Mexico and from thence to the city of Mexico Anno 1564. pag. 447 The memorable voyage of M. Iohn Chilton to all the principall parts of Nueua Espanna and to diuers places in Perú begun â—rom Cadiz in Andaluzia in March 1568. pa. 455 The voyage of Henrie Hawks merchant to Nueua Espanna in which countrey he trauelled for the space of fiue yeres and obserued many notable things written at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt of Eyton in the county of Hereford esquire 1572. pag. 462 The voyage of Miles Philips one of the company put on shore by sir Iohn Hawkins 1568 a little to the North of Panuco from whence he trauelled to Mexico and afterward to sundry other places hauing remained in the countrey 15 or 16 yeeres together noted many things most worthy the obseruation pag. 469 The trauels of Iob Hortop set on land by sir Iohn Hawkins 1586 in the bay of Mexico somewhat to the North of Panuco before mentioned pag. 487 A relation of the hauen of Tecuanapa a most conuenient place for building of ships situate vpon the South sea not farrâ— from Nicaragua pag. 495 A catalogue of the principall English voyages to all the isles called Las Antillas and to the foure greaâ—er islands of Sant Iuan de Puerto â—ico Hespaniola Iamaica and Cuba and Northward thorow the Lucayos as also along the coasts of Tierra firma Nombre de dios Veragua the Honduras the coast of Iucatan to the poâ—t of Sanâ— Iuan de Vllua and the coast of Panuâ—o c. THe voyage of sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot in the yere 1516 to Brasil Santo Domingo and Sant Iuan de Puerto rico pag. 498 The voyage of Thomas Tison an English man to the West Indies before the yere 1526. pag. 500 The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauy royall made to the West Indies in the yere 1562. pag. 500 The second voyage made by the R. W. sir Iohn Hawkins knight with the Iesus of Lubec one of her Maiesties ships and the Salomon and two barks to the coast of Guinie from thence to the isle of Dominica all along the coast of Tierra firma so homewards about the cape of S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba thorow the chanel of Bahama Begun 1564. pag. 501 The third â—roublesome voyage of the right worshipfull sir Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubec the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the coasts of Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna Anno 1567 1568. pag. 521 The first voyage attempted and set foorth by the valiant and expert captaine M. Francis Drake with a ship called The Dragon and another ship a pinnesse to Nombre de Dios and Dariene about the yere 1572. pag. 525 The voyage of Iohn Oxnam of Plimmouth to the West India and ouer the streight of Dariene into the South sea Anno 1575. pag. 526 The voyage of M. Andrew Barker of Bristoll with two shippes the one called The Ragged staffe and the other The Beare to the coast of Tierra firma and the bay of the Honduras in the West Indies Anno 1576. pag. 528 The famous expedition of sir Francis Drake to the West Indies wherein were tâ—ken the cities of saint Iago saint Domingo Cartagena with the Fort and towne of saint Augustin in Florida in the yeers 1585 and 1586. pag. 5â—4 The voyage of William Michelson and William Mace of Ratcliffe master of a ship called The Dog made to the bay of Mexico anno 1589. pag. 557 The voyage and valiant fight of The Content a ship of the right honourable sir George Carey knight L. Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine Captaine of the honourable band of her Maiestiâ—s Pensioners and Gouernour of the Isle of Wight c. 1591. pag. 555 The voyage of M. Christopher Newport with a fleete of
weather quarter but dared not to come roome with vs although our Admirall stayed for them Assoone as we had cleered our selues of the Cape 3 of their best saylers came roome with the Salomon which was so neere the land â—hat she could not double the Cape but tacked about to the Eastward so was both a sterne and also to leeward of all our fleete But when we saw the Spaniards working the Defiance tacked about to rescue her which the Spaniâ—rds seeing hauing not forgotten the fight which she made the night before they loofed vp into the middest of their fleeâ—e againe and then all the fleete stayed vntill the Salomon came vp and so stood along for Cape S. Antonio which wee came in sight of by two in the after noone being a low cape also and to the Southwest a white sandie bay where 3 or 4 ships may very well water There is a good road to North Easterly windes there the Spaniardes began to fall a sterne That night wee stood away a glasse or two Northwest and Northnorthwest and Northeast and in the morning-watch South and in the morning had sight of Cuba about the East part of the Organes which are dangerous rocks lying 8 leagues off vpon the North part of Cuba presently assoone as you passe Cape S. Anthonie then we stood to the Eastward of the land the winde at Southsouthwest and at 6 at night had foule weather but after were becalmed all night The 5 the winde came scant The 7 we sawe a hie land like a crowne which appeareth so 13 or 14 leagues to the Westward of Hauana and another place in Cuba called The Table 8 leagues to the Eastward of the crowne The land ouer Hauana maketh two small mountaines like a womans breasts or paps Here we found no great current vntill we came to the Gulfe of Bahama The 10 we saw the Cape of Florida being but a reasonable low land and broken Ilands to the Southward of the Cape And at two in the afternoone we lost sight of the land 12 leagues to the Northward of the Cape After we had disemboqued we stood West till midnight and were in 28 degrees and then stood Northeast till the 13 at night when we were in 31 degrees And after the wind scanted with a great storme in which we lost the Bonauenture and the Little Iohn they bearing on head Then we stood with our larbord tacked Eastsoutheast The 19 we were in 29 degrees our course Eastnortheast The 21 we had a great stormie gale of winde and much raine but large And then all the rest of our fleete fell a sterne except the Hope which bare a head so that there kept no more with the Admirall but the Defiance the Aduenture and the Phenix The 28 we were in 39 degrees and stood away for Flores which the 8 of Aprill we saw and the 9 came to an anker on the Southside where we watered because the Defiance when we came in had but two buts of water We bartered with the Portugals for some fresh victuals and set here on shore at our comming away out of the Admirall our two Portugall Pilots which sir Francis Drake caried out of England with him The 10 bâ—ing Easter-â—ue at night we set saile the winde seruing vs to lie some slent in our course That night and Easter day we had much raine the winde came vp at Northeast wee beaâ—e it by some 30 lâ—agues to the Eastward then about to the West and so againe to the East and tryed and the next boord to the West On Thursday towards night being the 16 wee had sight of Coruo againe we tryed all that night and on Friday towards night we came to an anker to the Westward of the point of Santa Cruz vnder Flores but before midnight we draue and set saile the next day standing away Northeast About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came vp againe at North. On sunday the 19 by two of the clocke in the afternoone we had made 20 leaguâ—s an East way and then the winde came vp a good gale at Northwest and so Northeast with a flowne sheete we made the best way we could but being dispersed by bad weather we arriued about the beginning of May in the West parts of England And the last ships which came in together to Plimmouth were the Defiance the Garland the Aduenture and the Phenix A Libell of Spanish lies written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaines Armada concerning some part of the last voyage of Sir Francis Drake together with a confutation of the most notorious falsehoods therein contained and a declaration of the truth by M. Henrie Sauile Esquire and also an approbation of both by sir Thomas Baskeruil Generall of her Maiesties Armada after the decease of sir Francis Drake To the courteous Reader WHereas Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the Spanish fleete hath by his printed letters published to the world diuerse vntruthes concerning our fleete and the Commanders thereof seeking thereby his owne glorie and our disgrace I haue taken vpon me though of many least able to confute the same the rather for that the printed copie came fiâ—st into my hands hauing my selfe bene Captaine of one of her Maiesties ships in the same voyage Take this therefore gentle Reader as a token of my dutie and loue to my countrey and countrey-men and expect onely a plaine truth as from the pen of a souldier and Nauigator Which if you take in good part you may draw me hereafter to publish some greater labour HENRY SAVILE THe true copie of a letter found at the sacking of Cadiz written by Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda Generall of the king of Spaine his Nauie in the West Indies sent vnto Doctor Peter Florez President of the contractation house for the Indies and by him put in print with priuilege wherein are declared many vntruthes and false reports tending to the disgrace of the seruice of her Maiesties Nauie and the commanders thereof lately sent to the West Indies vnder the command of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins Generals at the sea and sir Thomas Baskeruill Generall at land with a confutation of diuers grosse lies and vntruthes contayned in the same letter together with a short relation of the fight according to the truth Copia de vna carta que embio Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellanedaâ— General de la Armada de su Magestad embiada al Doctor Pedro Florez Presidente de la casa de la Contratacion de las Indias en que trata del sucesso de la Armada de Ynglatterra despues que partio de Panama de que fue por General Francisco Draque y de su muerte DE Cartagena di cuenta a vuestra Merced como sali del puerto de la ciudad de Lisbona en busca de la armada Ynglesa aunque por
and honorable voyage vnto Cadiz the vanquishing of part of the king of Spaines Armada the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleete the chasing of so many braue and gallant Gallies the miraculous winning sacking and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz the surprising of the towne of Faraon vpon the coast of Portugal and other rare appendances of that enterprise because they be hereafter so iudicially set downe by a very graue and learned Gentleman which was an eye witnesse in all that action I referre your good L. to his faithfull report wherein I trust as much as in him lay he hath wittingly depriued no man of his right Vpon these and other the like considerations I thought it fit and very conuenient to commend with all humilitie and reuerence this first part of our English Voiages Discoueries vnto your Honors fauourable censure and patronage And here by the way most humbly crauing pardon and alwayes submitting my poore opinion to your Lordships most deep and percing insight especially in this matter as being the father and principall fauourer of the English Nauigation I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by to point at the meanes of breeding vp of skilfull Sea-men and Mariners in this Realme Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant that ships are to litle purpose without skilfull Sea-men and since Sea-men are not bred vp to perfection of skill in much lesse time as it is said then in the time of two prentiships and since no kinde of men of any profession in the common wealth passe their yeres in so great and continuall hazard of life and since of so many so few grow to gray heires how needfull it is that by way of Lectures and such like instructions these ought to haue a better education then hitherto they haue had all wise men may easily iudge When I call to minde how many noble ships haue bene lost how many worthy persons haue bene drenched in the sea and how greatly this Realme hath bene impouerished by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commodities through the ignorance of our Sea-men I haue greatly wished there were a Lecture of Nauigation read in this Citie for the banishing of our former grosse ignorance in Marine causes and for the increase and generall multiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age wherein God hath raised so generall a desire in the youth of this Realme to discouer all parts of the face of the earth to this Realme in former ages not knowen And that it may appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor deuise of mine it may please your Lordship to vnderstand that the late Emperour Charles the fift considering the rawnesse of his Sea-men and the manifolde shipwracks which they susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and the West Indies with an high reach and great foresight established not onely a Pilote Maior for the examination of such as sought to take charge of ships in that voyage but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Siuil The readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Mariners by word of mouth but also haue published sundry exact and worthy treatises concerning Marine causes for the direction and incouragement of posteritie The learned works of three of which readers namely of Alonso de Chauez of Hieronymo de Chauez and of Roderigo Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands together with the straight and seuere examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for the West Indies Which when I first read and duely considered it seemed to mee so excellent and so exact a course as I greatly wished that I might be so happy as to see the like order established here with vs. This matter as it seemeth tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that most renowmed and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory who for the increase of knowledge in his Sea-men with princely liberalitie erected three seuerall Guilds or brotherhoods the one at Deptford here vpon the Thames the other at Kingston vpon Hull and the third at Newcastle vpon Tine which last was established in the 28. yeere of his reigne The chiefe motiues which induced his princely wisedome hereunto him selfe expresseth in maner following Vt magistri marinarij gubernatores alij officiarij nauium iuuentutem suam in exercitatione gubernationis nauium transigentes mutilati aut aliquo alio casu in paupertatem collapsi aliquod releâ—amen ad eorum sustentationem habeant quo non solùm illi reficiantur verùmetiam alij iuuenes moueantur instigentur ad candem artem exercendam ratione cuius doctiores aptiores fiant nauibus alijs vasis nostris aliorum quorumcúnque in Mare gubernandis manutenendis tam pacis quà m belli tempore cum opus postulet c. To descend a litle lower king Edward the sixt that prince of peerelesse hope with the aduise of his sage and prudent Counsaile before he entred into the Northeasterne discouery aduanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be grand Pilot of England allowing him a most bountifull pension of 166 li.vj.s.viij.d by the yeere during his life as appeareth in his Letters Patents which are to be seene in the third part of my worke And if God had granted him longer life I doubt not but as he delt most royally in establishing that office of Pilote Maior which not long after to the great hinderance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to other priuate vses so his princely Maiestie would haue shewed himselfe no nigard in erecting in imitation of Spaine the like profitable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation And surely when I considered of late the memorable bountie of sir Thomas Gresham who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeable Lectures and some of them also which are Mathematicall tending to the aduancement of Marine causes I nothing doubted of your Lordships forwardnes in settling and establishing of this Lecture but rather when your Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof you will be heartily sory that all this while it hath not bene erected As therefore our skill in Nauigation hath hitherto bene very much bettered and increased vnder the Admiraltie of your Lordship so if this one thing be added thereunto together with seuere and straight discipline I doubt not but with Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the hiest pitch and top of all perfection which whensoeuer it shall come to passe I assure my selfe it will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey to the prosperous and speedy discouery of many rich lands and territories of heathens and gentiles as yet vnknowen to the honest employment of many thousands of our idle people to the great comfort and reioycing of our friends to the terror daunting and confusion of our foes
Ambassador for want of a good Interpretor was not well vnderstood and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy highnes commendations and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador and how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times vsing him with such honour in all points for thy sake Lord her louing brother as the like was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme and how honourably with full answere in all things her Maiestie dismissed him when hee had finished all thy princely affaires as it seemed to his owne contentation it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes letter vnto thee Lord by her messenger Robert Beast and her Maiestie did suppose that that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly and that by him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things otherwise she would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe But now her highnes perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satisfied in thy Princely affaires neither by Thomas Randolfe her highnes Ambassador nor by thine owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the said Andrea and also vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure towards sir William Garret and his company merchants traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto thee Lord Emperor and great duke as wel with her highnes ful mind touching thy princely affaires as also to know the iust cause of thy Maiesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants and hath commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe and according to their true meanings For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation to proceede rather vpon the euill and vntrue reports of thy late Ambassador in England and of such wicked persons of our nation resident here in thy highnes dominions rebels to her Maiestie and their Countrey then of any iust deserts of the said merchants who neuer willingly deserued thy highnesse displeasure but rather fauour in all their doings and meanings And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions which is now nineteene yeres the said merchants haue bene and are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things meete for thy Treasurie in time of peace and of warre in despite of all thy enemies although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe the sound and the way to the Narue and haue brought and do bring from time to time such commoditie to thee Lord as her Maiestie doeth not suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other Prince of the world And what great losses the said sir William Garret with his company hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade as well by Shipwracke as by false seruants it is manifestly knowen and what seruice the said companies Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies two yeeres past in going to the Narue when they sought with the king of Poles shippes Freebooters and burnt the same and slew the people and as many as were taken aliue deliuered vnto thy Captaine at the Narue I trust thy highnesse doth not forget Wherefore most mighty prince the premises considered the Queene her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister doeth request thy highnes to restore the said sir William Garret with his company into thy princely fauour againe with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy accustomed goodnes and iustice to be ministred vnto them throughout all thy Maiesties dominions as aforetime and that the same may be signified by thy Princely letters directed to thy officers in all places any thy highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding And further that it will please thy Maiestie not to giue credite to false reports and vntrue suggestions of such as are enemies and such as neither would haue mutuall amitie to continue betwixt your Maiesties nor yet entercourse betwixt your countries And such rebels of our nation as Ralfe Rutter and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions seeking to sowe dissenâ—ions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises spending away their masters goods riotously and will not come home to giue vp their accompts aduancing themselues to be merchants and able to serue thy highnes of all things fit for thy treasurie whereas indeed they be of no credite nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all the Queenes highnes request is that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home least by their remayning here and hauing practises and friendship with such as be not thy highnesse friendes their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garret and his company who haue true meaning in all their doings and are ready to serue thy highnesse at all times vsing many other words to the aduancement of your credits and the disgracing of your enemies and so I ended for that time Then sayd his Maiestie We haue heard you and will consider of all things further when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters to whom I answered that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand her highnesse full minde to his contentation and what wanted in writing I had credite to accomplish in word Wherewith his Maiestie seemed to be wel pleased and commaunded me to sit downe And after pawsing a while his Maiestie said these words vnto me It is now a time which we spend in fasting and praying being the weeke before Easter and for that we will shortly depart from hence towards our borders of Nouogrod wee â—an not giue you answere nor your dispatch here but you shall goe from hence and tary vs vpon the way where wee will shortly come and then you shall knowe our pleasure and haue your dispatch And so I was dismissed to my lodging and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie with great store of drinkes of diuers sorts and the next day following being the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde the chiefe Secretary to his Maiesty sent vnto mee a Gentleman to signifie vnto mee that the Emperours Maiesties pleasure was I should immediatly depart towards a Citie called Otwer three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda and there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts three score miles from the sayd Otwer Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary requesting him to further and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes which they should haue occasion to moue in my absence who sent me word againe that they should be wel assured of his friendship and furâ—herance in all their sutes And forthwith post horses were sent me with a Gentleman to conduct me And so departing from the said Sloboda I arriued at the said Otwer the 28. of March aforesaid where I remained til the
and forgiue Thomas Glouer his great and grieuous offences towards her highnesse committed onely for his Maiesties sake but also commanded sir William Garrard with his company to deale fauourably with the said Glouer in his accompts to whom he was indebted greatly and being their seruant detained their goods in his hands a long time whereupon the said sir William Garrard with his company counted with the said Glouer and ended all things euen to his saide contentation and was found to bee debter to the said company 4000. rubbles and aboue and bound himselfe both by his solemne othe and his hand-writing to pay the same immediatly after his returne into Russia with the said Andrea Sauin vnto Nicholas Proctor chiefe Agent there for the said company of merchants But although it is now two yeeres past since the said agreement and that the said Nicholas hath diuers and sundry times requested the said money of the said Thomas yet will he not pay the same debt but maketh delay from time to time alleadging that his Maiestie oweth him a great summe of money without the payment whereof he cannot be able to pay the said merchants his due debt long forborne to their great hinderance In consideration of the premisses It may please his highnesse to giue order that the said Glouer may be payd and that he may discharge his debt to the said company of merchants and the rather for that hee found such mercie and fauour in England onely for his Maiesties sake 13 Also forasmuch as Ralfe Rutter a rebell to the Queenes Maiestie and an enemie to his Countrey and to sir William Garrard and his company hath of long time remained here liuing of the spoyles and goods of the said merchants which he wrongfully detained in his handes riotously spending the same during the time that he was their seruant and would not come home when he was sent for and also for that the Queenes Maiestie doth vnderstand that the said Ralfe with other his adherents doe seeke by all false meanes to sowe dissention and breake amitie betwixt their Maiesties and to ouerthrowe the trade of the said merchants Her highnes request is that the said Ralfe with his complices may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home and none other of her Maiesties subiects not being of the societie of the said Sir William Garrard and his company to be suffered to traffike within his highnes dominions but to be deliuered to their Agent to bee sent home for that the said merchants with great charges and losses both by shipwracke and riotous seruants did first finde out this trade and haue continued the same these 19. yeeres to their great hinderance 14 Also whereas diuers masters and artificers of our Nation are here in his Maiesties seruice and do finde themselues grieued that they cannot haue licence to depart home into their natiue Countrey at their will and pleasure the Queenes Maiesties request is according to her highnes writing in that behalfe that not onely it will please his Maiestie to permit and suffer such artificers here resident in the seruice of his highnes to haue free libertie to depart and go home with me if they request the same but also all oâ—her the like which shall come hereafter to serue his Maiesty to haue free libertie to depart likewise without any let or stay 15 Also it may please his Maiesty to vnderstand that during the time of my long being at Colmogro attending his highnesse pleasure for my further accesse I with my company haue not onely bene ill vsed and intreated there and likewise the merchants there by one Besson Myssereuy his Maiesties chiefe officer who hath dishonoured me and smitten my people and oweth the saide merchants much money and will not pay them but also the saide Besson hath spoken wordes of dishonour against the Queenes Maiestie Wherefore it may please his highnesse to send downe with me to Colmogro a Gentleman as well chiefly to search foorth his euil behauiour towards her Maiestie as towards me her highnesse Ambassador and to punish him accordingly and also that it would please his Maiestie to sende downe his letter of iustice by vertue whereof the said Besson may be forced to pay all such money as he oweth to the sayd merchants without delay 16 Also that it would please his highnesse to vnderstand that sir William Garrard with his company vnderstanding of the great dearth in his Maiesties dominions by licence of the Queens Maiestie not otherwise permitted hath sent certaine ships laden with corne into his highnesse Countrey of Dwyna rather for the reliefe of his Maiesties subiects then for any gaine yet the good wil of the said merchants lightly regarded they were forbidden to sel the said corne to their great discouragement hereafter to send any more Wherefore it may please his highnesse to tender the good will of the said merchants as well in sending the saide corne as in all other things ready to serue his Maiestie and to direct his letters to his officers of Dwina to suffer the saide merchants with their company to sell the said corne by measure great or small at their pleasure without paying custome These articles being deliuered to the chiefe Secretary as aforesayde and our talke ended for that time I departed to my lodging accompanied with certaine Gentlemen The next day being the 13. of May aforesaid I had warning earely in the morning to prepare my selfe to be at the Court betwixt the houres of 10. and 11. of the clocke where I should haue accesse vnto the presence of the Prince as well to receiue answere of all things as to bee dismissed to goe home At which houres I was sent for to the Court and brought into the Chamber of presence where his Maiestie did sit apparelled most sumptuously with a riche Crowne vpon his head garnished with many pretious stones his eldest sonne sitting by him and many of his Nobilitie about him and after my duetie done his highnesse commanded me to approch very neere vnto him and sayde vnto me these wordes Anthony the Queene our louing sister her letters wee haue caused to be translated and doe well vnderstand the same and of all things as well therein contained as by worde of mouth by you to vs declared wee haue well considered and doe perceiue that our secret message vnto you committed was done truely according to our minde although wee were aduertised to the contrary and nowe wee are by you fully satisfied And when wee did sende our Ambassadour into England about those our great and waightie affaires to conclude the same with the Queene our sister our Ambassadour coulde ende nothing for want of such assurance as was requisite in princely affaires according to the maner of all Countreys but was dismissed vnto vs againe with letters of small effect touching the same and no Ambassadour sent with him from the Queene which caused vs to thinke that our princely affaires were set aside and little
to the English merchants of their goods so deteined by them for custome to take custome for the same according to his Maiesties letters of priuilege 9 10 To the ninth and tenth articles his Maiestie will consider of those matters and hereafter will signifie his princely pleasure therein 11 To the eleuenth as touching an inuentorie giuen into the treasury what goods the merchants had burnt in the Mosco in their houses there his Maiesties pleasure was to vnderstande the same to the intent he might know the losses of all strangers at that present but not to make restitution for that it was Gods doing and not the Emperours 12 To the twelfth concerning Thomas Glouer his Maiestie was enformed by his Ambassâ—dor of the Queenes great mercy and clemencie towards the said Thomas for his sake which his Highnes receiued in good part but what agreement or dealings was betwixt the said sir William Garrard his company the said Glouer or what he doth owe vnto the said merchants his Maiestie doth not know And as for the money which the said Thomas saith is owing vnto him by the Emperour his Maiesties pleasure is that so much as shall be found due growing vpon wares deliuered vnto the treasurie out of the time of his Maiesties displeasure shall be paid forthwith to the said Thomas and the rest is forfeited vnto his Maiestie and taken for a fine as appertaining to Rutter and Benneâ— accompted traitors vnto his Highnes during the time of his displeasure 13 To the thirteenth article concerning Rutter to be deliuered vnto you to be caried home the answere was that as his Maiestie will not detaine any English man in his Countrey that is willing to go home according to the the Queens request euen so will he not force any to depart that is willing to tary with him Yet his Highnes to satisfie the Queenes Maiesties request is contented at this present to send the said Ralfe Rutter home with you and hath commanded that a letter shall be written vnto his chiefe officer at the Mosco to send the said Rutter away with speed that he may be with you at Vologda by the fine of May without faile and touching the rest of your request in the said article his Maiesties pleasure shall be signified in the letters of priuilege granted to the said merchants 14 To the fourteenth touching artificers his Maiestie will accomplish all the Queenes Highnes request in that behalfe and now at this present doth licence such and so many to depart to their natiue countrey as are willing to goe 15 To the 15 touching Besson Messeriuey the Emperors maiestie is much offended with him and will send down a gentleman with you to inquire of his ill behauior aswel for speaking of vndecent words against the Queens maiestie as you haue alleaged as also against you and the merchants for his outrages mentioned in the article the said Besson being found guilty to be imprisoned punished by seuere iustice accordingly and after to put in sureties to answere the Emperors high displeasure or els to be brought vp like a prisoner by the said gentleman to answere his offences before his Maiestie And his highnes doth request that the Queenes highnes would doe the like vpon Middleton and Manlie her messengers sent thither two yeres past and of all others for their ill behauiour towards his maiestie as may appeare by letters sent by Daniel Siluester from his highnes least by the bad demeanor of such lewd persons the amity and friendship betwixt their maiesties might be diminished 16 To the 16 and last article touching the corne brought into the Emperors dominions by the merchants his maiestie doth greatly commend them for so wel doing and hath commâ—nded to giue you a letter forthwith in their behalf directed to his officers of Duina to suffer the saâ—â— merchants to sell their corne by measure great or small at their pleasure without custome Thus I receiued a full answere from his maiestie by his chiefe Secretarie one other of his counsel to the 16 articles afore rehearsed by me exhibited in writing touching your affaires with his letter also sent by me to the Queenes maiesty Which being done I requested that the new letters of priuilege granted by his highnes vnto you might be forthwith dispatched to the intent I might carie the same with me Also I requested that such money due to you which it had pleased his maiesty to command to be payd might be deliuered to me in your behalfe Touching the letters of priuilege the Secretary answered me it is not possible you can haue them with you for they must be first written and shewed vnto the Emperor and then threâ— to be written of one tenour according to your request which cannot bee done with speede for that his maiesties pleasure is you shall depart this night before him who remooueth himselfe to morrow towards Nouogrod but without faile the sayd letters shall be dispatched vpon the way â—nd sent after you with speede to Colmogro And as touching the money which you require it cannot be paid here because we haue not the bookes of accounts for want whereof we know not what to paie wherfore the best is that you send one of the merchants after the Emperor to Nouogrod let him repaire vnto me there and without faile I will paie all such money as shall be appointed by his maiestie to be paied after the bookes seene But forasmuch as there was none of your seruants with me at thaâ— present although I had earnestly written vnto your Agent Nicholas Proctor by Richaâ—d Pingle one of your owne seruants one moneth before my comming to Starites where I had my dispatch that he should not faile to come himselfe or send one of your seruants to mee hither to follow all such sutes as I should commence in your behalfs which he neglected to doe to your great hinderance I requested the said Secretarie that I might leaue Daniel my interprâ—ter with hâ—m aswell for the receit of money as for the speedy dispatch of the letters of priuiledge but it would not be granted in any wise that I should leaue any of mine own companie behind me and thereupon I did take my leaue with full dispatch and departed to my lodging and foorthwith there came vnto me a gentleman who had charge as wel to conduct me and prouide boates men post horses and victuals for me all the way to thâ— sea side being a thousand and three hundred miles as also to doe iustice of the sayd Bessone as aforesaid And he said vnto me the Emperours pleasure is that you shall presently depart from hence and I am appointed to goe with you And that night I departed from the said Starites being the fourteenth of May aforesayd And passing a great part of my iourney I arriued at the citie of Vologda the last of the sayd May where I remained fiue daies as well expecting a messenger to bring vnto
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
which falleth into the riuer Ob then doubtlesse hee would conceiue full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties for the people dwelling thereabout report which were three dayes sayling onely from that place beyond the riuer Ob whereby the bredth thereof may be gathered which is a rare matter there because that many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely from the shore haue bene cast away in tempest hauing no skill to guide themselues neither by Sunne nor Starre that they haue seene great vessels laden with rich and precious merchandize brought downe that great riuer by blacke or swart people They call that riuer Ardoh which falleth into the lake of Kittay which they call Paraha whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation which they call Carrah Colinak which is none other then the nation of Cathay There if neede require he may fitly Winter and refresh himselfe and his and seeke all things which he shall stand in need of which if it so fall out he doubteth not but in the meane while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning out many things in that place Howbeit he hopeth that hee shall reach to Cathaya that very Sommner vnlesse he be hindered by great abundance of Ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob which is sometimes more and sometimes lesse If it so fall out hee then purposeth to returne to Pechora and there to Winter or if he cannot doe so neither then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of Dwina whither he will reach in good time enough and so the next Spring following to proceed on his voyage One thing in due place I forgate before The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush affirme that they haue heard their forefathers say that they haue heard most sweete harmonie of bels in the lake of Kitthay and that they haue seene therein stately and large buildings and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak this countrey is Cathay they fetch deepe sighes and holding vp their hands they looke vp to heauen signifying as it were and declaring the notable glory and magnificence of that nation I would this Oliuer were better seene in Cosmographie it would greatly further his experience which doubtlesse is very great Most deare friend I omit many things and I wish you should heare the man himselfe which promised mee faithfully that he would visite you in his way at Duisburg for he desireth to conferre with you and doubtlesse you shall very much further the man He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends wherein and in other offices of curtesie I offered him my furtherance if it had pleased him to haue vsed me The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse blesse his good beginnings further his proceedings and grant vnto him most happy issue Fare you well good sir and my singular friend From Arusburg vpon the riuer of Ossella the 20. of February 1581. Yours wholy at commandement Iohn Balak MAster Anthonie Ienkinson in a disputation before her Maiestie with sir Humfrey Gilbert for proofe of a passage by the Northeast to Cathaya among other things alleageth this videlicet that there came a continuall streame or currant through Mare glaciale of such swiftnesse as a Colmak told him that if you cast any thing therein it would presently be caried out of sight towards the West c. A testimonie of the Northeasterne Discouerie made by the English and of the profite that may arise by pursuing the same taken out of the second volume of Nauigations and Voyages fol. 17. of the notable Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptist a Ramusius Secretarie to the State of Venice Written in Italian in the yeere 1557 DAlla parte poi di sotte la nostra Tramontana che chiascune scrittore Cosmographo di questi de passari tempi fin'hora vi ha messo mette mare congelato che la terra corra continuamente fino a' 90. gradi verso il Polo sopra questo mappa-mondo all' incontro si vede che la terra và solamente vn poco sopra la Noruega Suetia voltando corre poi Greco Leuante nel paese della Moscouia Rossia và diritto al Cataio Et che cio sia la verità le nauigationi che hanno fatte gl' Inglesi con le loro naus volendo andare à scoprire al Cataio al tempo del Re Odoardo Sesto d' Inghilterra questi anni passati ne possono far vera testimonianza perche nel mezzo del loro viaggio capitate per fortuna a i liti di Moscouia doue trouarona all hora regnare Giouanni Vasiliuich Imperatore della Rossia gran Duca di Moscouia il quale con molto piacere marauiglia vedutogli fece grandissime carezze hanno trcuato quel mare essere nauigabile non agghiacciato La qual nauigatione ancor che con l'esito fin hora non sia stata bene intesa se col spesso frequentarla col lungo vso cognitione de que ' mari si continuerà è per fare grandissima mutatione riuolgimento nelle cose di questa nostra parte del mondo The same in English MOreouer hauing before spoken of diuers particularities in an excellent Map of Paulus Venetus on that part subiect to our North pole where euery writer and Cosmographer of these and of former times hitherto haue and doe place the frozen Sea and that the land stretcheth continually to 90. degrees towards the pole contrarywise in this mappe is to bee seene that the land extendeth onely a litle aboue Norway and Swethland and then turning it selfe trendeth afterwards towards the Southeast and by East vnto the countrey of Moscouie and Russia and stretcheth directly vnto Cathay And that this is true the nauigations which the English men haue of late made intending to discouer Cathay in the time of Edward the sixt king of England are very sufficient witnesses For in the mids of their voiage lighting by chance vpon the coast of Moscouie where they found then reigning Iohn Vasiliwich Emperor of Russia and great duke of Moscouia who after he had to his great delight and admiration seene the English men entertained them with exceeding great curtesies found this sea to be nauigable and not frozen Which nauigation to Cathay although it be not as yet throughly knowen yet if with often frequenting the same and by long vse and knowledge of those seas it bee continued it is like to make a wonderfull change and reuolution in the state of this our part of the world The testimonie of Gerardus Mercator in his last large Mappe of Europe touching the notable discoueries of the English made of Moscouie by the Northeast MAgnam occasionem certámque rationem emendandae Europae nobis attulit celeberrima Anglorum per Cronium mare nauigatio quae littora Septentrionalia Finlappiae Moscouiae que iuxta coeli situm mundique plagas
renewing and great increasing of an ancient trade vnto diuers places in the Leuant seas and to the chiefest parts of all the great Turkes dominions Anno 1575 1578. 136 23 The letters of Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke to the sacred Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth Anno 1579. 137 24 The answere of her Maiestie to the foresayd letters of the great Turke sent by M. Richard Stanly in the Prudence of London Anno 1579. 138 25 The charter of priuiledges granted to the English and the league of the great Turke with the Queenes Maiestie for traffique onely Anno 1580. 141 26 Her Maiesties letter to the great Turke promising redresse for the disorders of Peter Baker of Radcliffe committed in the Leuant Anno 1581. 145 27 The letters Patents or Priuileges granted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne M. Richard Staper and certaine other marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke Anno 1581. 146 28 The Pasport made by the great Master of Malta vnto the English men in the Barke Rainolds Anno 1582. 154 29 The Queenes commission giuen to her seruant M. William Hareborne to bee Her Maiesties Ambassador or Agent in the parts of Turkie Anno 1582. 157 30 Her Maiesties letter to the great Turke written in commendation of M. William Hareborne when he was sent Ambassador Anno 1582. 158 31 A letter of the Queenes Maiestie to Alli Bassa the Turkes high Admiral sent by her Ambassador M. William Hareborne and deliuered vnto him aboord his Galley in the Arsenal 159 32 A briefe remembrance of things to bee indeuoured at Constantinople and at other places in Turkie touching our Clothing and Dying and touching the ample vent of our naturall commodities c. written by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Anno 1582. 160 33 Certaine other most profitable and wise instructions penned by the sayd M. Richard Hakluyt for a principall English Factor at Constantinople 161 34 A letter of Mustafa Chaus to the Queenes Maiestie Anno 1583. 171 35 A letter of M. William Hareborne to M. Haruie Millers appointing him Consul for the English nation in Alexandria Cairo other places of Egypt in the yeare of our Lord 1583. 171 36 A Commission giuen by M. William Hareborne the English Ambassador to M. Richard Forster authorizing him Consul of the English nation in the partes of Alepo Damasco Aman Tripolis Ierusalem c. together with a letter of directions to the sayd M. Forster Ann. 1583. pag. 172 37 A letter sent from Alger to M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassador at Constantinople Anno 1583. 173 38 A letter of M. Hareborne to Mustafa chalenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating three of the Grand Signors commandements 174 39 A Pasport graunted to Thomas Shingleton by the king of Alger in the yeare 1583. 174 40 A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne in his Maioraltie to the king of Alger on the behalfe of certaine English captiues An. 1584. 175 41 Notes concerning the trades of Alger and Alexandria 176 42 A letter of M. William Hareborne the English Ambassadour to M. Edward Barâ—on Anno 1584. 177 43 A commandement obtayned of the Grand Signor by her Maiesties Ambassadour M. William Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and from his dominions sent to the Viceroyes of Alger Tunis and Tripolis in Barbary An. 1584. 177 44 A letter of the hon M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour with the Grand Signor to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Alger Tunis and Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1585. 178 45 A Catalogue or register of the English ships goods and persons wrongfully taken by the Galleys of Alger with the names of the English captiues deliuered to Hassan Bassa the Beglerbeg of Alger c. 179 46 A letter of M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassador c. to Assan Aga Eunuch and treasurer vnto Hassan Bassa king of Alger which Assan Aga was sonne to Francis Rowly merchant of Bristol and was taken in an English ship called the Swallow 180 47 A petition exhibited to the Viceroy of the Turkish empire for reformation of sundry iniuries offered our nation in Morea as also for sundry demaundes needefull for the establishing of the trafficke in those parts 181 48 A commandement of the Grand Signor to Patrasso in Morea on the behalfe of the English pag. 181 49 The Grand Signors commandement to Chio on the behalfe of the English merchants 182 50 Two of his commandements sent to Baliabadram and to Egypt for the same purpose 182 51 A commandement of the Grand Signor to the Cadi of Alexandria for the restoring of an English mans goods wrongfully taken by the French Consul 183 52 Another commaundement to the Bassa of Alexandria for the very same purpose 183 53 A coÌ„mandement to the Byes and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes and to all the Cadies Byes in the way to Constantinople for the courteous and iust vsage of the English merchants 183 54 A commandement sent to Alepo concerning the goods of M. William Barret deceased 183 55 The Queenes letters to the great Turke for the restitution of an English ship called The Iesus and of the English captiues detained at Tripolis in Barbary for certaine other English men which remained prisoners at Alger Anno 1584. 191 56 The great Turkes letters to the king of Tripolis in Barbary commanding the restitution of an English ship called The Iesus with the men and goods c. Anno 1584. 192 57 The letter of M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour to Bassa Romadan the Beglerbeg of Tripolis in Barbary for the restoring of the sayd ship called The Iesus Anno 1585. pag. 193 58 The great Turkes Pasport of safe conduct for Captaine Austel and Iacomo Manuchio 198 59 A Pasport of the Erle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gent. traueiling to Constantinople Anno 1586. 198 60 A description of the yearely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumetans Turkes and Moores to Mecca in Arabia 198 61 A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia and sent by M. Iohn Newbery Anno 1583. 245 62 A letter written from her Maiestie to the king of China in the yeare of our Lord 1583. 245 63 A letter of M. Iohn Newbery sent from Alepo to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford Ann. 1583 pag. 245 64 Another letter of the sayd M. Newbery written from Alepo to M. Leonard Poote at London Anno 1583 246 65 A second letter of the sayd M. Newbery written from Babylon to the aforesayd M. Poore Anno 1583. 247 66 M. Newbery his letter from Ormuz to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shales at Balsara Anno 1583. 248 67 His third letter written to M. Leonard Poore from Goa in the yeare 1584. 248 68 A letter written from Goa by M. Ralph Fitch to M. Leonard Poore abouesayd Anno 1584. pag. 250 69 The report of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten of
Sir Iohn Hawkins set on land within the Bay of Mexico after his departure from the Hauen of S. Iohn de Vllua in Nueua Espanna the 8. of October 1568. NOt vntruely nor without cause said Iob the faithfull seruant of God whom the sacred Scriptures tell vs to haue dwelt in the land of Hus that man being borne of a woman liuing a short time is replenished with many miseries which some know by reading of histories many by the viâ—w of others calamities and I by experience in my selfe as this present Treatise insuing shall shew It is not vnknowen vnto many that I Iob Hortop pouder-maker was borne at Bourne a towne in Lincolnshire from my age of twelue yeeres brought vp in Redriffe neere London with M. Francis Lee who was the Queenes Maiesties powder-maker whom I serued vntil I was prest to go on the 3. voyage to the West Indies with the right worshipful Sir Iohn Hawkins who appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her Maiesties ship called the Iesus of Lubeck who set saile from Plimmouth in the moneth of October 1567. hauing with him another ship of her Maiesties called the Minion and foure ships of his owne namely the Angel the Swallow the Iudith and the William and Iohn He directed his Uice-admiral that if foule weather did separate them to meete at the Iland of Tenerif After which by the space of seuen dayes and seuen nights we had such stormes at sea that we lost our long boats and a pinnesse with some men comming to the Isle of Tenerif there our Generall heard that his Uice-admirall with the Swallow and the William and Iohn were at the Iland called Gomera where finding his Uice-admirall he anchored tooke in fresh waterâ— and set saile for Cape Blank where in the way wee tooke a Portugal carauel laden with fish called Mullets from thence we sailed to cape Verde In our course thither we met a Frenchman of Rochel called captaine Bland who had taken a Portugal carauel whom our vice admiral chased and tooke Captaine Drake now Sir Francis Drake was made master captaine of the Carauel and so we kept our way till we came to Cape Verde and there we anchored tooke our boates set souldiers on shore Our Generall was the first that leapt on land with him Captaine Dudley there we tooke certaine Negroes but not without damage to our selues For our Generall Captaine Dudley 8 other of our company were hurt with poysoned arrowes about nine dayes after the 8. that were wounded died Our general was taught by a Negro to draw the poyson out of his wound with a cloue of garlike whereby he was cured From thence wee went to Sierra leona where be monstrous fishes called Sharkes which will deuoure men I amongst others was sent in the Angell with two Pinnesses into the riuer called Calousa to seeke two Carauels that were there trading with the Negros wee tooke one of them with the Negros and brought them away In this riuer in y e night time we had one of our pinnesses bulged by a sea-horse so that our men swimming about the riuer were all taken into the other pinnesses except two that tooke hold one of another and were caried away by the sea-horse This monster hath the iust proportion of a horse sauing that his legs be short his teeth very great and a span in length hee vseth in the night to goe on land into the woods seeking at vnawares to deuoure the Negroes in their cabbins whom they by their vigilancie preuent and kill him in this maner The Negroes keepe watch and diligently attend their comming and when they are gone into the woods they forthwith lay a great tree ouerthwart the way so that at their returne for that their legs be so short they cannot goe ouer it then the Negroes set vpon them with their bowes arrowes and darts and so destroy them From thence we entred the riuer called the Casserroes where there were other Carauels trading with the Negroes and them we tooke In this Iland betwixt the riuer and the maine trees grow with Oisters vpon them There grow Palmito trees which bee as high as a ships maine mast and on their tops grâ—w nuts wine and oyle which they call Palmito wine and Palmito oyle The Plantan tree also groweth in that countrey the tree is as bigge as a mans thigh and as high as a firre pole the leaues thereof be long and broad and on the top grow the fruit which are called Plantanos they are crooked and a cubite long and as bigge as a mans wrist they growe on clusters when they be ripe they be very good and daintie to eate Sugar is not more delicate in taste then they be From thence with the Angel the Iudith and the two pinnesses we sailed to Sierra leona where our Generall at that time was who with the captaines and souldiers went vp into the riuer called Taggarin to take a towne of the Negroes where he found three kings of that countrey with fiftie thousand Negroes besieging the same towne which they could not take in many yeeres before when they had warred with it Our General made a breach entred valiantly tooke the towne wherein were found fiue Portugals which yeelded themselues to his mercy and hee saued their liues we tooke caried thence for traffique to the West Indies 500. Negroes The three kings droue 7000. Negroes into y e sea at low water at the point of the land where they were all drowned in the Oze for that they could not take their canoas to saue themselues Wee returned backe againe in our pinnesses to the ships and there tooke in fresh water and made ready sayle towards Rio grande At our comming thither we entred with the Angel the Iudith and the 2. pinnesses and found there seuen Portugal Caruels which made great fight with vs. In the ende by Gods helpe wee wonne the victory and droue them to the shore from whence with the Negroes they fled and we fâ—tcht the caruels from the shore into the riuer The next morning M. Francis Drake with his caruel the Swallow and the William and Iohn came into the riuer with captaine Dudley and his souldiers who landed being but a hundred souldiers and fought with seuen thousand Negroes burned the towne and returned to our Generall with the losse of one man In that place there be many muske-â—ats which breed in hollow trees the Negroes take theÌ„ in a net put them in a cage nourish them very daintily take the muske from them with a spoone Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the West Indies And by the way died Captaine Dudley In sayling towards the Indies the first land that we â—scryed was the Iland called Dominica where at our comming we ancored tooke in fresh water and wood for our prouision which done we sayled towards the Iland called Margarita where our Generall
into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusius Nel 1517. Vn Corsaro Inglese sotto colore di venire á discoprire se ne venne con vna gran naue alla volta del Brasil nella costiera di Terra ferma indi attrauerso á questa isola Spagnuola giunse presso la bocca del porto di questa città di S. Domenico mando in terra il suo battello pieno di gente chiese licentia dipotere qui entrare dicendo che venia con mercantie a negotiare Ma in in quello instante il castellano Francesco di Tapia fece tirare alla uaue vn â—iro d' artiglieria da questo castello perche ella se ne veniua diritta al porto Quando gli â—nglesâ— viddero questo si ritirarâ—no fuori quelli del battello tosto si raccolsero in naue Et nel vero il Castellan fece errore perche se ben fossenaue entrata nel porto non sar ebbono le genti potuto smontare à terra senza volontâ— della città del castello La naue adunque veggendo come vi era riceâ—â—ta â—â—â—ò la volta dell isola di San Gionanni entrata nel porto di San Germano parlarono gli Inglesi con quelli della terra dimandarono vettouaglie fornimenti per la naue si lamentarono di quelli di questa città dicendo che essi non veniuano per fare dispiacere maper contrattare negotiare con sâ—â—i danari mercantie Hora quiui hebbero alcune vettouaglie in compensa essi diedero pagarono in certi stagni lauorati altre cose Et poi si partirono alla volta d' Europa doue si crede che non gungessero perche non se ne seppe piu nuoua mai This extract importeth thus much in English to wit That in the yeere 1517. an English Rouer vnder the colour of trauelling to discouer came with a great shippe vnto the parts of Brasill on the coast of the firme land and from thence he crossed ouer vnto this Iland of Hispaniola and arriued neere vnto the mouth of the hauen of this citie of S. Domingo and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare and demaunded leaue to enter into this hauen saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique But at that very instant the gouernour of the castle Francis de Tapia caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the ship for she bare in directly with the hauen When the Englishmen sawe this they withdrew themselues out and those that were in the shipboate got themselues with all speede on shipboord And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an ouersight for if the shippe had entred into the hauen the men thereof could not haue come on lande without leaue both of the citie and of the castle Therefore the people of the ship seeing how they were receiued sayled toward the Iland of S. Iohn and entring into the port of S. Germaine the English men parled with those of the towne requiring victuals and things needefull to furnish their ship and complained of the inhabitants of the city of S. Domingo saying that they came not to doe any harme but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise In this place they had certaine victuals and for recompence they gaue and paid them with certain vessell of wrought tinne and other things And afterward they departed toward Europe where it is thought they arriued not for wee neuer heard any more newes of them Thus farre procâ—edeth Gonsaluo de Ouiedo who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rouer yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words that they came to discouer and by their traffique for pewter vessell and other wares at the towne of S. Germaine in the Iland of S. Iohn de puerto rico it cannot bee denied but that they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange But whosoeuer is conuersant in reading the Portugall and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats rouers and theeues which visite any heathen coast that they haue once sayled by or looked on Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee preiudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable trauels in discouerie A briefe note concerning a voyage of one Thomas Tiâ—on an English man made before the yeere 1526. to the West Indies of his abode there in maner of a secret factor for some English marchants which vnder hand had trade thither in those dayes taken out of an olde ligâ—er-booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of Bristol IT appeareth out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custodie of mee Richard Hakluyr written 1526. by master Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristol vnto his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his seruant William Ballard at that time remaining at S. Lucar in Andaluzia that before the sayd yeere one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the aforesayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd This Thomas Tison so farre as I can coniecture may seeme to haue bene some secret factour for M. Thorne and other English marchants in those remote partes wherereby it is probable that some of our marchants had a kinde of trade to the West Indies euen in those ancient times and before also neither doe I see any reason why the Spaniards should debarre vs from it at this present The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauie Roial made to the West Indies 1562. MAster Iohn Haukins hauing made diuers voyages to the Iles of the Canaries and there by his good and vpright dealing being growen in loue and fauour with the people informed himselfe amongst them by diligent inquisition of the state of the West India whereof hee had receiued some knowledge by the instructions of his father but increased the same by the aduertisments and reports of that people And being amongst other particulars asâ—ured that Negros were very good marchandise in Hispaniola and that store of Negros might easily bee had vpon the coast of Guinea resolued with himselfe to make â—riall thereof and communicated that deuise with his worshipfull friendes of London namely with Sir Lionell Ducket sir Thomas Lodge M. Gunson his father in law sir William Winter M. Bromfield and others All which persons liked so well of his intention that they became liberall contributers and aduenturers in the action For which purpose there were three good ships immediatly prouided The one called the Salomon of the burthen of 120. tunneâ— wherein M. Haukins himselfe went as Generall The second the
de Dios standing in toward the shore but toward night we stood to the offin vntill the next day The 27 we came into the mouth of Nombre de Dios and by one of the clocke tooke the towne the people being all fled except some 100 Spaniards which kept the Fort and played vpon vs hauing in the fort some 3 or 4 small pieces of ordinance and one of them brake in discharging at vs. They gaue vs also a boley of small shot but seeing our resolution in running vpon them they all fled and tooke the woods The towne was bigge hauing large streetes houses very hie all built of timber but one Church very faire and large wrought all of timber liâ—ewise Nothing was left in the towne of value there was a shew in their shops of great store of marchandises that had bâ—ne there There was a mill aboue the towne and vpon the coppe of another hill in the woods stood a little watch-house where we tooke twentie sowes of siluer two barres of gold some money in coyne besides other pillage The towne was situated in a waterie soile and subiect much to raine very vnhealthy as any place in the Indies hauing great store of Drenges plantans cassauy-roots such other fruits buâ— very dangerous to be eaten for breeding of diseasâ—s To the Eastwarde of the towne within the bay runnâ—th out a fresh riuer of excellent good water with houses and all about it gardens halfe a league froâ— hence due East into the countrey was an Indian towne whither as we marched a litâ—le beforâ— our comming away with an hundred men they had broken downe a bridge to hinder our passage where they lay in ambush with some twentie or thâ—rtie small shot and bowes and arrowes set vpon vs and killed Lieutenant Iones hurt three or foure and so fled into the woods ranne before vs and fired their owne towne and then fled farther into the woods our men firâ—d diverse other houses in pursuing them and so returned againe our Generall with Sir Thomas being in the Riuers mouth with thirtie or fortie men filling water about some myle from vs. The road of Nombre de Dios is a faire road but on each side as you come to ride before the towne lyeth a ledge of rockes but there is no danger because they are in sight You may ride betweene them in three or foure fadome water and without if you will in eight or ten fadomes where neither Castle nor Fort can annoy you The name of Nombre de Dios was greater then their strength For they had no Castle nor Fort but onely the little fort aforesaid standing on the top of an hill although they might haue made it stronger if they would The 29 sit Thomas Baskeruil with 750 armed men besides Chirurgians and prouand boyes went for Panama The last of December the Generall burned halfe the towne and the first of Ianuarie burnt the rest with all the Frigats Barks Galiots which were in the harbour and on the beach on shore hauing houses built ouer them to keepe the pitch from melting The second of Ianuary sir Thomas returned with his souldiers both weary and hungry hauing marched more then halfe the way to the South sea The Spaniards played diuers times vpon vs both outward and homeward in the woods the way being cut out of the woods rockes both very narrow and full of myre and water The march was so sore as neuer English man marched before Hauing marched some ten leagues in a maruellous straite way vpon the top of an hill through which we must needes passe the Spaniards had set vp a Fort and kept it with some 80 or 90 men who played vpon vs as we came vp before wee were aware of them and so killed some twentie or more of vs amongst whom was Captaine Marchant quarter-master Generall and Ensigne Sampson Maurice Williams one of her Maiesties guard besides diuerse were hurt as M. Captaine Nicholas Baskeruil a valiant gentleman with diuers others Then sir Thomas had perfect knowledge that they must passe two such Forts more if he got that besides Panama to be very strong the enemie knowing of our comming long before Also our souldiers had no victuals left nor any meanes to get more which considerations caused sir Thomas to returne and giue ouer his attempt As he marched thitherward he tooke an Indian and sent him to Nombre de Dios with letters of his returne and proceeding The 5 we set saile at 12 of the clocke and stood to the Westward The 10 day we saw an Iland lying Westward some 30 leagues called Escudo where wee came to anker on the Southside in 12 fadoms water faire sand and good ankorage If you come into the Easterne poâ—nt giue it a birth because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth out there from the end of the Island comming to anker we sawe a roader who seeing vs set sayle but that nigâ—â— with our Pinnesses we tooke him he had nothing in him but a little maiz The men being â—â—â—mined by the Generall confessed him to be an Aduisor sent from Nombre de Dios to all the ports along the coast Westward This Iland lyeth 9 or 10 leagues from the maine is not past two leagues long full of wood and hath great store of fresh water in euery part of the Iland and that very good It is a sickly climat also and giuen to much raine here we washed our ships and set vp the rest of our Pinnesses The 15 day captaine Plat died of sicknesse and then sir Francis Drake began to keepe his cabin and to complaine of a scowring or fluxe The 23 we set saile and stood vp again for Puerto Bello which is but 3 leagues to the Westwards of Nombre de Dios. The 28 at 4 of the clocke in the morning our Generall sir Francis Drake departed this life hauing bene extremely sicke of a fluâ—e which began the night before to stop on him He vsed some speeches at or a little before his dâ—ath rising and apparelling himselfe but being brought to bed againe within one houre died He made his brother Thomas Drake and captaine Ionas Bodenham eâ—ecutors and M. Thomas Drakes sonne his heire to all his lands except one manor which he gaue to captaine Bodenham The same day we ankored at Puerto Bello being the best harbour we found at along the maine both for great ships and small There standeth a saker shot off the shore at the Eastâ—rne point a little Iland and there is betwiâ—t the maine that 5 or 6 fadomes but the best comming in is the open mouth betwiâ—t that Iland another Iland that lyeth to the westward with a range of rocks In Puerto Bello were but 8 or 10 houses besides a great new house which they were in builâ—ing for the Gouernour that should haue bene for that place there was also a very strong Fort all to the waters side
choise of any indifferent kingdome of equall distance from either realme and I will there be readie to maintaine as much as I haue written But if by my imployments into France I be so stayed by her Maiesties commandements that I cannot out of that realme meete him in any other I cannot see why he should take any exception to that considering the equalitie of the place and that the Armies of both our Princes be there resident THOMAS BASKERVILE A true relation of the voyage vndertaken by Sir Anthony Sherley Knight in Anno 1596. intended for the I le of San Tomé but performed to S. Iago Dominica Margarita along the coast of Tierra firma to the I le of Iamaica the bay of the Honduras 30 leagues vp Rio Dolce and homewarde by Newfoundland With the memorable exploytes atchieued in all this voyage WE departed from Hampton the 23 of Aprill with nine ships and a gallie The Beuice Admirall being 300 tunnes the Galeon Uiceadmirall being 240 tunnes The George Rereadmirall beâ—ng 160 tunnes The Archangel being 250 tunnes The Swanne 200 tunnes the George Noble being 140 tunnes the Wolfe 70 tunnes the Mermayde 120 tunnes the Little Iohn 40 tunnes the Galley and a Pinnesse All which ships we sufficiently victualled and furnished for ten monethes with all necessaries fit for the voyage They were also manned with souldiers and saylers exceeding well appointed with all furniture necessarie for the intended purpose of our Generall to the full number of 900. ratably orderly distributed into euery ship We arriued at Plimmouth the 29 of Aprill where wee found the Right honourable Earle of Essex readie for the attempt of his Cadiz Action with whom our Generall left three ships and 500 souldiers well victualed and furnished So the 21 of May we departed from Plimmouth with the Beuice the Gallion the George the George Noble the Wolfe and the Galley and Pinnesse determining our voyage for the I le of S. Tomé But if our whole force had remayned with vs our Generals purpose was to haue first sackt the Madera I le and so to haue proceeded for S. Tomé The 27 of May we arriued vpon the coast of Spaine coasting all the shore hoping to meete with some of the kings ships From thence we past in sight of the coast of Barbary and came to Masagant within shot of the Fort which our Generall reported to be an excellent fortification where the Spaniard is in strong garrison And bending our course for the Canarie Iles there purposing to water our galley lost her rudder so our Generall directed the George Noble to goe for the I le Mogador there to repaire the Gallies wants Betweene which place and the Canarie Iles we tooke a fly-bote of two hundred tunnes bound for Brasill hauing nothing aboord her but some small portion of victuals for their reliefe The Captaine of this Flybote tooke vpon him to be a perfect Pilot of S. Tomé and willingly consented to stay with vs being a Fleming Hauing watered at the Canaries by the counsell of this Fleming we shaped our course for the Iles of Cape Verde he assuring vs that we should there meet the fleete of Saint Tomé for the yeere was so farre past that we knewe they were all departed from S. Tomé The first of Iuly we fell with the Isle Maio where wee saw small hope of any fleete to bee expected therefore departed for Cape Verde the appointed place for the George noble to meete vs where we arriued the fift of Iuly and there found him And so instantly we proceeded for our voyage because the yeere was farre spent At this place most vnfortunately our General fell exceeding sicke and we wanting water were enforced to goe with a place named Pescadores in 10 degrees of North latitude where we had many skirmishes with the barbarous Negros Our Generall now hopelesse of life and we all dismayed and comfortlesse through that his exceeding extremity hauing his memory very perfit he called all his Captaines Masters and officers vnto him vnto whom he made a very pithie and briefe speech tending to this purpose That as we were Christians and all baptised and bred vp vnder one and the true faith so wee should liue together like Christians in the feare and seruice of God And as we were the subiects of our most excellent souereigne and had vowed obedience vnto her so we should tend all our courses to the aduancement of her dignity and the good of our countrey and not to enter into any base or vnfit actions And because we came for his loue into this action that for his sake we would so loue together as if himselfe were still liuing with vs and that we would follow as our chiefe commander him vnto whom vnder his hand he would giue commission to succeede himselfe all which with solemne protestation we granted to obey Then for that the yere was past and finding the cost of Guynea most tempestuous hee saw in reason that the bay of AEthiopia would be our vtter ouerthrow and infect vs all to death whereupon he aduised vs to be respectiue of our selues and to diuert our purpose from S. Tomé either for Brasil or the West India yeelding many reasons that it was our best course but we all with one voice desired to proceede for S. Tomé And so departing from this contagious filthy place we directed our course for S. Tomé but could by no means double the sholds of Madrabomba but very dangerously ran into shold water still hoping of the best In fine we were enforced to beare vp take some other course for the time wasted our men fell sicke and the coast was contagious alwayes raging tempestuous The water falling from the heauens did stinke and did in 6 houres turne into maggots where it fell either among our clothes or in wads of Ocombe So by a general consent it was held to be our best course to goe for the West India so much the rather because we had good pilots for that place who vndertooke more then was after performed So we bent our course for the Isles of Cape Verde arriuing at the Isle of S. Iago the 30 of August we presently landed at Praia where we found a smal barke in the rode laden with wine and meale After we were departed from this vile coast of Guyny our General to our great comforts began to recouer strength so that being now at Praia he was able to land with vs. In our landing the people made a shew of great resistance but we entred the towne without hindrance being a very pretie towne hauing a small fort in it with 6 or 8 cast pieces Being here on shore and finding nothing left in the towne diuers of our company were very importunate with our Generall that he would go to the citie of S. Iago being 6 miles off through their importunitie he yeelded consent and so we marched towards the citie with 280
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
with certeine agreements concluded by his messengers at Hage 178. 49 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen wherein he doth absolutely approue the foresaid conference holden at Hage 179. 50 A new concord betweene king Henry the fourth and Vlricus de Iungingen 180. 51 A Charter of king Henry the fourth graunted in the fifth yeere of his raigne vnto the English merchants resident in the parts of Prussia 185. 52 A note touching the mighty ships of king Henry the fift taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester 185. 53 A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the 6. for the trade to Norway Sweueland Denmarke and Finmarke 186. 54 Another branch of a Statute made in the 10. yeere of king Henry the sixt concerning the state of English merchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke 186. 55 Libellus de politia conseruatiua Maris Or The pollicy of keeping the Sea 187. 56 A large Charter granted by king Edward the fourth in the second yere of his raigne to the English merchants residing in the Netherland 208. 57 A perswasion of Robert Thorne merchant of Bristol and dwelling long in Siuil in Spaine to king Henry the eight of noble memory to set out and further Discoueries toward the North. 212. 58 The discourse of the foresaid Robert Thorne written to Doctour Leigh the Kings Ambassadour in Spaine touching that matter 214. 59 A briefe treatise of the Emperour of Moscouia his genealogie 221. 60 The excellent orders and instructions of Sebastian Cabot giuen to sir Hugh Willoughby and his Fleete in their voyage intended for Cathay 226. 61 The names of the twelue Counsellers appointed in sir Hugh Willoughbies voyage 230. 62 The letters of king Edward the sixt written at that time to all the Kings Princes and other Potentates of the Northeast 230. 63 The names of the Ships Captains Mariners and other officers of that first worthy enterprise 232. 64 The othe ministred to the Captaine of the Fleete 233. 65 The othe ministred to the Masters of the ships 234. 66 A testimonie of Richard Eden concerning Clement Adams his discourse of Richard Chancellers voyage 242. 67 The letters of the Emperour of Russia sent to king Edward the sixt by Richard Chanceller 255. 68 The coynes waights and measures vsed in Russia 256. 69 The letters of King Philip and Queene Mary to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperor of Russia 258. 70 The Commission giuen to the merchants Agents resiant in Russia 259. 71 The othe ministred to the seruants of the Moscouie company 262. 72 The letter of George Killingworth the fiâ—st Agent in Russia written to the Company 263. 73 The first Priuileges graunted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants 265. 74 The Charter of the merchants of the Moscouie company granted by Queene Mary 267. 75 Instructions giuen to the Pursers of the Moscouie voyage 273. 76 The strange discourse of Richard Iohnson concerning the Samoeds 283. 77 A discourse of the honourable receiuing into England of the first Ambassadour froÌ„ the Emperour of Russia 285. 78 Instructions giuen to the Masters and Mariners of the ships of the Moscouie Company sayling towards the Bay of S. Nicolas Anno 1557. 295. 79 A letter of the Company of the Moscouie merchants vnto their Agents George Killingworth Richard Gray and Henry Lane in Russia 297. 80 A letter of M. Thomas Hawtree to the Moscouie Companies Agent M. Henry Lane at Colmogro 302. 81 A letter of M. Richard Gray one of the first Agents of the Moscouie Company to M. Henâ—y Lane at Mosco 303. 82 A letter of Thomas Alcock to M. Richard Gray and Henry Lane Agents in Moscouia from Tirwill in Poland 303. 83 A letter of M. Anthony Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghat to M. Henry Lane resident in Vologda 305. 84 A letter of the Moscouie Company to their Agents in Russia M. Henry Lane Christopher Hudson and Thomas Glouer sent in their seuenth voyage to S. Nicolas 305. 85 Another letter to the aforesaid parties 308. 86 The maner of Iustice by lotts in Russia written by M. Henry Lane 309. 87 The description of Russia with the customes and maners of the inhabitants 315. 88 Notes and obseruations gathered by Richard Iohnson of the seuerall wayes from Russia to Cathay ouer-land 335. 89 A letter of Sigismund king of Polonia 1559. vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie 337. 90 The letters of the Queenes Maiestie written to the Emperour of Russia requesting licence and safe-conduct for Anthonie Ienkinson to passe through his dominions into Persia. 338. 91 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the great Sophie of Persia sent by M. Anth. Ienkinson 340. 92 Instructions giuen by the Gouernours and Assistants of the Moscouie Company vnto M. Anthonie Ienkinâ—on 341. 93 The priuileges giuen by Obdoloucan K. of Hircania to the Company of English merchants trading in Russia obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 352. 94 Certaine letters of Arthur Edwards written out of Russia Media and Persia to the Company of the Moscouie merchants in London 354,355,358,361 95 The distance of diuers places in Russia 363. 96 The way and distances from S. Nicolas in Russia to the Caspian sea 364. 97 An Acte for the corporation of merchants Aduenâ—urers for the discouering of newe tradesâ— made in the eighth yeere of the Queenes Maiestie 369. 98 The priuileges granted by the Emperour of Russia to the English merchants obteined by M. Anthony Ienkinson 373. 99 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. Richard Hakluyt concerning the first Ambassage from the Ruâ—sian Emperour to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth 374. 100 A letter of her Maiestie sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella Messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their master 375. 101 The Ambassage of M. Thomas Randolfe Esquier from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 376. 102 The priuileges graunted to the English merchants at M. Randolfe his sute 378. 103 A Commission granted by M. Randolfe for a discouery to the Northeast by sea 382. 104 Instructions giuen to the discouerers for that action 383. 105 Certaine letters in verse written out of Moscouia by M. George Turberuile Secretary to M. Randolfe touching the state of the Countrey and maners of the people 384. 106 Notes concerning the fourth English voyage into Persia. 392. 107 Obseruations of the Sophy of Persia and of the Religion of the Persians 397. 108 A letter of Richard Vscombe to M. Henry Lane touching the burning of the Citie of Mosco by the Crimme Tartar 402. 109 The Ambassage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Queenes Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia Anno 1571. 402. 110 A briefe rehearsall of all the trauailes of M. Anthony Ienkinson 411. 111 A letter of Iames Alday to M. Michael Locke Agent in London for the Moscouie Company touching a trade to be established in Lappia 412. 112 A note of all the necessary instruments and appurtenances belonging to the killing of
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
of their red egs not onely vpon Easter day but also three or foure dayes after and gentlemen and gentlewomen haue egs gilded which they cary in like maner They vse it as they say for a great loue and in token of the resurrection whereof they reioyce For when two friends meete during the Easter holy dayes they come take one another by the hand the one of them sayth the Lord or Christ is risen the other answereth it is so of a truth and then they kisse and exchange their egs both men and women continuing in kissing 4 dayes together The 12 of Aprill being Tuesday in the Easter weeke master Ienkinson and master Graie and certayne other of vs English mâ—n dined with the Emperor where we were serued as we had bin before time And after diner the Emperours maiestie gaue vnto master Ienkinson and vnto M. Gray and so orderly vnto euery one of vs a cup of Mead according to his accustomed maner which when euery man had receiued and giuen thanks M. Ienkinson stepped into the midst of the chamber before the Emperours maiestie and gaue thankes to his highnesse for his goodnesse vnto him extended desâ—â—ing his grace to licence him to depart and in like maner did Master Gray His maiestie did not onely licence them to depâ—rt but also graunted vnto master Ienkinson his letters vnder his great seale vnto all princes through whose dominions master Ienkinson should haue occasion to passe that he might the sooner and quietlâ—er passe by meanes thereof Which being granted master Ienkinson and Gray lowly submitted themselues thâ—nking his maiestie So the Emperour gaue vnto either of them a cuppe of mead to drinke and willed them to depart at their pleasure in Gods peace The 14. of Aprill in the morning when M. Gray and I were ready to depart towards Enggland the Chancellors sene vnto vs and willed vs to come to their office in the Chancerie where at our comming they shewed vs a great number of the Emperors iewels and rich robes willing vs to marke and beholde them well to the end that at our arriuall into England we might make report what we had seene there The chiefest was his maiesties crowne being close vnder the top very faire wrought in mine opinion the workmanship of so much gold few men can amend It was adorned and decked with rich and precious stones abundantly among the which one was a rubie which stood a handfull higher then the top of the crown vpon a small wier it was as big as a good beane the same crown was lined with a faire blacke Sable worth by report 4â— robles Wee sawe all his maiesties robes which were very richly set with stones they shewed vs manie other great stories of diuers kindes but the most part of them were vneuen in maner as they came out of the worke for they doe more esteeme the greatnesse of stones then the proportion of them We saw two goodly gownes which were as heauie as a man could easily carrie all set with pearles ouer and ouer the gards or borders round about them were garnished with saphires and other good stones abundantly One of the same gownes was very rich for the pearles were very large round and orient as for the rest of his gownes and garments they were of rich tissue and cloth of gold and all furred with very blacke Sables When we had sufficiently perused all these things they willed master Gray at his arriuall in England to prouide if he could such iewels and rich clothes as he had seene there and better if he could declaring that the Emperour would gladly bestow his money vpon such things So we tooke our leaue the same time and departed towards Vologda immediatly The maners vsages and ceremonies of the Russes Of the Emperour THe Emperours name in their tonâ—ue is Iuan Vasiliuich that is as much to say as Iohn the sonne of Vasilie and by his princely state hee is called Otesara as his predecessors haue bene before which to interprete is a king that giueth not tribute to any man And this word Otesara his maiesties interpreters haue of late dayes interpreted to be Emperour so that now hee is called Emperour and great Duke of all Russia c. Before his father they were â—either called Emperours nor kings but onely Ruese Velike that is to say great Duke And as this Emperor which now is Iuan Vasiliuich doeth exceede his predecessors in name that is from a Duke to an Emperour euen so much by report he doeth exceede them in stoutnesse of courage and valiantnesse and a great deale more for he is no more afraid of his enemies which are not few then the Hobbie of the larks His enemies with whom he hath warres for the most part are these Liâ—to Poland Sweden Denmarke Lifland the Crimmes Nagaians and the whole nation of the Cartarians which are a stoute and a hardie people as any vnder the Sunne This Emperour vseth great familiaritie as wel vnto all his nobles and subiects as also vnto strangers which serue him either in his warres or in occupations for his pleasure is that they shall dine oftentimes in the yeere in his presence and besides that he is oftentimes abroad either at one Church or another and walking with his noble men abroad And by this meanâ—s he is nor onely beloued of his nobles and commons but aslo had in great dread and feare through all his dominions so that I thinke no prince in Christendome is more feared of his owne then he is nor yet better belouedâ— For if he bid any of his Dukes goe they will runne if he giue any euil or angrie worde to any of them the partie will not come into his maiesties presence againe of a long time if he be not sent for but will faine him to be very sickeâ— and will let the haire of his head grow very long without either cutting or shauing which is an euident token that hee is in the Emperors displeasure for when they be in their prosperity they account it a shame to weare long haire in consideration whereof they vse to haue their heads shauen His maiesty heareth all complain is himselfe and with his owne mouth giueth sentence and iudgement of all matters and that with expedition but religious matters he medleth not withall but referreth them wholly vnto the Metropolitane His maiestie retaineth and well rewardeth all strangers that come to serue him and especially men of warre Hee delighteth not greatly in hawking hunting or any other pastime nor in hearing instruments or musicke but setteth all his whole delight vpon two things First to serue God as vndoubtedly he is very deuoute in his religion and the second howe to subdue and conquere his enemies He hath abundance of gold and siluer in his owne handes or treasurie but the most part of his know not a crowne from a counter nor gold from copper they are so much cumbred therewithall and he
praesidio sit illi familiaribus suis seruis tutum liberumque cum mercibus sarcinis equis bonis suis vniuersis inuehendis euehendâ—sque per vestra regna domicilia atque prouincias proficisci ire transire redire a bire istic morati quamdiu placuerit inde recedere quandocunque illi aut suis libitum fuerit Et sicut non dubitamus quin vestra Maiestas haec omnia humanitatis grata osficia pro immensa bonitate suae naturae benignè largiter huic famulo nostro sit concessura ita valdè optamus adeóque petimus vt vestra Maiestas eodem nostrum famulum vnà cum omnibus suis familiaribus ac bonis exteris alijs principibus literis suis dignetur commendare praesertim vero atque seorsim Magno Sophi Persarum Imperatori in cuius etiam imperia ditiones idem noster famulus gratia potissimè experiundi peregrina commercia proficisci vnà cum suis constiâ—â—it Confidimus igitur haec omnia nostra postulata pro famuli spe pro nostra expectatione pro vestra bonitate pro nostrorum vtrinque sub ditorum commoditate fausta illi grata nobis accepta etiam vestrae Maiesti nostris vtrobÃque perquam vtilâ—a euasura Deus vestrae Maiestatis c. Datum in celeberrima nostra Ciuitate Londini anno mundi 5523. Domini ac Dei nostri Iesu Christi 1561. regnorum verô nostrorum terâ—io The same in English ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England c. to the right excellent and right mightie Prnice Lord Iohn Basiliwich Emperour of all Russia c. greeting and most happie increase in all prosperitie Right mightie Prince the amitÃe of your Maiestie towards vs and our subiects is very pleasant to vs to be remembred which being begun by the goodnesse of God in the reigne of our most deare brother of happie memorie King Edward the sixt and afterwards through your not onely singular humanitie fed and nourished but also through your incredible goodnesse increased and augmented is now firmed and established with all maner of tokens of your beneuolence that now we doubt not but that from hencefoorth during many ages the same shall endure to the praise of God to both our glories to the publike great commoditie of our Realmes on either part and to the priuate desired hope and certeine felicitie of all our subiects And although that this your goodnesse hath bene abundantly extended to all our subiects that haue at any time repaired into any part of your Empire for the which wee giue as reason is your Maiestie right heartie thanks and will againe shew the like vnto yours right willingly whensoeuer opportunitie shall require yet the abundance of your benignitie both in receiuing and also in enterteining our faithfull and beloued seruant Anthonie Ienkinson the bringer of these our letters is vnto vs for him priuately very thankefull For besides this that in all places of your Empire he not onely by your Maiesties sufferance but also by your commandement enioyed much libertie and great friendship your goodnesse not ceasing in this your domesticall disposition of clemencie did right willingly and of your owne abundant grace commend the same our welbeloued seruant by your letters sealed with your Imperiall seale to sundrie forren Princes vnto whom he was minded to iourney which your magnificence did purchase vnto him happily according to his desire both passage without all perill through your notable credit and also atchieuing of his iourney through your commendation Therefore like as these your duplicated beneuolences both that one generally exhibited to all our subiects frequenting that your Realme and also this the other extended apart to this our right faithâ—ull â—eruant Anthonie Ienkinson is right assuredly fastened in our remembrance not onely for a perpetuall and gratefull memoriall but also for a mutuall and meet compensation so we desire of your Maiestie to vouchsafe from hencefoorth to conserue and continue the geminate disposition of your beneuolences both generally to all our subiects and also priuately to this our beloued seruant And we doubt not but that at our request you will againe graciously shew vnto the same Anthony now admitted into our seruice the like fauor as heretofore your Maiesty of your meere motion did exhibite vnto him being then a priuate person And therefore we desire your Maiesty eft soones to grant to the same our seruant your letters of licence pasport safe conduct through the tenour authority and helpe whereof he his seruants together with their merchandises baggages horses and goods whatsoeuer that shall be brought in or carried out by or thorow all your empire kingdome dominions and prouinces may surely and freely iourney go passe repasse depart and there tary so long as it shall please him and from thence returne whensoeuer it shall seeme good to him or his and as we doubt not but that your Maiesty in the goodnesse of your nature will graciously and abundantly grant all these good offices of humanity so we do heartily desire that your Maiesty wil likewise vouchsafe to commend the same our seruant together with all his goods by your letters to other forren Princes and specially to the great Sophy and Emperour of Persia into whose empire and iurisdictions the same our seruant purposeth with his for to iourney chiefly for triall of forren merchandises We therefore doe trust that all these our demands shall tend and haue effect according to the hope of our seruant and to our expectation for your wealth for the commodity of both our subiects lucky to him thankefull to vs acceptable to your Maiesty and very profitable to our subiects on either part God grant vnto your Maiesty long and happy felicity in earth and euerlasting in heauen Dated in our famous city of London the 25 day of the moneth of April in the yeere of the creation of the world 5523 and of our Lord God Iesus Christ 1561 and of our reigne the third The Queenes Maiesties Letters to the Great Sophy of Persia sent by M. Anthonie Ienkinson 1561. ELIZABETHA Dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina c. Potentissimo inuictissimo Principi Magno Sophi Persarum Medorum Parthorum Hircanorum Carmanorum Margianorum populorum â—is vltrà Tygrim fluuium omnium intra Mare Caspium Persicum sinum nationum atque Gentium Imperatori salutem rerum prosperarum foelicissimum incrementum Summi Dei benignitare factum est vt quas gentes non solum immensa terrarum spacia insuperabiles marium vastiâ—ates sed ipsi etiam coelorum cardines longissimè disiunxerunt ipsae tamen literarum bono mentis certa cogitata humanitatis grata officia intelligentiae mutuae multa commoda facilè inter se opportunè possint communicare Itaque cùm perdilectus fidelis noster famulus Antonius Ienkinson qui has literas nostras perfert cum bona venia fauore gratia
into his dominions and that obtained to haue returned againe with speede The same your seruaunt iourneying to the sayd Citie of Arrash and there finding certaine Merchants Armenians which promised to goe to the sayd City of Georgia comming to the borders thereof was perceiued by a Captaine there that he was a Christian and thereupon demaunded whither he went and vnderstanding that he could not passe further without great suspition answered that he came thither to buy Silkes and shewed the king of Hircanes letters which hee had with him and so returned backe againe and the fifteenth of April came to Shamachi from whence I departed the sixteene of the same moneth and the one and twentie therof comming to the Sea side and finding my barke in a readinesse I caused your goods to be laden and there attended a faire winde But before I proceede any further to speake of my returne I intend with your fauours somewhat to treate of the countrey of Persia of the great Sophie and of his countrey lawes and religion This land of Persia is great and ample deuided into many kingdomes and prouinces as Gillan Corasan Shiruan and many others hauing diuers Cities townes and castles in the same Euery prouince hath his seuerall King or Sultan all in obedience to the great Sophie The names of the chiefest Cities be these Teueris Casbin Keshan Yesse Meskit Heirin Ardouill Shamachi Arrash with many others The countrey for the most part toward the sea side is plaine and full of pasture but into the land high full of mountaines and sharpe To the South it bordereth vpon Arabia and the East Ocean To the North vpon the Caspian sea and the lands of Tartaria To the East vpon the prouinces of India and to the West vpon the confines of Chaldea Syria and other the Turkes lands All within these dominions be of the Sophies named Shaw Thamas sonne to Ismael Sophie This Sophie that now raigneth is nothing valiant although his power be great and his people martiall and through his pusillanimitie the Turke hath much inuaded his countreys euen nigh vnto the Citie of Teueris wherein hee was wont to keepe his chiefe court And now hauing forsaken the same is chiefly resident at Casbin aforesaide and alwayes as the said Turke pursueâ—h him he not being able to withstand the Turke in the fielde trusting rather to the mountaines for his safegard then to his fortes and castles hath caused the same to bee rased within his dominions and his ordinance to be molten to the intent that his enemies pursuing him they should not strengthen themselues with the same This prince is of the age of fiftie yeeres and of a reasonable stature hauing fiue children His eldest sonne he keepeth captiue in prison for that he feareth him for his valiantnesse and actiuitie he professeth a kinde of holynesse and saith that hee is descended of the blood of Mahâ—met and Murtezalli and although these Persians bee Mahometans as the Turkes and Tartars bee yet honour they this false fained Murtezalli saying that hee was the chiefest disciple that Mahomet had cursing and chiding dayly three other disciples that Mahomet had called Ouear Vsiran and Abebeck and these three did slay the saide Murtezalli for which cause and other differences of holy men and lawes they haue had and haue with the Turkes and Tartars mortall warres To intreat of their religion at large being more or lesse Mahomets lawe and the Alkaron I shall not need at this present These persons are comely and of good complexion proude and of good courage esteeming themselues to bee best of all nations both for their religion and holinesse which is most erroneous and also for all other their fashions They be martial delighting in faire horses and good harnesse soone angrie craftie and hard people Thus much I haue thought good to treate of this nation and nowe I returne to discourse the proceeding of the rest of my voyage My barke being ready at the Caspian sea as aforesaide hauing a faire winde and committing our selues vnto God the 30. day of May 1563. we arriued at Asâ—â—acan hauing passed no lesse dangers vpon the Sea in our returne then wee sustained in our going foorth and remayning at the said Astracan vntill the tenth day of Iune one hundred gunners being there admitted vnto mee for my safegard vp the riuer Volga the fifteenth of Iuly I arriued at the Citie of Cazan where the Captaine entertained me well and so dismissing mee I was conducted from place to place vnto the Citie of Mosco where I arriued the twentieth day of August 1563. in safetie thankes bee to God with all such goods merchandizes and iewels as I had prouided as well for the Emperours stocke and accompt as also of yours all which goods I was commaunded to bring into the Emperours treasurie before it was opened which I did and deliuered those parcels of wares which were for his Maiesties accompt videliceâ— precious stones and wrought silkes of sundry colours and sortes much to his highnesse contentation and the residue belonging to you viz. Crasko and rawe silkes with other merchandizes as by accompt appeareth were brought vnto your house whereof part there remained and the rest was laden in your shippes lately returned Shortly after my comming to the Mosco I came before the Emperours Maiestie and presented vnto him the apparell giuen vnto me by the Sophie whose highnesse conferred with mee touching the princes affaires which he had committed to my charge and my proceedings therein it pleased him so to accept that they were much to his contentation saying vnto mee I haue perceiued your good seruice for the which I doe thanke you and will recompence you for the same wishing that I would trauell againe in such his other affaires wherein hee was minded to employ mee to whom I answered that it was to my heartie reioycing that my seruice was so acceptable vnto his highnesse acknowledging all that I had done to bee but of duetie humbly beseeching his grace to continue his goodnesse vnto your worships and euen at that instant I humbly requested his Maiestie to vouchsafe to graunt vnto you a newe priuiledge more ample then the first which immediately was graunted and so I departed And afterwards hauing penned a briefe note howe I meant to haue the same priuiledges made I repaired dayly to the Secretary for the perfecting of the same and obtained it vnder his Maiesties broade seale which at my departure from thence I deliuered vnto the custody of Thomas Glouer your Agent there The copy whereof and also of the other priuiledges graunted and giuen by the king of Hircan I haue already deliuered vnto you Soiourning all that winter at Mosco and in the meane time hauing baâ—gained with the Emperours Maiestie I sent away your seruant Edward Clarke hither ouer-land with aduise and also made preparation for sending againe into Persia in meete time of the yeere And committing the charge thereof vnto
all our Townes Captaines and authorised men to defende and garde the said Marchants from all theeues robbers and euill disposed persons 23 If in comming or going to and fro our dominions the Marchants the factors or seruants be spoyled on the sea our Counsell shall send our letters and will them to be sought out and where they shall finde the goods cause it to be restored againe and the offender to be punished according to our commandement 24 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the saide Merchants to take vp Brokers Packers Wayers and such like labourers as shall be needefull for them paying for their hier as the labourers and they shall agree 25 We likewise of our goodnes haue licensed the English Marchants in our Townes of Mosco Nouogorod the great and Plesko that the Coiners of the said Townes shall melt Dollers and coine money for them without custome allowing for coales and other necessaries with the workemanship 26 Also of our goodnes we haue granted to the sayd English Merchants to take poste horse at needfull times leauing with our officers a note how many they take and not else in no case hindering or diminishing our treasurie 27 Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake we of our goodnes haue granted to the merchants within written this our letter and to their successors that no Englishman nor any other stranger come without the Queenes leaue to Colmogorode the riuer of Vob Vasiagy Pechora Cola Mezena Pechingo Zeleuetskyes Island the riuer of Shame nor to no other hauen of Dwina nor to any part of the northside of Dwina by hetherward of Wardhouse to any hauen with shippe Busse or any other vessell nor to occupie in any kind of waies but only the said English companie and their successors to whom we of our goodnes haue granted this priuiledge 28 Also that no English Merchant without the Queenes leaue shall come with any wares to the Narue or Vriogorod 29 And whatsoeuer English Merchant stranger or other of whatsoeuer Countrey he be shall come with any shippe Busse or any other vessel to any of the said hauens of the north side to any part of Dwina by North the Narue or Vriogorod without the Queenes leaue or knowledge not being of the company aboue written we to apprehende and take the same vessell from those strangers and Merchants the one halfe to vs the Emperour and great Duke and the other halfe to the company of English Merchants 30 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said company of English merchants that no English merchants or strangers shall passe through our dominions to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday or other Countreys saue onely the company of English merchants and our owne messengers 31 Also whatsoeuer Englishman comming out of England or any other Countrey into our dominions without the Queenes leaue and knowledge not being of the sayd company written within those our letters mind and purpose to abide in our realme contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure or any way abuse himselfe the Agent shall freely send him home to the Queene his Soueraigne which if the Agent of himselfe be vnable to do let him pray for ayd of the captaines and officers of our townes there being and so send him to prison and will the sayd captaines not to hinder the sayd Agent from sending home such euill persons into England 32 And if any man within our countrey runne away to any other towne or place the English merchants and factours to haue free libertie to apprehend him and take their goods from him againe 33 And as for our priuilege giuen to Thomas Glouer Ralfe Rutter Christopher Bennet Iohn Chappell and their adherents we haue commanded the same priuileges to be taken from them 34 Aâ—so we of our goodnesse haue granted the sayd company of English merchants their successours seruants and deputies that doe or shall remaine at Mosco or elsewhere within our dominions freely to keepe their owne law and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith against their will Moreouer besides and with the company of English merchants we permit all strangers to trade to our towne of Narue Iuanogorod other our townes of Liefland as they haue done beforetime Giuen from the beginning of the world 7077 in the moneth of Iune 20 Indiction 12 the yere of our lordship and reign 35 and of our Empire of Rusland 23 Cazan 17 Astracan 15. Other speciall grants by his Maiesties priuate letters at the sute of M. Randolfe Ambassadour REleasement out of prison of Fitzherbert that was accused for writing of letters against the Emperour Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene that was accused and troubled vpon suspition of his dealing with the Ambassadour and licence giuen to him to trafficke as he was accustomed Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the Narue and his seruant at the Mosco that were in trouble for sending the merchants letters into England A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Councell for iustice against them that stole the pearles His Maiesties fauor promised to the Artificers and liuings to be appointed them as they can best dâ—serue A letter to the merchants that went into Persia to passe freely without impeachment in his dominions as also letters of fauour to the great Shaugh of Persia. A grant vnto the company that at what time soeuer they send to the discouery of Cataya they shal be licenced to repaire vnto this countrey and haue such conducts and guides mariners vessels men and victuals as they shall stand in need of It is also promised by Knez Alfanas and Peter Gregoriwich in the Emperours name that if Benet Butler or any English man complaine deface hinder in way of traffike or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipfull company and their doings that therein they shall not be heard and the doers to be punished as in such cases they shal be iudged to haue deserued Certaine persons granted to be sent home into England that serued the company and were practisers against them in that countrey A Commission giuen by vs Thomas Randolfe Ambassadour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia and Thomas Bannister c. vnto Iames Bassendine Iames Woodcocke and Richard Browne the which Bassendine Woodcocke and Browne we appoint ioyntly together and aiders the one of them to the other in a voyage of discouery to be made by the grace of God by them for searching of the sea and border of the coast from the riuer Pechora to the Eastwards as hereafter followeth Anno 1588. The first of August IN primis when your barke with all furniture is ready you shall at the beginning of the yere assoone as you possibly may make your repaire to the Easterne part of the riuer Pechora where is an Island called Dolgoieue and from thence you shall passe to the Eastwards alongst by the Sea coast of Hugorie or the maine land of Pechora and sailing alongst by the same coast you shall passe within
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâ—lowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to â—ur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâ—ly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
eight of May folowing Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie to the said Staryts where I arriued the tenth of the same and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary who at our meeting said vnto me these words Our Lord Emperor and great Duke hath not onely perused the Queene her highnes letters sent by you and thereby doeth perceiue her minde as well touching their princely affaires as also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe but also hath well pondered your words And therefore his Maiesties pleasure is that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue to moue in the merchants behalfe or otherwise for that to morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes and shall haue full answere in all things with your dispatch away Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests which I had drawen out ready as foloweth 1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is that it would please the Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon sir William Garrard his company who neuer deserued the same to their knowledge 2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and vntrue reports by such as seeke to sowe dissention and breake friendship betwixt the Queenes highnesse and his Maiestie 3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William Garrard with his company into his fauour againe and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties for free traffike in and through and out of al his Maiesties dominions in as ample maner as aforetime according to his princely letters of priuiledge and accustomed goodnes 4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt that the said company of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects as well for money owing vnto them as other their griefes and iniuries throughout al his dominions suffred since the time of his displeasure during which time the merchants were forced by seuere iustice to answere to al mens demands but theirs could not be heard 5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand that much debts are owing to the said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie whereof part are in durance and some executed and the said merchants know not home to be paide and answered the same except his highnes pitie their case and commaund some order to be taken therein 6 Also it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing and due vnto them by his Maiestie for wares as well English as Shamaki taken into his highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places the long forbearing whereof hath bene and is great hinderance to the said company of merchants 7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand that at this present time there are in Persia of English merchants Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their company goods ready to come into his Maiesties countrey of Astracan and would haue come the last yeere but that the ship with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them were stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there to the great hinderance of the said merchants Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his Captaines and rulers both at Astracan and Cazan not onely to suffer our people as well merchants as marinâ—rs quietly anâ— freely to passe and repasse with their shippes barkes or other vessels downe the riuer Volga and ouer the Mare Caspium to fetch the sayd English merchants with their company and goods out of the sayd Persia into his Maiesties dominions but also that it would please his highnes streightly to command that when the sayd Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their charge shal arriue at the sayd Astracan his Maiesties Captaine there and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants as they may be safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes and other their enemies 8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand that lately our merchants comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers both at Astracan and Cazan at both which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares although they solde no part thereof but brought the same into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda and the sayd Customers did not only exact and take much more custome then was due by his Maiesties lawes but also for want of present money tooke wares much exceeding their exacted custome and doe keepe the same as a pawne It may therefore please his highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers to signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English merchants as also to command them to send the said mâ—rchants their said goods so detained vp to the Mosco they paying such custome for the same as shall be by his Maiestie appointed 9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant that sir William Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina and that such wares as shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon and receiued by his officers there and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro by meanes whereof the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges in transporting their goods so farre and into so many places of his dominions may sell the same better cheape to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects 10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes that the whole trade likewise from Persia Boghar and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium might be established at Astracan the ancient Marte towne in times past which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty and subiects as I am well able to prooue if it will please his highnesse to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein 11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie immediatly after the burning of the Mosco to command that the said English merchants should giue in a note into his Treasury for their losses sustained by the said fire which was done by William Rowly then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and his company and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue It may please his highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the same and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his Maiestie towards their said losses 12 Also that it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most excellent Maiestie at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his Maiesties Ambassadour did not onely pardon
regarded wherewith wee were at that time much grieued for the which cause and for the euill behauiour of your merchants resident in our dominions who haue diuers wayes transgressed and broken our lawes liuing wilfully in al their doings we did lay our heauie displeasure vpon them and did take away from them their priuiledge commaunding that the same throughout all our dominions should be voyd and of none effect and thereupon did write to the Queene our sister touching our griefes And nowe her highnesse hath sent vnto vs againe you her Ambassadour with her louing letters and full minde which we doe thankefully receiue and are thereby fully satisfied And for that our princely and secret affaires were not finished to our contentation at our time appointed according to our expectation we doe now leaue of all those matters and set them aside for the time because our minde is nowe otherwise changed but hereafter when occasion shall mooue vs to the like wee will then talke of those matters againe And for that it hath pleased the Queene our louing sister to sende vnto vs at this present and doeth desire to continue in friendship with vs for euer which wee doe gratefully accept and willingly agree to the same wee of our goodnesse for her highnesse sake will not onely from hencefoorth put away and forget all our displeasure towardes the same Sir William Garrard and his company as though they had neuer offended vs but also will restore them to their priuiledges and liberties in and throughout all our dominions and will signifie the same by our letters in all Townes and Cities where the said merchants do traffique and we will shewe them fauour as aforetime if they deserue not the contrary And if the Queene our â—iuer had not â—ent thâ—e Anthony vnto vs at this present God knoweth what we should haue done to the said merchants or whether we would haue called back our indignation Then I humbly beseeched his Maiestie to let me know the particular offences committed by the said merchants and the offendors names to the intent I might make report thereof vnto the Queenes Maiestie my mistres accordingly that the said offendors might receiue iust punishments for their deserts but he said I should not know them because he had cleerely remitted al offences and further that it was not princely to forgiue and after to accuse the parties whereby her Maiesties displeasure might fall vpon them at home Notwithstanding I did after vnderstand some part thereof by other meanes Then his Maiestie proceeding in talke said As touching the articles of request concerning the marchants affaires which you did yesterday deliuer vnto our Secretary we haue not onely read the same our selfe but also haue appointed our said Secretary to declare vnto you our mind and answere to the same And for that we are now vpon our iourney towards our borders and will depart from hence shortly we will dismisse you to y â— Queene our louing sister your mistres with our letters full mind by word of mouth touching all your requests will send a gentleman one of our houshold with you to safe conduct you to your ships and of our goodnes will giue you victuals boates men and post horses so many as you shall neede And therewith his Maiestie standing vp and putting off his cappe said vnto me these words Doe our hearty commendations vnto our louing sister Queene Elizabeth vnto whom we wish long life with happie successe and therewith his highnes extended his hand to me to kisse and commanded his sonne sitting by him to send the like commendations which he did whose hand likewise I kissed And then his Maiestie caused me to sit downe and commaunded wine and drinkes of diuers sorts to be brought whereof be gaue me to drinke with his owne hand and so after I departed Then the next day being the 14 of May aforesaid I was sent for to come to the chief Secretary one other of the counsel with him who at our meeting said vnto me these words We are appointed by the Emperor his maiesty to giue you answere from his Highnes touching your requests deliuered in writing which his Maiestie himselfe hath perused answered as followeth 1 To the first request it is answered that all his Maiesties griefes and displeasure now put away from the merchants did grow because the Queenes Maiestie did not accomplish and ende with his ambassador his secrete and waighty affaires according to his expectation and the promise made by Thomas Randolph at his being here and also of the ill behauiour of your merchants resident here in our Countrey as his Maiestie did himselfe yesterday declare vnto you 2 To the second his Maiesty willeth you to vnderstand that he hath not nor will not hereafter be moued to breake friendship with the Queenes Maiesty without good and iust cause 3 To the third you are answered by the Emperors Maiestie himselfe that his great goodnes and fauour againe vnto the merchants shall be restored and the same to be knowen by his grâ—tious letters of priuilege now againe granted 4 To the fourth his maiesty hath commanded that your merchants here resident shall exhibite and put in writing vnto me his Maiesties Secretarie all their griefes and complaints as well for debts as other iniuries offred them since the time of his Highnes displeasure and they shall â—aue iustice truly ministred throughout all his Maiesties dominions without delay 5 To the fifth his maiesty doth not know of any debts due vnto the merchants by any of his Noblemen as is alleaged and whether it be true or no he knoweth not the trueth whereof must be tried out and thereupon answere to be giuen and hereafter his maiestie would not haue the merchants to trust his people with too much 6 To the sixth it is answered that his maiesty hath commanded search to be made what money is owing â—o the marchants for wares receiued into his treasury as in the article the most of the bookes of acâ—ompt being burnt in the Mosco and such as is due found meete to be paid shall be paid forthwith to the marchants their factors or seruants which shall come for the same And for paiment of the rest his maiesties further pleasure shall be signified hereafter 7 To the 7 his Maiesties answere is that letters shall be written forthwith to his captaines of Astâ—â—can and Cazan and other his officers vpon the riuer Volga to whom it appertaineth not onelâ—â—o suffer your people both marchants mariners to passe with their ships or barkes from Astrâ—â—an ouer the Mare caspium to fetche Thomas Banister and Geofry Duckeâ— with their coÌ„panyâ— and goods out of Persia but also when they shall arriue within his Maiesties dominions to aide and assist them and see them safely conducted vp the riuer Volga from danger of enemies 8 To the eight his maiestie hath commanded letters to be written to the Customers both of Astracan and Cazan to make restitution
me the new letters of priuiledge as the comming of Rutter whom the Emperours maiestie himselfe commanded before my face should bee sent vnto me without faile and I did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the Mosco for the same Neuerthelesse the said Rutter did not come neither could I heare of him after nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary to the princes owne word and meaning as I suppose But I could not help the matter being farre from the prince neither could I tell how to haue redresse because by absence I could not complaine Notwithstanding I vsed my indeuour and sent a messenger Iohn Norton one of your seruants from Vologda to Nouogrod where the court then lay expressely with letters as well to aduertise his maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me according to his highnes commandement order as also about the dispatch of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your money with straight charge that he should in any wise returne vnto me againe before the departing of the ships And the first day of Iune I departed from the said Vologda by water towards Colmogro where I arriued the 21 of Iune aforesaid and remained there vntill the 23 of Iuly looking for the said Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me in al that time which had respite fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dispatch his busines and to haue returned againe vnto me but he came not for it was otherwise determined before his going as I did after vnderstand and can more at large by worde of mouth declare vnto your worships the occasion thereof Neuerthelesse I am well assured before this time your Agent hath receiued into his hands the sayd letters of priuiledges and shall haue dispatch with expedition in all things touching your affaires according to his maiesties grant by me obtained and as he hath written to the Queenes maiestie at this present wishing that as now by my going the Emperour hath withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you and restored you againe into his fauour so your Agent and others your seruants there resident may behaue endeuour themselues to keepe augment the same whose euill doings haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now remitted The names of such countries as I Anthony Ienkinson haue trauelled vnto from the second of October 1546 at which time I made my first voyage out of England vntill the yeere of our Lord 1572 when I returned last out of Russia First I passed into Flanders and trauelled through all the base countries and from thence through Germanie passing ouer the Alpes I trauelled into Italy and from thence made my iourney through Piemont into France throughout all which realme I haue throughly iournied I haue also trauelled through the kingdomes of Spaine and Portingal I haue sailed through the Leuant seas euery way haue bene in all the chiefe Islands within the same sea as Rhodes Malta Sicilia Cyprus Candie and diuers others I haue bene in many partes of Grecia Morea Achaia and where the olde citie of Corinth stoode I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie Syria and diuers other countries in Asia minor I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Damasco and trauelled through Samaria Galile Philistine or Palestine vnto Ierusalem and so through all the Holy land I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica as Algiers Cola Bona Tripolis the gollet within the gulfe of Tunis I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale where we haue had continuall day and sight of the Sunne ten weekes together and that nauigation was in Norway Lapland Samogitia and other very strange places I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the Emperour of Russia and Moscouia which extende from the North sea and the confines of Norway and Lapland euen to the Mare Caspium I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian sea Gentiles and Mahomeans as Cazan Cremia Rezan Cheremisi Mordouiti Vachin Nagaia with diuers others of strange customes and religions I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea discouered all the regions thereabout adiacent as Chircassi Comul Shascal Shiruan with many others I haue trauelled 40 daies iourney beyond the said sea towards the Oriental India and Cathaia through diuers deserts and wildernesses and passed through 5 kingdomes of the Tartars and all the land of Turkeman and Zagatay and so to the great citie of Boghar in Bactria not without great perils and dangers sundry times After all this in An. 1562 I passed againe ouer the Caspian sea another way and landed in Armenia at a citie called Derbent built by Alexander the great from thence trauelled through Media Parthia Hircania into Persia to the court of the great Sophie called Shaw Tamasso vnto whom I deliuered letters from the Queenes maiestie and remained in his court 8 moneths and returning homeward passed through diuers other countries Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia the one in the yeere 1566 and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus being weary and growing old I am content to take my rest in mine owne house chiefly comforting my selfe in that my seruice hath bene honourably accepted and rewarded of her maiestie and the rest by whom I haue bene imploied A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock Agent in London for the Moscouie company touching a trade to be established in Lappia written 1575. I Haue in remembrance worshipful Sir the talke we had when I was with you as touching the trade in Lappia And certeinly I haue something marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen order that some little conference by you or with some other might haue bin had with me touching those parts considering they know as I thinke that I remained there one whole yere more by which meanes reason would that I should haue learned something But the cause why they haue not desired to conferre with me as I iudge resteth only in one of these 4 cases that is to say either they thinke themselues so throughly certified of that trade as more neede not be spoken therof or that they haue no lust more to deale that waies or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them that they dare not open their minds for feare or doubt I should beare more affectiō to others then to them so discouer their secrets or els they think me of so simple vnderstanding that I am not worthy to be spoken with in these matters To which 4 cases I answere as followeth First if they think themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken certeinly I something maruel by whom it should be for in y e winter past there lay but 5 English persons there vz. Christopher Colt Roger Leche Adam Tunstal cooper one lad I for Henry Cocknedge was the
disturbance of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the entercourse And whereas most louing and dearest brother one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of merchandises which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles and so much should haue beene payed by hâ—â— as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magistrates of iustice by very credible information and testimony and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 pounds which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England and to be sent ouer with this bearer of which summes he hath often promised payment it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods merchandise and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull whereof your Maiesties councell shal be informed by the Agent of our merchants We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant being a thing granted and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order We therfore intreat your Maiesty that as conueniently as may be satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained And lastly our most deare and louing brother as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amitie descending vpon vs as an inheritance in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise in not accoÌ„plishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High From our royall Palace of Whitehall the 14 of Ianuary anno Domini 1591. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defendour of the faith c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan our most deare and louing cousin greeting Right honourable it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our affaires into Russia wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Messâ—nger as to our princely letters sent by him both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and graue Counsellour we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readinesse in that behalfe and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull We haue bene also from time to time made acquainted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants And lastly which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection towards vs that your Lordship hath vouchsafed and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our sayd Merchants and the heaâ—ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer which shall concerne them or their trade All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants as to other of our subiects by one William Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to iustice and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe concerne the same we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley treasurour of our Realme of England that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such â—â—pâ—â—itâ—on as the cause may require And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord the Lord Boris Pheodorowich Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
diuerse times by sundry of our nation and the last great voyage by M. Ralph Fitch who with M. Iohn Newbery and two other consorts departed from London with her Maiesties letters written effectually in their fauour to the kings of Cambaia and China in the yere 1583 who in the yeere 1591. like another Paulus Venetus returned home to the place of his departure with ample relation of his wonderfull trauailes which he presented in writing to my Lord your father of honourable memorie Now here if any man shall take exception against this our new trade with Turkes and misbeleeuers he shall shew himselfe a man of small experience in old and new Histories or wilfully lead with partialitie or some worse humour For who knoweth not that king Salomon of old entred into league vpon necessitie with Hiram the king of Tyrus a gentile Or who is ignorant that the French the Genouois Florentines Raguseans Venetians and Polonians are at this day in league with the Grand Signior and haue beene these many yeeres and haue vsed trade and traffike in his dominions Who can deny that the Emperor of Christendome hath had league with the Turke and payd him a long while a pension for a part of Hungarie And who doth not acknowledge that either hath trauailed the remote parts of the world or read the Histories of this later age that the Spaniards and Portugales in Barbarie in the Indies and elsewhere haue ordinarie confederacie and traffike with the Moores and many kindes of Gentiles and Pagans and that which is more doe pay them pensions and vse them in their seruice and warres Why then should that be blamed in vs which is vsuall and common to the most part of other Christian nations Therefore let our neighbours which haue found most fault with this new league and traffike thanke themselues and their owne foolish pride whereby we were vrged to seeke further to prouide vent for our naturall commodities And herein the old Greeke prouerbe was most truely verified That euill counsaile proueth worst to the author and deuiser of the same Hauing thus farre intreated of the chiefe contents of the first part of this second Volume it remayneth that I briefly acquaint your Honor with the chiefe contents of the second part It may therefore please you to vnderstand that herein I haue likewise preserued disposed and set in order such Voyages Nauigations Traffikes and Discoueries as our Nation and especially the worthy inhabitants of this citie of London haue painefully performed to the South and Southeast parts of the world without the Streight of Gibraltar vpon the coasts of Africa about the Cape of Buona Sperança to and beyonde the East India To come more neere vnto particulars I haue here set downe the very originals and infancie of our trades to the Canarian Ilands to the kingdomes of Barbarie to the mightie riuers of Senega and Gambra to those of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona and the Isles of Cape Verde with twelue sundry voyages to the sultry kingdomes of Guinea and Benin to the Isle of San Thomé with a late and true report of the weake estate of the Portâ—gales in Angola as also the whole course of the Portugale Caracks from Lisbon to the barre of Goa in India with the disposition and qualitie of the climate neere and vnder the Equinoctiall line the sundry infallible markes and tokens of approching vnto and doubling of The Cape of good Hope the great variation of the compasse for one point and an halfe towards the East betweene the Meridian of S. Michael one of the Islands of the Azores and the aforesaid Cape with the returne of the needle againe due North at the Cape Das Agulias and that place being passed outward bound the swaruing backe againe thereof towards the West proportionally as it did before the two wayes the one within and the other without the Isle of S. Laurence the dangers of priuie rockes and quicksands the running seas and the perils thereof with the certaine and vndoubted signes of land All these and other particularities are plainly and truely here deliuered by one Thomas Steuens a learned Englishman who in the yeere 1579 going as a passenger in the Portugale Fleete from Lisbon into India wrote the same from Goa to his father in England Whereunto I haue added the memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster who doth not onely recount and confirme most of the things aboue mentioned but also doth acquaint vs with the state of the voyage beyond Cape Comori and the Isle of Ceilon with the Isles of Nicubar and Gomes Polo lying within two leagues of the rich Island Samatra and those of Pulo Pinaom with the maine land of Iunçalaon and the streight of Malacca I haue likewise added a late intercepted letter of a Portugall reuealing the secret and most gainefull trade of Pegu which is also confirmed by Caesar Fredericke a Venetian and M. Ralph Fitch now liuing here in London And because our chiefe desire is to find out ample vent of our wollen cloth the naturall coÌ„moditie of this our Realme the sittest places which in al my readings and obseruations I find for that purpose are the manifold Islands of Iapan the Northern parts of China the regions of the Tartars next adioyning whereof I read that the countrey in winter is Assifria como Flandes that is to say as cold as Flanders that the riuers be strongly ouer-frozen and therefore I haue here inserted two speciall Treatises of the sayd Countries the one beginning pag. 68 the other pag. 88 which last discourse I hold to be the most exact of those parts that is yet come to light which was printed in Latine in Macao a citie of China in China-paper in the yeere a thousand fiue hundred and ninetie and was intercepted in the great Carack called Madre de Dios two yeeres after inclosed in a case of sweete Cedar wood and lapped vp almost an hundred fold in finc calicut-cloth as though it had beene some incomparable iewell But leauing abruptly this discourse I thinke it not impertinent before I make an end to deliuer some of the reasons that moued me to present this part of my trauailes vnto your Honour The reuerend antiquitie in the dedication of their workes made choyse of such patrons as eyther with their reputation and credite were able to countenance the same or by their wisedome and vnderstanding were able to censure and approoue them or with their abilitie were likely to stand them or theirs in steade in the ordinarie necessities and accidents of their life Touching the first your descent from a father that was accounted Pater patriae your owne place and credite in execution of her Maiesties inward counsailes and publike seruices added to your well discharging your forren imployment when the greatest cause in Christendome was handled haue not onely drawen mens eyes vpon you but also forcibly haue moued many and my selfe among the rest to haue our labours protected by your
they sayd to our men it was for no hurt but that the Viceroy of the Iland would come aboord to see the shippe But they presently sent the Purser to the Towne of Maiorca where he was examined by the Viceroy very straightly what their shippe and captaine were and what voyage they intended but he confessed nothing at all In the meane time they in the Towne were likewise straightly examined by a Priest and other officers vpon their othes who for their othes sake declared the whole estate of their voyage The Ambassadours man was a French man and therefore was suffered to goe to the shippe on a message but he could tell the Ambassadour none other newes but that the Viceroy would come aboord the shippe and that our men should come with him but they had another meaning For the Marseilian Marchants were stayed in like maner in the Towne onely to make a better shew vnto vs. But in the meane time being there three of foure dayes there came men vnto vs euery day more or lesse but one day especially there came two men on horsebacke whom we tooke to be officers being lusly men and very well horsed These men desired to speake with our Captaine for all things that passed there were done in the name of our Captaine Iohn Gray for it was sayd by vs there that he was Captaine of one of her Maiesties shippes wherefore all things passed in his name and the Ambassadour not seene in any thing but rather concealed and yet did all because of his tongue and good inditing in that language For he himselfe went on land clothed in Ueluet and talked with these men and with him ten or twelue lusly fellowes well weaponed ech one hauing a Boatespeare or a Caliuer the Captaine Iohn Gray being one of them and our boat lying by very warely kept and ready For then wee began to suspect because the place was more frequented with men then it was woont The men on horsebacke were in doubt to come neere because hee came so well weaponed But they bade him welcome and gaue him great salutations in words as their maner is and demanded why he came so strong for they sayd he needed not to feare any man in the Iland Answere was made that it was the maner of English Captaines to goe with their guard in strange places Then they tolde our Ambassador thinking him to be the Captaine that they were sent from the Viceroy to know what they did lacke for they promised him beefe or mutton or any thing that was in the Iland to be had but their purpose was to haue gotten more of our men if they could and they sayde that wee should haue our men againe the next day with such prety delusions they fed vs still Then our Ambassadour did write a letter to the Viceroy in her Maiesties name and in our Captaine Iohn Grayes name and not in his owne and sent it by them desiring him to send his men and not to trouble him in his voyage for he had giuen him no such cause nor any of his So these men departed with great courtesie in words on both parts And in all this time we did see men on horsebacke and on foot in the woods and trees more then they were accustomed to be but we could perceiue nothing thereby The next day or the second came either foure or sixe of the best of them as wee thought the Viceroy excepted and very many men besides in the fieldes both on foot and on horse but came not neere the water side And those in like order desired to speake with the Captaine and that when he came on land the trumpets might sound but then the Ambassadour whom they thought to be Captaine would not goe nor suffer the trumpets to be sounded for that he thought it was a trappe to take himselfe and more of his company But did send one of the principall of the Marchants to talke with them And the Captaine Iohn Gray went also with him not being knowen of the Spaniards for he went as a souldiour Thus they receiued of those men the like wordes as they had of the other before mentioned who sayd we should haue our men againe for they meant vs no hurt Then our Ambassadour did write another letter and sent it by them to the Viceroy in like order as he did before but he receiued no answere of any of them In all this time they had priuily gathered together the principall men of the Iland and had laboured day and night to bring downe ordinance not making any shew of their trecherie towards vs. But the same night following we saw very many lights passe in the woods among the trees And in the morning when the watch was broken vp being Saturday the ninth of Februarie at faire day light one of our men looked foorth and saw standing on land the cariage of a piece then was one commanded to goe into the toppe and there he did deserie two or three pieces and also many men on the shoare with diuers weapons that they brought Then they suddenly tooke foure or fiue brasse pieces and placed them on either side of the harborough where we should go out and hid them with stones and bushes that we should not see them Now I thinke the harborough not to be aboue the eight part of a mile ouer Thus perceiuing their meaning which was most plaine wee agreed to take vp our anker and goe out and leaue our men there hauing none other way to take Then our Ambassadour intreated the Master of the Marseilian his friend to goe on land with his boat and to know the trueth who satisfied his request And at his returne he tolde vs that it was very true that they would lay holde of vs if they could Then we weighed our ankers but hauing little winde we towed the shippe forward with the boat The Viceroy himselfe was at the water side with more then fiue hundred men on both sides of the harbour as we thought And when we came out with our shippe as far as their ordinance our Ambassadour and the Captaine being in their armour the Master commanding of the company and trimming of the sailes the Pilot standing on the poope attending to his charge with other very well furnished and euery man in order about their businesse very ready they on land on the contrary part hauing a very faire piece mounted on the North side openly in all our sights as the shippe passed by they trauersed that piece right with the maine mast or after-quarter of the shippe and a Gunner standing by with a lintstorke in his hand about foureteene or fifteene foot long being as we thought ready to giue fire Our whole noise of trumpets were sounding on the poope with drumme and flute and a Minion of brasse on the summer decke with two or three other pieces alwayes by our Gunners trauersed mouth to mouth with theirs on
103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin which is 150. li. of Marseils waight by which are sold all things to eate but spice is sold by the former waight From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies iourney but you must take a Ianissarie with you to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes iourney Roials of Spaine are currant mony there and are the best money you can cary And 4. roials are woorth 13. Medins and 2. Medins are 3. Aspers Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollâ—rs will goe but of all Roials are best Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land but is kept for a victuall But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made and they be Moores which you deale withall which be good people and not ill disposed And after you be searched haue leaue to passe you must presently depart out of the port and if you doe not they will search you againe And you must depart in the day for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart The duetie to the Consul is 2. in the hundred for his aide and meate and drinke and all And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables Siluer is better currant then gold in Alexandria but both are good Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo and from thence to Alexandria where the merchants be that buy the spices and therfore the spices are brought most to Alexandria where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses Yet oftentimes the christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs other commodities there as they see cause And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies but the most part blewes and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks Pepper is vsually sold for 24. ducats the quintal Ginger for 14. ducats You must take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria for there is none There is also fine flaxe and good store of Buffe hides A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton MAster Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish with a copy thereof in English to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier Tunis and Tripolis in the West which after you haue shewed the Bassas receiue againe into your hands and see them registred and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you and see them iointly registred in the Cadies booke deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof since your departure so must I leaue you to God and my former directioÌ„ The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes which you wrote to be ours prooued to be a Catalonian As for ours by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship it was affirmed to be sold to the Malâ—eses which with the rest you are to receiue there And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege and these three commandements in Tripolis Tunis and Alger I pray you make speedy returne and for that which may be recouered make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may if the registring of that your priuilege and these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same From my Mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584. The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador M. Will. Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and froÌ„ his dominions sent in An. 1584. to the Viceroyes of Algier Tunis Tripolis in Barbary To our Beglerbeg of Algier WE certifie thee by this our commandement that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards Florentines Sicilians and Malteses on the other part our countreis committed to your charge which aboue said Christians will not quietly suffer their egresse and regresse into and out of our dominions but doe take and make the men captiues and forfeit the shippes and goods as the last yeere the Malteses did one which they tooke at Gerbi and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard when they shall see any gallie afarre off whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them in their defence they do shoot at them and yet after when they doe certainly know them do not shoote any more but require to passe peaceably on their voiage which you would deny saying the peace is brokeÌ„ because you haue shot at vs and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges and against reason for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassador hath required this our commaundement We therefore command thee that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen without any disturbance or let by any means vpon the way although that meeting with thy gallies and not knowing them afarre off they taking them for enemies should shoot at them yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therfore but quietly to passe Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right according to our priuilege giuen them finding any that absenteth himself wil not obey this our commandement presently certify vs to our porch that we may giue order for his punishment and with reuerence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement which hauing read thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it From our palace in Constantinople tâ—e 1. of Iune 1584. A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass with the grand signior to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Algier Tunis Tripolis of Barbarie MAster Tipton I haue receiued among others yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda certifying the
coppy of your will and Testament which you must alwayes cary about you and chiefly when you go into the Indies In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone with that copie of his Testament then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof into what part of Christendome soeuer it be and the heires of such a one comming thither with testimoniall that they be heires they shall receiue there the value of his goods in such wise that they shall not loose any thing But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there and haue departed with al their goods and substance without let or trouble In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one as well the Noble man as the simple the onely difference is in the finenes of the cloth which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another and they weare their apparell in this wise First a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases which they binde vp betwixt their legges and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces made in guize of a myter and some goe without tocks and cary as it were a hiue on their heades which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare when it is lifted vp they goe all bare footed but the Noble men neuer goe on foote but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be weare a smocke downe to the girdle and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases open before so straite that they cannot goe but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand but they caÌ„not by reason of the straitnes of their cloth They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature which they are greatly giuen vnto which sight should cause them to regard women the more Also the women goe bare footed their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels And their fingers full of precious rings with their haire rolled vp about their heads Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write I say that those parts of the Indies are very good because that a man that hath litle shall make a great deale thereof alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be taken for honest men For why to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel but he that is vicious let him tary at home and not go thither because he shall alwayes be a begger and die a poore man Letters concerning the voyage of M. Iohn Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria and ouerland to Balsara and thenâ—e into the East Indies and beyond In the yeere 1583. ¶ A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia and sent by Iohn Newbery In February Anno 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God c. To the most inuincible and most mightie prince lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya Inuincible Emperor c. The great affection which our Subiects haue to visit the most distant places of the world not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery ioyntly with those that be in his company with a curteous and honest boldnesse doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace will fauourably and friendly accept him And that you would doe it the rather for our sake to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie wee should more earnestly and with more wordes require it if wee did think it needful But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world we are greatly eased of that burden and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words onely we request that because they are our subiects they may be honestly intreated and receiued And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shaâ— to our subiects at our requests performe wee according to our royall honour wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China In Februarie 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which nowe hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie is mooued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie being perswaded that hee hauing entred into so many perils your Maiestie will not dislike the same especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie and that to your people it will bring some profite of both which things he not doubting with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe
as bigge as salmons like barbils We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune where we made our abode seuen dayes for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts that men are â—â—ch to let out their camels to trauell This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer the inhabitants are Arabians Not finding camels here we were constrained to vnlade our goods and hired an hundred asses to cary our English marchandises onely to New Babylon ouer a short desert in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night and part of the morning to auoid the great heat In this place which we crossed ouer stood the olde mighty city of Babylon many olde ruines wherof are easily to be seene by day-light which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good leasure hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel which being vpon a plaine grouÌ„d seemeth a farre off very great but the nerer you come to it the lesser and lesser it appeareth sundry times I haue gone thither to see it and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse and almost as high as the stone-worke of Pauls steeple in London but it sheweth much bigger The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke and three quarters of a yard long being dried in the Sunne onely and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes which remaine sound and not perished as though they had beene layed within one yeere The city of New Babylon ioyneth vpon the aforsayd small desert where the Olde city was and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall and they may if they will open a sâ—uce and let the water of the same runne round about the towne It is aboue two English miles in compasse and the inhabitants generally speake three languages to wit the Persian Arabian and Turkish tongues the people are of the Spaniards complexion and the women generally weare in one of the grisâ—les of their noses a ring like a wedding ring but somewhat greater with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein and this they do be they neuer so poore This is a place of very great traffique and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniue in olde time They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts borne vpon goats skins blowen vp ful of wind in maner of bladders And when they haue discharged their goods they sel the rafts for sixe and let the wind out of their goats skins and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land to make other voyages downe the riuer The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun and very litle or no stone is to be found their houses are all flat-roofed and low They haue no raine for eight moneths together nor almost any clouds in the skie night nor day Their Winter is in Nouember December Ianuary and February which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner This I know by good experience because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeres As we come to the city we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong greater then those of Euphrates and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara but we might haue done it in eighteene or lesse if the water had bene higher Upon the waters side stand by the way diuers townes resembling much the names of the olde prophets the first towne they call Ozeah another Zecchiah Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet and there standeth a castle called Cuma kept by the Turks where all marchants pay a small custome Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fertile of corne rice pulse and dates The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit all the buildings castle and wals are made of bricke dried in the Sun The Turke hath here fiue hundred Ianisaries besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordinance To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise as spices drugs Indico and Calecut cloth These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees and of the same they also make their tackling They haue no kinde of yron worke belonging to these vessels saue only their ankers From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe they go to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yere to wit in Iune Iuly August and September My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths during which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newbery from Ormus who as he passed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia vnto the mighty emperour of China was traiterously there arrested and all his company by the Portugals and afterward sent prisoner to Goa where after a long and cruell imprisonment he and his companions were deliuered vpon sureties not to depart the towne without leaue at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens an English religious man which they found there but shortly after three of them escaped whereof one to wit M. Ralph Fitch is since come into England The fourth which was a painter called Iohn Story became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa as we vnderstood by their letters I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchandise hauing euery barke 14 men to draw them like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon where arriuing and paying our custome we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels hired vs men to lade and driue them furnished
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
fill her sailes againe that both the shippe and Carauels were come vp to vs and she falling in among them made reasonable shift with them but they got ahead of her so that she could not fetch vs then 5 of the Carauels followed her but we saw she defended her selfe against them all Then came the great shippe and the Carauell to vs and fought with vs all that day with their ordinance The May-floure our other consort being very good by the winde tooke the benefite thereof and halde all that day close by the winde but could not come neere vs. So when night againe was come thâ—y gaue ouer their fight and followed vs all the night In these many fights it could not otherwise be but needes some of our men must be slaine as they were indeede and diuers hurt and our tackle much spoyled yet for all this we did our best indeuour to repaire all things and to stand to it to the death with our assured trust in the mercie and helpe of God This night the May-floure came vs to vs and our Captaine tolde them his harmes and spoyles and wished them if they could spare halfe a dosen fresh men to hoyse out their boate and sende them to him but they could not spare any and so bare away againe Which when our enemies sawe in the next morning that we were one from another they came vp to vs again and gaue vs a great fight with much hallowing and hooping making accompt either to boorde vs or els to sinke vs but although our companie was but small yet least should see vs any whit dismayed when they hallowed we hallowed also as fast as they and waned to them to come and boorde vs if they durst but that they would not seeing vs still so couragious and hauing giuen vs that day foure fights at night they forsooke vs with shame as they came to vs at the first with pride They had made in our ship some leakes with their shot which we againe stopped with al speed and that being done we tooke some rest after our long labour and trouble The next day in the morning the May-floure came to vs and brought vs sixe men in her boate which did vs much pleasure and we sent to them some of our hurt men Then we directed our course for our owne countrey and by the second day of Iune we were neere to our owne coast and sounded being thwart the Lyzard The third day we had sight of a shippe which was a Portugall who bare with vs and at his comming to vs the weather being calme our Captaine caused him to hoyse foorth his boate to come aboord to speake with him and at their comming our Captaine and Marchants demanded of them what ware they had and whither they were bound and they made answere that their lading was sugar and cotton Then our Captaine and Marchants shewed them fiue Negroes that we had and asked them whether they would buy them which they were very desirous to doe and agreed to giue for them 40 chests of sugar which chests were small hauing not aboue 26 loaues in a piece so they with their boate did fetch fiue of the chestes and deliuered them and went for more and when they had laden their boate and were come againe we might see bearing with vs a great ship and a small which our Captaine supposed to be men of warre or Rouers and then willed the Portugales to carie their sugar to their ship againe purposing to make our selues readie for our defence But the Portugales earnestly intreated our Captaine not so to forsake them and promised him if he would safegard them to giue him aboue the bargaine ten chests of sugar whereupon our Captaine was content and the Portugall not being good of sayle we spared our topsayles for her so at last the foresaid ship bare with vs and seeing that we did not feare them gaue vs ouer And the next morning came two others bearing with vs and seeing vs not about to flie a iot from them forsooke vs also The 5 day of Iune we had sight of the Stert and about noone we were thwart of the bay of Lime and so sounded and had 35 fadom water The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so came to an anker vnder the Isle of Wight at a place called Meadhole and from thence sayled to Southhampton where we made an ende of this voyage The Ambassage of M. Edmund Hogan one of the sworne Esquires of her Maiesties person from her Highnesse to Mully Abdelmelech Emperour of Marocco and king of Fes and Sus in the yeere 1577 written by himselfe I Edmund Hogan being appointed Ambassadour from the Queenes Maiestie to the aboue named Emperour and King Mully Abdelmelech departed with my company and seruants from London the two and twentie day of Aprill 1577 being imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion of London and arriued in Azafi a port of Barbarie the one and twentie day of May next following Immediatly I sent Leonell Edgertoo a shoare with my letters directed to Iohn Williams and Iohn Bampton who dispatched a Trottero to Marocco to knowe the kings pleasure for my repaire to the Court which letters came to their hands on the Thursday night They with all speede gaue the king vnderstanding of it who being glad thereof speeded the next day certaine Captaines with souldiers and tents with other prouision to Azafi so that vpon Whitsunday at night the said Captaines with Iohn Bampton Robert Washborne and Robert Lion and the kings officers came late to Azafi In the meane time I remained aboord and caused some of the goods to be discharged for lightning of the shippe and I wrote in my letter that I would not lande till I knewe the Kings pleasure The 22 day being Saturday the Make-speede arriued in the roade about two of the clocke in the afternoone The 27 day being Whitsunday came aboord the Gallion Iohn Bampton and others giuing me to vnderstande how much the King reioyced of my salfe arriuall comming from the Queenes Maiestie and how that for my safe conduct to the Court he had sent foure Captaines and an hundred souldiers well appointed with a horse furnished which he vsed himselfe to ride on with all other furniture accordingly they wished mee also to come on lande in the best order I could as well for my selfe as my men which I did hauing to the number of tenne men whereof three were trumpetters The ships being foure appointed themselues in the best order they could for the best shew and shot off all their ordinanâ—e to the value of twentie Markes in powder At my comming a shoare I found all the souldiers well appointed on horsebacke the Captaines and the Gouernour of the towne standing as neere the water side as they could with a Iennet of the kings and receiued mee from the boate declaring how glad his Maiestie was of my safe arriuall comming from
silke bed complayning of a sore leg yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard whereas hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water and a new gallie in it he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him and passed the space of two or three houres shewing the great experience he had in Gallies wherein as he said he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house and since that night I haue not sâ—ene him for that he hath kept in with his sore legge but he hath sent to me daily The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king and I continued with him till midnight hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts saying he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize as for victuall water as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales as occasion should serue or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie thorow the straites into the Leuant seas that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas and so to the Turks dominions and the king of Argiers as his owne and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes may be taken captiues shall be solde within any of his dominions whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse trade of our marchants within this his countrey as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of to furnish the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandize so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours The same night I presented the king with the case of combes and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe for that I found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse I requested that he would send downe which he promised to doe The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels and baiting buls with his English dogges At this time I mooued him againe for the sending downe to Sus which he granted to doe and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie with Lionell Edgerton and Rowland Guy to Sus and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet and Alcayde Shauan and the Uiceroy The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare with his gard and Alcayde Mamoute and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance and a play of his Elchies He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday but he put it off till Thursday and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch And being brought to him I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English Marchants and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes as well for the debts past as hereafter and for good order in the Ingenios Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter and other dispatches which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke so on Sunday we made meanes to the King and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others but did not agree Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court and referred all things to the King accepting his offer of Salt-peter That night againe the King had me into his Gallie and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee and said that he had order to write Upon Wednesday I wrote againe and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile being the twelfth of Iuly So the fridayâ— after according to the kings order appointment I went to the court whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred they were all granted and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto And whereas the Iewes there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted the Emperors pleasure and commandement was that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein So to conclude hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court as I had for my part at my first landing I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company and arriuing not long after in England I repaired to her Maiesties court ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking with relation of my seruice performed The voyage of Thomas Stukeley wrongfully called Marques of Ireland into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae
day at night themselues lying a hull in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome which was taken by â—he Queenes ships whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare off vs East and by South sixe leagues off The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies but she could tell vs no newes The next day we had sight of another sayle this day also one of our company named M. Wood died The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland whereof Master Iuie was Maister The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfound-land and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish The 6 we had sight of Sillie and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound where we staied all night and 4 dayes after The 11 we set saile againe and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water then we lay out Southeast through Crow-sand and shortly after we had sight of the lands end and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart The 13 we were put into Dartmouth and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December From thence we put out with the winde at West and the 18 of December God be praised we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper 150 Elephants teeth and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth Kersies Bayes Linnen cloth Yron vnwrought Bracelets of Copper Corall Hawks belles Horsetailes Hats and such like This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first because we had good store of fresh water and that very sweet for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day being the 7 of Iune 1592. to be seen aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld In this voiage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line and there we found it more temperate then where we rode And vnder the line wee did kill great store of small Dolphines and many other good fishes and so did we all the way which was a very great refreshing vnto vs and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores and then we could see no more fish but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa touching the â—tate of the foresayd countrey written the 21 of May 1591. THe 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your maiesties pay-master and commissioner with the gouernour Paulo Dias which is lately deceased of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time which is as foloweth The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers afterward being there encamped it hapned that the king of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army in warlike maner with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrowen and all slaine as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie Hereupon the Gouernour assembling the rest of his Portugall souldiers to the number of 250 altogether went to Amasanguano which is now his place of abode Moreouer besides the manifold losses which haue be fallen the Portugals in this realme your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes both in your lands and goods And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey This realme for the most part thereof hath twise bene wonne and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice but haue pitifully neglected the same and practised the cleane contrary and this I know to be most true But the onely way to recouer this realme and to augment your maiesties lands goods and treasure must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here which must bring authoritie froÌ„ your maiestie and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers and what profit will grow thereof Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme as one which haue had experience thereof and haue seene the order of it vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein I will doe my best indeuour And the cause wherefore I haue not done this heretofore hath bene by reason that the Gouernours of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice and the augmenting of this conquest Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes and the augmentation of your crowne Written in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your maiesties most loiall subiect Baltazar Almeida de Soâ—za A true discourse written as is thought by Colonel Antonie VVinkfield emploied in the voiage to Spaine and Portugall 1589. sent to his particular friend by him published for the better satisfaction of all such as hauing bene seduced by particular report haue entred into conceits tending to the discredite of the enterprise and Actors of the same ALthough the desire of aduancing my reputation caused me to withstand the many perswasions you vsed to hold me at
home the pursute of honorable actions drew me contrary to your expectation to neglect that aduise which in loue I know you gaue me yet in respect of the many assurances you haue yeelded mee of your kindest friendship I cannot suspect that you will either loue or esteeme me the lesse at this my returne and therfore I wil not omit any occasion which may make me appeare thankâ—ull or discharge any part of that duetie I owe you which now is none other then to offer you a true discourse how these warres of Spaine and Portugall haue passed since our going out of England the 18 of Aprill till our returne which was the first of Iuly Wherein I wil vnder your fauourable pardon for your further satisfaction as well make relation of those reasons which confirmed me in my purpose of going abroad as of these accidents which haue happened during our aboad there thereby hoping to perswade you that no light fansie did drawe me from the fruâ—â—ion of your dearest friendship but an earnest desire by following the warres to make my selfe more woorthy of the same Hauing therefore determinately purposed to put on this habite of a souldier I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in y e wars of the low Countries which are in auxiliarie maner maintained by her maiestie or to folow the fortune of this voiage which was an aduenture of her and many honorable personages in reuenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our countrey by the Castilian king in arguing whereof I find that by how much the chalenger is reputed before the defendant by so much is the iourney to be preferred before those defensiue wars For had the duke of Parma his turne bene to defend as it was his good fortune to inuade from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honor which these late warres haue laid vpon him or what could haue bene said more of him then of a Respondent though neuer so valiant in a priuate Duell Euen that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vnto For the gaine of one towne or any small defeat giueth more renoume to the Assailant then the defence of a countrey or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same whereof as well the particulars of our age especially in the Spaniard as the reports of former histories may assure vs which haue still laied the fame of all warres vpon the Inuader And do not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders either not hauing wherewhithall to manage any warre or not putting on armes but to defend theÌ„selues when the enemie shall procure them Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture we haue won a towne by escalade battred assaulted another ouerthrowen a mightie princes power in the field landed our armie in 3 seueral places of his kingdom marched 7 dayes in the heart of his country lien three nights in the suburbs of his principall citie beaten his forces into the gates thereof and possessed two of his frontier Forts as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare whereby I conclude that going with an Inuader and in such an action as euery day giueth new experience I haue much to vaunt of that my fortune did rather cary me thither then into the wars of Flanders Notwithstanding the vehement perswasions you vsed with me to the contrary the grounds whereof sithence you receiued them from others you must giue me leaue to acquaint you with the error you were led into by theÌ„ who labouring to bring the world into an opinion that it stood more with the safetie of our estate to bend all our forces against the prince of Parma then to folow this action by looking into the true effects of this iourney will iudicially conuince themselues of mistaking the matter For may the conquest of these countries against the prince of Parma be thought more easie for vs alone now then the defence of them was 11 yeeres agoe with the men and money of the Queene of England the power of the Monsieur of France the assistance of the principal states of Germanie and the nobilitie of their owne country Could not an armie of more then 20000 horse almost 30000 foot beat Don Iohn de Austria out of the countrey who was possessed of a very few frontier townes shal it now be laid vpon her maiesties shoulders to remooue so mightie an enemie who hath left vs but 3 whole parts of 17 vnconquered It is not a iourny of a few moneths nor an auxiliarie warre of few yeeres that can damnifie the king of Spaine in those places where we shall meet at euery 8 or 10 miles end with a towne which will cost more the winning then will yeerely pay 4 or 5 thousand mens wages where all the countrey is quartered by riuers which haue no passage vnfortified and where most of the best souldiers of Christendom that be on our aduerse party be in pension But our armie which hath not cost her maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeres expenses in the Low countries hath already spoiled a great part of the prouision he had made at the Groine of all sortes for a new voyage into England burnt 3 of his ships wherof one was y e second in the last yeres expedition called S. Iuan de Colorado taken froÌ„ him aboue 150 pieces of good artillerie cut off more then 60 hulks and 20 French ships wel maÌ„ned fit and readie to serue him for men of war against vs laden for his store with corne victuals masts cables and other marchandizes slaine and taken the principal men of war he had in Galitia made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman Conde de Fuentes Generall of his forces in Portugall shamefully run at Peniche laid along of his best Commanders in Lisbon and by these few aduentures discouered how easily her maiestie may without any great aduenture in short time pull the Tirant of the world vpon his knees as wel by the disquieting his vsurpation of Portugall as without difficultie in keeping the commoditie of his Indies from him by sending an army so accomplished as may not be subiect to those extremities which we haue endured except he draw for those defences his forces out of the Low countries and disfurnish his garisons of Naples Milan which with safetie of those places he may not do And yet by this meane he shall rather be inforced thereunto theÌ„ by any force that can be vsed there against him wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him and therefore more importing then the war in the Low countries Yet hath the iourney I know bene much misliked by some who either thinking too worthily of the Spaniards valure too indifferently of his purposes against vs or too vnworthily of them that vndertooke this iourney against him did thinke it a thing
the men in the said shippe the one of them being the Masters mate Ten other persons were hurt by meanes of splinters which the Spaniards shotte yea in the ende when their prouision was almost spent they were constrained to shoote at them hammers and the chaines from their slaues and yet God bee thanked they receiued no more domage but by spoyling and ouerwearying of the Spaniards the Englishmen constrained them to vngrapple themselues and get them going and sure if there had bene any other fresh shippe or succour to haue relieued and assisted the Centurion they had slaine suncke or taken all those Gallies and their Souldiers The Dolphin lay a loofe off and durst not come neere while the other two small shippes fledde away so that one of the Gallies went from the Centurion and set vpon the Dolphin which shippe immediatly was set on fire with their owne powder whereby both men and shippe perished but whether it was with their good wills or no that was not knowen vnto the Centurion but sure if it had come forward and bene an aide vnto the Centurion it is to bee supposed that it had not perished Fiue houres and a halfe this fight continued in which time both were glad to depart onely to breath themselues but when the Spaniards were gone they neuer durst returne to fight yet the next day sixe other Gallies came and looked at them but durst not at any hand meddle with them Thus God deliuered them from the handes of their enemies and gaue them the victory for which they heartily praised him and not long after safely arriued in London ☞ There were present at this fight Master Iohn Hawes Marchant and sundry other of good accompt A report of the trueth of the fight about the Isles of Açores the last of August 1591. betwixt the Reuenge one of her Maiesties shippes and an Armada of the king of Spaine Penned by the honourable Sir Water Ralegh knight BEcause the rumours are diuersly spred as well in England as in the Lowe countreis and elsewhere of this late encounter betweene her Maiesties ships and the Armada of Spaine and that the Spaniards according to their vsuall maner fill the world with their vaine-glorious vaunts making great appâ—rance of victories when on the contrary themselues are most commonly and shamefully beaten and dishonoured thereby hoping to possesse the ignorant multitude by anticipating forerunning false reports It is agreeable with all good reason for manifestation of the truth to ouercome falshood and vntrueth that the beginning continuance and successe of this late honourable encounter of Sir Richard Greenuil and other her Maiesties Captaines with the Armada of Spaine should be truely set downe and published without partialitie or false imaginations And it is no marueâ—le that the Spaniard should seeke by false and slanderous pamphlets aduisoes and Letters to couer their owne losse and to derogate from others their due honors especially in this fight being performed far off seeing they were not ashamed in the yeere 1588. when they purposed the inuasion of this land to publish in sundry languages in print great victories in wordes which they pleaded to haue obteined against this Realme and spred the same in a most false sort ouer all parts of France Italy and elsewhere When shortly after it was happily manifested in very deed to al Nations how their Nauy which they termed inuincible consisting of 140. saile of shippes not onely of their owne kingdome but strengthened with the greatest Argosies Portugal Caracks Florentines and huge huâ—ks of other Countreis were by 30. of her Maiesties owne ships of war and a few of our owne Marchants by the wise valiant and aduantagious conduct of the L. Charles Howard high Admirall of England beaten and shuffled together euen from the Lizard in Cornwall first to Portland where they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdes with his mighty ship from Portland to Cales where they lost Hugo de Moncado with the Gallias of which he was Captaine and from Cales driuen with squibs from their anchors where thased out of the sight of England round about Scotland and Ireland Where for the sympathie of their barbarous religion hoping to finde succour and assistance a great part of them were crusht against the rocks and those other that landed being very many in number were notwithstanding broken slaine and taken and so sent from village to village coupled in halters to be shipped into England Where her Maiestie of her Princely and inuincible disposition disdaining to put them to death and scorning either to retaine or entertaine them they were all sent backe againe to their countreys to witnes and recount the worthy achieuements of their inuincible and dreadfull Nauy Of which the number of Souldiers the fearefull burthen of their shippes the commanders names of euery squadron with all other their magasines of prouisions were put in print as an Army and Nauy vnresistable and disdaining preuention With all which so great and terrible an ostentation they did not in all their sailing round about England so much as sinke or take one shippe Barke Pinnesse or Cockbote of ours or euer burnt so much as one sheepecote of this land Whenas on the contrarie Sir Francis Drake with onely 800. souldiers not long before landed in their Indies and forced Sant-Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the forts of Florida And after that Sir Iohn Norris marched from Peniche in Portugall with a handfull of souldiers to the gates of Lisbone being aboue 40 English miles Where the Earle of Essex himselfe and other valiant Gentlemen braued the Citie of Lisbone encamped at the very gates from whence after many dayes abode finding neither promised partie nor prouision to batter they made retrait by land in despight of all their Garrisons both of horse foote In this sort I haue a little digressed from my first purpose onely by the necessarie comparison of theirs and our actions the one couetous of honour without vaunt of ostentation the other so greedy to purchase the opinion of their owne affaires and by false rumors to resist the blasts of their owne dishonours as they will not onely not blush to spread all manner of vntruthes but euen for the least aduantage be it but for the taking of one poore aduenturer of the English will celebrate the victory with bonefires in euery towne alwayes spending more in faggots then the purchase was worth they obtained When as we neuer thought it worth the consumption of two billets when we haue taken eight or ten of their Indian shippes at one time and twentie of the Brasill fleete Such is the difference betweene true valure and ostentation and betweene honorable actions and friuolous vaine glorious vaunts But now to returne to my purpose The L. Thomas Howard with sixe of her Maiesties shippes sixe victualers of London the Barke Ralegh two or three other Pinnases riding at anker neere vnto Flores one of the Westerly Ilands of the Azores the last
of August in the afternoone had intelligence by one Captaine Middleton of the approch of the Spanish Armada Which Middleton being in a very good sailer had kept them company three dayes before of good purpose both to discouer their forces the more as also to giue aduise to my L. Thomas of their approch Hee had no sooner deliuered the newes but the fleete was in sight many of our shippes companies were on shore in the Ilande some prouiding balast for their ships others filling of water and refreshing themselues from the land with such things as they could either for money or by force recouer By reason whereof our ships being all pestered and romaging euery thing out of order very light for want of balast and that which was most to our disaduantage the one halfe part of the men of euery shippe sicke and vtterly vnseruiceable for in the Reuenge there were ninety diseased in the Bonauenture not so many in health as could handle her maine saile For had not twenty men beene taken out of a Barke of sir George Careys his being commaunded to be sunke and those appointed to her she had hardly euer recouered England The rest for the most parte were in little better state The names of her Maiesties shippes were these as followeth the Defiance which was Admiral the Reuenge Uiceadmirall the Bonauenture commaunded by Captaine Crosse the Lion by George Fenner the Foresight by M. Thomas Vauasour and the Crane by Duffild The Foresight the Crane being but smal ships only the other were of the middle size the rest besides the Barke â—alegh commanded by Captaine Thin were victualleâ—s and of small force or none The Spanish fleet hauing shrouded their approch by reason of the Island were now so soone at hand as our shippes had scarce time to way their anchors but some of them were driuen to let slippe their Cables and set saâ—le Sir Richard Grinuile was the last that wayed to recouer the men that were vpon the Island which otherwise had bene lost The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recouered the winde which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to doe was perswaded by the Master and others to cut his maine sayle and cast about and to trust to the sayling of the ship for the squadron of Siuiâ— were on his weather bow But Sir Richard vtterly refused to turne from the enemie alleaging that hee would rather choose to die then to dishonour himselfe his countrey and her Maiesties shippe perswading his companie that hee would passe through the two squadrons in despight of them and enforce those of Siuil to giue him way Which hee performed vpon diuers of the formost who as the Mariners terme it sprang their luffe and fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge But the other course had beene the better and might right well haue bene answered in so great an impossibility of preualing Notwithstanding out of the greatnesse of his minde he could not be perswaded In the meane while as hee attended those which were nearest him the great San Philip being in the winde of him and comming towards him becalmed his sailes in such sort as the shippe could neither make way nor feele the helme so huge and high carged was the Spanish ship being of a thousand and fiue hundreth tuns Who after layd the Reuenge aboord When he was thus berâ—ft of his sailes the ships that were vnder his â—ee luffing vp also layd him aboord of which the nert was the Admiral of the Biscaines a very mighty and puissant shippe commanded by Briâ—tandona The sayd Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side and eleuen pieces in euery â—ire She shot eight forth rightout of her chase besides those of her sterne ports After the Reuenge was entangled with this Philip foure other boorded her two on her larboord and two on her starboord The fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoone continued very terrible all that euening But the great San Philip hauing receiued the lower tire of the Reuenge discharged with crosse bar shot shifted her selfe with all diligence from her sides vtterly misliking her first entertainement Some say that the shippe foundred but we cannot report it for truth vnlesse we were assured The Spanish ships were filled with companies of souldiers in some two hundred besides the mariners in some fiue in others eight hundreth In ours there were none at all beside the mariners but the seruants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen onely After many enterchanged volies of great ordinance and small shot the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Reuenge and made diuers attempts hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soulders and Musketters but were still repulsed againe and and againe and at all times beaten backe into their owne ships or into the seas In the beginning of the fight the George Noble of LondoÌ„ hauing receiued some shot thorow her by the Armadas fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge and asked Sir Richard what he would command him being but one of the victualers and of small force Sir Richard bid him saue himselfe and leaue him to his fortune After the fight had thus without intermission continued while the day lasted and some houres of the night many of our men were slaine and hurte and one of the great Gallions of the Armada and the Admirall of the Hulkes both sunke and in many other of the Spanish shippes great slaughter was made Some write that sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight and lay speechlesse for a time ere hee recouered But two of the Reuenges owne company brought home in a ship of Lime from the Ilandes examined by some of the Lordes and others affirmed that hee was neuer so wounded as that hee forsooke the vpper decke till an houre before midnight and then being shot into the bodie with a Musket as hee was a dressing was againe shot into the head and withall his Chirurgion wounded to death This agreeth also with an examination taken by sir Francis Godolphin of foure other mariners of the same shippe being returned which examination the said sir Francis sent vnto master William Killegrâ—e of her Maiesties priuy Chamber But to returne to the fight the Spanish ships which attempted to bord the Reuenge as they were wounded and beaten off so alwayes others came in their places she hauing neuer lesse then two mighty Gallions by her sides and aboard her So that ere the morning from three of the clocke the day before there had fifteene seuerall Armadas assayled her and all so ill approued their entertainement as they were by the breake of day far more willing to harken to a composition then hastily to make any more assaulâ—s or entries But as the day encreased so our men decreased and as the light grew more and moreâ— by so much more grewe our discomforts For none appeared in sight but enemies sauing one small ship called the
the comfort that remayneth to his friends is that hee hath ended his life honourably in respect of the reputation wonne to his nation and countrey and of the same to his posteritie and that being dead he hath not outliued his owne honour For the rest of her Maiesties ships that entred not so farre into the fight as the Reuenge the reasons and causes were these There were of them but sixe in all whereof two but small ships the Reuenge ingaged past recouery The Iland of Flores was on the one side 53 saile of the Spanish diuided into squadrons on the other all as full filled with sâ—uldiers as they could containe Almost the one halfe of our men sicke and not able to serue the ships growne foule vnroomaged and scarcely able to beare any saile for want of balast hauing bene sixe moneths at the sea before If all the rest had entred all had bene lost for the very hugenes of the Spanish fleete if no other violence had beene offered would haue crusht them betweene them into shiuers Of which the dishonour and losse to the Queene had bene farre greater then the spoyle or harme that the enemie could any way haue receiued Notwithstanding it is very true that the Lord Thomas would haue entred betweene the squadrons but the rest would not condescend and the master of his owne ship offred to leape into the sea rather then to conduct that her Maiesties ship and the rest to bee a pray to the enemie where there was no hope nor possibilitie either of defence or victory Which also in my opinion had ill sorted or answered the discretion and trust of a Generall to commit himselfe and his charge to an assured destruction without hope or any likelyhood of preuailing thereby â—o diminish the strength of her Maiesties Nany and to enrich the pride and glory of the enemie The Foresight of the Queenes commaunded by M. Thomas Vauisor performed a very great fight and stayed two houres as neere the Reuenge as the weather would permit him not forsaking the fight till he was like to be encompassed by the squadrons with great difficultie cleared himselfe The rest gaue diuers voleis of shot and entred as farre as the place permitted and their owne necessities to keepe the weather gage of the enemie vntill they were parted by night A fewe dayes after the fight was ended and the English prisoners dispersed into the Spanish and Indie ships there arose so great a storme from the West and Northwest that all the fleete was dispersed as well the Indian fleete which were then come vnto them as the rest of the Armada that attended their arriuall of which 14. saile together with the Reuenge and in her 200 Spaniards were cast away vpon the Isle of S. Michael So it pleased them to honor the buriall of that renowmed ship the Reuenge not suffering her to perish alone for the great honour she atchieued in her life time On the rest of the Ilandes there were cast away in this storme 15 or 16 more of the ships of warre and of an hundred and odde saile of the Indie fleete expected this yeere in Spaine what in this tempest and what before in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermudas there were 70 and odde consumed and lost with those taken by our shippes of London besides one very rich Indian ship which set her selfe on fire beeing boorded by the Pilgrim and fiue other taken by master Wats his ships of London between the Hauana and Cape S. Antonio The fourth of this moneth of Nouember we receiued letters from the Tercera affirming that there are 3000 bodies of men remaining in that Iland saued out of the perished ships that by the Spaniards owne confession there are 10000 cast away in this storme besides those that are perished betweene the Ilands and the maine Thus it hath pleased God to fight for vs and to defend the iustice of our cause against the ambicious and bloody pretenses of the Spaniard who seeking to deuoure all nations are themselues deuoured A manifest testimony how iniust and displeasing their attempts are in the sight of God who hath pleased to witnes by the successe of their affaires his mislike of their bloody and iniurious designes purposed and practised against all Christian princes ouer whom they seeke vnlawfull and vngodly rule and Empery One day or two before this wracke happened to the Spanish fleete when as some of our prisoners desired to be set on shore vpon the Ilandes hoping to be from thence transported into England which libertie was formerly by the Generall promised One Morice Fitz Iohn sonne of olde Iohn of Desmond a notable traytour cousin german to the late Earle of Desmond was sent to the English from shippe to shippe to perswade them to serue the King of Spaine The arguments hee vsed to induce them were these The increase of pay which he promised to be trebled aduancement to the better sort and the exercise of the true Catholique Religion and safetie of their soules to all For the first euen the beggerly and vnnaturall behauiour of those English and Irish rebels that serued the King in that present action was sufficient to answere that first argument of rich pay For so poore and beggerly they were as for want of apparell they stripped their poore Countrey men prisoners out of their ragged garments worne to nothing by sixe months seruice and spared not to despoyle them euen of their bloody shirtes from their wounded bodies and the very shooes from their feete A notable testimonie of their rich entertainment and great wages The second reason was hope of aduancement if they serued well and would continue faithfull to the King But what man can bee so blockishly ignorant euer to expect place or honour from a forraine King hauing no other argument or perswasion then his owne disloyaltie to be vnnaturall to his owne Countrey that bred him to his parents that begat him and rebellious to his true Prince to whose obedience he is bound by oath by nature and by Religion No they are onely assured to be imployed in all desperate enterprises to bee helde in scorne and disdaine euer among those whom they serue And that euer traitour was either trusted or aduanced I could neuer yet reade neither can I at this time remember any example And no man coulde haue lesse becommed the place of an Orator for such a purpose then this Morice of Desmond For the Erle his cosen being one of the greatest subiects in that kingdom of Ireland hauing almost whole Countreis in his possession so many goodly Mannors castles and lordships the Count Palatine of Kerry fiue hundred gentlemen of his owne name and family to follow him besides others all which he possessed in peace for three or foure hundred yeeres was in lesse then three yeeres after his adhering to the Spaniards and rebellion beaten from all his holdes not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left liuing
that they brought with them and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards them So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode and Alcaide Iawdara and Alcaide Bucthare And here are in a readinesse to depart in the end of this next September Alcaide Monsor Ben Abdrahaman Allies Monsor Rico with fiue thousand men most of the feâ—tilase that is to say of fier-mach muskets There is gone good sâ—ore of reds yellowes and this yere here was want of the same commodity but I trust the next yere wil be no want But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those parts and here are many pledges come hither and namely three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice I saw them come in with the treasure Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Gago the which will be in Ianuary next then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order And thus much for Gago Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this present I commend you to the mercifull tuition of the almighty From Marocco the first of August 1594 Your assured friend Laurence Madoc Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and the exceeding great riches of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago written from Marocco the 30 August 1594. to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd LOuing friend M. Dassel two of your letters I haue receiued one by the shippe called The Amity the other by The Concord the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Marocco his proceedings in Guinea Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men who passing ouer the sands for want of war perished one third part of them and at their comming to the city of Tombuto the Negros made some resistance but to small purpose for that they had no defence but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned So they tooke it and proceeded to the city of Gago where the Negros were in number infinâ—te and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey but the Moores slew them so fast that they were faine to yeeld and do pay tribute by the yere The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere the goodnesse whereof you know What rent Gago will yeeld you shall know at the Spring for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan which is as aboue is mentioned 60 quintals The report is that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I neuer heard of it doth appeare that they haue more golde then any other part of the world beside The Alcaide winneth all the countrey where he goeth without fighting and is going downe towards the sea coast This king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money if he keepe this countrey But I make account assoone as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome he wil thrust him out for that the kings force is not great as yet but he meaneth to be stronger There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy the speech is with 3000 men but I thinke they will be hardly 2000 for by report 3000 men are enough to conquer all the countrey for they haue no defence of importance against an enemy I thinke Hamode will be returned home in Ianuary or thereabout for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy Mulley Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his owne men and they were presently killed because they should tell â—o tales And thus leauing to trouble you I commit you to God who prosper you in all your proceedings From Marocco the first of August 1594. Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description of Africa which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second volume A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea in the yeere 1592. IN May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth a patent of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset and to Thomas Pope and certaine other marchants to traffique into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona and to other parts aswell to the Southeast as to the Northwest for a certaine number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabout Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeres as appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her Maiesties Chancery The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer the Popes bulles bound for the West Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London 1592. THe 26 of Iuly 1592 in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout at foure of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes being distant from vs about three or foure leagues by seuen of the clocke we fetched them vp and were with in gunshot whose boldnesse hauing the king of Spaines armes displayed did make vs iudge them rather ships of warre then laden with marchandise And as it appeared by their owne speeches they made full account to haue taken vs it being a question among them whether it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar or to Lisbon We waued ech other a maine They hauing placed themselues in warlike order one a cables length before another we began the fight In the which we continued so fast as we were able to charge and discharge the space of fiue houres being neuer a cables length distant either of vs from other In which time we receiued diuers shot both in the hull of our ship masts and sailes to the number of 32 great besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least which we tolde after the fight And because we perceiued them to be stout we thought good to boord the Biscaine which was on head the other where lying aboord about an houre and plying our ordinance and small shot in the end we stowed all his men Now the other in the slieboat thinking we had entred our men in their fellow bare roome with vs meaning to haue layed vs aboord and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both which we perceiuing fitted our ordinance so for him as we quitted our selues of him and he boorded his fellow by which meanes they both fell from vs. Then presently we
so made captiues Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen the twelue French and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez where we lodged all night being prouided of tents The next day we went to a towne called Salle and lay without the towne in tents From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne but euery night we came to fresh water which was partly running water and sometime raine water So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco where we pitched our tents and there we matte with a carrier which did trauell in the countrey for the English marchants and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore which brought vs victuals being at that instant very feeble and hungry and withall sent vs a letter with pen inke and paper willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away and how many and what men there were aliue For said they we would knowe with speed for to morow is the kings court and therefore we would know for that you should come into the citie like captiues But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards And so we were carried before the king and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward where wâ—e lay 15 dayes in close prison and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces euery ounce in that country contayning â—wo shillings And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz where the English ships road where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March two in the Anne Francis of London and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London and two more in a Flemish flie-boat and one in the Mary Edward also of London other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco whose name was George Hancock and the other at S. Cruz whose name was Robert Swancon whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnaturall things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs and after a thousand miseries returned home poore sicke and feeble into our countrey Richard Iohnson William Williams Carpenter Iohn Durham Abraham Rouse Iohn Matthewes Thomas Henmore Iohn Siluester Thomas Whiting William Church Iohn Fox The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimóque Abassenorum regi magnóque vtriusque Aethiopiae imperatori c. ELizabetha dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae regina fidei defensor c. summo ac potentissimo AEthiopiae imperatori salutem Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuìs terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque praestari par aequum est vt quanquà m maximo locorum interuallo dissiti moribus ac legibus discrepantes communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri conseruare mutuaque vt occasio ferret charitatis beneuolentiae officia velint exercere in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti hasce literas nostras quibus nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit illum hinc profectuÌ„ esse conster potissimùm vobis indicandas dedimus Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus multis antehà c regionibus peragratis iam tandem in eas regiones quae vestrae ditionis sunt longum periculosumque iter instituat cùm ipse existimauit tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione ad incolumitatem suam atque etìam ad gratiam apud vos plurimum illi profuturum si diplomate nostro munitus beneuolenâ—iae nostrae profectionis hinc suae testimonium ad vos deferret Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque praepotens deus regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt orbem terrarum suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis regendum atque administrandum dederit eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternae necessitudinis aeternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit non erit vt arbitramur ingratum vobis cùm beneuolentiae nostrae significationem tà m immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aethiopiam perferri intellexeritis Nobisque rursùs ericiucundum cùm subditorum nostrorum praedicatione ab ipsis Nili fontibus ab ijs regionibus quae solis cursum definiunt fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret Erit igitur humanitatis vestrae huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam vt in ditionem vestram sub presidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare ibique saluus incolumis manere possit quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus neque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus quà m vicissìm omnium principum subditis omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris anno regni nostri tricesimo nono annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde and as occasion shall be offered to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence we for that cause conceiuing most vndoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England Who after his trauels in many forren
The third voyage of Iaques Cartier vnto the countries of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay Anno 1540. pag. 232 The voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche knight lord of Roberual with three tall ships to the countries of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay 1542. pag. 240 Certaine notes and obseruations depending vpon the voyages next before mentioned together with an excellent Ruttier for some part of Newfoundland for The grand bay and the Riuer of Canada DIuers words of the language spoken in New France with the interpretation thereof pag. 211. and 231. A description of the riuer and hauen of Saincte Croix pag. 234 A description of the 3. saults or falles of water in the riuer of Canada pag. 235 A letter written to M. Iohn Groute student in Paris by Iaques Noel of Saint Malo the nephew of Iaques Cartier touching the dâ—scouerie of his vncle in the partes of Canada 1587. pag. 236 Part of another letter written by Iaques Noel of Saint Malo to the foresayde M. Iohn Groute student in Paris pag. 236 An excellâ—nt ruttier shewing the course from Belle isle Carpont and the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada for the space of 230 leagues obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to Monsieur Roberual 1542. pag. 237 A description of the Saluages in Canada pag. 242 A catalogue of the voyages and nauigations of the English nation to Virginia and of the seuerall discoueries thereof chiefly at the charges of the honourable sir Walter Ralegh knight THe first voyage made to the coast of Virginia by M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlow 1584. pag. 246 The second voyage made to Virginia by sir Richard Grinuile for sir Walter Ralegh Anno 1585 at what time the first colonie of English was there left vnder the gouernment of M. Ralfe Lane now knight pag. 251 The third voyage to Virginia made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586. for the reliefe of the colonie planted in Virginia at the sole charges of sir Walter Ralegh pag. 265 The fourth voyage made to Virginia with 3. ships Anno 1587. wherein was traâ—sported the second colonie pâ—g 280 The fifth voyage to Virginia made by master Iohn White in the yeere 1590. pag. 288 The letters patents discourses obseruations and aduertisements belonging to the foresaid voyages made vnto Virginia THe letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to sir Walter Ralegh for the discouering and planting of new lands and countries Anno 1584. pag. 243 The names of those aswell gentlemen as others that remained one whole yeere in Virginia vnder the gouernment of M. Ralph Lane pag. 254 An extract of M. Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt esquire and another Gentleman of the middle Temple from Virginia 1585. pag. 255 An account of the particular employments of the Englishmen left in Virginia by S. Richard Grinuile vnder M. Ralph Lane their generall from the 17. of August 1585. vntill the 1â— of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the countrey pag. 255 A briefâ— and true report of the commodities aswell marchantable as others which are to be found and raised in the countrey of Virginia written by M. Thomas Harriot together with Master Ralph Lane his approbation thereof in all points pag. 266 A description of the nature and maners of the people of Virginia pag. 276 The names of all â—he men women and children which safely arriued in Virginia and remayned to inhabite there Anno 1587. pag. 287 A letter of M. Iohn White to M. Richard Hakluyt written in February 1593. pag. 287 A catalogue of certaine voyages to the coast and inland of Florida THe voyage of Iohn de Verrazzano a Florentine to the coast of Florida sailing from thence Northeâ—ly to the latitude of 50. degrees Anno 1524. pag. 295 The voyage of captaine Iohn Ribault to Floridaâ— 1562. pag. 308 The voiage of captaine René Laudonniere to Florida 1564. where he fortified and inhabited two Summers and one whole winter pag. 319 A second voyage of captaine Iohn Ribault to Florida 1565. pag. 349 The voyage of captaine Dominique Gourgues to Florida 1567. where he most valiantly iustly and sharpely reuenged the bloody and inhumane massacre committed by the Spaniards vpon his countreymen in the yeere 1565. pag. 356 Diuers particulars worthy the consideration intermingled among the voyages of Florida AN Epistle Dedicatorie to sir Walâ—er Raleghâ— prefixed by master Richard Hakluyt before the history of Florida which he translated out of French 1587. pag. 301 The Prefâ—ce of master René Laudonniere before the sayd Historie pag 303 A description of the West Indies in general but more chiefly particularly of Florida pag. 304 An oration of captaine Iohn Ribault to his company pag. 312 An oration of Laudonniere to his mutinous souldiers pag. 336 A letter of the lord admirall of France vnto M. Laudonniere pag. 351 The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard whom sir Francis Drake brought from S. Augustines in Florida touching the state of those parts pag. 361 The relation of Nicolas Burgoignon alià s Holy whom sir Francis Drake brought also from S. Augustines pag. 361 A catalogue of certeine voyages made from Nueua Galicia and Nueua Biscaya in New Spaine to the 15 prouinces of New Mexico and to Cibola and Quiuira THe voyage of frier Marco de Niça from the towne of S. Michael in the prouince of Culiacan to the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola situate about 30 degrees of latitude to the North of Nueua Espanna begun the 7 of March 1539. pag. 366 The voyage of Francis Vasquez de Coronado from Nueua Galicia to Cibola Acuco Tiguex Quiuira to the Westerne Ocean begun the 22 of April 1540. pag. 373 380 The voyage of Frier Augustin Râ—is to the 15 prouinces of New Mexico begun in the yeere 1581. pag. 383 389 The voyage of Antonio de Espejo from the valley of S. Bartholomew in Nueua Galicia to the foresayd 15 prouinces of New Mexico begun the 10 of Nouemb. 1582. pag. 383 390 The discourses letters c. depending vpon the former voyages to New Mexico Cibola and Quiuira A Briefe discourse of the famous cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the three voyages of frier Marco de Niça Francis Vasquez de Coronado and that of Fernando Alarchon c. pag. 362 An extract of a letter of C. Francis Vasquez de Coronado written froÌ„ Culiacan the 8 of March 1539 to a secretary of Don Antonio de Mendoça the viceroy of Nueua Espanna pag. 362 A letter of the sayd Francis Vasquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia to Don Antonio de Mendoça the viceroy of Nueua Espanna written from Culiacan the 8 of March 1539. pag. 363 A letter written by Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of Nueua Espanna to the emperour Charles the fift pag. 364 A testimony of Francis Lopez de Gomara concerning the strange crook-backed oxen the great sheepe and the mighty dogs of Quiuira pag. 308 A letter intercepted of Bartholomew del Cano written
William Hawkins of Plimmouth father vnto sir Iohn Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger M. Tho. Borey to Brasil in the yere 1540. p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master Iames Lancaster to the towne of Fernambuck in Brasil 1594. pag. 708 The letters discourses instructions obseruations and ruttiers depending vpon the voyages to Brasil A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the aduenturers for Brasil sent to Iohn Whithal dwelling at Santos by the Minion of London dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasil in Iune 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barkes of 30. or 40. tunnes pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northren part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spaine concerning the conquest of Rio grande c. pag. 716 A speciall note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the riuer of Plate pag. 719 A ruttier from the riuer of Plate to the Streights of Magellan pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the Riuer of Plate A Voyage of two Englishmen to the riuer of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. Iohn Drake after his departure from M. Fenton vp the riuer of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the yle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plate and all along vp within the said riuer and what armes mouths it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable with small barkes pag. 728. A Catalogue of diuers English voyages some intended and some performed to the Streights of Magellan the South sea along the coasts of Chili Peru Nicaragua and Nuéua Galicia to the headland of California and to the Northwest thereof as farre as 43. degrees as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones the Philippinas the Malucos and the Iauas and from thence by the Cape of Buâ—na Esperanza and the yle of Santa Helena the whole globe of the earth being circompassed home againe into England THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the globe of the whole earth begunne Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de Silua a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde and caried along with him as farre as the hauen of Guatulco vpon the coast of New Spaine with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befell during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake pag. 742 The voyage of M. Iohn Winter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. he being the first Christian that euer repassed the said Streight pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his viceadmirall with 4. ships intended for China but performed onely to the coast of Brasil as farre as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude begunne in the yeere 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea with two tal ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland but performed onely to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea and so round about the circumference of the whole earth begun in the yere 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made to the Streights of Magellan begun in the yere 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with three tall ships and two barks begun 1591. pag. 842 The principall obseruations discourses instructions letters ruttiers and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediatly going before THe names of the kings of Iaua at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there pag. 742 Certaine words of the naturall language of Iaua with the interpretation thereof pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de Silua a Portugall pilot taken by sir Francis Drake which he made to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake c. 157â— pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake vnto his consort M. Iohn Winter 748 Instructiâ—ns giuen by the R.H. the lords of the councell to M. Edward Fenton esquire for the order to be obserued in the voyage recommended vnto him for the East Indies and Cathay April 9. 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West â—ndies and the South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugall conteining diuers memorable maâ—ters not to be found in any other writers and continued vnto the yere 1587. pag. 778 Certaine rare and speciall notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world concerning the latitudes soundings lying of lands distances of places the variation of the compasse and other notable obseruations diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the olde Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable priuiâ— councell touching the successe of his voyage rounde about the worlde 837 Certaine notes or references taken out of a large map of China brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the streight of Magellan by certeine of the company of the Delight of Bristoll vnto Robert Burnet the Master of the sayd ship and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimoniall of the company of the Desire a ship of M. Canâ—ishes fleet in his last voyage touching the loosing of their generall which appeareth to haue bene vtterly against their meanings 845 The letters of the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 to the emperour of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of London who were embarked in the fleet whereof M. Beniamin Wood was generall pag. 852 Three seuerall
to the world Gods iudgements inflicted vpon them as shal be declared in place conuenient Thus after we had met with the Swallow we held on our course Southward vntill we came against the harbor called S. Iohn about 5. leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis where before the entrance into the harbor we found also the Frigate or Squirrill lying at anker Whom the English marchants that were alwaies be Admirals by turnes interchangeably ouer the fleetes of fishermen within the same harbor would not permit to enter into the harbor Glad of so happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one day being Saturday the 3. of August we made readie our fights prepared to enter the harbor any resistance to the contrarie notwithstanding there being within of â—ll-nations to the number of 36 sailes But first the Generall dispatched a boat to giue thâ—m knowledge of his comming for no ill intent hauing Commission from her Maiestie for his voiage he had in hand And immediatly we followed with a slacke gale and in the very entrance which is but narrow not aboue 2 buts length the Admirall fell vpon a rocke on the larboord side by great ouersight in that the weather was faire the rocke much aboue water fast by the shore where neither went any sea gate But we found such readinesse in the English Marchants to helpe vs in that danger that without delay there were brought a number of boates which towed off the ship and cleared her of danger Hauing taken place conuenient in the road we let fall ankers the Captaines and Masters repairing aboord our Admirall whither also came immediatly the Masters and owners of the fishing fleete of Englishmâ—n to vnderstand the Generals intent and cause of our arriuall there They were all satisfied when the General had shewed his commission and purpose to take possession of those lands to the behalfe of the crowne of England and the aduancement of Christian religion in those Paganish regions requiring but their lawfull ayde for repayring of his fleete and supply of some necessaries so farre as conueniently might be afforded him both out of that and other habors adioyning In lieu whereof he made offer to gratifie them with any fauour and priuiledge which vpon their better aduise they should demand the like being not to bee obteyned hereafter for greater price So crauing expedition of his demand minding to proceede further South without long detention in those partes he dismissed them after promise giuen of their best indeuour to satisfie speedily his so reasonable request The marchants with their Masters departed they caused foorthwith to be discharged all the great Ordinance of their fleete in token of our welcome It was further determined that euery ship of our fleete should deliuer vnto the marchants and Masters of that harbour a note of all their wants which done the ships aswell English as strangers were tared at an easie rate to make supply And besides Commissioners were appointed part of our owne companie and part of theirs to go into other harbours adioyning for our English marchants command all there to leauie our prouision whereunto the Portugals aboue other nations did most willingly and liberally contribute Insomuch as we were presented aboue our allowance with wines marmalads most fine ruske or bisket sweet oyles and sundry delicacies Also we wanted not of fresh salmons trouts lobsters and other fresh fish brought daily vnto vs. Moreouer as the maner is in their fishing euery weeke to choose their Admirall a new or rather they succeede in orderly course and haue weekely their Admirals feast solemnized euen so the General Captaines and masters of our fleete were continually inuited and feasted To grow short in our abundance at home the intertainment had bene delightfull but after our wants and tedious passage through the Ocean it seemed more acceptable and of greater contentation by how much the same was vnexpected in that desolate corner of the world where at other times of the yeare wilde beasts and birds haue only the fruition of all those countries which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of August the Generall and his company were brought on land by English marchants who shewed vnto vs their accustomed walks vnto a place they call the Garden But nothing appeared more then Nature it selfe without art who confusedly hath brought foorth roses abundantly wilde but odoriferous and to sense very comfortable Also the like plentie of raspis berries which doe grow in euery place Munday following the General had his tent set vp who being accompanied with his own followers sommoned the marchants and masters both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries Before whom openly was read interpreted vnto the strangers his Commission by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. Iohn and 200 leagues euery way inuested the Queenes Maiestie with the title and dignitie thereof had deliuered vnto him after the custome of England a rod a turffe of the same soile entring possession also for him his heires and assignes for euer And signified vnto al men that from that time forward they should take the same land as a territorie appertaining to the Queene of England and himselfe authorised vnder her Maieâ—tie to possesse and enioy it And to ordaine lawes for the gouernement thereof agreeable so neere as conueniently might be vnto the lawes of England vnder which all people comming thither hereafter either to inhabite or by way of traffique should be subiected and gouerned And especially at the same time for a beginning he proposed deliuered three lawes to be in force immediatly That is to say the first for Religion which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England The 2. for maintenance of her Maiesties right and possession of those territories against which if any thing were attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties offending should be adiudged and executed as in case of high treason according to the lawes of England The 3. if any person should vtter words sounding to the dishonour of her Maiestie be should loose his eares and haue his ship and goods confiscate These contents published obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers praying for continuance of this possession and gouernement begun After this the assembly was dismissed And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingrauen in lead and infixed vpon a pillar of wood Yet further and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of her Maiestie and to the behoofe of Sir Hâ—mfrey Gilbert knight his heires and assignes for euer the Generall granted in fee farme diuers parcels of land lying by the waterside both in this harbor of S. Iohn and elsewhere which was to the owners a great commoditie being
went for England not taking any leaue of vs. On Sunday the 20. the Mary Rose Admirall of the Queenes fleete wherein was Generall Sir Iohn Hawkins stood in with Flores and diuers other of the Queenes ships namely the Hope the Nonparâ—ilia the Rainebow the Swift-sure the Foâ—esight with many other good merchants ships of warre as the Edward Bonauenture the Marchant Royal the Amâ—tie the Eagle the Dainty of sir Iohn Hawkins and many other good ships and pinnisses all attending to meete with the king of Spaines fleete comming from Terra firma of the West Indies The 22. of September we went aboard the Raynebow and towards night we spake with the Swift-sure and gaue him 3. pieces The captaines desired our company wherefore we willingly attended on them who at this time with 10. other ships stood for Faial But the Generall with the rest of the Fleete were separated from vs making two fleetes for the surer meeting with the Spanish fleete On Wednesday the 23. we saw Gratiosa where the Admiral and the rest of the Queens fleete were come together The Admirall put forth a flag of counsel in which was determined that the whole fleete should go for the mayne and spred themselues on the coasts of Spaine and Portugal so farre as conueniently they might for the surer meeting of the Spanish fleete in those parts The 26. we came to Faial where the Admiral with some other of the fleete ankred othersome plyed vp and downe betweene that and the Pico vntill midnight at which time the Antony shot off a piece and weyed shewing his light after whom the whole fleete stood to the East the winde at Northeast by East On Sunday the 27. towards Euening wee tooke our leaue of the Admirall and the whole fleete who stood to the East But our shippe accompanied with a Flyboate stoode in againe with S. George where we purposed to take in more fresh water and some other fresh victuals On Wednesday the 30. of September seeing the winde hang so Northerly that wee could not atteine the Island of S. George we gaue ouer our purpose to water there and the next day framed our due course for England October THe 2. of October in the Morning we saw S. Michaels Iland on our Starre board quarter The 23. at 10. of the clocke afore noone we saw Vshant in Britaigne On Saturday the 24. we came in safetie God be thanked to an anker at Plymmouth CERTAINE VOYAGES TO FLORIDA AND the later and more perfect discoueries thereof to wit of all the Seacoasts Riuers Bayes Hauens Isles and maine landes farre vp into the Countrey and a report of some colonies and fortes there planted and displanted with a description of the gouernment disposition and qualitie of the naturall inhabitants and a declaration of the temperature of the climate and of the manifolde good commodities found in those regions TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN King of France Francis the first The relation of Iohn de Verrazzano a Florentine of the land by him discouered in the name of his Maiestie Written in Diepe the eight of Iuly 1524. I Wrote not to your Maiesty most Christian king since the time we suffered the tempest in the North partes of the successe of the foure Shippes which your Maiestie sent forth to discouer new lands by the Ocean thinking your Maiestie had bene already duely enformed thereof Now by these presents I will giue your Maiestie to vnderstand how by the violence of the windes we were forced with the two ships the Norman and the Dolphin in such euill case as they were to land in Britaine Where after wee had repayred them in all poynts as was needefull and armed them very well we tooke our course along by the coast of Spaine which your Maiestie shall vnderstand by the profite that we receiued thereby Afterwards with the Dolphin alone we determined to make discouerie of new Countries to prosecute the nauigation we had already begun which I purpose at this present to recount vnto your Maiestie to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter The 17. of Ianuary the yeere 1524. by the grace of God we departed from the dishabited rocke by the isle of Madêra apperteining to the king of Portugal with 50. men with victuals weapons and other ship-munition very well prouided furnished for 8. moneths And sayling Westwards with a faire Easterly winde in 25. dayes we ran 500. leagues and the 20. of Februarie we were ouertaken with as sharpe and terrible a tempest as euer any saylers suffered whereof with the diuine helpe and mercifull assistance of Almighty God and the goodnesse of our shippe accompanied with the good happe of her fortunate name we were deliuered and with a prosperous winde followed our course West and by North. And in other 25. dayes we made aboue 400. leagues more where we discouered a new land neuer before scene of any man either ancient or moderne and at the first sight it seemed somewhat low but being within a quarter of a league of it we perceiued by the great fires that we saw by the Sea coast that it was inhabited and saw that the lande stretched to the Southwards In seeking some conuenient Harborough wherein to anchor and to haue knowledge of the place we sayled fiftie leagues in vaine and seeing the land to runne still to the Southwards we resolued to returne backe againe towards the North where wee found our selues troubled with the like difficultie At length being in despaire to finde any Port wee cast anchor vpon the coast and sent our Boate to shore where we saw great store of people which came to the Sea side and seeing vs approch they fled a way and sometimes would stand still and looke backe beholding vs with great admiration but afterwards being animated and assured with signes that we made them some of them came hard to the Sea side seeming to reioyce very much at the sight of vs and marueiling greatly at our apparel shape and Whitenesse shewed vs by sundry signes where we might most commodiously come aland with our Boat offering vs also of their victuals to â—ate Now I wil briefly declare to your Maiestie their life and maners as farre as we could haue notice thereof These people goe altogether naked except â—nly that they couer their priuie parts with certaine skins of beasts like vnto Marterns which they fasten vnto a narrow girdle made of grasse very artificially wrought hanged about with tayles of diuers other beastes which round about theiâ— bodies hang dangling downe to their knees Some of them weare garlands of byrdes feathers The people are of colour â—usset and not much vnlike the Sâ—racens their hayre blacke thicke and not very long which they tye together in a knot bâ—hind and weaâ—e it like a litle taile They arâ— well featured in their limbes of meane feature and commonly sâ—mewhat bigger theâ— we broad breasted strong armed their legs and other parts of tâ—eâ—r bodies well fashioned
may not vtterly perish of whose good capacitie wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru as we be giuen to vnderstand by those that haue delt with them we may boldly presume that they will easily embrace the Gospel and abandon such idolatrie as now the most of them doe liue in which Almightie God graunt for his honour and glory and for the increase of the holy Catholique faith A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to Francis Hernandes of Siuil concerning the speedy building of two strong Forts in S. Iohns de Vllua and in Vera Cruz as also touching a notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico 400â— leagues Northwest of Mexico IT may please you Sir to be aduertised that I haue receiued your letters whereby I understand that our ship with the treasure is safely ariued God be praised therefore The frigate arriued here in safetie which brought the letters of Aduise from the King to the Uiceroy She arriued in S. Iohn de Vllua the 29. of May deparâ—ed from S. Lucar in Spaine the 6. of April By which his Maiestie writeth vnto the Uiceroy what time the Fleete shall depart from hence and what course they shall take not as they had wont for to do by reason that there are great store of men of war abroad at the sea which meane to encounter with the Fleete I pray God sende them well to Spaine for here wee were troubled very sore with men of warre on this coast His Maiestie hath sent expresse coÌ„mandement vnto the Marques of Villa Manrique his cosen Uiecroy of Noua Hispania that immediatly vpon sight of his letters he that coÌ„mand to be builded in S. Iohn de Vllua in Vera Cruz two strong Forts for the defence of these countries of his Maiesties charges And that there shal be garisons in both the Forts for the defence of the ships which ride there and for the strength of the countrey There are departed out of Mexico and other townes hereabout by the commaundement of the Uiceroy 500. souldiers Spaniards vnder the coÌ„duct of Rodorigo del Rio the gouernour of Nueua Biscaia which are gone to win a great City called Cibola which is 400. leagues beyond Mexico to the Northwest and standeth vp in the maine land It is by report a very great citie as bigge as Mexico and a very rich countrey both of golde Mines and siluer Mines and the King of the countrey is a mighty King and he will not become subiect to his Maiestie There were certaine Spaniards sent to that king from the Uiceroy in an ambassage It is thought that they are slaine for we can here no newes of them The other newes that I can certifie you of at this instant is that there is a Iudge of the city of Guadalajara called don Nunno de villa Inscensia lately maried Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8. yeres old with a boy of 12 yeres old But the Uiceroy saith that he hath a warrant from his Maiestie that if any Iudge whatsoeuer dwelling in that kingdome of Guadalajara should mary any some in that iurisdiction that then the said Uiceroy is to depriue him of his office And therfore he went about to depriue the Iudge the kings Attourney of their offices Whereupon the people of that prouince would not thereunto consent nor suffer them to be dismissed of their offices nor to be arrested nor caried prisoners to Mexico When the viceroy had intelligence thereof that the Countrey did resist his commandement and would not suffer them to be apprehended he sent certaine Captaines with souldiers to goe and apprehend the Iudge the kings Attourney and as many as did take their parts So the citizens of Guadalajara withstood the viceroies forces put themselues in defence and are vp in armes against the viceroy yet they do not rebel against the king but say God saue king Philip and wil submit themselues to his Maiestie but not to the viceroy So that all the kingdome of Guadalajara is vp in armes and are all in a mutinie against vs of Mexico I beseech Almighty God to remedy it and that it may be qualified in time or else all Noua Spania wil be vtterly spoiled I write this thing because it is publiquely knowen in all places And thus I rest from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. Bartholomew Cano. THE FIRST AND SECOND DISCOuery of the gulfe of California and of the Sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America lying to the West of New Mexico Cibola and Quiâ—ira together with Sir Francis Drakes landing and taking possession vpon Noua Albion in the behalfe of the Crowne of England and the notable voyage of Francis Gaule Wherein amongst many other memorable matters is set downe the huge bredth of the Ocean sea from China and Iapan to the Northwest parts of America in the 38. and 40. degrees A relation of the discouery which in the Name of God the Fleete of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally made with three ships The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes and the thirde S. Thomas of the burthen of 20. tunnes Of which Fleete was Captaine the right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the Citie of Merida Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered by M. Iohn Baptista Ramusio Chap. 1. Francis Vlloa a captaine of Cortez departeth with a Fleet from the port of Acapulco and goeth to discouer vnknowen lands he passeth by the coast of Sacatula and Motin and by tempest runneth to the riuer of Guajanal froÌ„ whence he crosseth ouer to the hauen of Santa Cruz along the coast whereof he discouereth 3. smal Ilands and within two dayes and an halfe returning to the maine land he discouereth the riuer called Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo and not far distant from thence two other riuers as big or greater then that of Guadalquiuir which runneth by Siuil together with their head-springs WE imbarked our selues in the hauen of Acapulco on the 8. of Iuly in the yeere of our Lord 1539 calling vpon almighty God to guide vs with his holy hand vnto such places where he might be serued and his holy faith aduanced And we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin which is sweete and pleasant through the abundance of trees that grow thereon and riuers which passe through those countreis for the which wee often thanked God the creatour of them So sailing along we came to the hauen of S. Iago in the prouince of Colima but before we arriued there the maine mast of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storme of winde that tooke vs so as the ship was forced to saile without her mast vntil we arriued in the laid hauen From the port of Acapulco to this hauen of Colima wee were sayling the
Swallow of 100. tunnes wherein went for Captaine M. Thomas Hampton and the third the Ionas a barke of 40. tunnes wherein the Master suppliâ—d the Captaines roome in which small fleete M. Hawkins tooke with him not aboue 100. men for feare of sicknesse and other inconueniences whereunto men in long voyages are commonly subiect With this companie he put off and departed from the coast of England in the moneth of October 1562. and in his course touched first at Teneriffe where hee receiued friendly intertainement From thence he passed to Sierra Leona vpon the coast of Guinea which place by the people of the countrey is called Tagarin where he stayed some good time and got into his possession partly by the sworde and partly by other meanes to the number of 300. Negros at the least besides other merchandises which that countrey yeeldeth With this praye hee sayled ouer the Ocean sea vnto the Iland of Hispaniola and arriued first at the port of Isabella and there hee had reasonable vtterance of his English commodities as also of some part of his Negros trusting the Spaniards no further then that by his owne strength he was able still to master them From the port of Isabella he went to Puerto de Plata where he made like sales standing alwaies vpoÌ„ his guard from thence also hee sayled to Monte Christi another port on the North side of Hispaniola and the last place of his touching where he had peaceable traffique and made vent of the whole number of his Negros for which he receiued in those 3. places by way of exchange such quantitie of merchandise that bee did not onely lade his owne 3. shippes with hides ginger sugars and some quantitie of pearles but he fraighted also two other hulkes with hides and other like commodities which hee â—ent into Spaine And thus leauing the Iland he returned and disemboqued passing out by the Ilands of the Caycâ—s without further entring into the bay of Mexico in this his first voyage to the West India And so with prosperous successe and much gaine to himselfe and the aforesâ—yde aduenturers he came home and arriued in the moneth of September 1563. The voyage made by M. Iohn Hawkins Esquire and afterward knight Captaine of the Iesus of Lubek one of her Maiesties shippes and Generall of the Salomon and other two barkes going in his companie to the coast of Guinea and the Indies of Noua Hispania begun in An. Dom. 1564. MAster Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubek a shippe of 700. and the Salomon a shippe of 140. the Tiger a barke of 50. and the Swallow of 30. tunnes being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundreth threescore and tenne as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voyage departed out of Plymmouth the 18. day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde at which departing in cutting the foresaile a maâ—ueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the shippe who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all And after their setting out ten leagues to the sea he met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queenes Maiestie whereof was Captaine Dauid Carlet and also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bounde to Guinea also who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting which done the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merlin of London which was a sterne out of sight leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort Thus sayling forwards on their way with a prosperous winde vntill the 21. of the same moneth at that time a great storme arose the winde being at Northeast about nine a clocke in the night and continued so 23. houres together in which storme M. Hawkins lost the compâ—nie of the Iohn Baptist aforesayd and of his pinnesse called the Swallow his other 3. shippes being sorâ— beaten with a storme The 23. day the Swallow to his no small reioycing came to him againe in the night 10. leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister he hauing put roomer not bâ—ing ablâ— to double the Cape in that there rose a contrary winde at Southwest The 25. the wind continuing contrary hee put into a place in Galicia called Ferroll where hee remained fiue dayes and appointed all the Masters of his shippes an order for the keeping of good companie in this manner The small shippes to bee alwayes ahead and a weather of the Iesus and to speake twise a day with the Iesus at least if in the day the Ensigne bee ouer the poope of the Iesuâ— or in the night two lights then shall all the shippes speake with her If there bee three lights aboord the Iesuâ— then doeth she cast about If the weather bee extreme that the small shippes cannot keepe compâ—nie with the Iesus then all to keepe companie with the Salomon and foorthwith to repaire to â—he Iland of Teneriffâ— to the Northward of the road of Sirroes If any happen to any misfortune then to shew two lights and â—o shoote off a piece of ordinance If any lose companie and come in sight againe to make three yawes and strike the Myson three times Serue God daily loue one another preserue your victuals beware of fire and keepe good companie The 26. day the Minion came in also where hee was for the reioycing whereof hee gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the courtesie of the sea for their welcome but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline whome at their departure from Master Hawkins vpon the coast of England they went to seeke and hauing met with her kept companie two dayes together and at last by misfortune of fire through the negligence of one of their gunners the powder in the gunners roome was set on fiâ—e which with the first blast strooke out her poope and therewithall lost three men besides many sore burned which escaped by the brigandine being at her sterne and immediatly to the great losse of the owners and most horrible sight to the beholders she sunke before their eyes The 20. day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and companie of the Minion hauing nowe both the brigandines at her sterne wayed anker and set saile on their voyage hauing a prosperous winde thereunto The fourth of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera and the sixt day of Teneriffe which they thought to haue beene the Canarie in that they supposed themselues to haue beene to the Eastward of Teneriffe and were not but the Minion being three or foure leagues ahead of vs kept on her course to Teneriffe hauing better sight thereof then the other had and by that meanes they parted companie For M. Hawkins and his companie went more to the West vpon
reason that from the shore they cannot be rescued nor holpen because it is an Island and refuge for all ships and barks If it would please your maiestie here might some â—ort or defence bee made in the middlemost Island and some ordinance planted and this might bee made with little charges because in the said Island there are all kinde of necessaries fit for that purpose so by this meanes your maiestie may haue both the harbour and the citie very well kept And likewise there is another entring into the South sea which is called the riuer of Francisca which lieth on this side of the Cabeça de Catiua and this riuer doth come into another riuer which is called Caracol and is fiue leagues from this citie and once before these Simerons brought into this place certaine Frenchmen The riuer of Chagre THe riuer of Chagre lieth in 9. degrees and one tierce The mouth of this riuer is in the North seas 18. leagues from Nombre de Dios and 13. leagues from Puerto Bello there is caryed vp this riuer certaine quantitie of those merchandize which are vnladen at Nombre de Dios which come from Spaine From the mouth of this riuer to Venta de Cruzes are eighteene leagues From this place where the barkes vnlade their commodities they are carried vpon mules to Panama which is but fiue leagues off from this place This riuer hath great store of water in the Winter And the barkes which belong to this riuer are commonly of 320. Quintals that is of 16. tunnes in burthen but in the Summer there is but small store of water so then the barkes haue much to doe to get vp this riuer and in many places these barks are constrained to vnlade their commodities and are drawen by mens strength and force a good way vp the riuer and therefore if it would please your maiestie to command that all those goods may bee first vnladen in Puerto Bello and there to build a litle castle in the mouth of the said riuer and at the foote of the castle to build a storehouse to vnlade and keepe all the sayd goods and there to build other barks of lesse burthen then these would serue for Sommer and the great barks for the Winter If it would please your maiestie there might a very good high way be made on the one side of the riuer and so they might bee towed for it may bee made and not with much cost because it is all plaine ground and there is growing vpon the sayd riuer great store of timber and trees which doe lie ouer thwart the said Riuer so that they are very cumbersome and great annoiance vnto the said boates aswell those that go vp the said Riuer as also that doe come downe the said Riuer And therfore if it might please your maiestie to command that Puerto belo might be inhabited and the towne made neerer the Riuers side euery thing would be a great deale better cheape if the commodities were caryed vp the Riuer for it is a great danger to cary them vp by land for it is daily seene that the mules do many times fall and breake their neckes with their lading vpon their backs as well the treasure as other kinde of commodities because it is such a bad way And your maiestie might be at this charges and spend of your reuenewes of Nombre de dios and Panama which do yerely yeild 12 or 14 thousand pezos this being once done it would be a great ayd and benefit to those which doe trade and trafficke and to those merchantes which doe send their goods ouer-land and ease them much of paine and purse because the other is a most filthy way as any is in the world A briefe remembrance of a voyage made in the yeere 1589 by William Michelson Captaine and William Mace of Ratcliffe Master of a ship called the Dogge to the Bay of Mexico in the West India THe aforesaide ship called the Dogge of the burthen of threescore and ten tunnes was furnished and armed forth with the number of fortie men it departed from the coast of England in the moneth of May directly for the West India It fell with the Bay of Mexico and there met with diuers Spanish ships at sundry times whereof three fel into her lapse and were forced to yeeld vnto the mercie of the English the last that they met within the Bay was a Spanish man of warre whom the English chased and after three seuerall sightes vpon three diuers dayes pressed him so farre that he entreated a parle by putting out a flagge of truce the parle was granted and certaine of the Spaniards came aboord the English Where after conference about those matters that had passed in the fight betwixt them they receiued reasonable intertainement and a quiet farewell The Spanish as if they had ment to requite the English courtesie inuited our men to their shippe who perswading themselues of good meaning in the Spanish went aboord but honest and friendly dealing was not their purpose suddenly they assaulted our men and one with a dagger stabde Roger Kingsood the English Pilote to the heart and slewe him and others were serued with the like sauce onely William Mace the Master others notwithstanding al the prepared trappes of the enemie lept ouerboord into the sea and so came safe to their own ship and directing his course for England arriued at Plimouth the tenth day of September 1589 laden with wines yron Roans which is a kinde of linnen cloth and other rich commodities looking for the arriuall of the rest of his consorts whereof one and the principall hath not long since obtained his Port. Thus much in generall termes onely I haue as yet learned and receiued touching this voyage extracted out of letters sent from the aforesaid William Mace to Master Edward Wilkinson of Towre-hill in London My principall intention by this example is to admonish our nation of circumspection in dealing with that subtill enemie and neuer to trust the Spanish further then that their owne strength shall be able to master them for otherwise whosoeuer shall through simplicitie trust their curtesie shall by tryall taste of their assured crueltie CERTAINE SPANISH LETTERS INTERcepted by shippes of the Worshipfull Master Iohn VVattes written from diuerse places of the Islandes and of the maine land as well of Nueua Espanna as of Tierra Firma and Peru containing many secrets touching the aforesaid Countreys and the state of the South Sea and the Trade to the Philippinas A leter sent from Hauana in Cuba from the general of the fleete Iohn de Orimo to the king of Spaine the 18 of October 1590 touching the building of certaine excellent Frigats c. IT may please your maiestie that at the date hereof one of the Frigates was lanched and three more will be ready against the fleete depart from hence They are very bigge and excellent of sayle which will carie 150 men a
piece with souldiers and mariners And hauing good ordinance there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend vs. For wee shall both leaue and take at all times when we list But it behooueth your maiestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats For we haue great want of souldiers and mariners with tackling ankers powder shot caliuers and all kinde of furniture for them For these things are not here to bee had for money and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras For the merchants ships are so weake and so vnprouided that they haue almost none to defend themselues Also we shall be constrained to giue the carena againe vnto al the ships for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long trauelling and keeping of them here Thus if it would please your maiestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with al kinde of other furniture might be sent vs then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage God preserue your Catholike royal maiestie FroÌ„ Hauana the of 20 October 1590. Your maiesties seruant whose royall feet I kisse IOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete A Letter sent from the Gouernour of Hauana Iohn de Trexeda to the King of Spaine the twentieth of October 1590 touching the wants of that place BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arriuall here I haue giuen your maiestie at large to vnderstand what hath happened as much as I can and what thing is here to be done in this citie and what your maiestie must prouide And now once againe I will returne to put your maiestie in minde thereof I beseech your maiestie to command to be prouided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros if you will haue this fortification to goe forwardes because your maiestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther so we want men to worke and to garde it and likewise to keep it We dare not meddle with those of the Galies And likewise it may please your maiestie to send new working tooles of yron according to a remembrance which I haue sent to your maiestie of late which doeth signifie our wants more at large Likewise it is needefull that your maiestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place For it behooueth your maiestie not to haue them as yet left till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished and that which is in building vpon the hill which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles Likewise I haue certified your maiestie that with all speed I am making ready of the fiue Frigates that they may cary all the treasure Also Iohn de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to haue them dispatched doeth furnish mee with some money although somewhat scantly vntill such time as your maiestie doth send him some order therefore I beseech you to command it to bee done considering the great charges and expences that we are at here as by the accounts your Maiestie shall more at large perceiue what hath bene spent These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arriued but I doe stay the comming thereof euery day according as the Duke of Medina and Iohn de Ibarra haue written vnto me that those ships which should bring the same were readie to depart from thence All these things it behooueth your Maiestie to send in time for I can assure your Maiestie that you shall not haue vpon the sea such good sâ—ippes as these are For as touching the othee ships of the fleete which are in this harbour it is not conuenient to venture the siluer in them This counsell your Maiestie shall not take of mee for I am a souldier and haue but small skill in nauigation But euery day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots captaines masters and mariners As touching the copper I haue put it in practise twise more and haue made proofe thereof wherein there hath bene more spent then I was willing there should haue bene because I haue gotten no fruit thereof I know not the cause but that it is not done effectually by those that haue the working thereof Therefore I beseech your Maiestie to send me that same sounder which I wrote to your Maiestie heretofore of Our Lord keepe your Maiestie many yeeres From Hauana the 20 of October 1590. Your Maiesties seruant whose royall feete I kisse IOHN DE TREXEDA gouernour of Hauana A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Maiesties priuie Counsel of the West Indies from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Gouernour of S. Iuan de Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590 touching the state of that Citie and Island I Recieued your honours letter the 20 of Februarie whereby I receiued great content to heare that your honour is in good health As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes it doeth grieue me to the very soule I beseech God to send him his libertie and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieueth me very much I pray God to send good iustice The M. of the fielde Iuan de Texela and the M. workeman Iuan Baptista Antonio arriued here in safetie and haue veiwed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I haue informed his maiestie thereof They haue marked a place to build a strong Fort whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente And it standeth in a good situation and in a conuâ—nient place on a high mount which doeth lye vpon the entering in of the Harbour so cutteth ouer to a point of land leauing in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons without ioyning thereunto any part of the coast So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella He left me great store of yron worke tooles eight workemen and 200 Negros which are the kings And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke His maiestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the prouision of the Island to take those rents which his maiesty hath here to certifie his maiestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen that they may haue all things necessary So I haue sent to Nueua Espanna for such things as are here wanting I haue writteÌ„ to the M. of the field which is gone to Hauana informing
from Rochel It were good that your Maiestie would send into France to knowe the certainetie thereof The Frenchman likewise told me that all the Canibals of Petiguar haue ioyned themselues in companie with certaine Frenchmen which were cast away in two ships vpon this coast The one of these ships which were cast away was one Rifoles and the other ship was this mans And those Frenchmen which came vpon this coast did ioyne themselues with those Canibals which did â—eâ—â—l and did diuide themselues into two squadrons So I sent presently to Manuel Mascarenhas that he should send me aide and munition But he sent me word againe that he had none to spare and that he did purpose with all speede to goe himselfe to Rio Grande and that he was not able to furnish himselfe so well as he could wish nor to bring his souldiers into the field for lacke of shot powder and other munition which he did want Hereupon once more the 29 of Iuly I with my souldiers marched to the enemies campe and there ioyning battell with the Indian rebels which were ioyned with the Frenchmen that â—â—ce their leaders I did set vpon them and slew great store of them and tooke fourteene of them prisoners They doe report the very same newes which the other Frenchmen did tell me as touching the ships which were in the harbour of Rio Grande and how their pretence was to haue come and haue taken vs and spoyled the countrey But now being put to flight and hauing receiued the ouerthrow they can get no victuals to victuall their shippes which hath bene the cause that they are mightily hindered in their intent and dare not come any more to attempt vs. And the Indians are so dismayed that in haste they will haue no more helpe nor aide of the Frenchmen So by these meanes of necessitie the Indians must submit themselues vnto vs considering they are quite spoyled and ouerthrowen for a long time Likewise they haue enformed me touching the siluer mines which are found that it is most true For those french shippes which were in Rio Grande haue laden great store of the oare Wherefore I certified Manuel de Mascarenhas of the Frenchmens newes and howe euery thing did stand wishing him to make readie foure ships and three hundred souldiers and so to take the harbour of Rio Grande being now cleered and voyde of the enemie and to search out the situation of the place and where were best to fortifie and to build some fortes for the defence of this riuer where neede shall require Hereunto Mascarenhas sent me word that when he went himselfe and found it true which hath beene reported touching the siluer mines that then he would send both men and ships Therefore your Maiestie must giue order that the rest of the Gouernours shall ayde and assist me in these warres otherwise of my selfe I am not able to doe more then I haue alreadie done in defending of this countrey against our enemies which are many It may please your Maiestie to be aduertised that from time to time I haue written vnto Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernor general of this realme who is in Baia as concerning these Frenchmen of warre but he will not answere me to any purpose because I do write vnto him for such things as I doe want which are shot powder men and munition requisite for your Maiesties seruice safegard of this captaineship For here are neither shot powder nor any thing els to defend vs from our enemies nor any that wil put to their helping hands for the defence of this countrey the seruice of your Maiestie And therfore it were needfull that your Maiesty should commit the charge and gouernment into the hands of Diego Sierua with expresse charge that all the captaines commanders vpon paine of death obey him and be readie at all times to aide and assist him in your seruice Otherwise this countrey cannot be kept and maintained hauing so great warres continually as we haue and are troubled withall For this Diego Sierua is a very good souldier and hath good experience and is fit to gouerne this countrey Your Highnesse is also to send him Commission with expresse coÌ„mandement to follow these wars otherwise this countrey cannot be kept but daily they will rebell For here are none that will serue your Maiestie so iustly as he will do who wil haue a great care in any thing which shal coÌ„cerne your Maiestes seruice touching the estate of this countrey For the Gouernour Sousa doth spend your Maiesties treasure in building his owne Ingenios or sugar-milles And those Captaines which your Maiestie intendeth to send hither must bring with them shot powder and all kind of weapons furniture and munition for the defence and safegarde of this countrey and for the conquest of Rio Grande For there is no kind of munition in al this câ—untrey to be had if occasion should serue It were also good that your Maiestie should send order for the building of a couple of Forts or Castles at Cabodelo for they be very needefull for the defence of the enemie which dayly doth warre against this Captaineship For that man which shall gouerne this countrey if he be no more fortunate then I haue bene hitherto shall not misse one time or another but he shall loose all the countrey If Don Francisco de Sousa had sent mee those two hundred and fiftie souldiers which I did send for which were in garison in the castle of Arâ—ecife which doe nothing but spend your Maiesties victuals and treasure and had not sent them to Baiha where there was no neede these warres of Petiguar had bene ended long agone and had saued your Maiesty a great deale of charges which you had spent in folowing of this conquest of Rio Grande I haue chosen one Captaine Iohn de Matas Cardoso to be Gouernour of Cabodelo who is a very sufficient man Furthermore it may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the chiefest Friers of this Monasterie of S. Antonie haue complained on me to the lord Gouernour generall and haue caused great strife and debate betweene him and me touching the gouernment and rule of these Indian townes For the Friers would command and gouerne both the Indians and their townes as well in Ecclesiasticall as Temperall causes as touching the punishment of the bodies of such as are offenders But I haue resisted them in your Maiesties name and haue alleaged that none but your Maiestie must rule and gouerne them and their countrey and that the townes appertaine to your Maiestie and not vnto the Friers But the Gouernour hath written a letter vnto me signifying that he hath pronounced a sentence against me in the Friers behalfe which is this The King our master hath sent a decree and certaine statutes touching the good gouernment and orders to be executed and kept in those Indian townes and that vpon sight hereof I shall presently
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâ—e ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâ—l of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ— him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ— hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâ—me good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
neere the shoare it had beene impossible for vs to get out of the sea And nowe being here mored in Port Desire our shroudes are all rotten not hauing a running rope whereto wee may trust and being prouided onely of one shift of sailes all worne our top-sailes not able to abide any stresse of weather neither haue wee any pitch tarre or nailes nor any store for the supplying of these wantes and wee liue onely vpon seales and muskles hauing but fiue hogsheads of porke within bourd and meale three ounces for a man a day with water for to drinke And forasmuch as it hath pleased God to separate our fleete and to bring vs into such hard extremities that only now by his mere mercy we expect reliefe though otherwise we are hopelesse of comfort yet because the wonderfull workes of God in his exceeding great fauour toward vs his creatures are farre beyond the scope of mans capacitie therefore by him we hope to haue deliuerance in this our deepe distresse Also forasmuch as those vpon whom God will bestow the fauour of life with returne home to their countrey may not onely themselues remaine blamelesse but also manifest the trueth of our actions wee haue thought good in Christian charitie to lay downe vnder our hands the trueth of all our proceedings euen till the time of this our distresse Giuen in Port Desire the 2 of Iune 1592. Beseching the almightie God of his mercie to deliuer vs from this miserie how or when it shall please his diuine Maiestie Iohn Dauis Captaine Randolph Cotton Iohn Pery William Maber gunner Charles Parker Rouland Miller Edward Smith Thomas Purâ—et Matthew Stubbes Iohn Ienkinson Thomas Edwards Edward Granger Iohn Lewis William Hayman George Straker Thomas Walbie William Wyeth Richard Alaâ—d Stephan Popham Alexander Cole Thomas Watkins George Cunington Iohn Whiting Iames Ling. The Boat-swain Francis Smith Iohn Layes The Boat-swaines mate Fisher. Iohn Austin Francis Copstone Richard Garet Iames Euersby Nicolas Parker Leonard Iohn Pick. Benjamin William Maber Iames Noâ— Christopher Hauser After they had deliuered this relation vnto our captaine vnder their handes then wee began to trauell for our liues and wee built vp a smiths forge and made a colepit and burnt coles and there wee made nailes boltes and spikes others made ropes of a peece of our cable and the rest gathered muskles and tooke smeltes for the whole companie Three leagues from this harborough there is an Isle with foure small Isles about it where there are great abundance of â—eales and at the time of the yeere the penguins come thither in great plentie to breede Wee concluded with the pinnesse that she should sometimes goe thither to fetch seales for vs vpon which condion wee would share our victuals with her man for man whereunto the whole companie agreed So wee parted our poore store and shee laboured to fetch vs seales to eate wherewith wee liued when sineltes and muskles failed for in the nepe streames wee could get no muskles Thus in most miserable calamitie wee remained vntill the sixt of August still keeping watch vpon the hils to looke for our Generall and so great was our vexation and anguish of soule as I thinke neuer flesh and blood endured more Thus our miserie dayly increasing time passing and our hope of the Generall being very colde our Captaine and Master were fully perswaded that the Generall might perhaps goe directly for The Streights and not come to this harborough whereupon they thought no course more conuenient then to goe presently for The Streights and there to stay his comming for in that place hee could not passe but of force wee must see him whereunto the companie most willingly conseâ—ted as also the Captaine and Master of the pinnesse so that vpon this determination wee made all possible speede to depart The sixt of August wee set saile and went to Penguin-isle and the next day wee salted twentie hogsheads of seales which was as much as our salt could possibly doe and so wee departed for The Streights the poorest wretches that euer were created The seuenth of August towarde night wee departed from Penguin-isle shaping our course for The Streights where wee had full considence to meete with our Generall The ninth wee had a sore storme so that wee were constrained to hull for our sailes were not to indure any force The 14 wee were driuen in among certaine Isles neuer before discouered by any knowen relation lying fiftie leagues or better from the shoare East and Northerly from The Streights in which place vnlesse it had pleased God of his wonderâ—ull mercie to haue ceased the winde wee must of necessitie haue perished But the winde shifting to the East wee directed our course for The Streights and the 18 of August wee fell with the Cape in a very thicke fogge and the same night we ankered ten leagues within the Cape The 19 day wee passed the first and the second Streights The 21 wee doubled Cape Froward The 22 we ankered in Saluage cooue so named because wee found many Saluages there notwithstanding the extreme colde of this place yet doe all these wilde people goe naked and liue in the woods like Satyrs painted and disguised and flie from you like wilde deere They are very strong and threw stones at vs of three or foure pound weight an incredible distance The 24 in the morning wee departed from this cooue and the same day we came into the Northwest reach which is the last reach of the Streights The 25 we ankored in a good cooue within fourteene leagues of the South sea in this place we purposed to stay for the General for the streight in this place is scarce three miles broad so that he could not passe but we must see him After we had stayed here a fortnight in the deep of Winter our victuals consuming for our Seals stunke most vily and our men died pitifully through cold and famin for the greatest part of them had not clothes to defend the extremitie of the winters cold being in this heauie distresse our captaine and Master thought it the best course to depart from the Streights into the South sea and to go for the Isle of Santa Maria which is to the Northward of Baldiâ—ia in 37 degrees a quarter where we might haue reliefe and be in a temperate clime and there stay for the Generall for of necessity he must come by that Isle So we departed the 13 of September came in sight of the South sea The 14 we were forced backe againe and recouered a cooue 3 leagues within the streights from the South sea Againe we put foorth being 8 or 10 leagues free of the land the wind rising furiously at Westnorthwest we were inforced againe into the streights only for want of sails for we neuer durst â—eare saile in any stresse of weather they were so weake so againe we recouered the cooue three leagues within the streights where we
these vermine but the more we laboured to kill them the more they increased so that at the last we could not sleepe for them but they would eate our flesh and bite like Mosquitos In this wofull case after we had passed the Equinoctiall toward the North our mâ—n began to fall sick of such a monstrous disease as I thinke the like was neuer heard of for in their ankles it began to swell from thence in two daies it would be in their breasts so that they coulâ— not draw their breath and then fell into their cods and their cods and yardes did swell most grieuously and most dreadfully to behold so that they could neither stand lie nor goe Whâ—reupon our mâ—n grew mad with griefe Our captain with extreme anguish of his soule was in such wofull case that he desired only a speedie end and though he were scarce able to speake for sorrow yet he perswaded them to patience and to giue God thankes like dutifull children to accept of his chastisemâ—nt For all this diuers grew raging mad some diâ—d in most lothsome furious paine It were incredible to write our misery as it was there was no man in perfect health but the captaine one boy The master being a man of good spirit with extreme labour bore out his griefe so that it grâ—w not vpon him To be short all our men died except 16 of which there were but 5 able to mooue The captaine was in good health the master indifferent captaine Cotton and my selfe swolne and short winded yet better then the rest that were sicke and one boy in health vpon vs 5 only the labour of the ship did stand The captaine and master as occasion serued would take in and heaue out the top-sailes the master onely attended on the sprit-saile and all of vs at the capsten without sheats and tacks In fine our miscrie and weaknesse was so great that we could not take in nor heaue out a saile so our top-saile sprit-sailes were torne all in pieces by the weather The master and captaine taking their â—urnes at the helme were mightily distressed and monstrously grieued with the most wofull lamentation of our sick men Thus as lost wanderers vpon the sea the 11 of Iune 1593. it pleased God that we arriued at Bear-hauen in Ireland and there ran the ship on shore where the Irish men helped vs to take in our sailes and to more our ship for flooting which slâ—nder paines of theirs cost the captaine some ten pounds before he could haue the ship in safetie Thus without vicâ—uals sailes men or any furniture God onely guided vs into Ireland where the captaine left the master and three or foure of the company to keepe the ship and within 5 dayes afâ—â—r he and ceâ—taine others had passage in an English fisher-boat to Padstow in Cornewall In this maner our small remnant by Gods onely mercie were preserued and restored to our counâ—rey to whom be all hâ—nour and glory world wâ—thout end The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 vnto the great Emperor of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield marchants of the citie of London who were embarqued in a fleet of 3 ships to wit The Beare The Beares whelpe and the Beniamin set forth principally at the charges of the honourable knight Sir Roberâ— Duddeley and committed vnto the command and conduct of M. Beniamin Wood a man of approoued skill in nauigation who together with his ships and company because we haue heard no certaine newes of them since the moneth of February next after their departure we do suppose may be arriued vpon some part of the coast of China and may there be stayed by the said Emperour or perhaps may haue some treacherie wrought against them by the Portugales of Macao or the Spaniards of the Philippinas ELizabetha Dei gracia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Regina verae christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes inuictissima propugnatrix c. Altissimo Serenissimoque Principi potentissimo magni regni Chinae dominatori summo in illis Asiae partibus Insulisque adia centibus imperatori magno in orientalibus mundi regionibus Monarchae salutem multosque cum omni optimarum reruÌ„ copia affluentia laetos foelices annos Cum honesti fideles subditi nostri qui has literas nostras ad serenitatem vestram perferunt Richardus Allot Thomas Bromefield ciuitatis nostrae Londini iâ— dicto nostro regno Angliae mercatores impensè a nobis efflagitauerint vt eorum studia ad imperij vestri regiones commercij gracia nauigandi commendaremus Cumque regni vestri fortitèr prudenterque administrati fama per vniuersam terraruÌ„ orbem disseminata diuulgata subditos hos nostros inuitauerit non solum vt dominationis vestrae regiones inuisant sed vt regni vestri legibus institutis dum in illis mundi partibus coÌ„morati fuerint regendos se moderandos permittant prout mercatores decet qui mercimonioruÌ„ commurandorum causa ad tam longè dissitas nec adhuc nostro orbi satis cognitas regiones penetrate cupâ—unt illud vnum spectantes vt mercimonia sua mercimonioruÌ„que quorundam quibus ditionis nostrae regiones abundant exemplaria quaedaÌ„ siue specimina serenitatis vestrae subditorumque vestroruÌ„ conspectui offerant diligenter cognoscere studeant si quae aliae sint apud nos merces quae vestro vsui inseruiant quas honesto vbique terrarum licito commercij ritu alijs mercibus quarum in imperij vestri regionibâ— tam artis quam naturae beneficio magna copia est commutare possint Nos equissimis honestorum hominum precibus acquiescentes quia nihil ex iustissimo hoc mercaturae vsu incommodi siue dispendij oâ—â—turum sed plurimuÌ„ potius emolumenti vtriusque regni tum principibus tum subditis prouenturum existimamus dum earuÌ„ rerum quibus ahundamus exportatione aliarum quibus egemus inuectione aequissimis precijs iâ—uari vtrinque locupletari possimus Serenissimam Maiestatem vestram rogamus vt subditis his nostris cum mercimoniorum vendendorum permutandorum gratia ad imperij vestri stationes pottus loca oppida ciuitates accesserint eundi redeundi cum subditis vestris negotiandi plena libera fiat potestas Illisque huiusmodi libertates immunitates priuilegia quae aliorum principum sâ—bditis apud vos mercaturam exercentibus concedi solent serenitatis vestrae clementia inuiolota conseruentur nos vicissim non tantùm omnia amicae principis officia serenitati vestrae deferemus sed ad maiorem communis inter nos â—ubditosque nostros amicitiae coÌ„mercij propagationem subditis vestris omnibus singulis si serenissime Maiestati vestrae ita visum fuerit plenam integram in ditionis nostre quascunque regiones veniendi commorandi negotiandi reuertendi
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
Iuramentum or othe ministred to the Captaine YOu shall sweare to be a faithfull true and loyal subiect in all points and duties that to a subiect appertaineth to our soueraigne Lord the kings Maiestie his heires and successors and that you shall wel and truely to the vttermost of your capacitie wit knowledge serue this present voiage committed to your charge and not to giue vp nor sooner intermit the same vntil you shall haue atchieued the same so farre foorth as you may without danger of your life and losse of the fleete you shall giue good true and faithful counsell to the said societie and to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you and not to disclose the secrets or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane to the preiudice hurt or damage of it You shal minister iustice to all men vnder your charge without respect of person or any affection that might moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice And further you shal obserue and cause to be obserued as much as in you lieth all and singular rules articles prouisions hitherto made or heereafter to be made for the preseruation or safe conduct of the fleete and voyage and benefit of the company You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods of the company to be wasted imbezeled or consumed but shall conserue the same whole and entire without diminishment vntill you shall haue deliuered or cause to be deliuered the same to the vse of the companie And finally you shal vse your selfe in all points sorts and conditions as to a faithfull captaine and brother of this companie shall belong and appertaine So helpe you God c. The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship c. YOu shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke that you according and to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners science and craft shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good shippe called the N. c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God both vnto and from the portes of your discouerie and so vse your indeuour and faithfull diligence in charging discharging lading againe and roomaging of the same shippe as may be most for the benefite and profite of this right woorshipfull fellowship and you shall not priuately bargein buy sell exchange barter or distribute any goods wares merchandize or things whatsoeuer necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely excepted to or for your owne lucre gaine or profit neither to nor for the priuate lucre gaine or profit of any other person or persons whatsoeuer And further If you shall know any boatswaine mariner or any other person or persons whatsoeuer to buy sell barter trucke or exchange any goods wares marchandizes or things for priuate account reckoning or behalfe you shall doe your best to withstand and let the same and if you cannot commodiously so doe that then before the discharge of such goods bought for priuat account you shal giue knowledge therof to the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being And you shal not receiue nor take nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer going or returning but onely those mariners whâ—ch without fraud or guile shall be hired to be of your company and to serue in mariners craft and science onely So helpe you God c. These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and boates well appointed with al maner of artillerie and other things necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid departed from Ratcliffe and valed vnto Detford the 10. day of May 1553. The 11. day about two of the clocke we departed from Detford passing by Greenwich saluting the kings Maiesty then being there shooting off our ordinance so valed vnto Blackwall and there remained vntil the 17. day and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall and came to Woolwâ—ch by nine of the clocke and there remained one tide and so the same night vnto Heyreth The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend and there remained vntil the twentieth day that day being Saterday from Grauesend vnto Tilberie Hope remaining there vntill the two and twentieth day The 22. day from Tilbery Hope to Hollie hauen The 23. day from Hollie Hauen till we came against Lee and there remained that night by reason that the winde was contrary to vs. The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning we sailed along the coast ouer the Spits vntill we came against S. Osyth about sixe of the clocke at night and there came to anker and abode there all that night The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth and so sailed forward vnto the Nase and there abode that night for winde and tide The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning we weyed our anker and sailed ouer the Nase the winde being at the Southwest vntill wee came to Orwell wands and there came to an anker and abode there vntill the 28. day The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of of the clocke before noone we weyed our ankers and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye and there came to an anker The 29. day from thence to Holmehead where we stayed that day where we consulted which way and what courses were best to be holden for the discouerie of our voyage and there agreed The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile and came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea riding there at anker all that night The last of May â—nto the Sea sixe leagues Northeast and there taried that night where the winde blew very sore The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs wee came backe againe to Orwell and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the winde for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees in the morning wee weyed our ankers and went forth into the wands about two miles from the towne and lay there that night The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward and sayled vntill we came athwart Alburrough and there stayed that night The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe vnto Orfordnesse aud there remained vntill the 19 day The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the seas to Orfordnesse and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast then being past the sands we changed our course sixe leagues Northnortheast about midnight we changed our course againe and went due North continuing in the same vnto the 27 day The 27 day about
your seruants Thomas Alcocke George Wrenne and Richard Cheinie the 28. of Iune last I departed in poste from the said Mosco and comming to Colmogro and so downe to the Sea side I found your ships laden and ready to depaâ—t where I embarked my selfe in your good ship called the Swallow the 9. of Iuly one thousand fiue hundred sixtie foure and hauing passed the Seas with great and extreme dangers of losse of shippe goods and life the 28. day of September last God be praised we arriued here at London in safetie Thus knowing that the couragious and valiant souldier which aduentureth both fame member and life to serue faithfully his soueraigne esteemeth not the perils and dangers passed the victorie once obtained neither for his guerdon desireth any thing more then that his seruice bee well taken of him for whom he enterprised it So I perceiuing your fauourable beneuolence to me extended in accepting my trauels in good part to your contentations do thinke my selfe therewith in great part recompensed beseeching Almightie God so to prosper your aduentures from time to time hereafter to be made for reaping the fruits of my trauels at your great charges and to my no small dangers that ye may plentifully gather in and enioy the same to the illustrating of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the honour and commoditie of this her highnesse Realme and to the ample benefit and abundant enriching of you and your succession posteritie for euer A copie of the priuiledges giuen by Obdolowcan King of Hircania to the company of English merchants Aduenturers for Russia Persia and Mare Caspium with all the lands and countreys adioyning to the same obtained by M. Anthonie Ienkinson at his being there about the affaires of the said company April 14. Anno 1563. VVE Obdolowcan by the mightie power of God maker of heauen and of earth appointed and now raigning king of Shiruan and Hircan of our meere wotion and great goodnes at the earnest sute and request of our fauoured and welbeloued Anâ—honie Ienkinson Ambassadour haue giuen and graunted vnto the right worshipfull Sir William Garrer sir William Chester sir Thomas Lodge M. Richard Mallarie and M. Richard Chamberlaine with all their company of merchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London in England free libertie safe conduct and licence to come or sende their factors in trade of merchandize into our countreys and to buy and sell with our merchants and others either foâ— ready money or barter and to tary and abide in our countrey so long as they will and to goe away when they list without impediment let or hinderance either of body or goods And further our commaundement and pleasure is that the said English merchants with their company shall pay no maner of custome for wares which they or their factors shal buy or sel within our dominions And if at any time our customers or other officers or any of them doe disturbe misuse force or constraine the said English merchants or any of them or their factors to pay any maner of custome or duetie for any wares they bring in or cary out of our dominions contrary to this our commandement and the same be knowen vnto vs then we will that the saide customers and officers shall loose be put out of their said offices with our further displeasure and the saide English merchants to haue restored all such money wares as our customers haue taken of them for our said custome And whensoeuer the saide English merchants or their factors shall bring any maner of wares meete for our treasurie then our treasurer shall take the said wares into our treasurie and shall giue vnto the said English merchants either ready money or raw silkes to the value of their saide wares And wheresoeuer this our letter of priuiledges shall bee seene and read within our dominion we straightly wil and command that it take effect and be obeyed in al points Dated at our place of Iauat the day and yere aboue written and sealed with our princely seale and firmed by our Secretarie in the 12. yeere of our raigne The second voiage into Persia made by Tho. Alcock who was slaine there and by George Wrenne Ric. Cheinie seruants to the worshipfull compaine of Moscouie merchants in Anno 1563. written by the said Richard Cheinie IT may please your worships to vnderstand that in the yere 1563. I was appointed by M. Antho. Ienkinson and M. Thomas Glouer your Agent in Russia to goe for Persia in your worships affaires one Thomas Alcock hauing the charge of the voyage committed to him and I one of your worships seruants being ioyned with him in your businesâ— hauing with vs as they said 1500. rubbles And if it shall please you I cannot tell certainly what summe of money we had then of the Emperors for I receiued none nor disbursed any of it in wares for the voyage Also God I take to record I could not tell what stocke your worships had there for the bookes were kept so priuily that a man could neuer see them The 10. of May anno 1563. we departed from a towne called Yeraslaue vpon our voyage toward Persia. The 24. of Iuly we arriued at Astracan and the second of August wee departed from Astracan and the 4. of the same moneth we came to the Caspian sea and the 11. day of the said moneth we arriued at our port in Media and the 21. of the said August wee arriued at Shammaki whereas the king Obdolocan lay in the fiâ—lde We were wel entertained of heathen people for the thirde day after our arriuall at Shammaki wee were called before the king we gaue him a present and he entertained vs very well At our comming to the Court wee were commaunded to come before the king who sate in his tent vpon the ground with his legs a crosse and all his dukes round about his tent the ground being couered with carpets wee were commaunded to sit downe the King appointing euery man his place to sit And the king commaunded the Emperour of Russelands Merchants to rise vp and to giue vs the vpper hande The 20. of October Thomas Alcock departed from Shammaki towards Casbin leauing mee at Shammaki to recouer such debts as the dukes of Shammaki ought for wares which they tooke of him at his going to Casbin In the time I lay there I could recouer but little And at Thomas Alcocks comming from Casbin who arriued at a towne called Leuuacta whereas the king Obdolocan lay a day and a halfes iourney from the towne whereas I lay I hearing of his arriuing there departed from Shammaki finding him there in safetie with all such goods as he had with him During his abode there for seuen dayes he made suite to the king for such money as the dukes ought him But the king was displeased for that the Emperour of Russelands merchant had slaine a Boserman at his going to Casbin Thomas Alcocke seeing