which is a practise very common and familiar in all partes of Italy but that the king and all his court besides the suspicion they had conceyued against the faith of Lodovvyk had his name in honor yea the king esteemed it an iniurie done to his owne honor and greatnes that he had solicited his comming into Italy to be the better able without daunger to execute an act so abominable yet in the ende the resolucion was to march on Lodovvyk continually laboring him thereunto with promise to returne and visit the king within few dayes for that both the kinges aboade in Lombardie his hastie returne into Fraunce were wholly contrary to his intencions The same day the king departed from Plaisance Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis came to him who being secretly fledd from their howses in the contrey made great instance that his maiestie would come neare Florence promising him much of the affections and goodwill of the people towardes the howse of Fraunce and no lesse of the hate against P. de medicis against whom the king was aggrauated by occasions new and greene for the king sent from Ast an Embassador to Florence to propound many offers if they would graunt him passage and absteyne hereafter from ayding of Alphonso and of the other side to pronounce threatnings to them if they perseuered in their former councell wherein to astonish them the more he gaue expresse charge to his Embassador to returne immediatly if they would not giue speedy resolucion he was aunswered with excuses to deferre and expect for that the chiefest Citisens of the gouernment being withdrawne to their howses of solace in the contrey ▪ according to the custom of the Florentyns in that season they could not with such speede giue him an aunswere certeine but would with all diligence aduertise the king of their intencion by a particular Embassador it is most certeine that it was agreed in the kinges councell without contradiction that the armie should rather take the way that leades thorow Tuskane and the territories of Rome directly to Naples then that which lying along Romania la marque passing the riuer of Troute entreth into Abruzze not for that they did distrust to giue the chase to the bandes of thAragons which with difficultie resisted Monsr D'Aubygny But for that it seemed a thing vnworthy of the greatnes of such a king and no lesse infamous to the glorie of his armies the Pope and Florentyns being declared against him to giue occasion to men to thinke that he eschewed the way for distrust that he was not able to force them But much more because they esteemed it daungerous to make warre in the realme of Naples and leaue as ennemies at their backes the state ecclesiastike and Tuskane And therefore the armie turning to the way of Tuskane it was determined to passe rather the Appenyn by the mountaine of Parme then to march the direct way to Bolonia This was Lodovvyks direction when he was at Ast for that he had a desire to make him selfe Lord of Pysa So that the vauntgard ouer whom was gouerner and leader Gilbert de Montpensier of the house of Burbon and Prince of the bludd And the king following with the residue of the armie passed to Pontreme a towne of the Duchie of Myllan sett at the foote of thAppenyn vpon the riuer of Magre which diuides the contrey of Genes aūciently called Liguria from Tuskane from Pontreme M. Montpensier entred the contrey of Lunigiana a part of which obeyd the Florentyns certeyne castells belonged to the Genovvays and the residue were subiect to the Marquis of Malespine who mainteyned their small estates vnder the protection sometimes of the Duke of Myllan sometimes of the Florentyns and sometimes of the Genovvays About those quarters ioyned with M. Mountpensier the Svvyzzers which had ben at the defence of Genovvay togither with thartillerie which was come by sea to Spetia And being come neare the towne of Finizana belonging at that time to the Florentyns whether they were guided by Gabriell Malespina Marquiss of Fodisnoue who was recommended to them they tooke it by force and sackt it making slaughter of al the souldiers straungers that were within and many of thinhabitants A maner of making warre very newe and so much the more terrible to all Italy accustomed for many yeares past to warres rather flourishing in pompes and fine furniture like to warres showed by maskers in a stage playes then to skirmishes bluddy and daungerous The Florentyns were determined to make their principall resistance at Serezana which they had greatly fortified but not with strength sufficient and necessary to resist so mighty an ennemie because they had not furnished it with any Capteine of warre that had authoritie to minister discipline nor yet souldiers neither resolute nor seruiceable other then such as lost hart at the first voyce of thapproch of the french armie yet they of Florence were of opinion that it coulde not be easiely taken specially the castell and much lesse the rocke Serazana both wel furnished and bearing his situacion vpon the hil aboue the towne Besides it was not possible that th armie should remeyne long time in those places the contrey being barreine and straite being inclosed betwene the sea and the mountaynes was not sufficient to nourish so great a multitude and their vittells comming farre of could not obserue such iust tyme oportunitie as to serue their present necessities by reason whereof it seemed the kinges affayres began to fall vpon hard tearmes and that his armie stoode possible to many daungers distresses for albeit he could not with conuenient impediments be let from assayling Pysa leauing behind him the towne and castell of Serazana and the rocke nor kept by the contrey of Lucques which citie by the working of the Duke of Myllan had secretly determined to receiue them that he entred not an other part of the territorie of Florence yet he could hardly be brought to that deliberacion and much lesse condescend to it because he had a perswacion in his secrete fancie that if he wonne not the first towne that resisted him it would diminish much his reputacion and leaue a daungerous example to others to vse insolencie against him But so it was ordeyned that eyther by the grace and blessing of fortune or by an ordenance of more high power if at the least thindiscressions and faults of men deserue such excuses to such an impediment hapned a suddeine remedie seeing that neither the courage nor constancie of P. de medicis were greater in his aduersities then had bene his modestie and discression in his prosperities By this must be vnderstanded that the displeasures which the citie of Florence had receiued from the beginning for thimpediments which were giuen to the king were continually multiplied both for a new chase and banishment of their marchauntes out of all partes of the realme of Fraunce and also for feare of the power of the
the king had not onely graunted to those that they sent but also set downe in writing vnder his owne signature their safe conduit whereof being aduertised by their solicitors which attended the dispatch of the Secretories they had vnder that trust at the sommonce of the first Herald that went to Nola erected and displayed the enseignes of the king and giuen the keyes to the first Capteine hauing with him but a few horsemen notwithstanding their strength being foure hundreth men at armes they might easily haue made resistance They preferred besides the auncient deuocion of the familie of Vrsins who taking part alwayes with the faction of the Guelffes had alwayes borne both in them selues and in all the predecessors of that house perpetuall impressions of honor reuerence and seruice to the crowne of Fraunce And as from those regardes had proceeded that with so great a readines they had receiued the kinges Maiestie into their estates bordering vpon Rome So therefore it was neither conuenient nor iust both hauing regard to the faith giuen by the king and the merit of their operacions and actions that they should be holden prisoners But they were aunswered with no lesse roundnes by M. de Lygny whose souldiers tooke them within Nola that the safe conduit albeit it was determined and subsigned by the king yet it is to be vnderstand that it was not perfectly giuen but when it was confirmed with the kinges seale and with the seale of the Secretorie and so deliuered to the partie That in all grauntes and letters pattents such was thauncient custom in all courtes to th ende that if any thing were inconsideratly passed the mouth of the Prince by reason of many thoughtes and affayres or for not sufficient informacion of thinges it might be moderated and goe forth with his due perfection he alleaged that the confidence of that moued them not to yeld to so small a companie of souldiers but they did communicat in the generall necessity and feare for that there remayned no meane either to defende or to flee the whole contrey about them swarming with the armies of the victors That what they had alleaged of their merits was false which if it should be affirmed by an other them selues ought to deny it for their honor for that it was manifest to all the world that not of will or free consent but to auoyde daunger leauing in aduersitie the Aragons of whom in prosperitie they had receiued great benefits they agreed to giue the king passage thorow their landes Therefore seeing they were in the pay of thennemie and bare mindes estraunged from the name of the french that they had perfectly no safe conduit or sewertie they were made prisoners by good law and right of armes These reasons thus aduouched against the Vrsins and susteyned by the power of M. de Ligny and authoritie of the Collonnoys who aswell for auncient enuies as for the diuersitie of the factions quarrelled them openly there was no resolucion nor sentence onely they were commaunded to follow the king leauing them naked hopes to be deliuered when his maiestie was come to Ast But albeit the Pope the confederats hauing councelled him to goe his way was not without inclinacion to be reconciled with the king with whom he negociated continually yet suspicion and ielowsie being strong in him he nourished the king with hopes that he woulde attende him And yet after he had bestowed a sufficient garrison within the castell S. Ange two dayes before the king should enter Rome he went to Oruiette accompanied with the colleage of Cardinalls and two hundred men at armes a thowsand light horsemen and three thowsand footemen he left behinde him as Legat the Cardinall of S. Anastasio to receiue and honor the king who entred by that quarter on the farre side of Tyber to th ende to auoyd the castell S. Ange And refusing the lodging that was offered him by the Popes commission in the pallaice of the Mount Vatican he went and lodged in the suburbes And when the Pope vnderstoode that the king came neare to Viterbe notwithstanding he interteyned him with newe hopes to compound with him in some place conuenient betwene Viterbe and Oruiette he left Oruiette and went to Perouse with intencion if the king tooke that way to goe to Ancona the better to haue meane by the commoditie of the sea to retyre to some place absolutely assured All this notwithstanding the king being not a litle discontented with his vniust feares and ielousies rendred the castells of Ciuitauechia and Terracina reseruing Ostia which when he came out of Italy he gaue vp to the power of the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla who was bishop thereof he passed in like sort by the contreyes of the Church as thorow the dominions of a friend sauing that they of Tuskanella refusing to receiue into their towne his vauntgarde the souldiers tooke it by force and sackt it not without murder and slaughter of many After this the king remeyned without any occasion at Siena six dayes not considering neither of him selfe nor by the straite aduertisements of the Cardinall de S. P. ad vincla and by Tryuulce how hurtfull it was to giue time to his enemies to make their prouisions and vnite their forces neither did he recompense the losse of the time with the profit of councells or deliberacions for there was debated at Sienna the restitucion of the fortresses of the Florentyns promised by the king at his departure from Naples confirmed by many voluntary grauntes on the way And therefore the Florentyns besides that they were ready to pay the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the summe agreed at Florence offered to lende lxx thowsande more and to sende with him till he were arriued at Ast Francisco Secco their Capteyne with three hundreth men at armes and two thowsande footemen The necessitie which the king had of money the oportunitie to augment his armie ioyned to the consideracion of his faith and othe induced almost all those of his councell to perswade effectually the restitucion of the castells and peeces of strength reseruing Petra Santa and Serezana as conuenient instruments to draw more easily to his deuocion the hartes of the Genovvays But it was a resolucion in destinie that the matter of new calamities shoulde remeyne kindled in Italy for M. de Ligny a man for his youth more ready to enterprise then rype in councell and whose experience had not yet wrought in him a perfection of iudgement being borne of one of the kinges sisters and of no small fauors with him made his lightnes togither with the disdane he bare to the Florentyns for that in all their sutes they addressed their meanes to the Cardinall of S. Mallovv the onely impediment to this deliberacion alleaging no other reason then the pietie and compassion of the Pysans And touching the offer of the forces which the Florentyns made he despised them vaunting that the armie of Fraunce was
Fraunce for the kinges sewertie And being possessed of the kings money he prepared him selfe to goe with the Vitellies to the kingdome of Naples where both before the losse of the castells and after was continuall insurrection in many places with diuerse accidents and fortunes For after Ferdinand had in the beginning made heade in the playne of Sarny the frenchmen that were retyred from Piedgrotte were incamped at Nocere within foure myles of thennemie where their forces being equall it appeared their disposicions did not differ for that they consumed the time vnprofitably in skyrmishing without any action worthy of memorie sauing that seuen hundred of the armie of Ferdinand aswell footemen as horsemen being led by a double intelligence to enter the borow of Gisone neare the towne of S. Seuerin remeyned almost all vppon the place either slaine or made prisoners But the bandes of the Pope being come to the succors of Ferdinand and by that meane the french made more inferior they retyred from Nocere which by that occasion together with the castell was taken by Ferdinand with a greater slaughter of such as had followed the french quarrell In this time Monsr Montpensier had foreseene to furnish of horses and other thinges necessary for the warre such as were come with him from the new castell with whom after he had remounted them in good order he went to ioyne with the others and after came to Ariana A towne abounding with vittells of the other side Ferdinand seeing him selfe lesse stronge then thennemie stayed at Montfuskule to temporise without assaying of fortune vntill the confederats had refurnished him with a greater succor M. Montpensier tooke the towne and afterwards the castell of S. Seuerin and with that fortune had done farre greater thinges if the want present of money and the difficulties to get some had not bene impediments to his oportunitie and vertue for hauing no releeffe sent out of Fraunce nor meane to leauye any in the kingdom of Naples he could not pay the souldiers by which reason the armie inclining to discontentment and the Svvyzzers drawing into murmure he had no possibilitie to doe thinges whose effectes might aunswer the forces he had In such like actions were consumed by the one and other armie about three monethes In which season Dom Federyk hauing with him Caesar of Aragon made warre in Pouylla he was ayded by those of the contrey against whom made head the Barons peoples that embrased the french part of the other side Gracian de Guerres made valiant defence in Abruzze against Ferdinand and the Prefect of Rome who had the kinges pay for two hundreth men at armes vexed with his estates the landes of Montcasin and the contrey thereabouts where was somewhat declined the prosperitie of the french by the long sicknes of M. d'Aubigny the same breaking the course of his victorie although almost all Calabria and the principallitie remeyned at the deuocion of the french king But Consaluo who with a strength of the spanish bandes with such of the contrey as bare frendship to thArragons now well increased by the conquest of Naples had taken there certeine places and made stronge in that prouince the name of Ferdinand where the french founde the same difficulties which were in the armie for want of money Notwithstanding the citie of Cosenze being drawne into rebellion against them they recouered it and sackt it But in these great necessities and daungers appeared no succors at all out of the realme of Fraunce for that the king staying at Lyons amused the time about iustes torneyes and other pleasures of Court leauing there all his thoughtes of the warre And albeit he assured his councell alwayes that he would eftsoones consider of th affayres of Italy yet the effects actions that proceeded from him discredited the promises he had made to haue remembraunce of them And yet Argenton brought him this aunswere from the Senat of Venice that they pretended to haue no disfrēdship with him for that they entred not into armes vntill he had gotten Nocere and yet for no other cause then for the defense of the Duke of Myllan their confederat and therefore they thought it a thing superfluous to ratifie eftsoones the auncient frendship with a new peace Besides they offered him that by the mediacion of persons indifferent they woulde induce Ferdinand to giue him presently some summe of money with constitucion of a tribut of fifty thowsand duckats by yeare and to leaue in his handes for his securitie Tarenta vntill a certeine time The king as though he had had a prepared puissant succor refused to open his eares to these offers notwithstanding besides these perplexities of Italy he was not without vexacions vpon the frontyers of Fraunce seeing Ferdinand king of the Spanish come in person to Parpignian had made incursions into Languedock where they did no small harmes adding to their present furie other demonstracions of farre greater emocions Besides it was not long since the Daulphyn of Fraunce the onely sonne of the king dyed All which thinges if he had bene capable to make wise election of peace or warre ought to haue brought him with more facilitie to condiscend to some accord About the ende of this yeare were determined the controuersies hapning by reason of the citadell of Pysa for the french king vnderstanding by good informacion thobstinacie of the capteine sent thether at last Monsr Gemel with threatnings and cōmaundements rigorous not only addressed to him but generally to all the french apperteyning to the charge and seruice of the sayd citadell And a litle after he dispatched thether expresly M. Bonne Cousin to the Capteine to th ende that being informed by a person whom he might trust both of the kinges message and also the meane to satisfie with present obedience his former faultes and contumacie and of the other part the daunger wherin he stoode continuing in disobedience he might with more readines proceede to thexecucion of his Maiesties commaundement iust will All these could not remoue the Capteine from his first resolucion who abiding in his transgression made no reckoning of the message of Gemell staying there a few dayes according to his commission to goe with Camylla Vitelli to find Virginio And much lesse was thē comming of Bonne who was hindred many dayes for that by direction of the Duke of Myllan he was reteyned at Serazena to any purpose to turne the Capteine from his obstinacie But hauing wrought Bonne to his consent opinion he made a contract with the Pysans Luke Maluezze communicating in the name of the Duke by vertue whereof he deliuered to the Pysans the first day of the yeare 1496. their citadell receiuing of them twenty thowsand duckats whereof xij thowsand to remeyne to him selfe and eyght thowsande to be deuided in shares amongest the particular souldiers This money was not leuyed of the stores or welth of the Pysans in whom was no meane to interteyne their
or to make a willing election of a great domage onely to auoyde since otherwyse it can not be the perpetuall infamie and dishonour of our name the magnanimitie of euery one of you so many tymes experienced in matters particular your resolute courage proper and naturall to this Nation And lastely the memorie of the auncient vertue and triumphes of our elders the very terror heretofore of all other realmes kingdomes do giue me both hope and assurance that in an action of so great importance your inuincible mindes will be awaked and receyue new life and spirite for here is nowe no question of the alienation of the duchie of Millan nor of the reuolting of the Svvizzers in which actiōs of so great cōsequence there was made no great accompt of my authoritie both in regarde of thaffinitie I had with Lodovvyk Sforce and for the particuler interests of the house of Austriche But now my Lordes what excuse may we pretend what cooller or couerture may be giuen to our ignominie What merite can we chalenge in the worlde or what maiestie can we holde at home when it is euen nowe in question whether the Almains who stande possessed of the Romaine Empire not by the hande of fortune but by their proper vertue and whose name and armes heretofore hath sounded feare and terror to moste princes in Christendome shoulde nowe cowardly depose them selues of so great a dignitie and remayning the perpetuall example of infamie of the most auncient most glorious and most inuincible monarchie of men to become the most reuersed most despised and most dishonored region that standeth vnder the view face of the skie if these reasons if these interests if these disdaines will not moue you what can be further obiected agaynst your securitie and negligence if these respectes if these contemplations of perill infamie and perpetuall ruine can stirre vp no lyfe in you what can be sayde in more importunitie what can kindle in you the seedes of the valour and resolution of your elders if your mindes be not inclined to the consideration of these aduersities In ages and posterities to come with what sorowe shall your children and descendants remember your names if you leaue not vnto them the name of Almaines in the same degree of greatnes authoritie reputation wherin your fathers left it transferred to you But let vs fall from those sortes of comfortes and persuasions for that it is an office inconuenient in me whom you haue lifted to the height of this place to vse suche libertie of wordes but rather to recommende to you deedes and examples I am determined to passe into Italie vnder pretence to receiue th imperiall crowne a solemnitie as you knowe more full of ceremonie than of substance for that the authoritie dignitie Imperiall depend wholly vpon your election But my principall intention is to breake the necke of the wicked purposes plots of the French and to chase them out of the duchie of Millan seeing we haue no other suretie agaynst their insolencies I hope there resteth in none of you all any difficulty to accompanie me according to your custome with other Emperours going to be crowned neyther doubt I that carying with me your hartes and affections ioyning withall your forces to mine I shall not passe a iorney victorious marching with suche felicitie as the moste of the potentates and communalties in Italie will meete me as petitioners some to confirme their priuileges some to implore our iustice against the oppressions they suffer and some to appease with a deuout submission the yre of the victor I doubt not but the Frenche king will giue place at the first brute of our comming that nation bearing yet in memorie that being but yong and almost an infant I brake with true valour and magnanimitie the armie of king Lovvys the eleuenth neare Guiguegaste since which time that kingdome refusing to make experience of my armes haue neuer fought with me but by ambushes and conspiracies Consider with that reputation and magnanimitie which so long hath lyued inuested in the name of Thalmains whether it agreth with your honor with your renowne and with our common perill in a case so extraordinarie to make extraordinarie prouisions The glory and greatnes of our name to the whiche this hath bene alwayes proper peculiar to defende the dignitie of the Popes of Rome and thauthoritie Apostolike and which nowe are wickedly defiled by the ambition and impietie of the French king calleth vs I say with the common decree of all Germany to drawe our swords and turne our scepters to so holy so iust and so reuerent a protection It is an interest that is wholly yours seeing I haue sufficiently acquited the duetie I owe in making so readie assemblie of you to lay afore you the common danger vrging you with thexample of my deliberation The resolution of corage shall not want in me to cōmunicate with you in all daungers and lesse shall you lacke the disposition of my person accustomed of long time to endure paine and trauell neither is my counsell in conducting a warre so insufficient eyther by greatnes of age or doubtfulnesse of experience as in this enterprise you may haue want of a leader worthy of so great an honor And by howmuche you shall honor and set foorth the greatnes of your king with fulnes of authoritie by howmuch you shall enuiron him with an armie mightie and appoynted with so muche the more facilitie and your perpetuall glory shall you be protectors of the libertie of the Churche of Rome our common mother and leaue exalted to heauen together with the reputation of the Almaine name the Imperiall dignitie common to you all in greatnesse and amplitude and particular onely to this nation in iuste office of protection This speache wrought marueilously in the mindes of thasistantes beeing nowe ashamed that in the other dyots his complaintes founde no better passage and fauor And as it is easie to set on fyre those mindes that are alreadie kindled so euery one hauing a vehement disdayne that by their negligence the maiestie of Thempire should be translated into other nations they began with a great vnity to treate vpon articles necessarie holding it conuenient to leauie a most mightie armie and of suche a sufficient appoyntment as though the whole regions of Italie woulde oppose agaynst them with the Frenche king to be hable to renewe and recouer in Italie the auncient rightes of Thempire which had bene vsurped eyther by the dishabilitie or other infirmitie of the Emperours past for so required the glorie of the name of the Almains suche a preparation worthy thassemblie of so many princes and free townes And that at last it was necessarie to showe to all the worlde that though in the willes of the Almains had remayned a long diuision and their mindes not reconciled for many yeres that ▪ yet the nation was not lesse mightie nor their spirites depriued of that magnanimitie which in
Protenotorie Caraccioll who hoped that for the tearmes wherin things stoode the Senate would speedily drawe to a conclusion to renew the former confederation with the same conditions and to paye to themprour fourescore thousande duckets in recompence that in tymes paste he had withdrawne his ayde leauing there wholly all demaundes to contribute hereafter with money But the accident of Millan reduced the Senate to no litle perplexitie for on the one side they stoode grieued to be the onely people in Italy that with so great daunger contended agaynst themprour seeing they were threatned by the Marquis of Pisquairo to transport the whole warre vpon their estate whereof they discerned already certayne preparations And on the other side they were not ignorant that in case thaccorde went throw themprour should with greater facilitie make himselfe absolute lorde of that Duchie which being ioyned to so many estates and so many other oportunities they sawe was the onely line to leade him to subdue them together with the residue of Italy A matter which was continually declared to them by the Bishop of Bayeux whom the Lady Regent had sent to solicite an vnion with thItalians agaynst themprour for which purpose in so great a doubt and in so daungerous apparances they made many assemblies but without any resolution for the diuersitie of opinions And albeit to accept thaccorde was a thing more conformable to their custome and maner of proceeding for that it so tooke them out of daungers present as they might hope in the tract of tymes and benefite of occasions which common weales may attend who in comparison of Princes are immortall yet it seemed to them a matter of too great importance to suffer themprour confirmed in thestate of Millan and to see the French remayne excluded from all hope of alliance in Italy Therefore after they had at laste resolued to be bounde to no thing they made this aunswere to the Protenotary Carraccioll That the forme of their actions paste gaue fayth to all the world and he himselfe being present at the conclusion of the confederation could well testifie with what great affection they had alwayes desired thamitie of themprour with whom as they contracted a consederation in a tyme when if they had harkned to the French it had bene as all the world knewe anoperacion of right great consequence so they had perseuered and would for euer continue in the same disposicion towards him Only the necessity of thinges kept them in suspence both for that they saw in Lombardie many chaunges and innouations of great importaunce and also for that they remembred that their confederacion with thEmperour together with so many mouings and stirres hapned that yeare in Italie drewe no other end or meaning then to transferre Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan as the principall fundacion of the libertie and suretie of Italie In which regard they besought his Maiestie that maintaining in that case him selfe and deducing affore all the world his bountie he would remoue and make cease so great an innouacion and establish the tranquillitie of Italie which as it was in his power to doe being nowe the starre that guided the whole firmament so for their partes he should find them alwayes disposed and prepared both with their authoritie and with their forces to follow so holy an inclinacion and honor him besides with all other sortes of office and humility whether he would extend them generally or applie them to his particular interests This aunswere albeit it conteined no hope of cōclusion yet it bred not for al that any ouerture or beginning of warre for that both the sickenesse of the Marquis of Pisquairo which aggrauated dayly in worse degrees the desire to impatronise him selfe first of the whole estate of Millan and to establish and assure that conquest together with thinclinacion of thEmperour extending to put end and resolucion to so many other affaires which he had in hande would not suffer him to giue beginning to an enterprise of so great consequence About this time the Duke of Burbon was arriued in Spaine and came to thEmperours Court the fifteene day of Nouember concerning whom it is not reasonable I omit here to touch by the way that albeit thEmperour receiued him with all honors and demonstracions of Court embrasing him with the title and grace of his brother in law yet all the Lordes and Nobles of the Court accustomed in all other things to follow thexample of their Prince abhorred him as a person infamous and called him traitor to his king suche was their hatred against him that one of them being required in thEmperours name to suffer his house to be made readie for the Duke of Burbon aunswered in the corage stowtnes of a Spaniard that as he would not deny thEmperour any thing he would demaunde of him so his Maiestie should well vnderstand that assoone as Burbon was gone out of his house he would burne it as a pallace infected with the infamie of Burbon and vnworthie afterwardes for the dwelling of men of honor The graces and honors which the thEmperour shewed to the Duke of Burbon augmented greatly the distrust of the frenchmen who somewhat by that meane but more for the returning of the Ladie Regent without effect began to haue cold hopes in thaccord notwithstanding it was continually negociated by men expresse remeining with thEmperour In respect whereof they labored as much as they could to aduance the league with the Pope wherein did concurre the perswasions and authority of the king of England and the redoubled and vehement instances of the Venetians together with this oportunitie not of the least consequence The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo who about that time which was the beginning of December made his last end happily by the iust sentence of God who would not suffer him to enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great malignity He was of the house of Abalos originally deriued from Catalignia and his predecessor came into Italie with king Alfonso of Aragon he who the first of that house made conquest of the kingdome of Naples He began to follow armes at the battell of Rauenna where being very younge he was taken prisoner And afterwards aspyring to a reputacion of a Capteine he followed all the warres which the Spanyards had in Italy Insomuch as though he had not past the age of xxxvj yeres yet for experience he was olde for inuencion suttle in councell graue in execucion resolute wise to forsee a daunger and quicke to auoid a mischiefe he bare great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne ouer whom as he had bene of long Capteine generall so both the victorie of Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army since certaine yeares were principally succeeded by his councel and by his vertue he was assuredly a Capteine of great vallour but one that with arte and dissimulacion knewe how to drawe fauor and grace