security of a private life Yea after I had tasted of what bitter cares this sweet prey is compounded I was sory my weaknes was so soone enticed though it be too late to repeâ—… For of such quality is empire government that if there be great honor to possesse it there is no lesse paines travell to weild it Oh to how many perplexities stands he subject who binds himselfe to governe others For if he be just they will call him cruell if he be pitifull they will despise him if he be liberall they will hold him prodigall if he be a husband of that he hath they will say hee is covetous if he be peaceable they will esteeme him a coward if he bee couragious they wil terme him quarrellous if he be grave they wil note him proud if he be affable they will impute it to lightnesse and simplicitie if hee be solitary they will judge him an hypocrite and if he be merry they will tearme him dislolte So that men will most commonly use more respect toward all others than toward him that governeth the whole For the Prince they number the morsels that he eareth they measure his paces they observe his words they marke what company hee kâ—…peth they censure his workes they are jealous over his lookes and gestures yea they examine and murmure at his pastimes and make conjecture even of his secret thoughts Who then considereth the travels that are incident to principalitie the jealousies that stand as espials over such as rule will confesse I doubt not that there is no estate more sure than that which is dissevered from Empire and dominion Insomuch as government being nothing else but the forge of envy the best cuâ—… and remedie is to forbeare to be absolute and live contented with a private estate For if a man cannot but with great paine governe a wife whom hee hath chosen traine up his children which he hath begotten and instruct his servant that he hath hyred having them all in his honse farre greater paine shall he finde to entertaine in one peace vnitie a whole common-wealth divided into strange dispositions Sure the life of a Prince deserveth great compassion for that in few they can repose or trust seeing oftentimes they are most deceived by those whom they most favour They cannot cate without watching sleepe without guard speake without jealousie nor go without espiall So that being Lords over all they are prisoners to their owne subjects Yea if we consider the servitude of Princes and the liberty of subjects we shall find that by whom a kingdome is best mannaged over him servitude hath most dominion Insomuch that though Princes have authority to give liberty to others yet their place will not suffer them to minister it to themselves A large sea and a great kingdom are two things pleasant to behold but most perillous to prove The Emperour Marcus Aâ—…relaus seemed to bee of the very same minde by a discourse written to a deare friend of his among other things thus There is no doubt that to be Emperour of Rome is a greathneâ—… above all the estates of the world but weighing with his countenance and majestie the cares and infelicities that are annexed to the seate there is farre greater securitie to follow a private life than to manage the affaires and travels of a kingdome And because good Pution thou art so neere me in friendship and opinion I will debate it frankely with thee though not so much for that thou desirest to know it yet because it brings case to my heart to communicate my fortune as in all adversities it is one chiefe comfort when men know the uttermost of their mishaps But this was the case The Emperour Antoninus adopting me to his sonne in law gave me his daughter to wife and for her dowrie endowed me with the Empire two things very honourable even so not a little troublesome For that to the government of the Empire is tyed great pain travel in Faustine my wife is great difficulty of moderatioÌ„ and modesty Herein thou hast no reason to marvell so much of that I write to thee now as to wonder with what discretion I so long suffered it Assuring thee that the travels of the kingdom shorten my life the libertie of my wife diminisheth mine honour For â—…he being the daughter of an Emperor having withal the helpe of riches beauty authority forbeares not to use the priviledge of liberty not as she ought but as she list This being a property annexed to most women rather to desire liberty than that they know how to use it that which is worse she wil never suffer reformation of this errour without the prejudice of mine honor So that iâ—… such a forme of life as this is and with the fellowship of a wife such as Faustinâ—… is it had beene better for me to have taken the state of a labourer than to be câ—…alted to the place of the Empire for that when the reckoâ—…ing is made as there is no land so hard which the plough doth not turne up so there is no man so humble that will bee comman led I was never so well served as when I had but one Page now that I am Emperour all men cal me master yet I am made servant to them all Where thou mayest see a lamentable difference betweene that I was then and the condition I live in now For when I followed the studie of Philosophy I had contentment of mind whereas the pomps of the Empire carryeth me into such strange spirits that I have forgotten the vertue and science I knew and now am troubled with infirmities which I cannot abide When I was a private man all men held their eyes fixed upon mee and now that I am a prince there are few that â—…mploy not their tongues against me Whereby it appeareth that as in Princes there is alwayes somthing to be admonished so in subjects are many things to be corrected All this good 〈◊〉 I 〈◊〉 with thee to the end thou have compassion upon my estate past and pity to that I am noâ—… in having neither time to communicate with those friends with whom I have been brought up nor opportunitie to seeke my solace in the science I have learned For of the one side the cares of the kingdome doe carrie mee into thoughts and pensivenesse and on the other side the libertie of my wife leaves me in trouble of conscience 〈◊〉 likewise being advanced against his will to the name of Emperour by the Egyptians by his souldiers when he saw them so importunate that hee could not without danger refuse it My friends quoth hee ye know not what it is to 〈◊〉 I will make you understand it in my selfe From this day forward I shall bee dayly 〈◊〉 with swords axes and halberds hanging over my head on every side I see my selfe assaulted with launces and all kind of weapons Those
felicitie of this life and the future 371 The first step to felicity 372 Timon of Athens 〈◊〉 373 Timons death and Epitaph c. 374 A meditation of Marcus Aurelius c. 375 David Esay and Salomon upon the same 376 Plato of the estate of mans life 377 The estate of a seafaring man 378 The estate of an husbandman 379 The condition of a Merchant 380 The estate of a Souldier 381 Of sundry calamities incident to the warres 382 Of the famine in Ierusalem 383 Inhumane cruelty in the â—…ews 384 Barbarous cruelty in the Numantians 385 〈◊〉 conquer'd by Scipio 386 Of Hading King of Danes and vsfo King of Suecia ibid. The miserable extremities of famine c. 387 The insolencies of war c. 388 The siege of Sanserra 389 The siege of Paris 390 Barbarous inhumanity in souldiers 391 Blasphemy inhumanity against God 392 The estate of a souldier truely deciphered 393 The estate of the Lawyer 394 A difficult Law-case 395 The miseries of the Client c. 397 Lawyers and Physicians banished 399 Lawyers and Physicians have one common ayme 400 Lawyers are necessary evils 401 The Lawyers penance c. 402 CHAP. II. The estate of â—…udges and of Magistrates pag. 403 The poverty of 〈◊〉 generall to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 404 Charg that belongs to 〈◊〉 405 A dialogue betwixt a Philosopher and Iustice 409 The Senators of Athens heard causes only in the nights 410 The estate of a Courtier 411 How farre their estate differeth from felicity 412 The manner and fashion of the Court what 's cheap in it 413 Queen Zenobia's answer unto Marcus Aurelius Emperour 414 The estate of Princes 415 Their supposed Felicity cause of their unhappinesse 416 The history of Cleandor under the Emperour Commodus 417 The history of Planitanus under the Emperour 〈◊〉 419 Too much grace often begetteth ingratitude 420 The great care that belongeth to Princes 421 CHAP. III. The estate of Prelates 422 Pope Adrian concerning Popes Bishops 423 A Citizen of Romes bold speech to Pope Innocent 424 The Archbishop of Salisburg of the government of the Popes 426 St. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 St. 〈◊〉 of their pride avarice 427 Of the ambition and 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 430 Gregory the great 432 The charge of the Clergy with the estate of Friars c. 433 Diversity of sects begetteth Atheisme 434 The estate of mariage 435 A loving Husband exprest in a Neapolitan 436 Examples of conjugal love c. 437 A man that had had 20. wives marrieth one that had had 22. husbands 438 Of a most remarkeable pieticibid Inconveniences that belong unto mariage 439 〈◊〉 concerning women ibid. 〈◊〉 of mariage 440 The trouble of children 441 A disputation betwixt Tbales and 〈◊〉 concerning mariage 442 Of needlesse jealousie 443 Pleasant and witty husbands ibid. The time seems tedious spent with a bad wife ibid. Xantippe the wife of Socrates 446 Of a Law observed amongst the Massagates ibid. The witty answer of woman 〈◊〉 to his mother 448 The counsell of 〈◊〉 in the choyce of a wife 449 Metellus the 〈◊〉 concerning mariage 450 The witty answer of a woman to her jealous husband 451 The opinions of divers concerning mariage 452 Felicity consists not in mariage 452 The effects of peace the mother of idlenesse 453 Peace the mother of persecution 454 Of calamities hapning by diseases and other accidents 455 CHAP. IIII. Of sundry kinds of pestilences 456 Three hundred several diseases belonging unto man 457 Gods judgment on Popielus 457 Vpon the Emperour Arnolphus and Hatto Bishop of Mentz 458 Of Harold king of Denmarke and 〈◊〉 459 The history of an Archbishop of Mentz called Henry 460 Three fearful judgments strange stories to the same purpose 461 The dreame of Atterius 〈◊〉 462 Examples of feare and joy ib. Examples of sorrow the strange effects of joy 463 Of barbarous cruelty and extream tyranny 464 Necessary considerations of the miserable condition of man 465 Of the generall judgment and the account of Lawyers Iudges and Souldiers 466 The account of Vsurers 467 Of imaginary felicity 469 All Felicity depends upon God 472 Of two sorts of ends precedent subsequent 473 Earthly felicity is only in name 474 Foure things that are not to bee bought with gold 475 That no man lives contented with his owne estate 476 No prosperity but attended by adversity 477 Of Amasis King of Egypt and Polycrates King of Samos ibid. No man happy before his death 479 Foure sure Anchors to trust unto 480 The joyes of the future life the true beatitude 482 The contrarietie of mens inclinations 483 The use of Gods afflictions 484 What gratitude we owe unto God 486 The counsell of David to salomon and Tobit to his sonne 487 How to examine ones selfe to finde whether we be happy or not 488 The vanity of feare 489 Diogenes concerning patience 490 The benefit of a quiet and contented minde 491 Of a limitation for pleasures 492 Riches in poverty and povertie in riches 493 The Avarice of King 〈◊〉 and Pitbens 495 Richest men the greatest slaves 497 No true Felicity can consist in riches 498 Saint Gregory and others of riches and povertie pag. 499 CHAP. V. The modesty of c. 500 The contempt of honour in 〈◊〉 pompus agesilans King of Sparta c. 501 Honour an hinderance unto Felicitie 502 The best riches not to fall into povertie 503 The great moderation of King Calvicius 504 Three kinds of men in every common-wealth 505 Plato's dialogue of Socrates and another 507 Death no way terrible unto a godly Christian 508 Of the women of Narsinga and India 509 The contempt of death in the people of the mountaine called 〈◊〉 510 Charles the fifth his preparation to death 511 Things above the power of fortune 513 Pride and vaine-glory beget confusion 515 The greatest part of felicity consisteth in the mind 516 Our life compared by Plato to table-play 517 Moderation to be used in prosperitie and patience in adversity 518 False felicity consisteth in 5. things 519. The gifts of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are used or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The necessity of industry industry Of wisdome and a wise man 603 The ignorant live with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 604 Empire maketh men monstres 606 The Princes Court a Theatre 607 The expression of a good King 608 The counsell of a good King 609 Truth necessary to bee whispered in Princes cares 611 The education of the Persian Princes 612 The Courts of good Princes are schooles of vertue 613 Whom good Princes should 〈◊〉 their familiars 614 Gifts ought to bee given onely to the worthy 615 The Majesty of God honoured in the Prince 617 The office of a Prince 618 CHAP. VI. The felicity of the mean estate 619 Good fortune the greatest riches 621 Concerning law-suites 623 Three things to be avoided 624 Three things to bee practised 625 To beget commendable envie 626 Who it is that may bee esteemed happy in this world 629 Man participates both of
give over untill hee had run one course more and looking round about seeing almost none left he called Count Mongomery to him that was Captaine of his guard and commanded him to goe to the end of the Tilt but hee refusing to runne against him desired to be pardoned but the King his destinie drawing him strongly to his end would allow no excuse but putting the staffe in Mongomeries hand that killed him willed him to go to the end of the tilt hee would breake one staffe more before hee departed As they ran 〈◊〉 brake the staffe upon the King with a counterbuffe that the splinters ran into his eye and up toward his braine so as languishing a few daâ—…s he dyed Thus he that thought himselfe by the alliaâ—… of this mightie Prince to bee advanced to great glorie wherein by his new title he seemed to set his felicitie was taken away by the Captaine of his guard that was appointed for his defence in the beginning of his supposed happinesse Sâ—…ctransit transit gloria mundi This strange death of the Kings seemed to be fatall and was presaged before by Ganricus an Italian Astronomer who wrote to the King five yeares before that he had calculated his nativitie that the heavens threatned him in the yeare in which hee should be one and fortie a dangerous wound in the head by which hee should bee either striken blinde or dead both which came to passe therefore hee advised him that yeare to bew are of tilâ—…s tourneys such like pastimes Likewise Nostradamus told some of his friends secretly that the King would be in great danger of his life at the triumph which made them the more attentively behold the same to see the event There was also a child of sixe yeares old brought thither with his father to see the Iustes which boy as hee saw them run to breake their staves would alwaies cry out without ceasing They will kill the King they will kill the King But what danger soever followeth or what care or trouble is in comming by it there are very few examples of them that have refused honour and rule when they have had opportunitie meanes to attaine it But an infinite number of examples of them that by unlawfull means have sought rule to their owne destruction And no part of the world can afford more than the Romane Empire where within the space of one hundred yeares â—…n which were 〈◊〉 and thirteene 〈◊〉 there were but three that dyed in their beds by sicknesse all the 〈◊〉 suffred violent death In the Reign of Galienns there were 〈◊〉 that usurped the name of Emperour The Romanes had a custome to have certaine bands of choice men lodged without thâ—… wals of the Citie of Rome for the guard of their Emperours which they called Pretorian souldiers who by the negligence of some evill Emperours forgetting their old discipline grew so licentious that they used to kill such of their Emperours though they had beene beneficiall to them for whose defence they were appointed as went about to reforme their rapines and dissolute manners and advance others in their places For this hath been alwaies the manners of men to bee moved rather with the hope of a good turne to come than with the remembrance of a benefit already received and to depend rather upon them whose power and reputation they see doth increase than upon them that bee at the highest and have no possibilitie to climbe higher Pertinax was the sonne of a slave that was made free and being trained up in the warres through his vertue and valour hee obtained to the highest dignities in the Romane Empire and after Commodus the cruell Tyrant was slaine hee was made Emperour But after hee had reigned some three moneths to the great liking of the Senate and people of Rome the Pretorian souldiers finding his severitie not so fit for their purpose as the libertie they enjoyed by his Predecessour Commodus certaine of them conspired against him went armed through the Citie of Rome to his Palace with their halberds and swords drawne whereof the Emperour being advertised sent to the Captaine of the 〈◊〉 bands who brought him the first newes of Commodus death whereof he was the principall Author and cause of this mans election to the Imperiall crowne that hee would appease the souldiers but he was so farre from disswading them that hee rather allowed of the enterprise following the common course of tho world and as the Poet saith Dum fueris felix multos â—…merabis amicos Tempor a si fuerint nubila solus â—…ris Whilst happy thou hast many friends but try Them in foule weather and away they fly The Emperour thinking it not agreeable with the majestie of his estate nor answerable to his vertues and former valour by which hee was advanced to so many dignities to flye or hide himselfe as he was counselled hee came forth boldly to the souldiers hoping by his authoritie and majestie of his person to appease them And after hee had demanded of them the cause of their comming in this disordered sort My souldiers quoth he if you come to kill me you shall doe no great or valiant act nor a matter to me very grievous that am so striken in age and have gotten such honour and fame that death cannot much trouble me who am not ignorant that the life of man must have an end But take yee heed that it be not infamous to your selves first to lay hands upon your Emperour that hath done you no harme whose person is committed to your guard defence from all treason violence I may not flye that which the destinies have ordained neither that which you have determined But if this be my last day fatall houre I pray the immortal Gods that the vengeance of the innocent bloud which shall bee fhed of me fall not upon my mother Rome but that every one of you doe feele it in his person his house And though some of the souldiers when Pertinax came to the point to speak these words were moved with the authority and grave words of the good Emperour and were about to retire yet the rest that came after pursued their furious intent and especially one Tuncius seeing all men refusing to kill Pertinax he thrust a launce thorow the middest of his bodie with which wound Pertinax fell to the ground Which being done they cut off his head and put it on a launce and carried it through the streets of Rome and returned againe to their campe with the like speede as they came forth which they fortified and prepared themselves for defence fearing the 〈◊〉 of the people of whom Pertinax they knew was well beloved But after a day or two when they saw that none sought to revenge his death they gathered to them a more boldnesse and by a rare example the like wherof was never heard before the souldiers standing upon the walls of their
the merchants to Babylon When hee was foure and twenty yeares old he went into Egypt about his trade of merchandise where he stayed a long time and had familiar acquaintance and friendship with Christians and Iews with whom he was much coÌ„oversant but especially with a monke of Antioch called Iohn that was an obstinate hereticke enticed thereto by the Divel through a desire of vaineglory Of this Monke he learned to falsifie the Scriptures both the old new TestameÌ„t that he might be the better armed against the Iewes Christians It is reported that hee was also scholler to a Monke called Sergius an Arrian heretick expulsed from CoÌ„stantinople by his brethren fled into Arabia where he fell acquainted with Mahomet and holpe him to 〈◊〉 the Scriptures after their own fancies to hatch a new law out of the new old Testament About this time there were strange things seene in the ayre and monsters brought forth in divers parts of the world as children with foure feet two heads and comets and fire falling from heaven and such wonderfull lights and thunder-claps that the earth seemed to shake open whereof ensued extreame pestilence that consumed a great part of the earth so as 〈◊〉 thought that the last day had bin come which did presage the wrath and threatnings of God for the sins of men In his youth he used the trade of Merchandise went often with his camels into Egypt and Palestina And as he came on a time into the land of Canaa the Princesse of that Countrey called Tagida marvelling at his strange kinds of wares merchandise fell into great liking of him which when Mahomet perceived he omitted not that opportunity but entring into familiar communication with her he uttered all his skill and eloquence to seduce her When hee perceived her to wonder at his skill in both laws and to bee as it were rapt with his stately stile and glorious words My deare Lady quoth he I will hide nothing from you but tell you the truth I am the Messias sent from God which the Iewes look for to this day which he laboured to prove by miracles wrought by the help of the Divell himselfe being a Necromancer whereby he not only deceived this Lady but also divers Iewes Saracens who thought him to be the very Messias they looked for By meane whereof in short time he had a great many followers This Lady seeing the Iewes and Saracens thus reverence depend upon Mahomet supposed that there lay hidde in him some divine majesty and being a widdow married him Thus was Mahomet suddenly advanced to great riches dominion according to his desire he went afterward into Spaine where he preached at Corduba such doctrine that the Bishop sent to apprehend him but he being warned by the divell â—…d into Affrica where hee seduced infinite numbers as also in Arabia When he understood that hee was esteemed for a high Prophet of all the countries round about him greater matters began to enter into his conceipt devising how hee might become a great Monarch And seeing himself wel followed of the common pâ—…ople that resorted to him dayly in great multitudes he perswaded the people to cast off the yoke of their obedience to the Roman Emperour making himselfe strong with a sufficient army invaded the territories of the Empire and overthrowing the Emperours Lieutenants he won froÌ„ him that which belonged to the Empire in Affrica Egypt likewise Syria Mesopotamia and other of the East countries belonging to the Persians And when the Saracens the rest of his followers saw that he had overcome the Emperors power set them at liberty from the Romans they resorted to him out of all parts to Damasco where by a generall consent they chose him to be their king let the crown on his head And thus without respect of right or wrong he joyned kingdome to kingdome countrey to country of a base fellow became a great monarch using all manner of rigour and cruelty confounding divine and humane things and like a torrent did beare all things downe before him to the admiration of all men and to the great effusion of innocent bloud This holy prophet was as wicked in life as divellish in doctrine among the rest of his vices much given to whoredome though he had 4 wives perswading the people that God had given that prerogativeto him alone But when he perceived men began to murmure at him for his vicious life hee licenced every man to have foure wives And as one of his wives found him in a chamber secretly with one of his minions Are these quoth she the manners of a prophet where with Mahomet was so ashamed that he sware solemnly never to doe the like againe And as on a time he fell downe with the falling sickenesse before the queene his wife to which through Gods plague hee was much subject and fomed at the mouth after the manner of that disease perceiving her to take it grievously that shee had matched her selfe to such an unwholsome creature he told her that the Angell Gabriel was sent to him from God to enforme him of his mind the bright shining of whose countenance he could in no wise endure which was the cause of his falling to the ground And to confirme her the rather in this opinion he wrought some miracle by the Divels helpe which gave the more credit to his words His wicked sect began about the latter end of the reigne of Heraclius the Emperour from whose obedience taking opportunitie by a sedition amongst his souldiers by whom Mahomet was made their chiefe captaine had disswaded his subjects making them beleeve that Gods will was that all men shold be at liberty subject to no man By meane whereof the Saracens Arabians depended wholly upon him as hath bin sayd and made him their king When he had determined to publish his law which Sergius he together had seemed out of the Old New Testament he appointed a great assembly of people to repaire to a certaine place to heare him preach where by miracles they shold see that God had sent him his holy prophet for the soules health of his people to moderate the law of the Iews of the Christians which were too hard to be kept and to give them another which should be a meane betweene them both And as he was preaching of his law in the place appointed there commeth a Dove flying towards him and alighteth upon his shoulder and pidleth in his care looking for meate having used her before to feede in his care for the same purpose The simple people not mistrusting his subtill device thought it had beene the holy Ghost sent from God to inspite him what to say He had also used a bull to feede in his lap and made him know his voyce And as in his Sermon he spake aloud of his law the
become bound from liberalitie to fall into covetousnesse from truth to learne falshood shifts and of a quiet man to become a vexer of others so that I see no other difference betweene the tenne plagues that scourged Egypt and the miseries that afflict suitors then that the calamities of the one were inflicted by Gods providence and the torments of the other are invented by the malice of men who by their owne toyle make themselues very Martyrs Peter de la Primandaye thus noteth and reprehendeth the abuses of this time in suites of law in his country of France Cicero complaineth of his time that many notable decrees of law were corrupted and depraved by the curious heads of the lawyers what would he doe if he were now aliue and saw the great heapes and piles of bookes with our practice in the law If he saw that holy temple of lawes so shamefully polluted and miserably prophaned where a thousand cavils and quiddities are continually coyned by such writings according to the saying of the Comicall Poet that through craft and subtilty one mischiefe is begotten vpon an other But times have beene when there were but few lawes because men thought that good manners were the best lawes and that naturall sense holpen with an vpright conscience and ioyned with due experience was the right rule to iudge by But after that men became so skilfull in suites and that offices of iustice that were wont freely to be given to them that deserved them became to bee gainefull and free from yeelding any account of their doings and set forth to sale as marchandisc for them that offered most after that men began to spice their suites with great summes of money after that lawyers began so greatly to gaine and slightly to consider of their clyents causes because they would make hast to another that waited for them with gold in his hand after that they began to write with seuen or eight lines on a side and to disguise matters with frivolous answers after that Proctors and Atturneys who in former time were to be had for nothing and appointed for certaine causes became hirelings and perpetuall after that sollicitors were suffered in the middest of them all to be as it were the skum gatherers of suites with all that rabblement of practitioners who devoure the substance of poore men as drones eate vp the hony of Bees Lastly after that the Chauncery did let loose the bridle to all sorts of expeditions and went about to teach the Iudges After these things saith he began to be practised we fell into this miserie of long suites gainfull to the craftie and wicked and very preiudiciall to plaine meaning and good men who many times had rather lose their right then hazzard their vndoing by following a suite so long by way of iustice for that commonly wee see the rightest cause frustrated by delaies by affection or by corruption We see how suites are heaped vp one vpon another and made immortall that nothing is so certaine which is not made uncertaine that no controversie is so cleare which is not obscured no contract so sure that is not vndone no sentence or judgement so advisedly given which is not made voide all mens actions open to the slanders craft malice redemptions and pollings of Lawyers the Majestie and integritie of ancient justice lost last of all that in the dealings of men now-a-dayes no shew of upright justice but only a shadow thereof remaineth This evill is become so great and growne to such extremitie that it is unpossible but that according to the course of worldly things the ruine thereof must bee at hand or at the least it is to receive some notable change within some short space For as Plato saith In a corrupt Common-wealth defiled with many vices if a man should think to bring it back againe to his first brightnesse and dignitie by correcting small faults and by curing the contagion thereof by little and little it were all one as if he should cut off one of Hydraes heads in whose place seven more did spring up But that alteration disorder whereby all evill vice was brought into the Cōmon-wealth must be plucked up by the roots For an extreme evill must have an extreme remedy And true it is that there haue bin times when both Lawyers and Physicions have bin banished out of divers countries as men rather hurtfull then profitable to the Common-wealth which argueth the same to bee no happy estate And some reason they had to maintaine their opinion because men being more temperate in their life diet not so cōtentious malicious in those dayes countries as they have bin since they needed not so greatly Physicions nor Lawyers But since that time the luxuriousnesse and intemperancie commonly used and the contentious and malicious minds of men growne to extremity have brought forth a necessary vse of both their skils Of the one to cure the disease engendred by disordered life or some way to ease the paine Of the other to helpe minister matter of contention and at length to decide the controversie for such is the necessitie of our humane condition that in many things they are driven to seeke remedie there from whence their harme commeth As the oyle of a Scorpion is a present remedie for the stinging of the Scorpion Chilo said Comitem aeris alieni ac litis esse miseriam But why Lawyers and Physicions should be coupled together in such a cōgruence I see not except because they have one cōmon end that is gaine and the manner of both their proceedings in their faculties is by evacuation Sine Causidicis satis olim fuere futuraque su◅ urbes And may not we say to these men as Accius said to the Augures Nihil credo auguribus qui aures verb◅ ditant alienos suas ut auro locupletēt domos But Princes where the abuses of this profession begin to grow to an extremity that shall see their people impoverished and thereby the lesse able to doe them service have meanes ynough to reforme them and to reduce the professors to their first integritie There is no art or science facultie or profession that in processe of time be they of thē selves ever so good or necessary that may not be corrupted by abuses and neede reformation Humanum est errare Councels were ordained to reforme errors and abuses crept into the Church Parliaments to redresse the abuses slipt into the Cōmon-wealth the authority of Princes sufficeth to reduce their subjects into good order And Princes should foresee and beware lest their Cōmon-wealths that were founded upon lawes be not overthrowne by lawes Baldus a famous man an interpretor of the civil law noteth-that Lawyers oftentimes are oppressed with sudden death But though the abuses in that facultie make the professors subject to obloquy yet they that speak worst if they yeeld them their due must confesse them to be malum necessarium