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A02329 The historie of Guicciardin conteining the vvarres of Italie and other partes, continued for many yeares vnder sundry kings and princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same, deuided into twenty bookes: and also the argumentes, vvith a table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie. Reduced into English by Geffray Fenton.; Historia d'Italia. English Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540.; Fenton, Geoffrey, Sir, 1539?-1608. 1579 (1579) STC 12458A; ESTC S120755 1,623,689 1,210

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the kinges folowing notwithstanding that at one tyme the kinges of Cipres being of the house of Lusignan who likewyse pretended to it would appropriat it to them with a couetousnes as apparant and great as the rest So violent are the desires of Princes to embrace coullers by the which they may with any honest couerture albeit most often against all lawe and reason torment and inuade the estates that are in the possession of an other not considering what a world of calamities vniust warre and oppression doe drawe with them and muche lesse remembring that right may be troden downe but not troden out but hath her secret meanes to support her and her seasons appointed to reuiue and reuert This capitulation was no sooner established betweene the two kinges then the frenche king began immediatly and openly to prepare his armie But whilest these practises were in working to their execution the Duke of Valentynois returning by night in the first dayes of the new yeare to the Subburbes of Faenza and working by conspiracie intelligence made an vse of a number of skaling ladders But that labor and trial resoluing into smoke and vanitie and reaposing no more hope in treason he tooke in fewe dayes after Russi with the other places of that countrey lastly returned eftsones with his Camp to Faenza in the beginning of the spting And incamping before the Castle he battred the wal on that side folowed thassalt Pellemelle with the french Spanish that were in his paie who going to the seruice in disorder retired without honor or profit But three dayes after obstinacie norisheth peril he recharged it with an other assalt with the strength of the whole Camp The first charge fell to Vitellozze and the Vrsins who colling out the flower and choice men of their bandes marched to the breach with a wonderful boldnes and very well assured order their vallours giuing great hope at that time to carie the victorie But those that were within fighting for their lyues and libertie were no lesse resolute to defende then the others were valiant to assaile They had so intrenched and fortefied the place that their industrie made amased their enemies who finding affore them a great ditche for depth and largenes and being beaten in the flanke with the furie of thartillerie were constrayned to retyre Ferdinand of Faruesa remeyning dead with many other men of marke without reckoning the great numbers whose bodyes smarted in the woundes they receyued The chaunces in warre are dyuers and haue in them many hidden fortunes which neyther the wysedome of the leadors can foresee nor the vertue of the souldiours resist nor any councell of man assure but running gouerned by certeine swyft destinies seeme to communicate in the qualitie of the wynde which no humaine wit can make setled but is caried by incomprehensible mocions frō one quarter to an other in a momēt For notwithstāding the resoluciō of the Fauētyns to fight it out to the last mā cōmitting their liues liberties to one perill yet hauing receiued great harmes by this assalt they began to take such coūcel of their presēt condicion that seeing on all sides general apparāce of daūger no exspectaciō of succors in a state so abādoned their cōfidence begun to turne into feare And as there was no possibilitie that their proper vallours only without fresh succors could make long resistance against so great an armie alwayes renued So they sawe that with increase of more harmes worse condicions they should in the ende eyther be taken by force or constrayned as a last necessitie to put them selues vnder the power of the victors And therefore their fortune making these feares reasonable in them they yelded to the Duke vppon couenaunt to haue their goods and lyues saued and that Astor theyr Lorde should remeyne in his libertie and to enioye wholly the reuenue of his proper possessions These couenants the Duke kept faithfully on the behalf of the people of Faenza But Astor a yoūg man of xviij yeares of an excellēt beuty his age innocēcie yelding to the disloialtie crueltie of the victors was reteined by the Duke with very honorable demōstraciōs vnder cooler that he shold remein in his Court But within few dayes after being sent to Rome after so went the bruite some had satisfied their vile vnnatural lust on him he was secretly put to death together with his bastard brother After the victorie of Faenza the Duke marched towardes Bolonia laying his plot not only to occupie that Citie but also to molest the Florentyns which were nowe become muche vnderfoote hauing added to the first discontentment of the frenche king newe occasions of disliking For being weary of the huge expenses which they had made continuing still for the furnishing of the warre with Pisa hauing suspiciō of the forces of the Pope Duke Valentinois they paied not to the king notwithstāding his great instāce the residue of the moneys which had ben lēt thē by the Duke of Myllā nor yet those sums which he pretēded to be due to him for the Svvyssers whom he had sent against Pisa The Florentyns contrary to their contract established with the Cardinal of Amboyse refused to furnish one paye for them to returne into their countrey for that they departed long affore the tearme of the seruice for the which they had receiued paye was exspired But the king to entertein alwayes that natiō in good friendship made good their paie of his proper treasor which he redemaūded of the Florentyns with sharpe words not admitting thexcuse of their inhability which was made greater by the ciuil discords that tooke their beginning of the disorders which were in the gouernmēt popular Wherein no man hauing a soūd care of thaffaires and many of the principal Citizens being suspected either for friends to the Medicis or as men desiring an other forme of gouernment things were oueruled more with confusion then with councell By occasiō of these trobles ciuil they made no prouision to satisfie the demaunds of the king but letting passe without effect the respits delaies which he had giuē thē they had made him much discontented And increasing his anger by thoccasion of their weaknes he required them to prepare to contribute to him the moneys other aides which they promised for thexpediciō of Naples He said that albeit they ought him none according to the couenants that were made betwene thē vnles they had recouered Pisa yet as touching him they ought to hold it for recouered seeing it was through their own falt that their victorie agreed not with their exspectaciō Of this was the cause either the desire of money which of his owne nature he loued much or the discontentmēt that they had not obserued the respits he had graunted them or rather the opinion he had that for the disorders in their gouernment the great number of friends the Medicis had in Florence he was hable to make
their calamities begonne with so much the more displeasure astonishement in mens mindes by how muche the vniuersall estate and multitude of things stoode quiet pleasant and happie For it is true well assured that since the Romaine empire weakened chiefly by the chaunge of auncient manners customes began a thousand yeares afore to decline from that greatnes whereunto it was raised by a wonderfull vertue and fortune the principalities of Italy had not tasted of so great and generall prosperitie nor reioysed in a condition so happy plawsible and wel gouerned as was that wheron it was with great sewertie reapposed the yeare of grace 1490. and certeine yeares afore and after for that being on all sides reduced into peace and tranquillitie the hilles and barreine places tilled and made no lesse frutefull then the valleyes and regions most fertill and no potentacy or communaltie subiect to other Lordes or rulers then their owne It was not onely plentifully replenished with people societie and riches but also greatly honored with the estates and maiestie of many Princes goodly aspect of sundry right stately cities and with the seate and residencie of the throne of Religion it florished in men rare and excellent in administration of common weales and infinite in good witts seene and studied in all sciences and artes of excellencie and industrie lastly bearing also no small praise and glorie for the seruice in warre according to the vse and discipline of that time it reteyned iustly by these giftes and blessings a peculiar merite and reputation amongst all other nations This felicitie being gotten with diuerse occasions there were many thinges to enterteyne and preserue it and amongest others common voyce and consent gaue no small prayse and deseruing to the industrie and vertue of Laurence de medicis a Citisen of Florence in whom was expressed such an excellencie of spirite and authoritie aboue the other Citisens of that regiment that vpon his counsell was reapposed the gouernment of the affayres of that common weale which was at that tyme more mightie for th' opportunitie of his situation for the excellent witts and inuentions of men and for the ready meanes and mynes of siluer and mettalles then for the greatnes and circuite of Lordship or dominion And by reason he was lately ioyned by parentage with Pope Innocent the viij whom he had brought to reappose almost an absolute faith and credit in his councells his name was great through all Italy and his authoritie mightie in the deliberation of common affayres He knewe well that it would be a thing preiudiciall to the common weale of Florence and no lesse hurtfull to him selfe if any of the great Potentates of that nation stretched out further their power and therefore he employed all his deuises meanes and directions that the thinges of Italy should be so euenly ballanced that they shoulde not waigh more on the one side then of the other A thing which he could not make to succeede without the preseruation of peace and a perpetuall care diligence and watching ouer all accidents yea euen to the least basest and most inferior In the same inclination to common tranquillitie was also concurrant Ferdinand of Aragon King of Naples a Prince for his councells deliberate in his actions resolute touching his affections very moderat notwithstanding often times before he had shewed many ambicious thoughts and farre of from all councell to peace Wherein he was much gouerned in that time by Alphonso Duke of Calabria his eldest sonne who vnwillingly suffered that Iohn Gale as Sforce his sonne in lawe Duke of Myllan more then twenty yeares of age but of a iudgement very incapable and vnapt to great affayres reteyning onely the name of Duke should be suppressed and as it were kept smothered by Lodovvike Sforce his vncle who more then tenne yeares afore by the misgouernment and vnchast life of Madame Bonne mother to the sayd Galeas was seazed vpon his minoritie and by that meanes had reduced by litle and litle into his power the strong holdes men of warre tributes and treasures and all other the groundes and foundacions of the state of Myllan perseuering in the gouernment not as tutor and regent but except the onely title of Duke with all demonstrations and actions of an absolute Prince Ferdinand with whom was more familiar the impression of present vtilitie then his auncient inclination or tho'indignation of his sonne how iust so euer it were desired that nothing should be innouated in Italy nor the present policie fall into alteration perhaps he had regard to the experience of the yeres before wherin to his great daunger he had proued the hate of his barons and vniuersall subiectes happily he had not forgotten by the memory of things past what affection a great part of his people boare to the name of the house of Fraunce which iust and wise coniectures drewe him to suspect least the discordes of Italy might brede occasion to the french to inuade the kingdome of Naples or perhaps to make a counter strength agaynst the might of the Venetians at that tyme redowted throughout all Italy he iudged it necessary to ally him selfe with others and chiefly with the estates of Myllan and Florence Touching Lodovvyke Sforce notwithstanding he was possest with a minde traueling busie and ambicious yet by the necessitie of his condicion he was driuen to embrace the inclination and purpose to peace aswell for that they which commaunded at Myllan were no lesse threatned then others with the daunger which the residue feared touching the greatnes of Venice as also for that it was more easie for him by the benefite of tranquillitie and peace to keepe the authoritie he had vsurped then by the trauells and troubles of warre And albeit he kept a continuall dreade ielousie and suspicion ouer the thoughtes and deuises of Ferdinand and Alphonso yet waighing with the disposition of Laurence de medicis to peace the ielousie he had likewise of their greatnes and perswading him selfe also that for the diuersitie of affections and auncient hatredes betwene Ferdinand and the Venetians it was a thing vaine to feare that betwene them should be contracted an amity firme and wel assured he held for certeine that they of Aragon could not haue the strength societie or assistance of others to enterprise against him that which alone and of their singular power they were not sufficient to obteyne Thus Ferdinand Lodovvyke and Laurence hauing one equall will and deuotion to peace partly for the perswasions afore sayd and somewhat for other inducements considerations the league and confederation contracted in the name of Ferdinand King of Naples Iohn Gale as Duke of Myllan and the common weale of Florence was easily recontinued it was begonne many yeares before and afterward broken by many accidents and now eftsones renewed in the yeare 1480. for xxv yeares being competitors parties therin almost all the meaner Potentates of Italy
oportunitie of the scituacion Neither was this desire new but had bene nourished in him euer since he was expulsed Myllan a litle after the death of Galeas his brother for a ielowsie which the Ladye Bonne mother and tutur to the litle Duke had of him at what time soiorning many monthes vpon the borders of Pysa he cast many plotts deuises to get the rule and imperie of it wherein as touching the title he was holpen with a recorde and memorie that Pysa afore it came into the iurisdiction of the Florentyns had bene possessed by Iohn Galeas Viscounte first Duke of Myllan By reason whereof he thought it would be an increase of his glorie to recouer that which had beene possessed by his elders and seemed that he might pretende a cooller of right in not making lawfull that Iohn Galeas might leaue by testament to the preiudice of the Dukes of Myllan his successors to Gabriell Maria his bastard sonne the state of Pysa which he had gotten albeit with the treasors armies of the Duchie of Myllan The Pysans not content to haue drawne their citie from the obedience of the Florentyns sought to obtrude vppon all the places and peeces of the generall de Mayne all which for the most part in a generall sturre examples may doe muche following the authoritie of the citie receiued their commissioners euen in the first dayes of the rebellion the Florentyns making no resistance in the beginning for that they were otherwise busied in affaires of greater importance not hauing as yet composed with the french king and did perhaps expect that he would apply remedie to those harmes according to his bonde protested by publike and solemne othe But finding his order too slow and lingring happly aūswering the care he made they sent thether bandes and companies who eftsoones recouered partly by force and partly by composicion all that was occupied except Casine Buti and Vicopisan into which places the Pysans being not strong enough to make resistance against the whole had withdrawne their forces Touching the king the doinges of the Pysans did nothing displease him and much lesse was the maner of their proceedings disagreeing from the estate of his endes and purposes Their cause was apparantly fauored of many of his court induced perhaps by a compassion that they had bene straitely gouerned by the Florentyns the same notwithstanding being more in opinion then in truth But some of the chiefest both in his councells and of his court vnder thoccasion to pitie the Pysans obiected them selues against the Cardinall of S. Mallo being wholly for the Florentyns of these was principall the Seneshall of Beaucaire with whom the money of the Pysans had much preuailed but much more the discontentment he had of the greatnes of the Cardinall from whom according to the variations of Court he beganne to be estranged separate being moued with the selfe same ambicion to embase him with the which he had raysed him in the beginning These men not hauing respect to that which concerned the honor promised faith of so great a king perswaded that it agreed best with the profit and estate of his other enterprises to keepe the Florentyns in this necessitie and not to moderat the doings of the Pysans at the least til he had made perfect his expedicion vpon the realme of Naples The king caried with these perswasions framed him selfe to enterteyne both the one and other partie with seuerall hopes And therefore whilest he remeyned yet at Rome he called for thembassadors of Florence to heare in his presence the complaints made to him by the Pysans for whom spake Burgundio Loli Citisen of Pysa and aduocate of the consistorie in the Court of Rome he complayned bitterly that the Pysans had bene holden foureskore yeares in such an vniust and cruell seruitude that that citie which with many honorable victories heretofore had stretched out her iurisdiction euen to the partes of Leuant had bene alwayes one of the most mighty and glorious members of all Italy was now by the seueritie and couetousnes of the Florentyns come to her last desolacion That the towne of Pysa was almost made naked of inhabitants for that the most parte of the naturall and free borne Citisens not able to beare so heauy yokes had willingly abandoned the place of their patrimonie possessions and delites whose councell hath bene proued wise by the miseries of others whom the loue of their contrey hath made to abyde to serue as a wretched spectacle to all eyes of pitie conscience or humanitie That they for the great exactions of the Magistrates and insolent robberies of persons priuate were dispoyled almost of all their substance and yet in no libertie nor way to nourish their liues for that with a tyrannie and iniustice straunge and barbarous they were forbidden to manage trades of marchandise or to exercise any art except of the hande They had no accesse or function in any office of qualitie nor in the administracion of the gouernment of Florence no not in thinges which were transferred to persons straunge and forreine That the Florentyns by many arguments exercised all sortes of crueltie against the health and benefite of their liues And to haue a more ready way to their generall destruction they haue of late yeares shaked of an auncient and necessary care to preserue the bankes and cawsseyes of the contrey of Pysa menteyned alwayes from age to age by the Lordes of that contrey with no small studie for that otherwayes it was impossible seeing the shallownes of the contrey subiect to inundacions and water fludds that they should not be euery yere stricken with diuersitie of diseases That by this decay were made ruinat euen flat with the earth churches pallaices with many honorable buildings both publike priuate erected by their predecessors with no litle expense and charge That it was no shame to particular cities or townes if after the raigne and course of many worldes they fell into seruitude for that all mortall and earthly thinges beare their proper destinie and subiection to corruption But the memorie of their nobilitie greatnes alwaies disposed into the maiestie of a gouernment and common weale ought to breede in the spirites of conquerors more compassion then rigor chiefly euery one hauing to consider thatit is not onely in the power of time but also incident to the iust course and destinie of earthly thinges to bring vppon them the selfe same ende which is ordeyned to happen to all other cities and Empires That in the Pysans there rested no more wherein the inhumanitie and insatiable couetousnes of the Florentyns coulde be exercised with further skoape And therefore the yoke of those burdens bearing a waight aboue their strength the varietie of their miseries so infinit and intollerable they had with one minde determined rather to abandon their contrey to giue vp their liues and to forbeare the vse societie and delite of their
goods friendes and kinred then to returne eftsoones vnder so vniust so tyrannous and so vile a gouernment beseching lastly the king with teares which he besought him to imagine to be the plentifull teares of the whole people of Pysa miserably prostrate at his feete to remember that with the same pietie with the same iustice and with the same religion and conscience he had restored them to that libertie of the which they had bene so vniustly despoyled he would eftsoones as a Prince resolut and constant defend and keepe them in the same benefit seeing the election was more honorable more godly more worthie his name greatnes to beare the name of the father and deliuerer of this citie so auncient and innocent then in redeliuering it vp into a seruitude so wretched to become the infamous minister of the robberies oppressions and tyrannies of the prowd Florentyns To these accusements aunswered with no lesse vehemencie Frauncis Soderyn Bishop of Volterre afterwards made Cardinall and at that time one of the Embassadors for Florence He showed that the title of his common weale was iuste for that they had bought Pysa in the yeare 1404. of Gabriel Maria Viscounte the lawfull Lord by whom they were no sooner put in possession of their purchasse then the Pysans redeliuered them selues by force By which occasion they were driuen to seeke to reconquer it by a long warre whose ende was no lesse prosperous then the occasion was iust and no lesse praise worthy the humanitie of the Florentyns then the victorie glorious for that hauing in their discressions to perish all the people of Pysa languishing already with hunger when they entred with their armie into the citie they brought with them a greater quantitie of vittells then of weapons And so in place to take away their liues by iust law of conquest and victorie they breathed new liues with their refreshing and vittells into bodies miserable and not worthy of life That the citie of Pysa at no time had obteyned any greatnes in the firme lande and much lesse had bene able in power to winne forreine and straunge peeces seeing they could neuer make them selues Lordes ouer Lucques A citie communicating with them in neare neighbourhed and borders but they stoode alwayes restrayned and inclosed in a strait territorie not seeking to make their fortune greater then was their vertue And for their power at sea neither hath it bene so mighty as there is left any monument of it nor of such continuance as it hath any prescription of time for that by the iust iudgement of God whom they had prouoked by many actes of prophane impietie and for a skourge of the longe ciuill discordes amongest them selues it was long time before the purchasse of the Florentyns falne from all estate and greatnes drayned of all wealth and habitants and at last reduced to such a naked weakenes that one Iacques d'Appian a simple notarie of the contrey was of power to make him selfe Lord ouer them leauing the citie and territorie as a succession to his children That the land and contrey of Pysa was of litle importance to the Florentyns except for thopportunitie of the scituacion and conueniencie of the sea seeing the reuenues that were drawne from thence were of litle consideracion the exactions being so easie and light that they exceeded very litle the necessary expenses yet the most parte were leuyed vpon marchant straungers and by the meane of the port of Lyuorne That touching trade of marchandise artes and offices the Pysans were not bownde with other lawes then did regulat all other cities subiect to the Florentyns who acknowledging to liue vnder a moderate and easie pollicie had no desire to chaunge Lordes not hauing in deede that obstinacie and pride of minde which is naturall in the Pysans nor yet infected with a disloyaltie so notorius as it is made generall and famous by the auncient prouerbe of all Tuskane And albeit since the Florentyns had gouernment in Pysa sundry of the Citisens tooke a willing banishment yet it cōcludes nothing against the Florentyns but detectes iustly their owne prowde stomackes and impacience bearing no mindes to accommodat them selues to their owne forces nor fortune And much lesse that vnder the gouernment of the Florentyns Pysa is diminished either in treasor or inhabitants seeing of the contrary they haue at a great charge recouered the hauen of Lyuorne without the which their citie would be no lesse vnprofitable then inconuenient They haue also introduced the publike studie of all sciences together with many other benefits lastly diligently continued the reparacions of the bankes the better to replenishe them with inhabitants The truth of which thinges did shine with too cleare a light then that the clowdes of false complaintes were able to ouershadow and darken it he sayd it was suffered to euery one to desire to aspire to a better fortune but withall it was an office iust in all inferior degrees to beare without grudging the ordenance sentence of their lott otherwise there woulde be confusion of all empires and gouernments if it were suffered to euery one that is subiect to aspire to libertie Lastly he told the king that to the Florentyns it was neither necessary nor any way apperteyning to their office to perswade Charles a Christian king of Fraunce what he had to doe for that being a Prince wise and iuste they dowted not that he would suffer him selfe to be caried by so vaine complaintes and slaunders that of him selfe he would remember him selfe of his promise made afore his armie was receiued into Pysa togither with his word and oth of a king published solemnly at Florence for that by how much a king is mighty and great by so much is it more meritorious glorious to him to vse his power greatnes for the preseruacion of his faith iustice The king hearing the differences thus disclosed by both thembassadors bare an inclinacion partiall to the Pysans and wished that during the warre of Naples there might be a surceassing of armes betwene the two parties or at least that the Florentyns would consent that he might hold the whole contrey assuring them that assone as the conquest of Naples were accomplished he would make perfect all his promises giuen at Florence This the Florentyns refused holding euen now for suspected all the kinges wordes and yet they forbare not with great constancie to presse him to keepe his promise wherein to make showe that he would satisfie them his intencion in deede being to haue of them before the time the lxx thowsande duckatts which they had promised him he dispatched at the same instant he departed from Rome the Cardinall of S. Mallo as Embassador to Florence making as though he sent him thether to satisfie their demaundes But in secret he charged him that nourishing them with hopes till they had made payment of the money he should leaue thinges in the same estate of which
camps were able to resist them which thinges with many others of other nature he would assure that he did not foretell by discourse humane or knowledge of the Scriptures but simply did foresee them by reuelacion diuine In these wonders warnings he would sometimes touch the mutacion of the state of Florence At that time he detested publikely the forme of gouernment agreed vpon in the parliament affirming that it was the will and pleasure of God that they did erect a pollicy mearely popular in sort that there should not be power in a few citisens to alter nether the sewertie nor the libertie of the residue inso much that for the reuerēce of one so great a name ioined to the desire of many such as were of thother opinion should not be able to resist so great an inclinacion Therfore this matter being many times propounded and debated it was lastly determined that there should be made a councel of all the citisens wherein should haue no accesse so it was spredd in many places in Italy the dreggs of the people but onely such as by the auncient lawes of the citie might participate in the gouernment In this councell should not be hādled nor they should not dispose of other things then of the election of all the Magistrates for the city for the demeane of the confirmacion of prouisions of money together with all the lawes ordeyned before by the Magistrates and other councells more priuat and straite And to th ende that thoccasions of ciuill discordes shoulde be taken away and the spiritts of euery one the more assured it was prohibited by decree publike according to thexample of thaueniens not to remember the errors and transgressions committed in the tymes past in th affayres of estate vpon which foundacions might perhapps haue bene constituted a gouernment well regulated and established if at the same time they had introduced all the ordenances which then came into the consideracion of wise men But such thinges being not able to be deliberated without the consent of many who for the memorie of thinges past were full of suspicions it was iudged and determined that for the present the grand councell shoulde be established as a ground and foundacion of the newe libertie referring to accomplish that which wanted vntill a better oportunitie of time and vntill by the meane of experience the publike vtilitie should be knowne of such as had no capacitie to knowe it by reason and iudgement This was the course condicion of th affayres of Tuskane But in this meane while the french king after he had with a ready fortune conquered the citie of Naples to giue a full perfection to his victorie he had principally to looke to remoue two impediments The one how he might get new castel and the castell of the egge which are two fortresses of Naples holding good yet for Ferdinand but for the towne of S. Vincent builded for the garde of the hauen he had it without much resistance his other consideracion was how he might reduce the whole kingdom to his obedience In which two thinges fortune still followed him with a full sayle of her fauors for new castel the habitacion of the kinges builded vpon the banke or shoares of the sea by the couetousnes and cowardise of fiue hundred launceknightes holding garrison there was rendred with condicion that they might departe in safetie with all the goods and moueables they were able to cary In this castell was founde great quantities of vittells whereof the king without consideracion to that might happen made prodigall liberalities to certeyne of his owne people And touching the castell called the egge built within the sea vpon a rocke afore tymes parcell of the firme lande but now deuided from it by the operacion of Lucullus was ioyned with a narrow bridge to the next brinkes or shoares of Naples they within the rocke seeing them selues battered without ceasing with a perpetuall furie of thartillerie which might well shake the walls but nothing moue the naturall rocke agreed to yeld vp the place if within viij dayes they were not succored The Barons also and gouernors of communalties would goe many dayes iorneyes to meete the french capteines and companies of souldiers sent into sundry partes of the realme whose example in yelding and the humanitie and inclinacion of the french in receiuing them bredd such a generall minde of reuolt in cities fortes and peeces particular that almost all the places of strength were rendred by those that kept them either with no resistance at all or at least without perill or difficultie yea the rocke of Caietta notwithstanding it was made stronge with men vittells municion and other thinges necessary for defence yet after a few light assaults it yelded to the discression of the victors This selicitie of the king followed with so full streame that within ▪ very few dayes and with a wonderfull facilitie all the kingdom was brought into his obedience except the yle of Yschia the castells of Brondusia and Galipoly in Povvylla and in Calabria the rocke of Regge scituate in the poynt of Italy right ouer against Sicile the citie holding for the king and except also Turpia and Mantia who in the beginning displayed the banners of Fraunce but refusing to liue vnder the subiection of others then the king who had already disposed them to certeyne of his fauorits they chaunged councell and returned to their first Lorde The like was done within a litle tyme after by the citie of Brondusa to the which the french king hauing sent no men but vsing negligence where was necessitie of care and councell did skarcely heare their Magistrates sent to him to Naples to capitulat by which occasion ioyning with thoportunitie offered those that kept the castells in the name of Ferdinand had good meane by perswasions to draw agayne the citie to the deuocion of the Aragons by which example also the citie of Otrante lately declared for the french no creature sent thether to receiue them continued not long in their affection All the Lordes and Barons of the realme except Alphonso Daualo Marquiss of Pisouire who left within new castell by Ferdinand was gone to him when he perceiued the inclinacion of the launceknightes to yeld and except two others who for that the french king had giuen away their estates were fled into Sicile came to doe homage to the new king who desiring to assure wholly so great a conquest by the way of concorde called afore him vnder safe conduit afore he had wonne the rocke of the egge Dom Federyk who aswell for that he had remeyned many yeares in the court of Fraunce in the tyme of the kinges father as also for that he touched his maiestie in parentage was much fauored of all the Lordes of Fraunce The king told him he would indue Ferdinand leauing all that was his in the realme of Naples with estates and large reuenues in Fraunce And touching him to recompense
beginning of his raigne with forrein warres hauing first to looke with great study into the state of his owne gouernment at home which commonly to kinges newly inuested bringes many causes of new councells alteracions But the spirits of such as discoursed with iudgement vpon the trayne and euent of things nourished alwayes a secret suspicion that thafflictions that then were but defferred would with tyme redouble and rise growing to greater daungers and more generall harmes specially so great an Empire being falne vpon a king rype in age full of experience ruled in his councells resolut in action moderat in exspenses and in all things without comparison holding more of him selfe then did his predecessor and to whom withal did apperteyne as in the right of the crowne of Fraunce not onely the inheritance of the realme of Naples But also he menteyned that the Duchie of Myllan was his freehold by the succession of the Lady Valentina his grandmother who was maried by Iohn Galeas Visconte his father afore that of viccare of thEmpire he had obteyned the title of the Duke of Myllan to Lovvys Duke of Orleans brother to kinge Charles the sixt At which mariage there was added to the state of the dowrye which was the citie contrey of Ast with great summes of money an expresse condicion that as often and when so euer as the lyne masculyne of the sayde Galeas shoulde fayle the Lady Valentina should succeede to the Duchie of Myllan or she being dead her next heires and discendents which couenant albeit stronge enough of it selfe was confirmed if the frenche tradicions be true by the authoritie of the Pope th imperiall seate beinge voyd at that tyme for the Popes of Rome pretend that the administracion of thEmpire vacant belongeth to them by which meanes the blud male of Iohn Galeas determining afterwards by the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte Charles Duke of Orleans sonne to the Lady Valentina began to pretēd to the succession of the sayd dukedom But as thambicion of Princes is ready to helpe on their titles with euery apparant coler so there aspired at the same time to the sayd dukedom not only thEmprour Federyk alleaging that it was reuerted to the Empire for that the lyne nominated in thinuestiture made to Iohn Galeas by Vincislaus king of Romaines was extinct and dissolued But also Alphonso king of Aragon and Naples who was instituted heire by the Testament of Duke Phillipp And amongest the residue Frauncis Sforce with a fortune force and felicitie more fauorable then the others quarrelled the same title who to giue a better shadowe to the armies which he leuyed in that cause alleaged that his wife Blanche the onely daughter but a bastard of Phillipp had peculiar interest in that succession So that Charles Duke of Orleans who being taken prisoner at the battell of Agincourt in the warres betwene thenglish and french and remeyning restrayned in England xxv yeares was able to doe nothing by reason of his pouertie and hard fortunes to iustifie his title and much lesse could he obteyne ayde of king Lovvys the xj notwithstanding he was his nearest kinsman the reason was that the same king in the beginning of his raigne was much molested and manifestly inuaded in diuerse partes of his kingdom by the great Lordes and Barons of the same shadowing their conspiracies with a showe of publike profit But because the king saw that their intencions drew with them priuat regardes and particular interests he kept them alwayes in bridle and esteemed his estate and sewertie to consist in the embasing of the great ones of his realme but chiefly his nearest competitors And for that reason Lovvys Duke of Orleans sonne to Charles albeit he was his sonne in law could draw no fauors or succors from him the same driuing him after the death of his sayd father in law together with his impaciēce that the Lady Anne Duchesse of Burbon the kinges sister was preferred afore him to the gouernment of Charles the eyght then in minoritie to trouble Fraunce with a very slender successe and after retyred into Britain with a worse fortune for ioyning with those that were against thintencion of Charles to obteyne Brittain by marying with Anne heire of the state by the death of Frauncis her father leauing no yssue male yea aspiring secretly to the same mariage he was taken in an encownter betwene the french and the Brittons neare S. Aulbyn in that contrey from thence led prisoner into Fraunce where he remeyned two yeares In so much as fayling then of meanes and finding no succors in king Charles after he was out of prison he ioyned no further action to that enterprise but when the king left him within Ast he made him selfe Lord of Nouaro with a very litle profit But being now become king of Fraunce he held nothing of greater affection then to reconquer the Duchie of Myllan as a succession iustely apperteyning to him This desire planted in him from his youth was eftsones wonderfully increased and aduaunced by the successe he had at Nouaro and withall for that he greatly hated Lodovvyk Sforce by reason of the insolent demonstracions and behauiors which he vsed to him when he had the kings deputacion in Ast Therfore not long after the death of king Charles by resolucion set downe in his elect councel he intitled him self not only king of Fraunce and for the regard of the realme of Naples king of Ierusalem both the Cycillyes but also soueraigne Duke of Myllan And because he would make knowen to the world what was his inclinacion to the things of Italy he wrote letters full of amitie and congratulacion touching his ascending to the crowne to the Pope the Venetians and the Florentyns and withall dispatched mē of speciall credence to giue hopes of new enterprises but chiefly of his determinacion to conquer the Duchie of Myllan wherin the tyme running nourished for him many fauors and oportunities for that the death of his predecessor had innouated in the mindes of the Italians many new humors inclinacions much differing from the cogitacions purposes they had afore for the Pope whose ambicious thoughts could not be satisfied if Italy stoode in tranquillitie wished that thinges might grow to hurly burly seeking his peculiar aduauncement in the common diuision of principallities and states A desire not vnlikely to deriue from such a mind to whom all thinges were hatefull that held of equitie conscience or religion and nothing vnsauery that smelled of troubles innouacion and chaunge And the Venetians being now deliuered of the feare they had of king Charles for the wronges iniuries they had done him expressed manifestly that they had no distrust in the new king which disposicion increased dayly more and more for that Lodovvyk Sforce notwithstanding he knew that he had to doe with an ennemy more mighty and lesse plyable feding him selfe with this hope the same also beguiling Federyk of Aragon that the
them and contract an accorde vnder conditions more tollerable the generall partes whereof were these That the king receiuing them into his protection should be bound for three yeares folowing to defend them with armes at his proper exspences against who so euer would directly or indirectly molest them touching the state and dominions which at that tyme they possessed That the Florentyns should paie to him within the saide three yeares six score thousande Duckattes euery yeare a third parte That all other capitulations made betweene them with all bondes and promises depending on the same should be made dissolued and voyd That it should be lawful to the Florentyns to proceede with armes against the Pisans and all others that occupie their landes In regard of which confederation the Florentyns recomforted and taking a newe hart determined to giue the spoile to the cornes and graines of the countrey of Pisa to th ende that by tyme and famine they might reduce the towne of Pisa to theyr obedience seeing they had so vnluckely trauelled to force them by seege This coūcell was propounded in the first yeare of theyr rebellion by a certeine well experienced Citizen alleaging that by those meanes more certeine but further of they should afflict and consume the Pisans with litle exspences and lesse daunger He tolde them that in regarde of the present conditions of Italy muche troubled and molested if they would make store of their treasors they might make them serue their turnes in many occasions But if with the wast of their money they woulde range them by force and compulsion they should finde thenterprise both doubtful and daungerous for that the suertie of that Citie was great by the scituation and strength of the walles and full of inhabitantes well resolute to defende it Besides also as often as there should bee perill to lose it it woulde bee reskued by all those that to the enuy of our well doing haue ioyned a setled disposition to see it preserued In so muche as the exspences being greater then the hopes wee shoulde alwayes nourishe our proper daungers and cut out occasions to stirre vp new trauels All violent attemptes being set foorth without councell at the beginning seeme mightie but in continuance they are founde insufficient since in the fielde armor and weapons are to small purpose if at home a sounde councell set not downe a good direction The councell of this graue Citizen being reiected in the beginning for hurtfull after the course of many yeares was founde profitable but in a tyme wherein they had wasted huge exspences and treasors and attempted the victorie with many intollerable daungers After they had ouerrunne their corne hoping that thauthoritie of the kinges protection would defende all men from rising in the succours of the Pisans they planted their seege before Vicopisan for that not many dayes before the Pisans had taken it from them by treason of certeyne soldiours that were within And the Capteine of the Castle not abiding for the succors which should haue arryued within few houres did render it to them with great cowardise They made no doubt to carie it by the penurie of prouision and vittelles which they knew could not suffice for fiftiene dayes and they had good confidence to let that none should enter for that by the benefite of their Bastillions which they had builded separate vppon the mounteynes they commaunded all the passages And in the same season being aduertised that Fracasse but pore and without paie was going with a fewe horsemen to enter Pisa in the name and with letters of Maximilian they gaue direction that hee shoulde bee charged on the way where his fortune being no lesse enuious then his condition was poore he was made prisoner seeking his safetie in a Church within the iurisdiction of the Duke of Farrara These accidentes fell in Tuskan no man as yet perceiuyng what would happen by them contrary to thexspectation of euery one But farre more great and daungerous mocions and of the which were to discend in tyme to come effectes of right great importance beganne to be disclosed in the kingdome of Naples by the discordes which hapned the yeare passed betweene the Frenche and Spanishe Capteines They tooke their beginning for that in the diuision made betweene both the kings the countrey of Lauoro and Abruzzo being adiudged to the one and to the other Povvilla and Calabria the cōfines limits of the prouinces were not well expressed in the diuision In so much as either one began to pretende that that parte which is called Capitinato did distinctly and particularly apperteine to him To this controuersie gaue a great occasion the alteration and chaunge made by Alphonso of Aragon King of Naples first of that name touching the auncient denomination and diuision of the prouinces He looking to make easie the exactions of the reuenues diuided all the kingdome into these sixe principall prouinces Lauoro Principato Basilicato Calabria Povvylla and Abruzzo Of these Povvylla was distinguished into these three members Ottranto Bary and Capitinato which Capitinato adioyning to Abruzzo and diuided from the residue of Povvylla by the Ryuer Lofanto aunciently called avvfido the frenchmen taking rather thaduauntage of thauncient diuision then ruled by the late denomination pretended that eyther Capitinato was not comprehended vnder any one of the foure prouinces deuided or els that it was rather parte of Abruzzo then of Povvylla In this contention the importance of the countrey ledde them not so muche as the consideration of these two infirmities the one for that not possessing Capitinato they had no parte in the reuenue which was drawne of the tribute of cattell a reuenue of greatest profite in all the realme of Naples The other for that Abruzzo and Lauoro being naked of graines and corne which came to Capitinato those prouinces in tymes of sterrillitie might bee easely reduced into great extremeties as often as the Spanishe woulde make restrainte that none shoulde bee fetched out of Povvylla and Sicilia But it was alleaged on the contrary that Capitinato coulde not apperteyne to the frenche for that Abruzzo which is ended in the high places stretcheth not so farre as the plaines And for that also in cases of difference of the names and limits of prouinces the vsage present is alwayes cōsidered Notwithstandyng these controuersies suspendyng they were content for the yeare present to deuyde equally the reuenue of the cattell But the yeare following fallyng from that obseruation eyther partie tooke as muche as hee could gette whereunto were added afterwardes newe quarrelles nourished tyll that tyme as the bruit went more by the willes of the Capteynes then of the consent of theyr Lordes and Kinges For the Spanyardes pretended that Principato and Basilicato were included in Calabria which is deuided into two partes Calabria Cytra and Calabria Vltra that is the one higher and the other lower And also that the valley of Beneuent which the french helde was parte of Povvilla
with an example all new without shutting the conclaue elected Pope the same night those that were of the contrary opinion not daring to oppose against him He either hauing regard to his first name of Iulio or as coniectures were made to signifie the greatnes of his conceptions or lastly bicause he would not giue place to Alexander no not in the excellencie of name tooke vpon him the name of Iulio the second of that name Amongst all the Popes that had passed it was wondred that by so great consent they had created for Pope a Cardinall who was knowen to be of a disposition rigorous terrible and in whom was no expectation of rest and trāquilitie hauing consumed his youth in continuall trauels offended many by necessitie exercised hatreds agaynst many great personages a man to whose wit nothing was more familiar then thinuention of trouble faction and conspiracie But on the other side the causes of his election to that degree appeared clearly and surmounted all other difficulties for he had bene of long time a Cardinall of great power and might and with his magnificence wherin he had always exceeded the residue and with the greatnes of his spirit by the which he did great things he had not only made himselfe mightie in opinion and frendes but by times degrees had erected high his authoritie in the Court of Rome bearing the name title and dignitie of the principall defender of the ecclesiastike libertie But that which serued most in his aduauncement was the promises immoderate and infinite whiche he made to the Cardinals Princes and Barons and to all others whom he might make profitable to him in that action Besides he had the meane to distribute money benefices and spirituall dignities aswell such as were his owne as those that were the rightes of others for that suche was the bruite and renowne of his liberalitie that many made willing offers to him to dispose as he best liked of their treasures their names their offices and benefices They considered not that his promises were farre to great then that beeing Pope he was eyther hable or ought to obserue for that he had of so long continuaunce enioyed the name of iust and vpright that Pope Alexander him selfe his greatest enemie speaking ill on him in al other things could not but cōfesse him to be true of his word A praise which he made no care to defile staine to th ende to become Pope knowing that no man more easily beguileth an other then he that hath the custome and name neuer to deceiue any The Cardinall of Amboyse cōsented to this election for that dispayring to obteine the Popedome for himselfe he hoped that in the new Pope would be recontinued in time to come those degrees and properties of amitie which he had alwayes borne to the king his maister vsing this wisdome to seeme to beare that with liking and contentment which he could not hinder by any deuise or power The Cardinall Askanius gaue also his franke consent beeing reconciled to him before and treading vnder feete the memorie of all auncient contentions that had bene betweene them at suche time as afore the Popedome of Alexander they folowed the court of Rome in the persons of Cardinals for hauing better experience of his disposition then the Cardinall of Amboyse thought that beeing ascended to the Popedome he should haue the same vnquietnes or rather greater then he had had in a meaner fortune together with such cōceptions as might be able to opē to him a way to recouer the duchie of Millan In like sort the Spanish Cardinals yelded their consent notwithstanding in the beginning they shewed no inclination But seing there was such a concurrance of others and fearing not to be sufficient enough to let his election they iudged it more conuenient for their suretie to holde him appeased in consenting then to stir him to anger in refusing somewhat affying themselues in the great promises he made to them and for the rest induced by the persuacions and requests of Valentynois whose condition stoode so enuironed with calamities that he was constrayned to folow euery daungerous counsel He was also no lesse abused then the others with the hopes that he gaue him for that he promised him to make a mariage betweene his daughter his nephew Frauncis Maria de la Rouere prefect of Rome to confirme him captaine of the armies of the Churche And which was of greatest importance to ioyne to his ayde in the recouery of the townes of Romania All which except the Castels were almost withdrawne from his obedience The affayres of which prouince full of innouations and chaunges troubled with diuers thoughtes the spirite of the Pope both for that he knewe he was not able at that time to bring it to his deuotion and also he endured with murmure and grudge that in it should be raysed the greatnes of the Venetians enuy bearing this nature not to make men so muche to complayne of their proper wantes as to greeue in the wealth and well doing of others When it was vnderstande in Romania that Valentynois was fledde into the Castel S. Angeo and the regiments of men that were about him dispersed and passed into their seuerall calamities the Cities whiche had expected him before in great constancie hauing now their hopes turned into feares applied to the time and began to take newe parties suche for the most part is the wauering condition of communalties and multitudes not measuring things by iustice and equitie of reason but eyther by opinion which cōmonly is partiall or by cōmon report which for the most part is ful of incerteinties errors Cesena returned to the auncient deuotion of the Church Ymola the capteine of the castel beeing killed by meane of certayne the principall Citizens stoode in doubt one parte desiring to reuert to the Churche and an other part to be reconciled to the Riareis their first Lordes The Citie of Furly possessed by the Ordelaffy long tyme before it came to the Riares by the permission of Pope Sixtus had reappealed Anthonie a remeynder of the same familie who firste prouing to enter with the fauour of the Venetians but afterwardes fearing that vnder hys name they woulde reteyne the iurisdiction to them selues had recourse to the Florentynes and by their meanes was reinuested in his patrimonie Iohn Sforce returned to Pesero and to Rimini Pandolfe Malateste the one and other beeing called by the people But Denys of Nalda an auncient souldiour to Valentynois at the request of the Castlekeeper of Rimini went to their succours by whose helpe in good time Pandolffe beeing put to the chase the Citie returned eftsones to the obedience of Valentynois Faenza only perseuered longest in his deuotion but in the ende falling into a depriuation of hope for his returne casting their eyes vppon certayne remaynders of the familie of Manfreda their auncient Lordes they called home Astor a young Gentleman of the same house but
of thexpences for three yeres Wherevpon the Genovvaies hauing a deliberation to embrace the offer notwithstanding Iohn Lovvis de Fiesquo with many others were agaynst it made an instance to the French king to suffer them without whose consent they had no power to execute any deliberation They debated with the king howe daungerous it woulde be that the Pisans excluded from this their last and almost only hope should come to offer them selues to the king of Spayne from whence would succeede to his great preiudice that both Genes should be in continuall trauell and danger and almost all Tuskane by compulsion followe the Spanish faction These reasons albeit at the beginning had so much wrought with the king that he was almost at a poynt to gratifie their demaundes yet his counsell considering that if the Genovvaies should beginne to accept warres of them selues and for a desire of imperie to haue confederation with other Potentates it would be the cause that comming afterwards to rayse their thoughts to greater things they would put their state into absolute libertie he forbad them expresly to accept the iurisdiction of Pisa but not that they should forbeare to ayde or succour them notwithstanding the Florentins had made great complaynts perticular respectes bearing more force in these matters then equitie conscience or compassion About this time the peace was earnestly laboured betweene the kings of Spayne and Fraunce who offred dissemblingly to render the realme of Naples to the king Federike or to the duke of Calabria his sonne to whom the French king should resigne and giue vp all his clayme so farrefoorth as the mariage were accomplished betwene the duke and the queene widowe Nece to the same king hauing afore bene wife to yong Ferdinand of Aragon king of Naples And it was without doubt that the French king had a mind so farre estranged from the affaires of the kingdome of Naples that for his owne regarde he had accepted all sorts of peace if it had not bin for these two difficulties that restrayned him the one of lesse moment with him then the other was the shame and reproches that would be thundred vpon him to leaue abandoned the barons who for that they folowed his faction had suffred priuation of their estates and to whom were offred conditions hard intollerable the other working somewhat more strongly with him was the doubt wherin he was least the king of Spayne hauing other intentions offred according to his accustomed suttleties this restitution for some ende that though his maiesties consenting yet the effect should not folow and that in the meane while the archduke were not estranged frō him who desiring to haue the kingdome of Naples for his sonne made instance that there should be cōtinuation of the peace which he had begon before Therfore he answered generally that he desired the peace but that he could not with honor giue vp to an Arragon the rights which he had in the same realme And on the other part he continued the auncient practises with the king of Romaines tharchduke wherin as he was almost certaine of the conclusion effect to th end they should not be cut of nor hindred by the incerteine practises of the king of Spayne he let call before him the Spanish embassadors making his colour for his greater honor that the respects interests of the barōs did chiefly moue him and being set in the chaire royal in the aspect presence of al the court with solēne ceremonies far aboue the vsage of times before he cōplained that their king expressed in words his desire and disposition to the peace hauing his intētions dissembled in which regard also for that it was not a thing worthy the vertue and honor of a king to consume the tyme in vayne practises he tolde them it were their best to depart out of the Realme of Fraunce After whose going away thembassadours of Maximilian and tharchduke came to giue perfection to that which had bene negociated In whiche action because there were plottes layed to greater purposes was assistant the Bishop of Sisteron the Popes ordinarie Nuncio in that Court and the Marquis of Finalo whome the Pope sent expresly in those affayres This peace hauing bene many times afore throughly debated for the profite which appeared very great to all those Princes was finally set downe vnder these conditions That the mariage of Lady Clauda the French kings daughter commoned vpon long time before should now grow to effect with Charles theldest sonne to tharchduke And for more firme confirmation of the same there shoulde be ioyned to the othe and subscription of the Frenche king the ratification of Frauncis Counte of Angulesme who issue male fayling in the king was next heire to the crown together with many of the principals of the kingdome That all thinuestitures of the state of Millan allowed till that day being razed and cancelled for iust and honest occasions Maximilian should transferre thinuestiture thereof to the French king for him selfe and heires males and for want of suche issue it shoulde be in fauour of the mariage conueyed to Madame Clauda and to Charles and if Charles shoulde dye before the consummation of the mariage then it to discende to Lady Clauda and to the seconde sonne of the Archduke if she maried with him That betweene the Pope the king of Romains the Frenche king and Tharchduke should be made a confederation for their common defence and to offende the Venetians from whome they all determined to withdrawe those places whiche they occupied of theirs That the king of Romains should passe in person into Italie agaynst the Venetians and afterwards go to Rome to take the crowne imperiall That the Frenche king assoone as the Charters shoulde be dispatched shoulde pay for thinuestiture threescore thousande florins of Rhein and threescore thousande others within six monthes and euery yeere a payre of spurres of golde vppon the day of the natiuitie of our Lorde That there shoulde be place left for the king of Spayne to enter into this confederation within foure monthes But it was not expressed that in case he did not enter it shoulde bee suffred to the Frenche king to inuade the kingdome of Naples That the Frenche king shoulde giue no more ayde nor succours to the Counte Palatine who stirred vp by him and enterteyned with hope of his succours was in great warre with the king of Romains That the Venetians shoulde be excluded out of this league notwithstanding that both the king had giuen willing eare to their Embassadours and also the Cardinall of Amboise to cleare them from all suspition had nourished them with assured promises and othes that the king would neuer go agaynst that confederation which he had with them These matters were conteyned in letters which were solemnly passed besides the which it was moued that the king Maximilian should speake together at an other time in some place conuenient The king also promised at
councell and vnder cooller of modestie he blamed apparantly that with armed hand and in a time when Italie burned with an vniuersal fire of warre there should be such negociation of a matter which without the concorde and consent of all Princes could not bring forth but fruites full of venim and infection lastly he was well aduertised that he prepared a strong army by sea with the which albeit he published a brute that he would passe in person into Affrika yet it could not be decided whether he leauied that force for other endes Wherein he was so muche the more suspicious by howmuch his words were alwayes full of sweetnes and affabilitie for he alwayes besought the king as it were with a brotherly affection to make peace with the Pope forsaking if otherwise it coulde not be wrought some peece of his owne rightes both not to shewe himselfe a persecuter of the Churche contrarie to the auncient pietie and deuotion of the house of Fraunce and also not to turne him from the warre which he had determined to make vpon the Mores in Affrika for thexaltation of the name of Christ he added lastely that albeit it had beene a perpetuall custome amongest Christian Princes when they prepared armies agaynst infidells to demaunde succors of others in a cause so holy and honorable yet for his part it suffised him not to be hindred and was content to require no other ayde but that Italie might remayne in peace Whiche wordes notwithstanding they were caried to the Frenche king by his Embassadour and pronounced by his owne mouth to the Frenche Embassadour resident with him and that with great demonstration of amitie yet it seemed that they conteined a secret protestation to take armes in fauor of the Pope A matter which seemed not likely to the king that he durste do without hope to be hable to induce Caesar to the same These things troubled muche the kings mind filled him ful of many suspiciōs fearing that to work the peace by the meane of the Bishop of Gurce would be a thing no lesse vayne then preiudiciall vnto him And yet not to stirre vp Caesar he determined to sende to Mantua the Bishop of Paris a Prelate of great authoritie and deepe knowledge in the science of the Lawes These were the doubtes of the one king and the deceites of the other the one full of deuises and the other not voyde of distruste they both open in words and yet kept both their intentions dissembled A matter of familiar custome with Princes to interteine one an other with vayne hopes and artificiall feares All this whyle Iohn Iacques Triuulce remayned with th armie at Sermidi dispersed into many places thereaboutes for the better commoditie of lodging and vittelles And in this time he receyued signification from the king that it was his will that the warre should be administrated by him with this limitation that exspecting the comming of the Bishop of Gurce he shoulde abstayne from all violent action vpon the state ecclesiastike the hardnes of the season beeing also agaynst it by reason wherof it was impossible to incampe in the fielde notwithstanding Marche was nowe begonne Therefore Triuulce both for that he had no occasion to attempt any other enterprise and for that he was in places so very neare determined to deuise howe he might offende th armie of thennemies who being dispersed abroade when Monsr Chaumont returned from Sermidi to Carpy moste parte of their footemen were lodged at Bondin and the horsemen in the townes neare about Finale But assoone as he had receyued his commission from the king he marched the day after to Stellata and the day following somewhat further where he bestowed th armie abrode in the villages thereabouts and raysed a bridge of boates vpon the ryuer of Pavv betwene Stellata and Ficquerolla hauing giuen direction to the duke of Ferrara to make an other a myle lower at the place which is called the poynt beeing that breache or braunche of Pavv which goeth to Ferrara that also he should marche with thartillerie to the hospital a place right oueragainst Bondin In this meane while Triuulce was aduertised by his espials that many trowpes of light horsmen of that part of the Venetian armie which lay on the other side Pavv were the next night to approche Mirandola to dresse some ambushe Agaynst whome he sent out secretly certayne horsmen who being come vp to Belair a plaine house in the contrey of Mirandola found within it Leonard Napolitain capteine of the Venetian light horsmen a man of great place reputation in th armie he nothing doubting that his enemies would discend so farre as to that place was withdrawne thither onely with fiftie horse and there exspecting a greater strēgth that was to follow he with many of his were slain their vallour not being able to resist the malice of their fortune Alfonso d'Este came to the hospitall according to his direction beginning the night following to imploy his artillery against Bondin And at the same time not omitting thoportunity of their felicitie Triuulce sent Guaston lord of Foix the kings sisters sonne a man very young and newly come to the armie the yeare before to runne vp euen to the barres of thenemies campe with an hundred men at armes foure hundred light horsemen and fiue hundred footmen with whom he put to flight fiue hundred footmen appoynted to garde that front or parte of the campe By this example bringing distruste of greater perill all the residue leauing Bondin vnder good garde retyred into places of strength on the other side the Canall The counsayles of warre and enterprise carrie with them for the moste parte a successe variable and differing from exspectation for that no more in those actions then in any other mortall causes the deuises of man can not be separate from their imperfections not one of the plottes of Triuulce succeeded as was looked for for that thartillerie planted agaynst Bondin made little exployte both for the distance of the place Pavv being betweene them and also the ryuer beeing swelled and the rising parte cutte of by them of Bondin it so drowned the countrey that there was no possibilitie of passage from the front of the Frenche campe to Bondin but vpon barkes In so muche as the Captayne dispayring eftsoones to vse the commoditie of that waye to distresse the lodging of thennemies called from Verona two thousande Launceknightes giuing also direction to leauie three thousande Grisons the better to drawe neare them by the wayes of Saint Felix in case the peace proceeded not by the working of the Bishop of Gurce whose comming had bene made somewhat the more slowe and delitorie for that at Sale vppon the lake of Garde he had in vayne exspected aunswere from the Pope whome he had prayed by letters to sende Embassadours to negociate At laste he came to Mantua accompanied with Dom Peter de Vree ordinarily resident with Caesar for the king of Aragon not manye
an yll counsel of the Pope wrote to him that the Viceroy reiecting all motions to truce was contented to make peace with the Pope onely or with the Pope and Venetians ioyntly so farreforth as they would make payment of money to thend to mainteine the army for assurance of the peace and afterwards to debate in the matter of the truce with the others An alteration mouing eyther by the variation or chaunge of the Viceroy or happly by the perswasions of tharchbishop as many suspected At which time Paule d'Arezze being come to themprours Court with authoritie from the Pope the Venetians and Frauncis Sforce whither also went by the motiō of the king of England for the negociation of peace the Auditor of the Chamber the rather for that before were come thither full commissions from the french king He found themprour wholy chaunged both in minde will taking the reason of his alteration vpon an aduertisement he had receiued of the army of the launceknightes and of his Nauy in Italy In so much as enforcing the fauor of that good aduauntage he fled from all the conditions that were set downe before and vrged vehemently that the French king should obserue absolutely thaccord of Madrill to haue the cause of Frauncis Sforce heard by law before Iudges assigned by himselfe Thus did both the will and intention of themprour vary according to the successe of affayres like as also his commissions which he sent to his Agentes in Italy bare alwayes by reason of the distance of the place eyther an expresse or silent condition to gouerne themselues according to the variation of times and occasions Therfore the Viceroy after he had many dayes abused the Pope with vayne practises and would not so muche as consent to a surceance of armes for a few daies till the negociation might soart to some issue brake vp from Naples the xx of December to goe into thestates of the Church In which wilfulnesse he offred many new and very straunge conditions of accorde But to returne to the laste daye of the yeare wherein the Launceknightes as we haue sayde passed the ryuer of Nure The same day also the Duke of Ferrara by the meane of his Embassador capitulated with the Viceroy and Don Hugo who had commission from themprour Neuertheles the capitulation was made with a very small liking of that Embassador for that he was almoste constrayned to consent by the threates and rude words of the Viceroy Tharticles of the capitulation were these That the duke of Ferrara should be bounde aswell in his person as in his estates to serue themprour agaynst all his enemies That he should be capteine generall for themprour in Italy with a company of an hundred men at armes and two hundred light horsemen onely he should assemble and leauy them at his owne charges and receyue agayne allowance in his accountes That he should presently receyue the towne of Carpy and the Castell of Nouy which had apperteined to Albert Pio for the dowry of themprours bastard daughter promised to his sonne onely the reuenues should be aunswered in account of the souldiors a compensation to be made vntill the consummation of the mariage And that Vespatian Colonno and the Marquis of Guast should disclayme and renounce the rightes which they pretended to them That he should pay the summe of two hundred thousand duckets when he had recouered Modena but out of that should be deducted that which he had giuen to the Viceroy since the battell of Pauia That if he did not recouer Modena all the summes of money which he had before disbursed should be eftsones repayed to him That themprour should be bound to his protection not to make peace without comprehending him and not without obteining for him of the Pope absolution of the paynes and censures which he had incurred euer since he was declared confederate to themprour And lastly that he should vse all his meanes and authoritie to the Pope to absolue him of all those penalties and transgressions which he had runne into before Thus in the ende of the yere a thousande fiue hundred and sixe twentie all things prepared and tended to a manyfest and open warre The ende of the seuenteenth Booke THE ARGVMENT OF THE EIGHTENTH BOOKE THe Duke of Burbonissueth out of Millan The Viceroy and Colonnois make vvarre agaynst the Pope in thestate of the Churche The Marquis of Salussa entreth vvithin Bolognia The Pope maketh vvarre in the kingdome of Naples The Duke of Burbon leadeth his armie to Rome taketh the tovvne and sacketh it and is slayne in the action The Pope beeing abandoned of all hope accordeth vvith thimperialls Amutinie in Florence The king of Englande is declared agaynst themprour The confederates do many enterprises THE EIGHTEENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin NOW ensueth the yeare of our Lorde a thousande fiue hundred and seuen and twenty A yeare prepared to many harde euentes and accidentes suche as for their crueltie were full of feare and daunger and for their straungenes had no example or experience with the worldes and ages before For in the predictions of this yeare was expressed an vniuersall face of troubles and confusion of mutation of estates of captiuitie of princes of desolation of Cities of dearth of vittelles and of a generall visitation of the plague yea through all the regions and climates of Italy there was no apparance nor contemplation of other thing then of blood death famine and fleeing A condition lamentable euen to forreiners and straungers that dyd but heare of it but moste intollerable to those miserable wretches vpon whose neckes the lawe of destenie had drawne so grieuous a yoke To these calamities there was no other thing that stayed the action of beginning and execution but the difficulties whiche the Duke of Burbon founde to make the regimentes of Spanishe footemen to departe out of Millan for where he had determined that Anthony de Leua shoulde abide there for the defence of the whole Duchie and reteyne with him all those bands of Launceknightes which were there before for whose enterteinmentes and payes were consumed bothe all the moneyes exacted at tymes vppon the Millannois and also suche other summes as were leauyed by the billes of exchaunge which the Duke of Burbon brought from Spayne And where he had also appoynted to remayne with the sayd Leua for the seruice of the Duchie a strength of twelue hundred footemen Spaniardes together with some bandes of Italian footemen vnder the leading of Lodovvike Belliense and other commaunders So likewise by their example all the other bandes and regimentes of souldiors for that they had in pray the houses the wyues and daughters of thinhabitantes of Millan were not discontented to liue still in that estate of licentious libertie But for that both for the necessitie of the present seruice and regarde of their proper honor and lastely for the awe and authoritie of the Duke of Burbon they