Bramaaes there in pieces and had withall seizâ—d on the principall places of the country At these news the King was so troubled that without further delay he raised the siege and imbarqued himself on a river called Pacaâ—au where he stayed but that night and the day following which he imployed in retiring his great Ordnance and ammunition Then having set fire on all the Pallisadoes and lodgings of the Camp he parted away one Tuesday the fifteenth day of October in the year a thousand five hundred forty and eight for to go to the Town of Marâ—abano Having used all possible speed in his voyage at seventeen days end he came thither and there was amply informed by the Chalagonim his Captain of all the Zemindoos proceedings in making himself King and seizing on his treasure by killing fifteen thousand Bramaaes and that in divers places he had lodged five hundred thousand men with an intention to stop his passage into the Kingdome This news very much perplexed the King of Bramaa so that he fell to thinking with himself what course he should take for the remedying of so great a mischief as he was threatned with In the end he resolved to tarry a while at Martabano to attend some of his forces that were still behind and then to go and fight a battell with his enemy but it was his ill luck that in the space of fourteen days only which he abode there of four hundred thousand men which he had fifty thousand quitted him For whereas they were all Pegâ—es and consequently desirous to shake off the Bramaaes yoke they thought it best to side with the new King the Zemindoo who was a Pegu as well as they and they were the rather induced thereunto by understanding that this Prince was of an eminent condition liberall and so affable to every one that he thereby won most men to be of his party In the mean time the King of Bramaa fearing lest the defection of his souldiers should daily more and more increase was advised by his Councell to stay no longer there in regard the longer he should tarry the more his forces would diminish for that a great part of his Army was Pegues which were not likely to be very faithful unto him This counsell was approved of by the King who presently marched away towards Pegu neer unto which he was no sooner arrived but he was certified that the Zemindoo being advertised of his coming was attending ready to receive him So these two Kings being in the view of one another incamped in a great â—laine some two leagues from the City of Pegu the Zemindoo with six hundred thousand men and the Bramaa with three hundred and fifty thousand The next day these two Armies being put into battell array came to joyn together one Friday the sixteenth of November the same year a thousand five hundred forty and eight It was about six of the clock in the morning when first they began their incounter vvhich vvas performed vvith so much violence as a generall defeat ensued thereupon yet fought they with an invincible courage on either part but the Zemindoo had the worse for in lesse then three hours his whole Army was routed with the slaughter of three hundred thousand of his men so that in this extremity he vvas forced to save himself only with six horse in a fortress called Battelor where he stayed but one hour during the vvhich he furnished himself with a little Vessell wherein he fled the night ensuing up the river to Câ—daa Let us leave him now flying untill we shall come to him again whenas time shall serve and return to the King of Bramaa who exceedingly contented vvith the victory vvhich he had gotten marched the next morning against the City of Pegu where as soon as he arrived the inhabitants rendred themselves unto him on condition to have their lives and goods saved Whereupon he took order for the dressing of them that were hurt as for those that he lost in this battell they were found to be threescore thousand in number amongst the which were two hundred and fourscore Portugals all the rest of them being grievously wounded Having already intreated of the successe which the King of Bramaas voyage had in the kingdom of Siam and of the rebellion of the Kingdom of Pegu me thinks it will not be amisse for me to speak here succinctly of the scituation extent abundance riches and fertility which I saw in this kingdom of Siam and in this Empire of Sornaâ— to shew that the conquest thereof would have been far more utile unto us then all the estates which now we have in the India's and that we might obtain it with a great deal lesse charge This kingdom as may be seen in the Map is seven hundred leagues in length and a hundred and threescore in bredth the most part of it consists in great plaines where are a world of corn grounds and rivers of fresh water by reason whereof the Country is exceeding fertile and abundantly stored with cattell and victualls In the most eminent parts of it are thick Forests of Angelin wood whereof thousands of ships might be made there are also many mines of Silver Iron Steel Lead Tin Saltpetre and Brimstone likewise great abundance of Silk Aloes Benjamin Lacre Indico Cotton wooll Rubies Saphires Ivory and gold There is moreover in the woods marvailous store of Brasill and Ebony wherewith an hundred Juncks are every year laden to be transported to China Hainan the Lequios Camboya and Campâ—aa besides Wax Honey and Sugar which divers places there do yeeld very plentifully The Kings yearly revenue is ordinarily twelve millions of gold over and above the presents which the great Lords make him that comes to a great matter In the jurisdiction of his territories there are six and twenty hundred populations which they call Prodou as cities and towns amongst us besides villages and small hamlets whereof I have no reckoning The most part of those populations have no other fortifications or walls then palisadoes of wood so that it would be easie for any that should attaque them to make themselves masters thereof the rather for that the inhabitants of those places are naturally effeminate and destitute of arms offensive and defensive This coast of this kingdom joyns upon the two North and South Seas on that of the Indiaes by Iunçalo and Tanauçarius and on that of China by Monpolocata Cuy Lugor Chintabu and Berdio The capitall City of all this Empire is Odiaa whereof I have spoken heretofore it is fortified with walls of brick and mortar and contains according to some foure hundred thousand fires whereof an hundred thousand are strangers of divers countries of the world for whereas the country is very rich of it self and of great traffick there passes not a yeare whereunto from the Provinces and Islands of Iaoa Bale Madoura Augenio Bâ—rneo and Solor there sailes at the least a thousand Iuncks besides other smaller vessells
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
low built weak and without Mariners we were reduced to such extremity that out of all hope to escape we suffered our selves to be driven along the coast as the current of the water would carry us for we held it more safeto venture our selves amongst the Rocks then to let us be swallowed up in the midst of the Sea and though we had chosen this design as the better and lesse painful yet did it not succeed for after dinner the winde turned to the North-west whereby the Waves became so high that it was most dreadful to behold Our fear then was so extream as we began to cast all that we had into the Sea even to the Chests full of Silver That done we cut down our two Masts and so without Mâ—sts and Sails we floated along all the rest of the day at length about midnight we heard them in Antonio de Faria's Vessel cry Lord have mercy upon us which perswaded us that they were cast away the apprehension whereof put us in such a fright as for an hour together no man spake a word Having past all this sad night in so miserable a plight about an hour before day our Vessel opened about the Keel so that it was instantly full of water eight spans high whereupon perceiving our selves to sinke we verily beleeved it was the good pleasure of God that in this place we should finish both our lives and labours As soon then as it was day we looked out to Sea as far as possibly we could discern but could no way discover Antonio de Faria which put us quite out of heart and so continuing in this great affliction till about ten of the clock with so much terror and amazement as words are not able to expresse at last we ran against the coast and even drowned as we were the Waves rouled us towards a point of Rocks that stood out into the Sea where we were no sooner arrived but that all went to pieces insomuch that of five and twenty Portugals which we were there were but fourteen saved the other eleven being drowned together with eighteen Christian Servants and seven Chinese Mariners This miserable disaster hapned on a Munday the fifth of August in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two for which the Lord be praysed everlastingly We fourteen Portugals having escaped out of this shipwrack by the meer mercy of God spent all that day and the night following in bewailing our misâ—fortune and the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced but in the end consulting together what course to take for to give some remedy thereunto we concluded to enter into the Country hoping that far or neer we should not fail to meet with some body that taking us for slaves would relieve us with meat till such time as it should please Heaven to terminate our travels with the end of our lives With this Resolution we went some six or seven leagues over rocks and hills and on the other side discovered a great Marsh so large and void as it past the reach of our sight there being no appearance of any land beyond it which made us turn back again towards the same place where we were cast away being arrived there the day after about Sun-set we found upon the shore the bodies of our men which the Sea had cast up over whom we recomenced our sorrow and lamentations and the next day we buried them in the sand to keep them from being devoured by the Tygers whereof that Country is full which we performed with much labour and pain in regard we had no other tools for that purpose but our hands and nails After these poor bodies were interred we got us into a Marsh where we spent all the night as the safest place we could chuse to preserve us from the Tygers From thence we continued our journey towards the North and that by such Precipes and thick woods as we had much adoe to pass through them Having travelled in this manner three dayes at length we arrived at a little straight without meeting any body over the which resolving to swim by ill fortune the four first that entred into it being three Portugals and a young youth were miserably drowned for being very feeble and the straight somewhat broad and the current of the water very strong they were not able to hold out any longer when they came to the midst so we eleven with three servants that remained seeing the infortunate successe of our companions could do nothing but weep and lament as men that hourly expected such or a worse end Having spent all that dark night exposed to the winde cold and rain it pleased our Lord that the next morning before day we discovered a great fire towards the East whereupon as soon as the day broke we marched fair and softly that way recomending our selves to that Almighty God from whom alone we could hope for a remedy to our miseries and so continuing our journey all along the River the most part of that day at last we came to a little wood where we found five men making of coals whom on our knees we besought for Gods sake to direct us to some place where we might get some relief I would said one of them beholding us with an eye of pitie it lay in our power to help you but alas all the comfort we can give you is to bestow some part of our Supper on you which is a little rice wherewith you may passe this night here with us if you will though I hold it better for you to preceed on your way and recover the place you see a little below where you shall finde an Hospital that serves to lodge such Pilgrims as chance to come into these quarters Having thanked him for his good addresse we fell to the Rice they gave us which came but to two mouthfuls a piece and so took our leaves of them going directly to the place they had shewed us as well as our weakness would permit About an hour within night we arrived at the Hospital where we met with four men that had the charge of it who received us very charitably The next morning as soon as it was day they demanded of us what we were and from whence we came Thereunto we answered that we were strangers natives of the Kingdom of Siam and that coming from the Port of Liampoo to go to the fishing of Nanquin we were cast away at sea by the violence of a storm having saved nothing out of this shipwrack but those our miserable and naked bodies Whereupon demanding of us again what we intended to do and whither we would go we replyed that we purposed to go to the City of Nanquin there to imbarque our selves as rowers in the first Lanteaa that should put to sea for to pass unto Cantan where our countreymen by the permission of the Aito of Panquin exercised their traffique under the protection of the son of the Sun
this Stone upon which this new place is to be built for I desire that hereafter it should be so called wherefore I pray you all as Friends and command you as your King not to call it otherwise to the end the memory thereof may remain immortal to those that shall come after us to the end of the World By which means it shall be manifested to all men that the thirteenth day of the eighth Moon in the year one thousand six hundred thirty and nine after the Lord of all things created had made those that lived upon the Earth see how much he abhorred the sins of Men for the which he drowned the whole World with Water that he sent down from Heaven in satisfaction of his divine Iustice it shall I say be manifested to them that the new Prince Pequin built this Fortress whereunto he gave his Name And so conformable to the Prophesie which the dead childe hath delivered it shall be published over all by the voice of strange People in what manner the Lord is to be feared and what Sacrifices are to be made that they may be just and acceptable unto him Now this was that which King Pequin said unto his Vassals and which is at this day to be seen engraven on a silver Scutcheon fastened to an Arch of one of the principal Gates of the City called Pommicotay where in memory of this Prophecy there is ordinarily a Guard of forty Halberdiers with their Captain whereas there are but onely four in all the rest who are bound to render an account of all that pass in and out there daily And because the Histories relate that this new King laid the first foundation of this City on the 3 d of the moneth of August the Kings of China do on that day usually shew themselves to the People and that with such Pomp and Majesty that I profess I am not able to declare the least part of it much less to describe the whole Now in regard of this first Kings words which the Chineses hold for an infallible Prophecy his Descendants do so fear the accomplishment thereof that by a Law expresly made by them the admittance of any Strangers into this Kingdom saving Ambassadours and Slaves is forbidden upon most grievous pains So that when any do chance to arrive there they banish them presently from one place to another not permitting them to settle any where as they practised it towards me and my eight companions And thus as I have succinctly delivered was this Empire of China founded and peopled by the means of this Prince named Pequin the eldest of Nancaa's three Sons As for the other two called Pacan and Nacau they afterwards founded the other two Towns aforesaid and withall gave them their own Names It is also the general opinion that their Mother Nancaa founded the City of Nanquin which took its denomination from her continuing so to this day and is the second City of this great Monarchy The Histories further affirm that from the time of this first Founder the Empire of China augmented always from one King to another by a just Succession till a certain Age which according to our Computation was in the Year of Lord one thousand one hundred and thirty After which a King that then reigned named Xixipan inclosed the City of Pequin within the space of three and twenty years in such manner as it is seen at this day and that fourscore and two years after another King his Grand-childe called Iumbileytay made the like so that both together were sixty leagues in circuit namely each of them thirty ten in length and five in breadth Now it is certain and I have often times read it that each of these Inclosures or Walls hath a thousand and threescore round Bulwarks as also two hundred and forty Towers very fair strong large and high with gilt Lions upon Globes being the Arms of the Kings of China which are very pleasing to the eye Without the last Inclosure is an exceeding great Ditch round about it ten fathom deep and forty broad continually replenished with many Barques and Boats covered over head as if they were Houses where both Provisions and all sorts of Merchandise are sold. This City according to the Chineses report hath above three hundred and threescore Gates in each of which as I have before recited there are always four Halberdiers who are obliged to render an account of all that go in and out daily There are also certain Chambers in it whither it is the custome to bring such Children as wander and go astray in the Town to the end their Parents that lose them may be sure to hear of them there I will refer my speaking more largely of the Magnificences of this goodly City to another place for that which I have now delivered in haste and as it were en passant was but to make a brief Relation of the original of this Empire and of the first Founder of the City of Pequin which may be truly said to be the chiefest of all the World for greatness policy riches and abundance of all things that can be desired of man as also of the Foundation of the second City of this mighty Kingdom that is Nanquin and of the other two Pacan and Nacan whereof I have heretofore spoken and in which the Founders of them are buried in very stately and rich Temples within Tombs of white and green Alabaster all garnished with Gold and erected upon Lions of Silver with a world of Lamps and perfuming Pans full of divers sorts of sweet Odours round about them Now that I have spoken of the Original and Foundation of this Empire together with the circuit of the great City of Pequin I hold it not amiss to intreat as succinctly as I may of another particular which is no less admirable then those whereof I have made mention before It is written in the fifth Book of the Scituation of all the remarkable places of this Empire or rather Monarchy for to speak truly there is no appellation so great but may be well attributed unto it that a King named Crisnagol Dicotay who according to the computation of that Book reigned in the year of our Lord five hundred and eighteen happened to make war with the Tartar about some difference between them concerning the State of Xenxinapau that borders on the Kingdom of Lauhos and so valiantly demeaned himself in a Battel against him that he defeated his Army and remained Master of the Field whereupon the Tartar confederating himself with other Kings his Friends did by their assistance assemble together greater Forces then the former and therewith invaded the Kingdom of China where it is said he took three and thirty very important Towns of which the principal was Panquilor insomuch that the Chinese fearing he should not be well able to defend himself concluded a Peace with him upon condition to relinquish his right which he pretended to that in
time since it was discovered being above two hundred years it never failed but rather more and more was found Having past about a league beyond those twelve Hoâ—ses up the River we came to a place inclosâ—d with three ranks of Iron grates where we beheld thirty Houses divined into five rows six in each row which were very long and compleat with great Towers full of Bells of cast mettle and much carved work as also guilt Pillars and the Frontispieces of fair hewed stone whereupon many Inventious were engraved At this place we went ashore by the Chifâ—us permission that carried us for that he had made a Vow to this Pagod which was called Bigay potim that is to say God of an hundred and ten thousand Gods Corchoo fungané ginaco ginaca which according to their report signifies strong and great above all others for one of the Errors wherewith these wretched people are blinded is that they beleeve every particular thing hath its God who hath created it and preserves its natural being but thâ—t this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his arm-pitâ— and that from him as a father they derive their being by a filial union which they term Biâ—â— Porentasay And in the Kingdom of Pegu where I have often been I have seen one like unto this named by those of the country Ginocoginans the God of all greatness which Temple was in times past built by the Chineses when as they commanded in the Indiaes being according to their supputation from the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1013. to the year 1072. by which account it appears that the Indiaes were under the Empire of China but onely fifty and nine years for the successor of him that conquered it called Exiragano voluntarily abandoned it in regard of the great expence of mony and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it cost him In those thirty Houses whereof I formerly spake were a great number of Idols of guilt Wood and a like number of Tin Lâ—tten and Pourcelain being indeed so many as I should hardly be believed to declare them Now we had not past above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a great Town about a league in circuit quite destroyed and ruinated so that asking the Chineses what might be the cause thereof they told us that this Town was anciently called Cohilouza that is The flower of the field and had in former times been in very great prosperity and that about one hundred forty and two years before a certain stranger in the company of some Merchants of the Port of Tanaçarim in the Kingdom of Siam chanced to come thither being as it seems an holy man although the Bonzes said he was a Sorcerer by reason of the wonders he did having raised up five dead men and wrought many other Miracles whereat all men were exceedingly astonished and that having divers times disputed with the Priests he had so shamed and confounded them as fearing to deal any more with him they incensed the Inhabitants against him and perswâ—ded them to put him to death affirming that otherwise God would consume them with fire from Heaven whereupon all the Townsmen went unto the House of a poor Weaver where he lodged and killing the Weaver with his son and two sons in Law of his that would have defended him the Holy man came forth to them and reprehending them for this uproar he told them amongst other things That the God of the Law whereby they were to be saved was called Iesus Christ who came down from heaven to the earth for to become a man and that it was needful he should dye for men and that with the price of his precious bloud which he shed for sinners upn the Crosse God was satisfied in his justice and that giving him the charge of Heaven and Earth he had promised him that whosoever professed his Law with Faith and good works should be saved and have everlasting life and withall that the gods whom the Bonzes served and adored with sacrifices of bloud were false and Idols wherwith the Devil deceived them Here at the Churchmen entred into so great furie that they called unto the people saying Cursed be he that brings not wood and fire for to burn him which was presently put in execution by them and the fire beginning exceedingly to rage the Holy man said certain Prayers by vertue whereof the fire incontinently went out wherewith the people being amazed cryed out saying Doubtlesse the God of this man is most mighty and worthy to be adored throughout the whole World which one of the Bonzes hearing who was ring-leader of this mutiny and seeing the Town-men retire away in consideration of that they had beheld he threw a stone at the holy man saying They which do not as I do may the Serpent of the night ingulf them into hell fire At these words all the other Bonzes did the like so that he was presently knock'd down dead with the stones they flâ—ng at him whereupon they cast him into the river which most prodigiously staid its course from running down and so continued for the space of five days together that the body lay in it By means of this wonder many imbraced the law of that holy man whereof there are a great number yet remaining in that country Whilest the Chineses were relating thishistory unto us we arrived at a point of land where going to double Cape we descryed a little place environed with trees in the midst whereof was a great cross of stone very well made which we no sooner espied but transported with exceeding joy we fell on our knees before our Conductor humbly desiring him to give us leave to go on shoar but this Heathen dog refused us saying that they had a great way yet to the place where they were to lodge whereat we were mightily grieved Howbeit God of his mercy even miraculously so ordered it that being gone about a league further his wife fell in labour so as he was constrained to return to that place again it being a Village of thirty or forty houses hard by where the Cross stood Here we went on land and placed his wife in an house where some nine days after she died in Child-bed during which time we went to the Cross and prostrating our selves before it with tears in our eyes The people of the Village beholding us in this posture came to us and kneeling down also with their hands lift up to heaven they said Christo Iesu Iesu Christo Maria micauvidau late impont model which in our tongue signifies Iesus Christ Iesus Christ Mary always a Virgine conceived him a Virgine brought him forth and a Virgine still remained whereunto we weeping answered that they spake the very truth Then they asked us if we were Christians we told them we were which as soon as they understood they carried us home to their houses where they entertained us with great affection Now all these
weight measure and true account therefore take heed to what thou doest for if thou comest to sin thou shalt suffer for it eternally Upon his head he had a kind of round bonet bordered about with small sprigs of gold all enamelled violet and green and on the top of it was a little crowned Lion of gold upon a round bowl of the same mettal by which Lion crowned as I have delivered heretofore is the King signified and by the bowl the world as if by these devices they would denote that the King is the Lion crowned on the throne of the world In his right hand he held a little rod of ivory some three spans long in manner of a Scepter upon the top of the three first steps of this Tribunal stood eight Ushers with silver maces on their shoulders and below were threescore Mogors on their knees disposed into three ranks carrying halberts in their hands that were neatly damasked with gold In the vantgard of these same stood like as if they had been the Commanders or Captains of this Squadron the Statues of two Giants of a most gallant aspect and very richly attired with their swords hanging in scarfs and mighty great halberts in their hands and these the Chineses in their language call Gigaos on the two sides of this Tribunal below in the room were two very long tables at each of which sat twelve men whereof four were Presidents or Judges two Registers four Solicitors and two Conchalis which are as it were Assistants to the Court one of these Tables was for criminal and the other for civil causes and all the officers of both these Tables were apparelled in gowns of white Satin that were very long and had large slieves thereby demonstrating the latitude and purity of justice the Tables were covered with carpets of violet damask and richly bordered about with gold the Chaems table because it was of silver had no carpet on it nor any thing else but a cushion of cloth of gold and a Standith Now all these things put together as we saw them carried a wonderful shew of State and Majesty But to proceed upon the fourth ringing of a bell one of the Câ—â—chalis stood up and after a low obeysancâ— made to the Chaem with a very loud voice that he might be heard of every one he said Peace there and with all submission hearken on pain of incurring the punishment ordained by the Chaems of the Government for those that interrupt the silence of sacred Iustice. Whereupon this same sitting down again another arose and with the like reverence mounting up to the Tribunal where the Chaem sat he took the Sentences from him that held them in his hand and published them aloud one after another with so many ceremonies and compliments as he employed above an hour therein At length coming to pronounce our judgment they caused us to kneel down with our eyes fixed on the ground and our hands lifted up as if we were praying unto Heaven to the end that in all humility we might hear the publâ—cation thereof which was thus Bitau Dicabor the new Chaem of this sacred Court where justice is rendred to strangers and that by the gracious pleasure of the Son of the Sun the Lion crowned on the throne of the world unto whom are subjected all the Scepters and Crowns of the Kings that govern the earth ye are subjected under his feet by the grace and will of the most High in Heaven having viewed and considered the Appeal made to me by these nine strangers whose cause was commanded hither by the City of Nanquin by the four and twenty of austeer life I say by the oath I have taken upon my entry into the Charge which I exercise for the Aytao of Batampina the chief of two and thirty that govern all the people of this Empire that the ninth day of the seventh Moon in the fifteenth year of the reign of the Son of the Sun I was presented with the accusations which the Cumbim of Taypor sent me against them whereby he chargeth them to be theeves and robbers of other mens goods affirming that they have long practised that trade to the great offence of the Lord above who hath created all things and withall that without any fear of God they used to bathe themselves in the blood of those that with reason resisted them for which they have already been condemned to be whipt and have their thumbs cut off whereof the one hath been put in execution but when they came to have their thumbs cut off the Proctors for the poor opposing it alledged in their behalf that they were wrongfully condemned because there was no proof of that wherewith they were charged in regard whereof they required for them that in stead of judging them upon a bare shew of uncertain suspitions voluable testimonies might be produced and such as were conformable to the divine Laws and the Iustice of Heaven whereunto answer was made by that Court how justice was to give place to mercy whereupon they that undertook their cause made their complaint to the four and twenty of austeer life who both out of very just considerations and the regard they had to the little support they could have for that they were strangers and of a Nation so far distant from us as we never heard of the Country where they say they were born mercifully inclining to their lamentable cries sent them and their cause to be judged by thiâ— Court wherefore omitting the prosecution thereof here by the Kings Proctor being able to prove nothing whereof he accused them affirms only that they are worthy of death for the suspicion and jealousie they have given of themselves but in regard sacred justice that stands upon considerations which are pure and agreeable to God admits of no reasons from an adverse party if they be not made good by evident proofs I thought it not fit to allow of the Kings Proctors accusations since he could not prove what he had alledged whereupon insisting on his demand without shewing either any just causes or sufficient proof concerning that he concluded against those strangers I condemned him in twenty Taeis of silver amends to his adverse parties being altogether according to equity because the reasons alledged by him were grounded upon a bad zeal and such as were neither just nor pleasing to God whose mercy doth always incline to their side that are poor and feeble on the earth when as they invoke him with tears in their eyes â—s is daily and clearly manifested by the pitiful effects of his greatness so that having thereupon expresly commanded the Tanigores of the house of mercy to alledge whatsoever they could say on their behalf they accordâ—ngly did so within the time that was prefixed them for that purpose And so all proceedings having received their due course thâ— cause is now come to a final Iudgment wherefore every thing duly viewed and considered without regard had to any
being the ceremony or compliment ordinarily used amongst them The Prince was exceedingly pleased with this honour done unto him which with a smiling countenance and much acknowledgment of words he testified unto him This past the Prince with a new ceremony stept two or three paces back and lifting up his voice with more gravity then before as he that represented the Person of the King in whose name he came said unto him He the border of whose rich vesture my mouth kisseth and that out of an incredible greatness mastereth the Scepters of the earth and of the Isles of the Sea sends thee word by me who am his slave that thy honourable arrival is no less agreeable unto him then the Summers sweet morning is to the ground when as the dew doth comfort and refresh our bodies and therefore would have thee without further delay to come and hear his voice mounted on his horse whose trappings are garnished with jewels taken out of his Treasury to the end that riding by my side thou mayest be made equal in honour to the greatest of his Court and that they which behold thee marching in this sort may acknowledge that the right hand of him is mighty and valiant unto whom the labours of war giveth this recompence Hereupon the Mitaquer prostrating himself on the earth with his hands lifted up answered him thus Let my head be an hundred times trampled on by the sole of his feet that all those of my race may be sensible of so great a favour and that my eldest Son may ever carry it for a mark of honour Then mounting on the horse which the Prince had given him trapped with gold and precious stones being one of those that the King used to ride on himself they marched on with a great deal of State and Majesty In this pomp were many spare horses led richly harnessed there were also a number of Ushers carrying silver Maces on their shoulders and six hundred Halberdiers on horsback together with fifteen Chariots full of silver Cymbals and many other ill tuned barbarous instruments that made so great a din as it was not possible to hear one another Moreover in all this distance of way which was a league and an half there were so many men on horsback as one could hardly pass through the croud in any part thereof The Mitaquer being thus in triumph arrived at the first trenches of the Camp he sent us by one of his Servants to his quarter where we were very well received and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for us Fourteen days after we arrived at â—his Camp the Mitaquer our General sent for us to his Tent where in the presence of some of his Gentlemen he said unto us To morrow morning about this time be you ready that I may make good my word unto you which is to let you see the face of him whom we hold for our Soveraign Lord a grace that is done you out of a particular respect to me And this his Majesty doth not only grant unto you but your liberty also which I have obtained of him for you and which in truth I am no less glad of then of the taking of Mixiancoo the particulars whereof you may relate unto him if you come to be so happy as to be questioned by him about it Withall I assure you that I shall take it for a great satisfaction if when you shall return into your Country you will remember that I have kept my word with you and that therein I have shewed my self so punctual as it may be I would not for that consideration demand of the King some other thing more profitable for me that you may know this was that which I only desired Also the King hath done me the honour to grant it me presently and that with such exceeding demonstration of favour as I must confess I am thereby more obliged unto you then you are to me Having spoken thus unto as we prostrated our selves upon the ground and in this sort answered him My Lord the good which you have pleased to do us is so great that to go about to thank you with words as the world useth to do in the state we now are in would rather be an ingratitude then a true and due acknowledgment so that we think it better to pass it by in silence within the secret of that soul which God hath put into us And therefore since our tongues are of no use to us herein and that they cannot frame words capable to satisfie so great an obligation as this is wherein all of us stand for ever so infinitely ingaged unto you we must with continual tears and sighs beg of the Lord which made Heaven and earth that he will reward you for it for it is he that out of his infinite mercy and goodness hath taken upon him to pay that for the poor which they of themselves are not able to discharge It is he then that will throughly recompence you and your children for this good office you have done us and whereby you merit to have a share in his promises and to live long and happily in this world Amongst those which accompanied the Mitaquer at that time there was one named Bonquinuda a man in years and of the principalest Lords of the Kingdom who in this Army commanded over the strangers and Rhinocerots that served for the Guard of the Camp This same unto whom more respect was born then to all the rest that were present had no sooner heard our answer but lifting up his eyes to Heaven he said O! who could be so happy as to be able to ask of God the explication of so high a secret whereunto the weakness of our poor understanding cannot arrive for I would fain know from whence it comes that he permits people so for esloigned from the knowledge â—f our truth to answer on the suddain in terms so agreeable to our ears that I dare well say nay I will venture my head on it that concerning things of God and Heaven they know more sleeping then we do broad awake whence it may be inferred that there are Priests amongst them that understand the course of the Stars and the motions of the Heavens far better then oâ—â— Bonzes of the house of Lechuna Whereupon all that were about him answered Your Greatness hath so much reason for it that we were obliged to behold it as an Article of our faith wherefore we think it were fit that these strangers should not be suffered to go out of our Country where as our Masters and Doctors they might teach us such things they know of the world That which you advise replyed the Mitaquer is not much amiss and yet the King would never permit it for all the treasures of China because if he should he would then violate the truth of his word and so lose all the reputation of his greatness wherefore you must excuse me if I do not
persons that make profession of honour and which by that only mean pretend to render their names immortal Moreover I have heard for a truth that these same men have entertained you at large with all matters of the whole Vniverse and have affirmed unto you on their faith that there is another world greater then ours inhabited with black and tawny people of whom they have told you things most incredible to our judgment for which cause I infinitely desire you as if you were my Son that by Fiangeandono whom I have dispatched from hence to visit my daughter you will send me one of those three strangers which I am told you have in your house the rather for that you know my long inâ—isposition accompanied with so much pain and grief hath great need of some diversion Now if it should happen that they would not be willing thereunto you may then assure them as well on your own faith as on mine that I will not fail to return them back in all safety whereupon like a good Son that desires to please his Father so order the matter that I may rejoyce my self in the sight if them and so have my desire accomplished What I have further to say unto you my Ambassadour Fingeandono shall acquaint you with by whom I pray you liberally import to me the good news of your person and that of my daughter seeing she is as you know the apple of my right eye whereof the sight is all the joy of my face From the house of Fucheo the seventh Mamoque of the Moon After that the Nautaquim had heard this letter read The King of Bungo said he unto us is my Lord and my Vncle the brother of my mother and above all he is my good Father for I call him by that name because he is so to my wife which is the reason that he loves me no less then his own children wherefore I count my self exceedingly bound unto him and do so much desire to please him that I could now find in my heart to give the best part of my Estate for to be transformed into one of you as well for to go unto him as to give him the content of seeing you which out of the knowledge I have of his disposition I am assured he will value more then all the treasures of China Now having thus acquainted you with his desire I earnestly intreat you to render your selves conformable thereunto and that one of you two will take the pains to go to Bungo there to see that King whom I hold for my Father and my Lord for as for this other to whom I have given the name and being of a kinsman I am not willing to part with him till he hath taught me to shoot as well as himself Hereupon Christovano Borralho and I greatly satisfied with the Nautaquim's courtesie answered him that we kissâ—d his Highness hands for the exceeding honour he did us in vouchsafing to make use of us and seeing it was his pleasure so to do that he should for that effect make choice of which of us two he thought best and he should not faile to be suddainly ready for the voyage At these words standing a while in musing to himself he looked on me and said I am resolved to send him there because he seems not so solemn but is of a more lively humouâ— wherewith those of Iapon are infinitely delighted and may thereby cheer up the sick man whereas the too serious gravity of this other said he turning him to Borralho though very commendable for more important matters would serve but to entertain his melancholy in stead of diverting it Thereupon falling into merry discourse and jesting with those about him whereunto the people of Iapon are much inclined the Fingeandono arrived unto whom he presented me with a special and particular recommendation touching the assurance of my person wherewith I was not only well satisfied but had my mind also cleared from certain doubts which out of the little knowledge I had of these peoples humours had formerly troubled me This done the Nautaquim commanded two hundred Taeis to be given me for the expence of my voyage whereupon the Fingeandono and I imbarqued our selves in a vessel with Oâ—rs called a Funce and in one night having traversed all this Island of Tanixumaa the next morning we câ—st anchor in an Haven named Hiamangoo from whence we went to a good Town called Quanquixumaa and so continuing our course afore the wind with a very fair gale we arrived the day ensuing at a very sweet place named Tanora whence the morrow after we went to Minato and so forward to a Fortress of the King of Bungoes calâ—ed Osquy where the Fingeandono stayed some time by reason that the Captain of the place who was his Brother in law found himself much indisposed in his health There we left the vessel in which we came and so went by land directly to the City where being arrived about noon the Fingeandono because it was not a time fit to wait upon the King went to his own house After dinner having rested a little and shifted himself into a better habit he mounted on horsback and with certain of his friends rode to the Court carrying me along with him where the King was no sooner advertised of his coming but he sent a Son of his about nine or ten years of age to receive him who accompanied with a number of Noble-men richly apparelled and his Ushers with their Maces going before him took the Fingeandono by the hand and beholding him with a smiling countenance May thy entrance said he unto him into this house of the King my Lord bring thee as much content and honour as thy children deserve and are worthy being thine to sit at table with me in the solemn Feasts At these words the Fingeandono prostrating himself on the ground My Lord answered he I most humbly beseech them that are in Heaven above which have taught thee to be so courteous and so good either to answer for me or to give me a tongue so voluble as may express my thankfulness in terms agreeable to thy ears for the great honour thou art pleased to do me at this present for in doing otherwise I should offend no less then those ingratefull wretches which inhabit the lowest pit of the profound and obscure house of smoak This said he offered to kiss the Curtelass which the young Prince wore by his side which he would by no means permit but taking him by the hand he led him to the King his Father unto whom lying sick in his bed he delivered a letter from the Nautaquim which after he had read he commanded him to call me in from the next room where I staid attending which instantly he did and presented me to the King who entertaining me very graciously Thy arrival said he unto me in this my Country is no less pleasing to me then the rain which falls
from Heaven is profitable to our fields that are sowed with Rice Finding my self somewhat perplexed with the novelty of these terms and this manner of salutation I made him no answer for the instant which made the King say to the Lords that were about him I â—magine that this strâ—nger is daunted with seeing so much company here for that peradventure he hath not been accustomed unto it wherefore I hold it fit to remit him unto some other time when as he may be better acquainted and not be so abashed at the sight of people Upon this Speech of the Kings I answered by my Truchmâ—n that whereas his Highness had said that I was daunted I confessed that it was true not in regard of so many folks as were about me because I had seen far many more but that my amazement proceeded from the consideration that I was now before thâ— feet of so great a King which was sufficient to make me mute an hundred thousâ—nd years if I could live so long I added further that those which were present there seemed to me but men as I my self was but as for his Highness that God had given him such great advantages above all as it was his pleasure that he should be Lord and that others should be meer servants yea and that I my self was but a silly Ant in comparison of his greatness so that his Majesty could not see me in regard of my smalness nor I in respect thereof be able to answer unto his demands All the Assistants made such account of this mad answer of mine as clapping their hands by way of astonishment they said unto the King Mark I beseech your Highness how he speaks to purpose verily it seems that this man is not a Merchant which meddles with base things as buying and selling but rather a Bonzo that offers sacrifices for the people or if not so surely he is some great Captain that hath a long time scoured the Seas Truly said the King I am of the same opinion now that I see him so resolute but let every man be silent because I purpose that none shall speak to him but my self alone for I assure you that I take so much delight in hearing him talk that at this instant I feel no pain At those words the Queen and her daughters which were set by him were not a little glad and falling on their knees with their hands liâ—â—ed up to Heaven they thanked God for this his great goodness unto him CHAP. XLV The great mishap that befel the King of Bungo's Son with the extream danger that I was in for the same and what followed thereupon A Little after the King caused me to approach unto his bed where he lay sick of the Gout when I was near him I pree thee said he unto me be not unwilling to stay here by me for it does me much good to look on thee and talk with thee thou shalt also oblige me to let me know whether in thy Country which is at the further end of the world thou hast not learn'd any remedy for this disease wherewith I am tormented or for the lack of appetite which hath continued with me now almost these two months without eating any thing to speak of Hereunto I answered that I made no profession of physick for that I had never learnt that art but that in the Junck wherein I came from China there was a certain wood which infused in water healed far greater sicknesses then that whereof he complained and that if he took of it it would assuredly help him To hear of this he was very glad insomuch that transported with an extream desire to be healed he sent away for it in all haste to Tanixumaa where the Junck lay and having used of it thirty dayes together he perfectly recovered of this disease which had held him so for two years together as he was not able to stir from one place to another Now during the time that I remained with much content in this City of Fuchea being some twenty dayes I wanted not occasions to entertain my self withall for sometimes I was imployed in answering the questions which the King Queen Princes and Lords asked of me wherein I easily satisfied them for that the matters they demanded of me were of very little consequence Other-whiles I bestowed my selfe in beholding their Solemnities the Temples where they offered up their prayers their warlike Exercises their naval Fleets as also their fishing and hunting wherein they greatly delight especially in the high flying of Falcons and Vultures Oftentimes I past away the time with my Harquebuse in killing of Turtles and Quailes whereof there is great abundance in the Country In the mean season this new manner of shooting seemed no less marvellous and strange to the inhabitants of this Land then to them of Tanixumaa so that beholding a thing which they had nâ—ver seen before they made more reckoning of it then I am able to express which was the cause that the Kings second Son named Arichaudono of the age of sixteen or seventeen years and whom the King wonderfully loved intreated me one day to teach him to shoot but I put him off by saying that there needed a far longer time for it then he imagined wherewith not well pleased he complained to his Father of me who to content the Prince desired me to give him a couple of charges for the satisfying of his mind whereunto I answered that I would give him as many as his Highness would be pleased to command me Now because he was that day to dine with his Father the matter was referred to the afternoon howbeit then too there was nothing done for thâ—t he waited on his Mother to a Village adjoyning whither they came from all parts on pilgrimage by reason of a certain feast which was celebrated there for the health of the King The next day this young Prince came with only two young Gentlemen waiting on him to my lodging where finding me asleep on a Mat and my Harquebuse hanging on a hook by he would not wake me till he had shot off a couple of charges intending as he told me afterwards himâ—elf that these two shoots should not be comprised in them I had promised him Hâ—ving then commanded one of the young Gentlemen that attended him to go softly and kindle the Match he took down the Harquebuse from the place where it hung and going to charge it as he had seen me do not knowing how much powder he should put in he charged the Piece almost two spans deep then putting in the bullet he set himself with it to shoot at an Orange tree that was not far off but fire being given it was his ill hap that the Harquebuse brake into three pieces and gave him two hurts by one of the which his right hand thumb was in a manner lost instantly whereupon the Prince fell down as one dead which the two Gentlemen perceiving they ran
he imbaâ—qued in twelve thousand rowing Vessels whereof two thousand were Seroos Laulers Caturos and Foists Now all this great Fleet set forth from Pegu the ninth day of March 1545. and going up the River of Ansedaa it went to Danapluu where it was furnished with all such provisions as was necessary From this place following on their way through a great River of fresh water called Picau Malacou which was above a league broad at length upon the thirteenth of April they came within view of Prom. There by some whom they took that night they learned that the King was dead and how he had left for his successor to the Kingdom a son of his of thirteen years of age whom the King his Father before he dyed had marryed to his wives sister the Aunt of the said young Prince and Daughter to the King of Avaa This young King was no sooner advertised of the King of Bramaa his coming to besiege him in his City of Prom but he sent presently away to the King his Father-in-law for succor which he instantly granted and to that end speedily raised an Army of 30000 Mons Tarces and Chalems choyce men and trained up in the Wars of whom he made a son of his and brother to the Queen General In the mean time the Bramaa having intelligence thereof used all possible diligence for to besiege the City before so great a succor might arrive To which purpose having landed his Army in a plain called Meigavotau some two leagues below the City he continued there five days in making ready such preparations as were needful Having given order for all things he caused his Army to march one morning before day directly to the City with the sound of Drums Fifes and other such instruments of War where being arrived about noon without any opposition he began presently to settle his Camp so that before it was night the whole City was environed with Trenches and very great Ditches as also with six rows of Cannons and other Pieces of Ordnance CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first Assault that was given to the City and the Success thereof THe King of Bramaa had been now five days before the City of Prom when as the Queen that governed the State in the place of her Husband seeing her self thus besieged sent to visit this her enemy with a rich jewel of precious stones which was presented unto him by a Talagrepo or religious man of above an hundred years old who was held amongst them for a Saint together with a Letter wherein this was written Great and mighty Lord more favoured in the House of fortune then all the Kings of the earth the force of an extream power an increasing of the Salt-seas whereinto all lesser rivers do render themselvos a Shield full of very fair devices Processor of the greatest States upon the Throne whereof thy feet do repose with a marvellous Majesty I Nhay Nivolau a poor woman Governess and Tutress of my Son an Orphan do prostrate my self before thee with tears in mine eyes and with the respect which ought to be rendred unto thee I beseech thee not to draw thy Sword against my weakness for thou knowest that I am but a silly woman which can but only cry unto God for the wrong that it done me whose property also it is to succour with mercy and to chastice with justice the States of the world be they never so great trampling them under his feet with so redoubted a power that the very Inhabitants of the profound house of smoak do fear and tremble before this Almighty Lord I pray and conjure thee not to take from me that which is mine seeing it is so small a thing as thou shalt not be the greater for it when thou hast it nor yet the less if thou hast it not whereas contrarily if thou my Lord wilt shew thy self pitiful to me that act of clemency will bring thee such reputation as the very Infants themselves will cease from sucking the white breasts of their Mothers for to praise thee with the pure lips of their innocency and likewise all they of my Country and Strangers will ever remember such thy charity towards me and I my self will cause it to be graven on the Tombs of the dead that both they and the living may give thee thanks for a thing which I do beg of thee with so much instance from the bottom of my heart This holy man Avenlachim from whom thou shalt receive this Letter written with mine own hand hath Power and Authority to treat with thee in the Name of my Fatherless Son concerning all that shall be judged reasonable touching the tribute and homage which thou shalt think fit to have rendred unto thee upon condition that thou wilt be pleased to let us enjoy our houses so that under a true assurance thereof we may bring up our children and gather the fruit of our labours for the nourishment of the poor Inhabitants of this paltry Town who will all serve thee and I to with a most humble respect in all things wherein thou shalt think good to imploy us at thy pleasure The Bramaa received this Letter and Ambassage with a great deal of authority and entertained the Religious man that delivered it to him with much honour as well in reguard of his age as for that he was held as a Saint amongst thâ—m with all he granted him certain things which were at first demanded as a Cessation of Arms till such time as Articles should be agreed on as also a permission for the Besieged to converse with the Besiegers and other such things of little consequence In the mean time judging with himself that all those offers which this poor Queen made him and the humble submissions of her Letter proceeded from weakness and fear he would never answer the Ambassadour clearly or to purpose Contrarily he caused all the places there abouts that were weak and unarmed to be secretly ransaked and the poor Inhabitants thereof to be unmercifully butchered by their barbarous enemies whose cruelty was so gâ—eat that in five dayes according to report they killed fourteen thousand persons the most part whereof were women children and old men that were not able to bear Arms. Hereupon the Rolim who brought this Letter relying no longer on the false promises of this Tyrant and discontented with the little respect he used towards him demanded leave of him to return to the City which the Bâ—amaa gave him together with this answer That if the Queen would deliver up her self her Treasure her Kingdom and her Vassals to him he would recompence her another way for the loss of her State but withall that she was to return him a peremptory answer to this proposition of his the very same day which was all the time I could give her that so he might upon the knowledge of her resolution determine upon
have a good successe in the pleasure thou seemest to take in making war upon thine enemies The Ambassador having received this Letter departed from the Court the third day of November in the year one thousand five hundred forty and six accompanied with certain Lords who by the expresse commandement of the Calaminham went along with him to Bidor where they took their leave of him after they had made him a great feast presented him with divers gifts But before I intreat of the way which we held from this place till we came to Pegu where the King of Bramaa was I think it convenient and necessary to make a relation here of certain things which we saw in this country wherein I will acquit my self as succinctly as I can as I have done in all other matters whereof 〈◊〉 have spoken heretofore for if I would discourse in particular of all that I have seen and of that which hath past as well in this Empire as in other Kingdomes where I have been during my painfull voyages I had then need to make another volume far bigger then this same and be indued with a wit much above that I have howbeit that I may not wholly conceal things so remarkable I am contented to say so much thereof as my grosse stile will permit me to deliver The Kingdome of Pegu hath in circuit an hundred and forty leagues is scituate on the South side in sixteen degrees and in the hearâ— of the Country towards the rhomb of the East it hath an hundred forty leagues being invironed all above with an high ground named Pangavirau where the Nation of the Bramaas doth inhabit whose country is fourscore leagues broad and two hundred long This Monarchy was in times past one sole Kingdome which now it is not but is divided into thirteen estates of Soveraignes who made themselves masters of it by poysoning their King in a banquet which they made him in the City of Chaleu as their histories relate of these thirteen estates there are eleven that are commanded by other Nations who by a tract of another great country are joyned to all the bounds of the Bramaas where two great Emperors abide of which the one is called the Siamon and the other the Calaminham who is the same I purpose only to treat of According to report the Empire of the Prince is above three hundred leagues bredth and as much in length and it is said that antiently it contained seven and twenty Kingdomes the inhabitants whereof spake all one language within this Empire we saw many goodly Cities exceedingly well peopled and abounding with all provisions necessary for mans life as flesh fresh water fish corn pulse rice pastâ—res vines and fruits the chief of all these Cities is Tymphan where this Emperor the Calaminham with his Court commonly resides it is seated along by a great river named Pitâ—y and invironed all about with two broad walls of earth made up with strong stone on either side having very broad ditches and at each gate a Castle with high Towers certain Merchants affirmed unto us that this City had within it some four hundred thousand fires and albeit the houses are for the most part not above two stories high yet in recompense thereof they are built very stately and with great charge especially those of the Nobility and of the Merchants not speaking of the great Lords which are separated by great inclosures where are spacious outward Courts and at the entring into them arches after the manner of China as also gardens and walks planted with trees and great ponds all very handsomely accommodated to the pleasures and delights of this life whereunto these people are very much inclined We were also certified that both within the inclosure of the City and a league about it there were six and twenty hundred Pagodes some of which wherein we had been were very sumptuous and rich indeed for the rest the most of them were but petty houses in the fashion of Hermitages These people follow four and twenty Sects all different one from another amongst the which there is so great a confusion of errors and diabolicall precepts principally in that which concerns their bloudy Sacrifices as â—abhor to speak of them but the Idol which is most in vogue amongst them and most frequented is that whereof I have already made mention called Quiâ—y Frigau that is to say The God of the Meats of the Sun for it is in this false God that the Calaminham believes and does adore him and so do all the chiefest Lords of the Kingdome wherefore the Grepos Menigrepos and Talagrepos of this false god are honored far more then all others and held in the retation of holy personages their superiours who by an eminent title are called Cabizondos never know women as they say but to content their bruitish and sensuall appetites they want not diabolicall inventions which are more worthy of tears then recital during the ordinary Fairs of this City called by them Chanduâ—â—s we saw all things there that nature hath created as iron steel lead tin copper lattin saltpeter brimstone oyl vermillion honey wax sugar lacre benjamin divers sorts of stuffes and garments of silk pepper ginger cinamon linnen cloth cotton wool alum borax corâ—alines christall camphire musk yvory cassia rhubarbe turbith scamony azure woad incense cochenill saffron myrâ—he rich porcelain gold silver rubies diamonds emerauds saphirs and generally all other kind of things that can be named and that in so great abundance as it is not possible for me to speak that which I have seen and be believed women there are ordinarily very white and fair but that which most commends them is that they are of a good nature chast charitable and much inclined to compassion The Priests of all these four and twenty Sects whereof there are a very great number in this Empire are cloathed in yellow like the Roolims of Pegu they have no money either of gold or silver but all their commerce is made with the weight of cates casis maazes and conderins The Court of the Calaminham is very rich the Nobility exceeding gallant and the revenue of the Lords and Princes very great the King is feared and respected in a marvellous manner he hath in his Court many Commanders that are strangers unto whom he giveth great pensions to serve him for the safety of his person our Ambassador was assured that in the City of Timphan where most commonly the Court is there are above threescore thousand horse and ten thousand Elephants the gentlemen of the country live very hand somely and are served in vessels of silver and sometimes of gold but as for the common people they use porcelain lattin in summer they are apparrelled in sattin damask and wrought taffetiâ—s which come from Persia in winter in gowns furred with marterns there is no going to Law amongst them noâ— does any man enter into bond there but if there be any difference
every one of us besides with an hundred duckats and to each of the heirs of fourteen of ours which were slain in the war he gave three hundred which we accepted of as a very honorable reward and worthy of a most liberall and good natured Prince Thus went we presently away very well satisfied of him to the Port of Banta and there we remained twelve whole daies together during the which vve made an end of preparing our selves for our voyage After this vve set saile for China in the company of other four ships vvho vvere bound for the same place and vve took along vvith us the same Ioanâ— Rodriguez vvhom vve incountred at Passeruan as I have before declared that had made himself a Brachman of Pagode called Quiay Nacorel and as for him he had named himself Gauxitaâ— Facalâ—m vvhich is as much to say as the Councell of the Saint The same Ioane Rodriguez no sooner arrived at China but he imbarqued himselfe for Malaca vvhere through the grace of God he vvas reconciled anevv to the Catholike faith and after he had continued a year there he died vvith great demonstrations of a good and true Christian vvhereby it seems vve may believe that our Lord received him to mercy since after so many years profession of an infidell he reserved him to come and die in his service for vvhich be he praised for evermore Our five ships then vvith vvhich vve parted from Zunda being arrived at Chincheâ— vvhere the Portugals at that time traded vve abode three moneths and an half there vvith travell and danger enough of our persons for vve vvere in a country vvhere nothing but revolts and mutinies vvere spoken of Withall there vvere great armies afoot all alongst the Coast by reason of many robberies vvhich the Pyrats of Iapon had committed thereabout so that in this disorder there vvas no meanes to exercise any commerce for the Merchants durst not leave their houses to go to Sea By reason of all this vve vvere constrained to passe unto the Port of Chabaquâ—a vvhere vve found at anchor sixscore Iuneks vvho having set upon us took three of our five Vessells vvherein four hundred Christians vvere killed of which fourscore and two vvere Portugals As for the other tvvo Vessells in one of the vvhich I vvas they escaped as it vvere by miracle But because vve could not make to Land by reason of the Easterly vvinds vvhich vvere contrary to us all that same moneth vve vvere constrained though to our great grief to regain the Coast of Iaoa At length after vve had continued our course by the space of tvvo and tvventy daies vvith a great deal of travell and danger vve discovered an Island called Pullo Condor distant eight degrees and one third of heighth from the bar of the Kingdome of Camboya Whereupon as we were even ready to reach it so furious a storm came from the South Coast as we were all in jeopardy to be cast away Neverthelesse driving along we got to the Isle of Lingua where a tempest surprised us at West and South-West with so impetuous a wind as strugling against the billow it kept us from making use of our sails so that being in fear of rocks and shelves of sand which were on the Prow side we steered the other way untill that after some time the Forekeel of our Poup opened within nine hand-bredths of the water which was the cause seeing our selves so neer unto death that we were inforced to cut down our two masts and to cast all our Merchandises into the Sea whereby our Ship was somwhat eased This done vvhereas vve had left our ship the rest of the day and a good part of the night to the mercy of the Sea it pleased our Lord out of an effect of his divine justice that without knowing how or without seeing any thing our ship ran her self against a rock with the death of seventy and tvvo persons This miserable successe so deprived us of all our understanding and forces that not so much as one of us ever thought of any way saving himself as the Chineses whom we had for Mariners in our Junck had done for they had so bestirred themselves all the night long that before it was day they had made a raft of such planks and beams as came to their hands tying them together in such sort with the cordage of their sails that forty persons might abide upon it with ease Now whereas we were all in an imminent danger and in a time wherein as they say the father does nothing for the son nor the son for the father no man took care but for himselfe alone whereof we had a fair example in our Chinese-Mariners whom we accounted but as our slaves for Martin Esteuez the Captain and Master of the Junck having intreated his own servants vvho vvere upon the raft to receive him amongst them they ansvvered him that they could not do it at any hand vvhich coming to the ears of one of ours called Ruy de Moura whereas he could not indure that these persidious villains should use us with so much discourtesie and ingratitude he got him up on his feet from a place where he lay hurt â—nd made unto us a short speech whereby he represented unto us That we were to remember how odious a thing cowardice was and withall how absolutely it imported us to seize upon this rafâ— for the saving of our lives To these words he added many other such like which so incouraged us that with one accord and with one and the same resolution whereunto the present necessity obliged us being but eight and twenty Portugals we set upon the forty Chineses which were upon the raft We opposed our swords then to their iron hatchets and fought so lustily with them as we killed them all in the space of two or three Credoes It is true indeed that of us eight and twenty Portugals sixteen were slain and twelve escaped but so wounded that four of them died the next day This was an accident whereof no doubt the like hath seldome been heard of or seen whereby one may clearly perceive how great the misery of humane life is for it was not twelve hours before when as we all imbraced each other in the ship and behaved our selves like right brethren intending to die for one another and so soon after our sins carried us to such great extremity as hardly sustaining our selves upon four scuâ—vy planks tied together with two ropes we kissed one another with as much barbarisme as if we had been mortall enemies or something worse It is true that the excuse which may be alledged thereupon is that necessity which hath no law compelled us thereunto Whenas we were were Masters of this raft which had cost us and the Chineses so much bloud we set upon it eight and thirty persons of us that we were of which there were twelve Portugals some of their children our servants and the remainder of those that
himself absolute Lord of the Empire of Sâ—rnaâ— whereof the revenue was twelve millions of gold besides other comings in which amounted to as much more With all these inventions this Queen used so great diligence for the contenting of the desire which she had to raise her Favorite to the Royalty to marry her self to him and to make the illegitimate son which she had bad by him successor of the Crown as within the space of eight moneths fortune favouring her designes and hoping more fully to execute her wicked plot shee caused most of the great men of the kingdom to be put to death and confiscated all their lands goods and treasures which she distributed amongst such of her creatures as she daily drew to her party Now forasmuch as the young King her son served for the principall obstacle to her intentions this young Prince could not escape her abominable fury for she her self poysoned him even as she had poysoned the King his father That done she married with Vquumcheniraa who had been one of the Purveyors of her house and caused him to be crowned King in the city of Odiaa the eleventh of November in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty five But whereas Heaven never leaves wicked actions unpunished the year after one thousand five hundred forty and six and on the fifteenth day of January they were both of them slain by Oyaa Passilico and the King of Cambaya at a certain banquet which these Princes made in a Temple that was called Quiay Figrau that is to say the god of the atoms of the Sun whose solemnity was that day celebrated So that as well by the death of these two persons as of all the rest of their party whom these Princes also killed with them all things became very peaceable without any further prejudice to the people of the kingdom onely it is true that it was despoyled of the most part of the Nobility which formerly it had by the wicked inventions and pernicious practices whereof I have spoken before CHAP. LXIX The King of Bramaa's enterprize upon the Kingdom of Siam and that which past untill hiâ— arrivall at the city of Odiaa with his besieging of it and all that ensued thereupon THe Empire of Siam remaining without a lawfull successor those two great Lords of the Kingdom namely Oyaa Passiliâ—â— and the King of Cambaia together with four or five more of the trustiest that were left and which had been confederate with them thought fit to chuse for King a certain religious man named Pretiâ—m in regard he was the naturall brother of the deceased Prince husband to that wicked Queen of whom I have spoken whereupon this religious man who was Talagrepo of a Pagodâ— called Quiay Mitrau from whence he had not budg'd for the space of thirty years was the day after drawn forth of it by Oyaa Passilico who brought him on the seventeenth day of January into the city of Odiaa where on the nineteenth he was crowned King with a new kind of ceremony and a world of magnificence which to avoid prolixity I will not make mention of here having formerly treated of such like things Withall passing by all that further arrived in this Kingdom of Siam I will content my self with reporting such things as I imagine will be most agreeable to the curious It happened then that the King of Bramaa who at that time reigned tyrannically in Pegu being advertised of the deplorable estate whereinto the Empire of Sâ—rnau was reduced and of the death of the greatest Lords of the Country as also that the new King of this Monarchy was a religious man who had no knowledge either of arms or war and withall of a cowardly disposition a tyrant and ill beloved of his subjects he fell to consult thereupon with his Lords in the town of Anapleu where at that time he kept his Court. Desiring their advice then upon so important an enterprize they all of them told him that by no means he should desist from it in regard this Kingdome was one of the best of the world as well in riches as in abundance of all things thereunto they added that the season which was then so favourable for him â—romised it to him at so good a rate as it was likely it would not cost him above the revenue of one only year what expence soever he should make of his treasure besides if he chanced to get it he should remain Monarch of all the Emperors of the world and therewithall he should be honored with the soveraign title of Lord of the whiâ—e Elephant by which means the seventeene Kings of Capimper who made profession of his Law must of necessity render him obedience They told him moreover that having made so great a conquest he might thorough the same territories and with the succour of the Princes his Allies passe into China where was that great City of Pequin the incomparable pearl of all the world and against which the great Cham of Tartaria the Siamon and the Calaminham had brought such prodigious Armies into the field The King of Bramaa having heard all these reasons and many others which his great Lords alledged unto him wherein his interest was especially concerned which alwayes works powerfully on every man was perswaded by them and resolved to undertake this enterprise For this effect he went directly to Martabano where in lesse then two moneths and an half he raised an Army of eight hundred thousand men wherein there were an hundred thousand strangers and amongst them a thousand Portugals which were commanded by Diego Suarâ—z d' Albergaria called Galego by way of nick name This Diego Suarez departed out of the Kingdome of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight and went into the Indiaes with the Fleet of the Vice-Roy Don Garcia de Noronha in a Junck whereof Ioano de Sepulveda of the town of Euora was Captain but in the time of which I speak namely in the yeare one thousand five hundred forty and eight he had of this King of Bramaa two hundred thousand duckats a yeare with the title of his brother and Governor of the Kingdome of Pegu. The King departed then from the Town of Marâ—abano the Sunday after Easter being the seventh of April 1548. His Army as I have already said was eight hundred thousand men whereof only forty thousand were horse and all the rest foor threescore thousand of them being Harquebuziers there were moreover five thousand warlike Elephants with whom they fight in those countries and also a world of baggage together with a thousand pieces of Canon which were drawn by a thousand couple of Buffles and Rhinocerots withall there was a like number of yoke of oxen for the carriage of the victualls Having taken the field then with these forces he caused his Army to march still on untill at length he entred into the Territories of the King of Siam where after five days he came to a
of the teares of your eyes for the entertainment of my soul because of the good newes I now bring you which is that by the wil of God this Country is setled on our King Chaumigrem without being tyed to make any restitution thereof for which you have all of you good cause to rejoyce like good and faithfull servants as you are He had scarcely made an end of speaking thus when as all those of the assembly clapping their hands gave great demonstrations of joy and cryed out in a way of thanksgiving Be thou praised O Lord. All this ceremony ended the Priests full of devotion and zeal immediately took all the parts of this poor King dismembred in that sort and with great veneration carried them to a place below where a great fire was kindled of Sandal Aloes and Benjamin which cost a great deal then three of them taking up of the body of the deceased with the bowels and all the rest threw it into it and afterwads with a strange ceremony offered many sacrifices unto him whereof the most part were of sheep The body burned all that night untill the next moâ—ning and the ashes thereof was put into a silver urne wherein with a very solemn assembly of above ten thousand Priests it was carried to a Temple called The God of thousand Gods and there was buried in a rich tomb within a Chappel guilt all over Behold what was the end of the great and mighty Xemindoo King of Pegu unto whom his subjects bore so great respect and honour during the time of his raign which was so flourishing that it seemed there was no other Monarch greater then he on the earth but such is the course of all the world CHAP. LXXV My imbarking in the Kingdome of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japan and a strange accident which arrived there THe death of the good King of Siam and the adulterie of the Queen his wife whereof I have spoken at large heretofore were the root and beginning of so many discords and of so many cruell warres which hapning in those two Kingdomes of Pegu and Siam indured three years and an half with so much expence of mony and bloud as is horrible to think of Now the end of all those warres was that the Chaumigrem King of Bramaa remained absolute Lord of the Kingdome of Pegu howbeit for the present I will speak no further of him but will deliver that which arrived in other Countries untill such time as the same Chaumigrem King of Bramaa returned upon the Kingdome of Siam with so mighty an Army as never any King whatsoever in the Indiaes brought a greater into the field as consisting of seventeen hundred thousand men and of sixteen thousand elephants whereof nine thousand were for the carriage of the Baggage and seven thousand for fighting an enterprize that was so dammageable for us as I learned afterwards that it cost us two hundred and four score Portugals I come now again to my designe from which I have wandered a good while After that these commotions whereof I have spoken heretofore were all appeased Gonçalo Pacheco departed from the City of Pegu with all us the rest of the Portugals which remained there and whom the new King of Bramaa had delivered as I have already declared causing their merchandize to be restored unto them and obliging them with many other courtesies as well of Honour as of Liberty So we an hundred and three score Portugals as we were imbarqued our selves in five vessels which were at that time in the Port of Cosmin one of the principal Townes of that Kingdom and there we divided our selves as pilgrims and travellers to the Indiaes for to go into divers Countries according as each of us thought to be most convenient for him As for me I set sail for Malaca with six and twenty of my companions where when we were arrived I sojourned there one month only and then imbarqued my self again to go to Iapan with one Iorge Alvarez who in a Sip belonging to Simono de Mello Captain of the Fortresse went to traffick Now having been already six and twenty dayes under sail in contiâ—â—ing our course with a good winde according to the season wee came in sight of an Iland called Tanixumaa some nine Leagues South towards the point of the Land of Iapan so that turning our prow that vvay vve vvent and rode the next day in the midst of the haven of Ganxiroo In this place the Nautaquin who was Governour thereof had the curiositie to come unto us for to see a thing which he had never seen before to which effect he got aboard of us where amazed with the fashion and equipage of our vessel as being the first that ever arrived in that Country he seemed to be infinitely glad of our coming yea and was very earnest vvith us to have us trade in that place with him but Iorge Alvarez and the Merchants excused themselves saying that this port was not safe for their Ship if any contrary winde should happen to arise The day following being parted from this place to go to the Kingdom of Bungo from whence vve vvere distant some hundred leagues to the Northward in five dayes after our departure it pleased God that we arrived in the port of the Town of Fucheo where we were vvell received as vvell by the King as the people vvho greatly favoured us in that vvhich concerned the duties of our Merchandize and the King had yet more obliged us if in the little time that vve abode there he had not been miserably slain by a Vassal of his named Fucarandono a mighty Prince Lord of many Subjects and exceeding rich a disaster which hapned as followeth At the time when we arrived there there was in the King of Bungo's Court a young man called Axirandoo Nephew to the King of Arimaa vvho in regard of the ill intreaty vvhich he had received from the King his Uncle had retired himself into this Court and continued there above a yeer with an intent never to return into his Country again but his good fortune was such as his Uncle coming to die and having no other to succeed him he declared him for his Heir Whereupon the Fucarandono of whom I lately made mention desiring to marry this Prince to a Daughter of his intreated the King to mediate this marriage for him which he easily condescended unto For vvhich effect the King one day invited the Prince to go a hunting with him into a Wood which was some two leagues off and where there was great store of game vvhich he much delighted in When they were there in private together he moved this Marriage unto him and certified how exceedingly it vvould content him that hee vvould accept of it vvhich accordingly he did vvherewith the King seemed to be extremely satisfied so that upon his return unto the Town hee sent for the Fucarandono and told him how he had prevailed for the
for the King our Soveraign Lord vvas thus handled by Don Antonio if the report of it be true Finally when the season of Navigation was come he was sent so manacled as he was to the Indiaes with an infamous verball process which the Parliament of Goa annulled afterwards And Don Antonio had thereupon an expresse Commandment from the Vice-Roy Don Pedro de Mascarenhas who governed the State of the Indiaes at that time to appear personally before him as a Prisoner for to be confronted in judgment with Gaspar Iorge and render an account of his proceeding against him as indeed Don Antonio failed not in making his appearance at Goa accordingly where being about to justifie himself for that which had past he was ordered to answer within three dayes to an ignominious Libel which Gaspar Iorge had exhibited against him But forasmuch as Don Antonio was naturally an enemy of Justifications by Answers and Replyes whereby it was said the Councellors of the Parliament intended to surprize him the report went at least wise such was the saying of Detractors for as for me I neither saw nor am assured of it that in stead of imploying the three dayes which had been given him in making answer to this Libell hee vvithin four and twenty hours having met accidentally vvith Gaspar Iorge sent him to prosecute his Suit in the other World laying him so sure on the ground as he never rose again Howbeit there are those vvhich recount this Affair quite otherwise and that say how in a Feast vvhereunto he was invited hee vvas poysoned By this death of his all this difference vvas decided and this businesse vvholly ceased so that Don Antonio vvas by Sentence absolutely cleared and sent back to his Government wherein he continued not above two months and a half at the end vvhereof he died of a bloody Flux and so vvere all the storms of envie and discord vvherewith the Fortresse of Malaca had been beaten appeased When the season was come vvherein vve might continue our Voyage on the first day of April in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five wee parted from Malaca after vvee had imbarqued our selves in a Carvel belonging to the King our Soveraign Lord which Don Antonio the Captain of the Fortresse gave us by the expresse command of the Vice-Roy Three dayes after our putting to sea we arrived at an Island called Pulho Pisan at the entering into the Streight of Sincaapura where the Pilot having never navigated that way before ran us with full sails so dangerously on certain Rocks as we thought our selves to be utterly lost without all hope of recovery In regard whereof by the advice of all the rest the Father and I were constrained to get into a Manchua for to go and demand succour of one Luis Dalmeida who two hours before had passed by us in a Vessell of his and lay at anchor two leagues off us by reason the winde was against him So the Father and I made to him with peril enough For whereas all that Country which appertained to the King of Iantana Grand-childe to him that had been King of Malaca our mortall Enemy were at that time in arms his Balons and Lanchares that were assembled in a Fleet of Warr continually gave us chase with an intention to take us but by Gods providence we escaped them At length after we had got to this ship with no little fear and trouble he that was Captain of her furnished us with a Boat and Mariners and so we returned to our Carvel as speedily as we could for to succour and draw her out of the danger wherein we had left her But it pleased the Lord that we found her the day after delivered from it though it is true that she took in water abundantly in the prow's side but in the end we stanched it at Patana where we arrived seven dayes after There I went ashore with two others to see the King unto whom I delivered a Letter from the Captain of Malaca and being received very graciously by him he read it over whereby he understood that the cause of our coming thither was to provide our selves of victuals and some other things which we had not taken in at Malaca as also that we were resolved to proceed on in our course directly to China and from thence to Iapan where Father Belquior and others with him were to preach the Christian Law to the Gentiles vvhich the King of Patana having read after he had mused a little he turned to them that were about him and said smiling to them O how much better were it for these men since they expose themselves to so many travels to go to China and inrich themselves there then to recount tales in strange Countreys Whereupon calling the Xabandar to him Be sure said he unto him that thou givest these men here all that they shall demand of thee and that for the love of the Captain of Malaca who hath greatly recommended them unto mee and above all remember That it is not my custome to command a thing twice When we had taken leave of the King exceedingly contented with the good reception he had given us we fell presently to buying of Victuals and other such things as we stood in need of So that in eight dayes we were abundantly furnished with whatsoever was necessary for us Being departed from this Haven of Patana we sailed two dayes together with a South-east winde along by the coast of Lugor and Siam traversing the Barr of Cuy to go to Pulho Cambim and from thence to the Islands of Canton with an intent there to attend the conjunction of the new Moon But it was our ill fortune to be surprized by East and South-east winde which raign in that Coast the most part of the year whereof the violence was so great that we were in fear to be cast away so that to decline the event thereof we were forced to tack about again to the Coast of Malaya and arriving at an Island called Pullo Timan we ran into great danger there as well by reason of the tempest which we had upon the sea as in regard of the great treason of the people of the Country Now after five dayes that we had continued there without having either fresh water or victuals because for the easing of our Vessell we had cast out all into the Sea it pleased God that wee encountred with three Portugal Ships which came from Sunda by whose arrivall we were very much comforted in our travels Whereupon Father Belquior and I began to treat with the Captains of those Vessâ—ls about that which they thought was requisite we should do and all were of the opinion that we should send back the Carvel wherein wee vvere to Malaca saying that there was no likelihood wee should be able to make so long a Voyage in her as that of Iapan Having approved of this counsel we presently imbarqued our selves in the Ship of one
of Chomay upon the Frontiers of the two Kingdoms of China and Cauchenchina where the Ambassadors were both well received by the Governour thereof The next morning departing from that place they went and lay in a Town named Quinancaxi which appertained to an Aunt of the Kings whom they went to visite she gave them a very kind reception and withall told them for news that the King her Nephew was newly returned from the War of the Tinocouhos and wonderfuâ—ly well pleased with his good success therein whereunto she added many particularities which they were glad to hear especially when she assured them that the King after he had dismissed the forces that he had carried out with him was gone with a small Train to the City of Fanaugrem where he intended to spend some time in hunting fishing then to go winter at Vsamgueâ— the capital City of this Empire of Cauchim When as they had consulted a while upon these news they resolved to send their four vessels away to Vsamguee and themselves to travâ—l by land to Fanaugrem where they understood the King was This deliberation taken they put incontinently into execution that by the advice of this Princess who for that purpose caused them to be furnished with horses for themselves their people as also with eight Rhinocerots for the transportation of their baggage They began their journy then about three days after and having travâ—lled fourscore six leagues in the space of thirteen days and that with much toil labour by reason of certain mountains which they were to pass that were of a long extent and very rough and stony in the end they arrived at a great lodging called Taraudachit seatâ—d upon the bank of a river There they passed the night and the next morning they parted thence for to go to a Town named Lindau Panoo where they were very well received by the Captain thereof a kinsman of the Ambassadors of Cauchenchina who was come not about six days before from Fanaugrem where the King remained still being not more then fifteen leagues from that place After that this Capâ—ain hath told this Ambassador his kinsman some other news of the Court and of the success of the war he further advertised him that a Son in law of his was dead for the love of whom his daughter the wife of the deceased had cast her self into a pile of flaming fire where with her husbands body she was consumed to ashes at which all her kinred exceedingly rejoyced for that by so generous an end she had given proof of what she had ever been The Ambassador himself her father testified also no little content for the same saying Now it is O my daughter that I know assuredly thou art a Saint and that thou servest thy husband in Heaven wherefore I promise and swear to thee that for so memorable an end wherein thou hast given an infallible proof of the Royal blood whereof thou art descended I will in memory of thy goodness â—uild thee such a magnificent and honourable house as shall make thee desiâ—â— to come from were thou art for to recreate thy self in it in imitation of those blessed souls which we hold have heretofore done the like This said he fel flaâ— down with his face on the ground and in that posture continued till the day following when as he was visited by all the religious men of the place who comforted him with full assurance that his daughter was a Saint so that all of them granted him permission to erect a Statue of silver unto her These speeches of the Priests greatly pleased the Ambassador who very much acknowledged the same unto them giving mony both to them and to all the poor that were thereabout At this place we spent nine days in celebrating the Funerals of the Defunct and then departing we went the next day to a certain Monastery called Latiparau that is to say The remedy of the poor where the two Ambassadors remained three days in expectation of news from the King whom they had already advertised of their arrival Now his answer to them was that they should go to a Town named Agimpur three leagues from the place where they were and but one from Fanaugrem whither he would send for them when time served CHAP. XLII The reception of the Tartarian Ambassador by the King of Cauchenchina with the said Kings going from thence to the City of Uzamguee and his triumphal Entry thereinto THe King being advertised by his Ambassadour that he brought another along with him from the King of Tartaria sent for him not long after from Agimpur by the Brother of the Queen his wife a very valiant and rich Prince He was mounted on a Chariot with three wheels on a side adorned all within with plates of silver and drawn by four white Horses whose furniture was all imbroidered with gold This Chariot which they of the Country call Piamber was waited on by threescore footmen half on the one side and half on the other clothed in green leather with Scymiters by their sides whose Scabberds were garnished with gold and before them went twelve Ushers bearing their Maces on their shoulders After the footmen followed certain others carrying Halberts trimmed with silver in gowns and breeches of green and white silk and with Scymiters by their sides These fellows seâ—med very haughty and proud so that by their outward behaviours which in all their actions appeared to be like unto their surly dispositions they rendred themselves somewhat terrible to others Thirty paces after this Guard marched fourscore Elephants exceeding well furnished with chairs and castles adorned with silver which they carried on their backs and on their teeth their Panores or warlick Defences together with many little bells of the same mettal hanging about their necks Before these Elephants which were said to be the Kings Guard rode a number of men at Arms in very good Equipage and in the Vantgard of all this train went twelve Chariots with Cymbals of silver and covered with silk When this Prince was come in this stately manner to the Ambassador of Tartaria who attended him and that they had performed all such compliments one to another as are usual amongst them the Prince gave the Ambassador the Chariot wherein he came thither and mounting on a gallant Courser he placed himself on the right hand of him and the Kings Ambassadour on the left In this pomp and with the same order as before as also with the sound of divers instruments of musick they arrived at the first Court of the Kings house where the Broquem Captain of the Guard of the Pallace attended them being accompanied with many Noble-men besides a number on horsback whâ—â—h stood ranked in two files all along the Court. After they had with a new ceremony been complemented withall they went on foot to the Pallace-gate where they encountred with an old man above fourscore years of age who was said to
be the Kings Uncle This same being waited upon by divers great Lords was no sooner perceived by the Ambassadors but with a new kind of complement they kist the Scymiter that hung by his side whereupon he returned them the like together with an honour which is of no little estimation amongst them that was to hold his hand upon their heads so long as they were prostrated on the ground before him Then having caused the Tartar to rise and to march even check by jole with him he led him through a very long Hall to a door which was at the end thereof where after he had knocked three times one demanded of him who he was and what he would have whereunto answering very soberly Here is come said he out of an ancient custom of true amity an Ambassador from the great Xinarau of Tartaria to demand audience of Pâ—echau Guimian whom we all hold for the Lord of our heads This answer being returned the door was opened into which they presently entred the Prince marched fore-most with the Ambassador of Tartaria whom de held by the hand and a little behind them went the other belonging to the King with the Captain of the Guard then followed all the company by three and three Having gone through that room where there was none but certain of the Guard on their knees with Halberds in their hands we went into another room far more spacious and fair then the former in the which we saw threescore and four Statues of brass and nineteen of silver all tied by the neck with iron chains At so extraordinary a thing as this being much abashed we demanded of one of their Grepes or priests the reason of it who answered us That the Statues which we beheld there were the fourscore and three gods of the Tinocouhos whom the King in the late war had taken from them out of a Temple where they were placed for added he there is nothing in the world held in more esteem or for a greater honour by the King then to triumph over the gods of his enemies which he hath led away captive in despight of them whereupon enquiring further of him why they were set there he replyed that it was to have them in a readiness against the time that the King should make his entry inâ—o Vzamguee whither he purposed shortly to go for to make a shew of them so chained in his triumph as a special mark of the victory he had gained After we were at the end of this room where the Idols were we entred into another very great one where we saw a number of very fair women who were set all along some imployed in curious needle-works and others singing and playing upon certain instruments of musick very pleasing to hear Passing on we arrived at the door of the Kings Chamber where we found six women which were as it were porters there and carried silver Maces In this room was the King in the company of a few ancient men and a great number of young women to the tune of whose musick certain little girls sung very harmoniously The King was set on a Throne of eight â—teps high in the manner of an Altar over the which was a cloth of State supported by pillars all covered over with gold engraven near to him were six little children upon their knees with Scepters in their hands and a little further off stood a woman reasonably well in years which fanned him ever and anon and had a great Garland about her neck This Prince was about some five and thirty years of age and of a goodly presence He had full eyes auborn hair and beard a grave look and in all points the countenance of a generous King As soon as the Ambassadors came into the room they prostrated themselves three times on the ground and at the third time the Kings lay still flat all along whilest the Tartar passed on who being come near to the first step of the Throne where the King sate he said unto him with so loud a voice as all there present might hear him O thou the Prop of all the Forces of the Earth and the breath of the High God which hath created all things may the Majestical Being of thy greatness prosper for ever and ever so that thy Sandals may serve for hairs to the heads of Kings making thee like to the bones and flesh of the great Prince of the silver mountains by whose commandment I come to visit thee as thou mayst perceive by this his Letter sealed with his Royal arms When he had made an end of speaking thus the Cauchin beholding him with a smiling countenance May the Sun answered he put a conformity between the desires of the King thy Master and mine and that by the sweet heat of his amorous rayes to the end that the great amity which is betwixt us may endure and continue firm till the last noise the Sea shall make that so the Lord may be eternally praised in his peace At these words all the Lords that were in the room answered with one voice So grant it may be O Lord Almighty that givest a being to the night and the day Then the same women which played before beginning their musick again the King used no further speech but only in kindly entertaining the Ambassador I will said he read my brother Xinarau's Letter and return an answer thereunto according to thy desire to the end thou mayst go from me contented The Ambassador made him no reply but prostrated himself again at the foot of the Royal Throne laying his head three times on the uppâ—rmost â—tep where the Kings feet stood That done the Captain of the Guard took him by the hand and led him to his house where he lodged during the three days that he abode there at the end whereof the King departed thence for to go to Vzamguee In regard of the Kings journy to Vzamguee the Tartar Ambassador had audience but once by the way in the which he moved him about our particular according to the express commandment he had received from his Mâ—ster for that purpose and it was said that the King heard him very willingly answering that he would do what he desired and therefore willed him to put him in mind of it when the time should serve to the end we might not lose the opportunity of the season for our voyage With this good news the Ambassador acquainted us at his return and demanded of us for this good office he had done us that we would write him out some of those prayers which we made to our God whose slave he said he iâ—finitely desired to be in regard of the great excâ—llencies which he had heard us deliver of him This we not only granted him very readily but also gave him infinite thanks besides for this his great favour shewed unto us which we made more account of then all the benefits that had been propounded unto us by the