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A67908 The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645.; Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695.; Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece. 1695 (1695) Wing L586; Wing H2188; ESTC R354 691,871 692

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History to Note which of them were in his Hands and which being wanting to him were to be sought elsewhere He was earnestly employed about this Matter and the Original and Copy with many of the Papers belonging to it lay on his Scrutoire before him and himself was then writing certain Quaeries Memoranda's and Directions for his use therein in a 〈◊〉 paper when a violent 〈◊〉 seized him August 25. which having 〈◊〉 him to his Bed full thirteen weeks he at last surrendred up his Pious Soul to God the 24th of November on Friday early in the Morning in the 77th Year of his Age. As soon as he had Reason to apprehend that his Sickness would prove mortal remembring what he was last employed about the Edition of this History he was desirous to see me that so he might commit the care of it to me But so it was that I hearing of his Sickness and not knowing any thing either of this History being in his Hands or of his Intentions about it took a Journey into Suffolk to wait upon him as in Duty bound having the Honour and the Happiness to be his Chaplain whither I came on the last day of October He was then pleased to acquaint me with his Design related to me how the History with the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud came into his Hands how he had often prepared himself for the perfection of this Edition and was at last hindred by his present Sickness In fine he laid his Commands upon me to perfect what he had begun and to Publish the History as soon as might be and then immediately caused to be delivered to me the Original and Copy of the History with the Diary and all other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud or his own relating to them which then laid upon or about his Scrutoire or could be found in his Study His Voice was then very weak and his Spirits faint so that he could not give to me that perfect account by what means the Copy came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's Hands which I had desired of him For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly and I desiring satisfaction in that and some other Questions about this Book he could only answer me These are material Questions but I am weary with speaking and my Spirits are faint I cannot make to you any farther Answers herein After which I never presumed to trouble him with the Question However having observed upon Reading the Book and looking over the Papers that many even of those Memorials were wanting which I found that my Most Reverend Patron had in his written Notes marked to be in his Hands I took the boldness when I next waited on him on November 22. following to acquaint him with this defect Whereupon he immediately ordered me to search all his Papers the greater part of which had not been opened nor put in order since his removal from Lambeth which I began forthwith to do and thereby found many Papers relating to this History or other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud scattered and divided among several parcels of other Writings But before I had searched half way evident signs of approaching Death appearing in him I quitted the search at that time and renewed it not again till several weeks after his Death when I looked over the remaining part of his Papers and with the leave of his Executors took thence whatsoever related to or might be subservient to this Design In this latter search I found many things but neither first nor last could find several Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud of great moment which I am well assured were in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft because I find them testified so to be in the Catalogue of Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers in his hands drawn by himself Among these is a large Answer of Arch-Bishop Laud to a Speech made by William Lord Viscount Say and Seal against the Civil Power of Bishops and Printed by him London 1642. His Answer to the Speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy and Printed London 1641. I found and have published in the end of this Volume as well because it contains many Historical passages of the Arch-Bishop's own Life and Actions as for that it is no where referred to in this History and so could not well be placed among the Memorials intended for the Second Part. Arch-Bishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate Answer to the Speech of Nathaniel Fiennes Son to the Lord Say against the new Canons made in the end of the Year 1640. and Printed London 1641. which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to in this History This also was in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft as I find as well by the written Catalogue before mentioned as by a particular Paper of Observations made by him upon it toward the completion and illustration of it whereby it appears to consist of above fifty Pages in Folio But this after a tedious and diligent search I could not find Which will not appear incredible to those who know what a vast multitude of Papers and Collections my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft left behind him and therein more perhaps wrote with his own Hand than any Man either of this or the last Age ever did write Having obtained all the Papers which could be found I set my self to perfect the Edition of this History which I have at last performed yet with greater trouble and labour than can easily be imagined I caused the Diary to be exactly Transcribed adjoined an English Translation to the Latin part of it diligently collated the Copy of the History with the Original the Articles and other Memorials with the Printed Copies if any such were added what Observations I thought necessary in the Margin have every where Religiously retained the Author 's own words and expressions throughout although therein I must confess against the Judgment of my most Reverend Patron expressed in his written Notes have only amended the Orthography which both in Original and Copy was monstrously vitious inserted some words where the Sense was imperfect but have always included such in Crotchets and in some places substituted Greek words instead of Latin in Citations out of Greek Fathers or Authors So that the Reader may be assured this History is faithfully conveyed to the Publick I have retained all my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft's Observations whether wrote in the Margin of the Book or elsewhere if considerable subjoyning to them the Letters W S A C I have subjoined to many of my own Observations of greater moment the Letters H. W. And where Arch-Bishop Laud had added any thing in the Margin I have adjoyned the Letters W C As for the Collection of Memorials and other Papers which by the Author's Direction should have accompanied this History finding that they could 〈◊〉 be Published in the same Volume without swelling it to too great a bulk I have reserved them for a Second Part and if God grant me Life and Health will cause them
long Service He was pleased to say He had given me nothing but Gloucester which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids being St. Peter's day The general expectation in Court was that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster and not Bishop of St. Davids The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute which I will not violate nor my Oath to it under any colour I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel by the Reverend Fathers the Lords Bishops of London Worcester Chichester Elye Landaffe Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide Januar. 6. The Parliament then sitting was dissolved by Proclamation without any Session Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops about London for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster All my former Sermons are omitted March 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London about the Commission appointed there March 24. I Preached at Court commanded to Print Anno 1622. April 13. The King renewed my Commendam April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford on Sunday April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 April 14. Sunday I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge the Emperour's Ambassadour in the Parliament House April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week the King sent for me and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham who about that time was wavering in point of Religion April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for May 12. I Preached at Westminster May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome in point of Salvation c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit and my self before the Lord Marquess Buckingham and the Countess his Mother I had much Speech with her after June 9. Being Whitsunday my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me The particulars are not for Paper June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich June 22. c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops c. own hands In the other were all the Preparatory Letters Motives c. for the suppression of the Abbies their suppression and value in the Originals An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita July 5. I first entred into Wales July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke and Preached July 24. I visited at St. Davids and Preached July 25. August 6 7. I visited at Carmarthen and Preached The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn c. July 16 17. and at Haverford-West July 19 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 Articles delivered in a Book from Mr Fisher the Jesuit These Articles were delivered me to consider of Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor in the presence of the King the Prince the Lord Marquess Buckingham his Lady and his Mother Septemb. 18. aut circiter There was notice given me that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy c. in October made an Answer to it Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend Mr R Peashall died horâ 6. matutinâ It was Thursday and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before in some a day after it Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate I was three times with the King this Christmas and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher which he commanded should be Printed and I desired it might pass in a third Person under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour as Mr. R. P. had desired me Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke given me into my Commendam Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke Februar 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke Febr. 5. Wednesday I came to London I went that Night to his Majesty hearing he had sent for me He delivered me a Book to read and observe It was a Tract of a Capuchin that had once been a Protestant He was now with the French Ambassadour The Tract was to prove that Christ's Body was in two places at once in the Apparition to St Paul Act IX Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain Febr. 22. Saturday I fell very ill and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days I was put into the Commission of Grievances There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham Lord Arundel Lord Pembroke Bishop of Winchester and my self The Proclamation came out for this Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen Bat of Arts Deacon March 10. I
this set others on work both in the Western and the Northern Parts Till at last by the practice of the Faction there was suddenly a great alteration and nothing so much cryed down as the Canons The comfort is Christ himself had his Osanna turned into a Crucifige in far less Time By this means the Malice of the Time took another occasion to whet it self against me The Synod thus ended and the Canons having this Success but especially the Parliament ending so unhappily The King was very hardly put to it and sought all other means as well as he could to get supply against the Scots But all that he could get proved too little or came too late for that service For the averse party in the late Parliament or by and by after before they parted ordered things so and filled Mens Minds with such strange Jealousies that the King 's good People were almost generally possest that his Majesty had a purpose to alter the ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom and to bring in Slavery upon his People A thing which for ought I know his Majesty never intended But the Parliament-men which would not relieve the King by their meeting in that Assembly came to understand and inform one another and at their return were able to possess their several Countries with the Apprehensions themselves had and so they did Upon this some Lords and others who had by this time made an underhand solemn Confederacy with a strong faction of the Scots brought an Army of them into the Kingdom For all Men know and it hath been in a manner confessed that the Scots durst not have come into England at that Time if they had not been sure of a Party here and a strong one and that the King should be betrayed on all hands as shall after appear By these and the like means the King being not assisted by his Parliament nor having Means enough to proceed with his Forces in due Time the Scots were brought in as is aforesaid upon both King and Kingdom They under the Conduct of Sir Alexander Leshley their General passed the Tyne at Newborne Aug. .... 1640. and took New-castle the next Day after And all this gross Treason though it had no other end than to Confirm a Parliament in Scotland and to make the King call another in England that so they might in a way of Power extort from him what they pleased in both Kingdoms yet Religion was made almost all the pretence both here and there and so in pursuance of that pretence Hatred spread and increased against me for the Service-Book The King hearing that the Scots were moving Posted away to York Aug. 20. being Thursday There he soon found in what Straights he was and thereupon called his Great Council of all his Lords and Prelates to York to be there by September 24. But in regard the Summons was short and suddain he was Graciously pleased to dispense with the Absence of divers both Lords and Bishops and with mine among the rest How things in Particular succeeded there I know not nor belongs it much to the Scope of this short History intended only for my self But the Result of all was a present Nomination of some Lords Commissioners to treat at Rippon about this Great Affair with other Commissioners from the Scotch Army But before this Treaty at Rippon one Melborne or Meldrum Secretary to general Leshly as he was commonly said to be at the Shire-House in Durham when the Country-Gentlemen met with the chief of the Scottish Army about a composition to be made for Payment of Three Hundred and Fifty Pounds a Day for that County expressed himself in this Manner Septemb. 10. 1640. I wonder that you are so Ignorant that you cannot see what is good for your selves For they in the South are sensible of the good that will ensue and that we came not unsent for and that oftner than once or twice by your own Great Ones There being a Doubt made at these words Great Ones He reply'd your own Lords with farther Discourse These Words were complained of during the Treaty at Rippon to the English Lords Commissioners by two Gentlemen of the Bishoprick of Durham to whom the Words were spoken by Meldrum The Gentlemen were Mr. John Killinghall and Mr. Nicholas Chaytor and they offer'd to Testify the Words upon Oath But the Lords required them only to Write down those Words and set their Hands to them which they did very readily The Lords acquainted the Scotch Commissioners with the Words They sent to Newcastle to make them known to General Leshly He called his Secretary before him questioned him about the Words Meldrum denyed them was that enough against two such Witnesses This Denyal was put in Writing and sent to Rippon Hereupon some of the English Lords Commissioners required that the two Gentlemen should go to Newcastle to the Scotch Camp and there give in their Testimony before General Leshly The two Gentlemen replyed as they had great reason to do that they had rather testify it in any Court of England and could do it with more safety Yet they would go and testify it there so they might have a safe Conduct from the Scottish Commissioners there being as yet no Cessation of Arms. Answer was made by some English Lords that they should have a safe Conduct Hereupon one of the Kings Messengers attendant there was sent to the Scotch Commissioners for a safe Conduct for the Two Gentlemen He brought back Word from the Earl of Dumfermling to whom it was directed that the Two Gentlemen were unwise if they went to give such Testimony at the Camp And then speaking with the Lord Lowdon he came again to the Messenger and told him that such a safe Conduct could not be granted and that he would satisfy the Earl that sent for it who was Francis Earl of Bedford The Messenger returning with this Answer the Gentlemen were dismissed So the business dyed it being not for somebody's safety that this Examination should have proceeded for it is well enough known since that many had their hands in this Treason for Gross Treason it was by the express Words of the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. c. 2. The Truth of all this will be sworn to by both the Gentlemen yet living and by a very honest grave Divine who was present at all these Passages at Rippon and gave them to me in Writing In this Great Council while the Treaty was proceeding slowly enough it was agreed on that a Parliament should begin at London Nov. 3. following And thither the Commissioners and the Treaty were to follow and they did so After this how things proceeded in Parliament and how long the Scotch Army was continued and at how great a charge to the Kingdom appears olsewhere upon Record for I shall hasten to my own particular and take in no more of the Publick than Necessity shall inforce me to make my sad Story hang together
Obeyed And hereof in any wise fail you not Jan. 19. 1634. Comput Angl. A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty of his Province for the Year 1635. Ex Registro Laud fol 241. WHereas his Majesty in his late Instructions to the Lords the Bishops hath amongst other things commanded that every Bishop respectively should give an Account in Writing to his Metropolitan of all those Instructions or so many of them as may concern him at or before the Tenth day of December yearly And likewise that the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace do make out of them a Brief of his whole Province and present it to his Sacred Majesty every year by the second day of January following My Lord Arch-Bishop in Obedience to the said Commands did present an Account in Writing to his Majesty how those Prudent and Pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within his Province of Canterbury for the Year of our Lord God 1634. Which Account by his Grace's Command is Registred amongst the other Acts of his Province by his principal Register And that in farther Obedience to the said Instructions his Grace delivered another Brief in Writing of his said Province for this present Year of our Lord God 1635. unto Sir John Cooke Knight one of the Principal Secretaries of State to be presented to his Majesty by the time aforesaid but by Reason of his the said Secretary's Sickness it is mislaid or lost and so hath not been presented to his Majesty nor any Observation by the King put upon it which loss notwithstanding the Lord Arch-Bishop commanded instead of Registring the Brief it self that this Memorial of the loss of it should be Registred Martij 14. 1635. W Cant. W. S. A. C. NOtwithstanding this Memorial the Arch-Bishop's Account for the Year 1635. is very happily come to my Hand after this manner My very Worthy Friend Sir Will. Cooke of Broom in Norfolk sent me a Letter dated Nov 6 1681. that being Executor to an Uncle of his then lately Deceased in Suffolk he found in his Study a Bundle of Original Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud which are the Annual Accounts here following from 1632. to 1639. with a Letter to me in the Words following May it please your Grace c. vide infra The Writer of this Letter Mr Thomas Raymond a very Ingenious Gentleman was as Sir Will C tells me bred up under Sir Will. Boswell Embassadour in Holland and was after Governour to the present Earl of Peterborough in his Travels And was after his Return as I have heard one of the Clerks of his Majesty's Privy Council possibly under Sir Jo Cooke Principal Secretary by which Means these Papers might come into his Hands The Originals are all Signed by the Arch-Bishop that of 1632. by G. Cant. being Abbot's last and the rest W Cant. being Arch-Bishop Lauds all which are Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand except only that of 1635. which it seems by Secretary Cook 's default never came to the King's view I found also among Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers Duplicates of the Accounts for 1634 6 7 8 and 9. with the King's Notes also Copied in the Margin And 3 of them scil the 3 last are Registred in Registr Laud f. 215. 254. 289. Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft concerning the following Papers May it please your Grace THE inclosed Papers being of Ecclesiastick Concern and true and mighty Evidences of the abundant Love and Care of a Blessed King for the good of the Church as well as that of a most Pious and Learned Prelate your Grace's Predecessor I thought my self bound both in Duty and Prudence to Transmit them to your Grace as to their proper place both for use and safety And this I have endeavoured to do in the carefullest manner I could and do implore your Grace's Pardon for this intrusion beseeching most humbly Almighty God to grant your Grace multos annos in all Health and Prosperity so much conducing to the good of his Church amongst us And withdrawing my self unto my wonted Solitude do crave the great Honour to be esteemed as I am ready to approve my self Della mia povera Capanna 18 di Novembre 78. Your GRACE's Most Humble and Most Faithful Servant THO. RAYMOND Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province sent to the King for the Year 1633. with the King 's Apostills in the Margin May it please Your most Sacred Majesty ACcording to Your Royal Commands I do here upon the Second of January 1633. Comput Aglic present my Accompt of both the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church Affairs which are contained within your Majesty's most gracious Declaration and Instructions Published out of your most Princely and Religious Care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government in this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess of Canterbury I hear of many things amiss but as yet my time hath been so short that I have had no certain knowledge of any thing fit to certifie save only that some of my Peculiars in London are Extreamly out of order For the Bishoprick of London it is certified that my Lord the now Bishop hath not received complaint against any of his Clergy since his coming to that See which was since Michaelmas last For all the former part of this First Year I must give your Majesty Accompt for my self being then Bishop there And First having heretofore after long patience and often conference proceeded against Nathaniel Ward Parson of Stondon in Essex to Excommunication and Deprivation for refusing to subscribe to the Articles established by the Canon of the Church of which I certified the last Year I have now left him still under the Censure of Excommunication I did likewise convent Mr John Beedle Rector of Barnstone in Essex for omitting some parts of Divine Service and refusing Conformity But upon his submission and promise of reformation I dismissed him with a Canonical Admonition only Since my return out of Scotland Mr John Davenport Vicar of St Stephens in Coleman-street whom I used with all Moderation and about Two Years since thought I had setled his Judgment having him then at advantage enough to have put extremity upon him but forbare it hath now resigned his Vicarage declared his Judgment against Conformity with the Church of England and is since gone as I hear to Amsterdam For Bath and Wells I find that the Lord Bishop hath in his late Visitation taken a great deal of pains to see all your Majesty's Instructions observed And particularly hath put down divers Lecturers in Market-Towns which were Beneficed Men in other Bishops Diocesses Because he found that when they had Preached Factious and Disorderly Sermons they retired into other Countries where his Jurisdiction would not reach to punish them
ARCH-BISHOP LAUD's HISTORY Effigies Reverendissima et Sanctissimi Praesulis Willelmi LAUD Archepiscopi Cantuariensis Qui pro Christi Ecclesiā Martyrium passus est Anno 1644 5 Ianuar 10 AEtatis suae 72. THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF The Most Reverend Father in God and Blessed Martyr WILLIAM LAUD Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Wrote by HIMSELF during his Imprisonment in the Tower To which is prefixed THE DIARY OF HIS OWN LIFE Faithfully and entirely Published from the Original Copy And subjoined A SUPPLEMENT to the Preceding HISTORY The Arch-Bishop's Last Will His Large Answer to the Lord SAY's Speech concerning Liturgies His Annual Accounts of his Province delivered to the King And some other Things relating to the History IMPRIMATUR Martij 7 1693 4. JO CANT LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard M DC XCV THE PREFACE THAT the Reader may be satisfied how it came to pass that an History wrote of and by a Person of so great a Character in this Nation and by him designed for the Publick hath lain hid and been suppressed for near Fifty Years through whose Hands it hath passed and by what means and by whose Labour it is at last Published he may be pleased to take the following Account The Most Reverend Arch-Bishop the Author and Subject of this History was very exact and careful in keeping all Papers which concerned himself or any Affairs of Church and State passing through his Hands not only kept a Journal of his own Actions but from time to time took minutes of whatsoever passed at Council-Table Star-Chamber High-Commission-Court c. Digested all his Papers in most exact Order wrote with his own Hand on the back or top of every one what it Concerned when it was Received when Wrote or Answered c. This his Enemies knew full well and therefore when after they had caused him to be Impeached of High Treason of endeavouring to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Government and to be Imprisoned upon the Impeachment in the end of the Year 1640. and had now in vain laboured for two Years and an half to find out Evidence to prove this their Accusation but the more they sought they found to their confusion so much the greater Evidence of the contrary After they had in vain ransacked all Papers left by the Arch-Bishop in his Study at Lambeth and Examined all his Intimate Friends and subaltern Agents upon Oath when nothing did appear they hoped to find somewhat against him either in his private Journal of his Life which they knew to be kept by him or in those Papers which he had carried with him from Lambeth at his first Commitment in order to his future Defence Vpon these hopes they with great privacy 〈◊〉 an Order for the searching his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower in May 1643. and committed the Execution of it to his inveter ate Enemy William Prynne who thereupon took from the Arch-Bishop Twenty One Bundles of Papers which he had prepared for his Defence his Diary his Book of Private Devotions the Scotch Service-Book and Directions accompanying it c. And although he then faithfully promised Restitution of them within three or four days yet never restored any more than three Bundles employed such against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial as might seem prejudicial to his Cause suppressed those which might be advantageous to him Published many Embezzeled some and kept the rest to the day of his Death As soon as Prynne was possessed of the Arch-Bishop's Papers he set himself with eager Malice to make use of them to his Defamation and to prove the charge of Popery and abetting Arbitrary Government by the Publication of many of them His first Specimen in this kind was a Pamphlet which came out in August following Entituled Rome's Master-piece in Five Sheets in Quarto containing the Papers and Letters relating to the Plot contrived by Papists against the Church and State then Established in England and discovered by Andreas ab Habernfeild But never did Malice appear so gross and ridiculous together as in this case For from this Plot if there were any Truth in it it appeared that the Life of the Arch-Bishop was chiefly aim'd at by the Plotters as the grand Obstacle of their Design and one who could by no Arts be wrought to any connivance of them much less concurrence with them This Pamphlet being after the Publication of it carried to the Arch-Bishop in the Tower he made several Marginal Annotations on it in Answer to Prynne's Falsifications and Malitious Calumnies intermixed therein Which Copy coming afterwards into the Hands of Dr Baily the Arch-Bishop's Executor was by him given to the Learned Antiquary Mr Anthony Wood and by him Transmitted to me in order to be placed among the other Papers and Memorials which are to follow this History according to the Arch-Bishop's own Direction But Prynne's Malice could not be abated by the shame of one Miscarriage In the next place he bethought himself of Publishing the Arch-Bishop's Diary as soon as his Trial ended wherein it had been often produced as Evidence against him This then he Published in the beginning of September 1644. in Nine Sheets in Folio with this Title A Breviat of the Life of c. intending it as he saith for a Prologue to the much desired History of his Tryal but neither entire nor faithfully as far as he did Publish it but altered mangled corrupted and glossed in a most shameful manner accompanied with desperate Untruths as the Arch-Bishop complains in this History and therefore addeth For this Breviat of his if God lend me Life and Strength to end this History first I shall discover to the World the base and malitious Slanders with which it is fraught This the Arch-Bishop wrote when he despaired that ever his Diary should be recovered out of those vile Hands in which it then was and be Published faithfully and entirely which would be the most effectual discovery of the Baseness and Malice of Prynne therein Yet notwithstanding so vile and corrupt an Edition of it all those who have wrote any thing of this Excellent Prelate have been forced to make use of it not being able to gain the sight of the Original nor perhaps so much as suspecting any such fraud in the Edition of it Particularly it is much to be lamented that Dr. Heylin who wrote the History of the Arch-Bishop's Life with great Care and Elegance was forced in most things to borrow his Account from this corrupted Edition of his Diary and hath thereby been led into many and great Errors Others also have since him taken up and divulged many false Opinions concerning the Diary it self as that it was wholly wrote in Latin by the Arch-Bishop that it was by himself Entituled A Breviat of his Life and that it was Translated and Published entire 〈◊〉 Prynne The True and Faithful Publication of it which I have made from the
Subsidies in a Year my Error if it were one was pardonable So we parted I went to my Lord Duke and acquainted him with it lest I might have ill Offices done me for it to the King and the Prince Sic Deus beet me servum suum laborantem sub pressurà eorum qui semper voluerunt mala mihi So may God bless me his Servant labouring under the pressure of them who alway wished ill to me April 16. Friday My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed came forth April 18. Sunday I Preached at Paul's Cross. April 27. Tuesday My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon May 1. Saturday E. B. Marryed The Sign in Pisces May 5. Wednesday Ascension-Eve The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall to the upper House of Parliament concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause which was to begin the Friday following This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick And continued Ill till Saturday May 22. May 13. Thursday Lionel Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England and Master of the Wards Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion and Deceiving the King c. To lose his Offices To be ever disinabled to bear any Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower during the King's Pleasure Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament Not to come within the Verge of the Court. May 15. Saturday Whitson-Eve The Bill passed in Parliament for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham May 16. Whitsunday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham This was the first Fit that he could be perswaded to take orderly May 18. Tuesday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham he took this Fit very orderly May 19. Wednesday The Bishop of Norwich Samuel Harsnet was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission May 22. Saturday My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit May 26. Wednesday He went with his Majesty to Greenwich May 28. Friday E. B. came to London He had not leisure to speak with me though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities till June 16 being Wednesday May 29. Saturday The first Session of Parliament ended And the Prorogation was to the Second of November June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity I Preached at Westminster June 8. Tuesday I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham and came back to London on Friday June 11. June 16. Wednesday I took my lasting leave of E. B. The great dry Summer My Dream June 4. Wednesday night 1623. In this Dream was all contained that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death May 29. Saturday night 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London That there was much declining to speak with me but yet at last I had Conference and took my lasting leave And this so fell out Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28. July 7. Wednesday night My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N. July 23. Friday I went to lye and keep House and Preach at my Livings held in Commendam Creek and Ibstock That Friday night at St. Albans I gave R. R. my Servant his first Interest in my Businesses of moment July 27. This I confirmed unto him the Wednesday Morning following at Stanford August 7. Saturday while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother my passion by Blood and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder August 8. Sunday I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock and set things in order there August 26. Thursday My Horse trod on my foot and lamed me which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended Septemb. 7. Tuesday I came to London Septemb 9. Thursday My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books which he desired me to write out Septemb. 16. Thursday Prince Charles his grievous fall which he had in Hunting Septemb. 25. Saturday My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army and the Means and whether Sutton's Hospital might not c. Octob. 2. Saturday In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon and we had much ado to recover him but I thank God we did Octob. 10. Sunday I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam which had almost put me into a Fever I continued ill fourteen days Octob. 13. Wednesday I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital Novemb. 21. Sunday I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 6. Munday There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury My Lords of Durham and Rochester and my self to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford concerning a Residentiaryship and the Lecturer's place which we that day Ordered Decemb. 13. Munday I received Letters from Brecknock that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work bearing too bold upon his Commission The News of it came to me to London about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper and had a Messenger sent to bring him up to answer that Sacrilegious abuse He prevented his punishment by Death Decemb. 21. Tuesday Fest. Sancti Thomae Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book called St Augustins Summe His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it He was put to recall some things in Writing He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles in which he had recalled and explained himself that I might see whether it were well done and fit to shew the King This day Mr Crumpton brought his Papers to me Decemb. 23. Thursday I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton The same day at York-House I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer what I thought of these Papers The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism in some Ten Heads which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him that he might be acquainted with them Decemb. 31. Friday His Majesty sent for me and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers the second time after I had read them over to himself and commanded me to correct them as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England Januar. 3. Munday I had made ready these Papers and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them and he brought me to the King There I was about an hour and a
me in my Sleep having been dead two Years before at least He seemed to me in very good plight and merry enough I told him what I had done for his Widow and Children He after a little thought answered That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies while he was yet alive And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning he added that it was so He moreover whispering in my Ear told me that I was the Cause why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour and to Court Apr. 4. Wednesday When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me I have wrote in my Heart with 〈◊〉 Characters and great 〈◊〉 to God and the King Apr. 7. Saturday Going to Court to wait upon the King at Supper in going out of the Coach my foot stumbling I fell headlong I never had a more dangerous fall but by God's mercy I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only Apr. 24. Tuesday There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon and what followed April 29. Sunday I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles God grant it may conduce to his Honour and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church May 13. Whitsunday I Preached before the King c. Junij 7 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph where I attended him June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick June 22. We came to London June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C. July 7. Saturday-night I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success Sunday August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor Sunday August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot Sunday September News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds The first fear of ill Success News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court I went to my Lord of Rochester to consider about A. B. C. and returned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Court 〈◊〉 King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber That if any did c. I c. before any thing should sink c. The business of Doctor Bargar Dean of Canterbury began about the Vicaridge of Lidd October The Commission to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and my self then Bath and Wells to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury The Dean of Canterbury's Speech that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree There must be a Parliament some must be Sacrificed that I was as like as any Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man by Sir Dudlye Diggs I told it when I heard it doubled Let me desire you not to trouble your self with any Reports till you see me forsake my other Friends c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree November My Lord Duke's return to Court The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall January 29. Tuesday A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy c. January 30. Wednesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born the Lord George New Moon die 26. February 5. Tuesday The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament March 17. but I continued lame long after saving that Februar 14. Thursday Saint Valentine's-day I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son the Lord George at Wallingford-House March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament but had much ado to stand it was Munday Anno 1628. June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at White-Hall June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause or Causes of all Grievances in the Kingdom June 12. Thursday I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords and the next day June 14. Being Saturday was Censured After his Censure my Cause was called to the Report And by God's Goodness towards me I was fully cleared in the House The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King One Head was Innovation of Religion Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self One in the House stood up and said Now we have Named these Persons let us think of some Causes why we did it Sir Edw. Cooke answered Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause and may we not be as bold with them June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday June 26. Thursday The Session of Parliament ended and was Prorogued to October 20. July 11. Tuesday My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London July 15. Tuesday St. Swithin and fair with us I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer August 9. Saturday A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye had almost put me into a Fever August 12. Tuesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell August 23. Saturday St Bartholomew's Eve the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton about Nine in the Morning August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester Ely and Carlile at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester with my Lord's Grace August 27. Wednesday Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty upon my Lord Duke's Death August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke which that Night was brought to London Sir W Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty written with his own Hand September 9. Tuesday The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham my dear Lord The Gracious Speech which that Night the King was pleased to use to me September 27. Saturday I fell Sick and came Sick from Hampton-Court Tuesday Septemb. ult I was sore
and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon
ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might
to my Hands to the State and there left them to do what they pleased in it But that for which they were Sentenced was a Book Written by Mr. Burton and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council and a Letany and other Scandalous things scattered and avowed by Dr. 〈◊〉 and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest because he had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty and the Government in his Book Intituled Histriomastix This Censure being past upon these Men though I did no more than is before mentioned yet they and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me And I had Libel upon Libel scattered in the Streets and pasted upon Posts And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were may appear by their Libellous Writings Courses with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted And most certain it is that howsoever the Times went then or go now yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time Penry was Hanged and Vdal Condemned and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together And these Saints would have lost their Lives had they done that against any other State Christian which they did against this And I have yet one of the desperatest Libels by me that hath ordinarily been seen which was sealed up in form of a Letter and sent to me by Mr. Pryn with his Name to it And but that it is exceeding long and from the present business I would here have inserted it To return then The Faction of the Brownists and these three Saints with their Adherents for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons and brought into London in great Triumph filled the Press almost Daily with Ballads and Libels full of all manner of Scurrility and more Untruth both against my Person and my Calling These were cried about London-streets and brought many of them to Westminster and given into divers Lords Hands and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes as most of them contained A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall and which I believe hath hardly been seen or suffered in any Civil Common-wealth Christian or other But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man and as then not so much as Charged in general I thought fit to arm my self with Patience and endure that which I could not help And by God's Blessing I did so though it grieved me much more for my Calling than for my Person And this spreading of Libellous Base Pamphlets continues to this Day without controul and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation I cannot tell While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell I found I was by the course of the House to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody Twenty Nobles a day This grew very heavy For I was stayed there full ten weeks before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence And Mr. Maxwell had it all without any Abatement In the mean time on Munday December 21. upon a Petition of Sir Robert Howard I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment And the Lords Order was so strict that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently or give Security to pay it in a very short time I payed it to satisfie the Command of the House but was not therein so well advised as I might have been being Committed for Treason Now the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper the Lady used him at her pleasure and betook her self in a manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard and had a Son by him She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way under the Name of Mistress Wright These things came to be known and she was brought into the High-Commission and there after a Legal Proceeding was found guilty of Adultery and Sentenced to do Pennance Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court and agreeing in the Sentence Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self to avoid the Penance This Sentence passed at London-House in Bishop Mountain's time Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present as Bishop of Bath and Wells After this when the Storm was somewhat over Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire where she Lived avowedly with him some Years and had by him ... Children At last they grew to that open boldness that he brought her up to London and lodged her in Westminster This was so near the Court and in so open view that the King and the Lords took notice of it as a thing full of Impudence that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm in so fowl a business And one day as I came of course to wait on his Majesty he took me aside and told me of it being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and added that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation and that I neglected my Duty in case I did not take order for it I made answer she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm and that without his leave I could not attach her but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure I would do my best to have her taken and brought to Penance according to the Sentence against her The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert and by Order of the High-Commission-Court Imprisoned her in the Gate-House and him in the Fleet. This was as far as I remember upon a Wednesday and the Sunday sevennight after was thought upon her to bring to Penance She was much troubled at it and so was he And therefore in the middle of the week following Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends and among the rest with one Sir ....... of Hampshire who with Mony corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison so they call him and conveyed the Lady forth and after that into France in Man's Apparel as that Knight himself hath since made his boast This was told me the Morning after the escape And you must think the good Fellowship of the Town was
I ever pressed the Argument alike against both as I can prove by good Witness if need be And I pray God this Faction too little feared and too much nourished among us have not now found the Opportunity waited for 3. That they live here and enjoy all freedom and yet for the most part scorn so much as to learn the Language or to converse with any more than for advantage of Bargaining And will take no Englishman to be their Apprentice nor teach them any of their Manufactures which I did then and do still think most unreasonable 4. That for Religion if after so many descents of their Children born in the Land and so Native Subjects these Children of theirs should refuse to Pray and Communicate with the Church of England into whose bosom their Parents fled at first for succour I thought then and do still that no State could with safety or would in Wisdom endure it And this concerning their Children was all that was desired by me As appears by the Act which my Vicar General made concerning those Churches at Canterbury Sandwitch and Maidstone in my Diocess and the Publication of this Act in their Congregations by their own Ministers in this Form following I am commanded to signifie unto you that it is not his Majesty's intent nor of the Council of State to dissolve our Congregations And to that end his Majesty is content to permit the Natives of the first degree to continue Members of our Congregations as before But the Natives in this Church after the first descent are injoyned to obey my Lord Arch-Bishop his Injunction which is to conform themselves to the English Discipline and Liturgy every one in his Parish without inhibiting them notwithstanding from resorting sometimes to our Assemblies And my Lord Arch-Bishop of 〈◊〉 means notwithstanding that the said Natives shall continue to contribute to the Maintenance of the Ministry and Poor of this Church for the better subsisting thereof And promiseth to obtain an Order from the Council if need be and they require it to maintain them in their Manufactures against those which would trouble them by Informations Now that which I injoyned the French and Dutch Churches was to a syllable all one with this in all parts of my Province where these Churches resided As at South-hampton and Norwich And I have a Letter to shew full of thanks from the Ministers and Elders of the French and Walloon-Churches at Norwich All which is far from an endeavour to suppress any just Priviledges and Immunities which these Churches had in England or ought to have in any well-governed Kingdom And since this time I have not only seen but gotten the very Original Letter of Queen Elizabeth of Happy Memory written to the Lord Treasurer Pawlet specifying what Order she would should be taken with and for these Churches The Letter is Signed with her Majesty 's own Hand and Signet and gives them not half so much Liberty I do not say as they take but as I have been ever most content to give them For the Queen in these Letters allows them nothing contrary to her Laws and therefore nothing but our Liturgy in their own Language not another Form of Divine Service and Discipline much different from it This was the Wisdom of those times which I pray God we may follow The Queen's Letter follows in these words Elizabeth RIght Trusty and right well-beloved Cozen we greet you well Whereas in the time of our Brother and Sister also the Church of the late Augustine Fryars was appointed to the use of all the Strangers reparing to the City of London for to have therein Divine Service considering that by an Universal Order all the rest of the Churches have the Divine Service in the English Tongue for the better edifying of the People which the Strangers Born understand not Our Pleasure is that you shall Assign and Deliver the said Church and all things thereto belonging to the Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London to be appointed to such Curates and Ministers as he shall think good to serve from time to time in the same Churches both for daily Divine Service and for Administration of the Sacraments and Preaching of the Gospel so as no Rite nor Use be therein observed contrary or derogatory to our Laws And these our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant and Discharge in that behalf Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster the ...... of February the Second Year of our Reign To our Trusty and right well beloved Cousin and Counsellor the Marquess of Winchester High Treasurer of England 13. He hath maliciously and Trayterously Plotted and endeavoured to stir up War and Enmity betwixt his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland and to that purpose hath laboured to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland divers Innovations both in Religion and Government all or the most part tending to Popery and Superstition to the great Grievance and Discontent of his Majesty's Subjects of that Nation And for their refusing to submit to such Innovations he did trayterously Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by Force of Arms And by his own Authority and Power contrary to Law did procure sundry of his Majesty's Subjects and inforced the Clergy of this Kingdom to contribute toward the Maintenance of that War And when his Majesty with much Wisdom and Justice had made a Pacification betwixt the two Kingdoms the said Arch-Bishop did presumptuously censure that Pacification as Dishonourable to his Majesty and by his Counsel and Endeavours so incensed his Majesty against his said Subjects of Scotland that he did thereupon by Advice of the said Arch-Bishop enter into an offensive War against them to the great 〈◊〉 of his Majesty's Person and his Subjects of both Kingdoms I did not Endeavour to stir up War between his Majesty's two Kingdoms of England and Scotland but my Counsels were for Peace As may appear by the Counsel which I gave at Theobalds in the beginning of these unhappy Differences For there my Counsel only put a stay upon the Business in hope his Majesty might have a better Issue without than with a War And if I were mistaken in this Counsel yet it agreed well with my Profession and with the Cause which was differences in Religion which I conceived might better be composed by Ink than by Blood And I think it cannot easily be forgotten that I gave this Counsel For my Lord the Earl of Arundel opposed me openly at the Table then and said my Grounds would deceive me And my Lord the Earl of Holland came to me so soon as we were risen from Counsel and was pleased to say to me that I had done my self and my Calling a great deal of Right and the King my Master the best Service that ever I did him in my Life And Mr. Patrick Male of his Majesty's Bed-chamber when he heard what I had done came and gave me
a great deal of Thanks in the Name of that Nation Nor did I labour to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland any Innovations in Religion or Government Neither do all or the most part or indeed any of those pretended Innovations tend to Popery or Superstition as hath before been sufficiently proved Neither did I upon their refusal to submit to these Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by force of Arms but the Counsels which I gave were open either at the Committee or the Council-Table Neither did I by my own Power and Authority contrary to Law procure any of his Majesty's Subjects or inforce the Clergy of England to contribute to the maintenance of that War But the Subsidies which were given to his Majesty at that time were given freely and in open Convocation and without any practice of my self or any other as appears by what I have formerly laid down But because so much noise hath been made against me both in the Scottish Charge before answered and in this Article about Popish Innovations in that Service-Book and that I laboured the introducing both of it and them I think it fit if not necessary to set down briefly the Story what was done and what I did and by what Command in all that Business And it follows Dr. John Maxwel the late Bishop of Ross came to me from his Majesty it was during the time of a great and dangerous Fever under which I then laboured It was in the Year 1629. in August or September which come that time is Thirteen Years since The Cause of his coming was to speak with me about a Liturgy for Scotland At his coming I was so extream Ill that I saw him not And had Death which I then expected daily as did my Friends and Physicians also seized on me I had not seen this heavy time After this when I was able to sit up he came to me again and told me it was his Majesty's Pleasure that I should receive Instructions from some Bishops of Scotland concerning a Liturgy for that Church and that he was imployed from my Lord the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews and other Prelates there about it I told him I was clear of Opinion that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy setled there it were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation that so the same Service-Book might be established in all his Majesty's Dominions Which I did then and do still think would have been a great Happiness to this State and a great Honour and Safety to Religion To this he replyed that he was of a contrary Opinion and that not he only but the Bishops of that Kingdom thought their Country-men would be much better satisfied it a Liturgy were framed by their own Clergy than to have the English Liturgy put upon them yet he added that it might be according to the Form of our English Service-Book I answered to this that if this were the Resolution of my Brethren the Bishops of Scotland I would not entertain so much as Thoughts about it till I might by God's Blessing have Health and Opportunity to wait upon his Majesty and receive his farther directions from himself When I was able to go abroad I came to his Majesty and represented all that had passed His Majesty avowed the sending of Dr. Maxwell to me and the Message sent by him But then he inclined to my Opinion to have the English Service without any alteration to be established there And in this Condition I held that Business for two if not three Years at least Afterwards the Scottish Bishops still pressing his Majesty that a Liturgy Framed by themselves and in some few things different from ours would relish better with their Countrymen They at last prevailed with his Majesty to have it so and carried it against me notwithstanding all I could say or do to the contrary Then his Majesty Commanded me to give the Bishops of Scotland my best Assistance in this Way and Work I delayed as much as I could with my Obedience and when nothing would serve but it must go on I confess I was then very serious and gave them the best help I could But wheresoever I had any doubt I did not only acquaint his Majesty with it but Writ down most of the Amendments or Alterations in his Majesty's Presence And I do verily believe there is no one thing in that Book which may not stand with the Conscience of a right Good Protestant Sure I am his Majesty approved them all and I have his Warrant under his Royal Hand for all that I did about that Book And to the end the Book may be extant and come to the view of the Christian World and their Judgment of it be known I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin and if right be done it shall be Printed with this History This was that which I did concerning the Matter and Substance of this Service-Book As for the way of Introducing it I ever advised the Bishops both in his Majesty's Presence and at other times both by Word and by Writing that they would look carefully to it and be sure to do nothing about it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of that Kingdom And that they should at all times be sure to take the Advice of the Lords of his Majesty's Council in that Kingdom and govern themselves and their Proceedings accordingly Which Course if they have not followed that can no way reflect upon me who have both in this and all things else been as careful of their Laws as any Man who is a Stranger to them could be And in a Letter of mine after my last coming out of Scotland thus I wrote to the late Reverend Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Septemb. 30. 1633. concerning the Liturgy That whether that of England or another were resolved on yet 〈◊〉 should proceed Circumspectly Because his Majesty had no intendment to do any thing but that which was according to Honour and Justice and the Laws of that Kingdom And a Copy of this Letter I have yet by me to shew And for the truth of this Narration I know His Majesty and my Lord of Ross himself will avow it And here I take leave to acquaint the Reader That this was no new Conceit of His Majesty to have a Liturgy framed and Canons made for the Church of Scotland For he followed his Royal Father King James his Example and Care therein who took Order for both at the Assembly of Perth An. 1618. And now to return again to the Article There is one Charge more in it and that 's concerning the Pacification made the 〈◊〉 Year The Article says I did Censure it as Dishonourable and Advise for a new War But I did neither That which I spake was openly at the Council-Table and in His Majesty's presence And it was this There arose a debate at the Table about these Affairs and the Pacification and I
said that I did often wish from my Heart that His Majesty had kept the Army which he had at Barwick together but Eight or Ten Days longer And that I did not doubt but that if he had so done he might have had more Honourable Conditions of his Scottish Subjects This I said and more or otherwise I said not and whosoever shall relate them otherwise forgets Truth Now to say that His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions doth not infer that the Pacification then made was upon Dishonourable Conditions but only upon less Honourable than it might have been And I had great Reason to observe my own words and remember them because I saw some Lords at the Table touched with them perhaps in their own Particulars Nor was I alone in this Judgment For my Lord the Earl of Holland though he then said nothing at the Council-Table yet at his first return from Barwick his Lordship did me the Honour to come and see me at Lambeth And in the Gallery there while we were discoursing of the Affairs in the North of himself he used these words to me That His Majesty did too suddenly dissolve his Army there indeed so suddenly that every body wondered at it And that for his part he was so sorry especially for the dismissing of all the Horse which he said were as good as any were in Christendom And farther that he offer'd His Majesty to keep one Thousand of them for a Year at his own and his Friends Charge till the King might see all things well setled again in Scotland By which it is apparent that in his Lordships Judgment things might have been better had not that Army been so suddenly dissolved And I hope it was no Sin in me to wish the best success and the most Honour to the King's Affairs Now that which moved me to say thus at the Council-Table was this The last Article in the Pacification was To restore to every one of His Majesties Subjects their Liberties Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time But within two Days or three at the most after the Pacification agreed upon and concluded the Lord Lindsay made an open and publick Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the 〈◊〉 in Edenburgh or both that no Clergy Man his Goods or Means was included in the Pacification Which yet expresses every one of His Majesties Subjects And this I did then conceive and do still was a very bold audacious Act of that Lord very injurious to the Poor Clergy and not so Honourable for the King And this made me say and I say it still His Majesty might have had more Honourable Conditions and his Pacification better kept had he continued his Army but Eight or Ten Days longer For in all probability the Scots could not so long have continued their Army together And I did farther conceive that by this Act of the Lord Lindsay in protesting and by the Scots making his Protestation good against the Clergy there was a direct and manifest Breach of the Pacification on their behalf And then though I saw no Reason why the King should be bound to keep that mutual Pacification which they had broken for a Knot must be fast at both ends or loose at both Yet remembring my Calling I did not Incense His Majesty against his Subjects in Scotland nor did hereupon advise the undertaking of an Offensive War against them nor ever give other Counsel in this Particular than what I openly gave before the Lords either in the Committee or at the Board And there my Concurring in Opinion with all the rest of the Lords was I hope no other nor no greater fault than in them though I be thus singled out And for the Pacification I shall say thus much more Though I could with all my Heart have wished it more Honourable for the King and more express and safe for my Brethren of the Clergy yet all things Considered which were put unto me I did approve it For before the Pacification was fully agreed upon His Majesty did me the Honour to write unto me all with his own Hand In this Letter He Commanded me all delay set apart to send him my Judgment plainly and freely what I thought of the Pacification which was then almost ready for conclusion I in all Humility approved of the Pacification as it was then put to me and sent my Answer presently back and my Reasons why I approved it Little thinking then but that my Poor Brethren the Bishops of Scotland should have had all restored unto them according to the Article of the Pacification before recited or at least for so long till they had defended themselves and their Calling and their Cause in a free General Assembly and as free a Parliament Now this was ever assumed to me should be done and to procure this was all which the Bishops seemed to desire of me And for the Truth of this I appeal to His Majesty to whom I writ it And to my Lord Marquess Hamilton to whom the King shewed my Letter As my Lord Marquess himself told me at his return And to Dr. Juxon Lord Bishop of London then Lord High Treasurer of England to whom I shewed my Letter before I sent it away And this is all I did concerning the Pacification 14. That to preserve himself from being questioned for these and other his Trayterous Courses he hath laboured to subvert the Rights of Parliament and the Ancient Course of Parliamentary proceedings And by false and malicious Slanders to incense His Majesty against Parliaments By which Words Counsels and Actions he hath Trayterously and contrary to his Allegiance laboured to alienate the Hearts of the Kings Liege People from his Majesty to set a Division between them and to 〈◊〉 and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms For which they do impeach him of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity I did never Labour to subvert the rights of Parliaments or the antient Course of their Proceedings And not doing it at all I could not do it to keep my self from being questioned Much less did I by any malitious Slanders or any other way incense his Majesty against Parliaments nor ever thereby labour to alienate the Hearts of the King's Liege People from his Majesty nor to set any Division between them or to Ruine and Destroy his Majesty's Kingdoms And am no way Guilty in the least Degree of High Treason against our Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity It is true I have been much and very often grieved to see the great distractions which have happened of later Years both in King James his time and since about the Breaches which have been in Parliaments And I have as heartily wished and to my Power endeavoured that all Parliaments which have been called might come to their Happy Issue and end in the Contentment of
the King and his People And I have ever been of Opinion and I shall Live and Dye in it That there can be no true and setled Happiness in this or any other Kingdom but by a fair and Legal as well as Natural Agreement between the King and his People and that according to the Course of England this Agreement is in a great proportion founded upon Parliaments Now Parliaments as I humbly conceive can never better preserve their own Rights than by a free and honourable way to keep up the Greatness and Power of their King that so he may be the better able against all Forreign Practices to keep up the Honour as well as the Safety of the Nation both which usually stand or fall together And if any particular Mens Miscarriages have distempered any Parliaments and caused or occasioned a Breach I have upon the Grounds before laid been as sorry as any Man for it but never contributed any thing to it And I hope it is not Criminal to think that Parliaments may sometimes in some things by Misinformation or otherwise be mistaken as well as other Courts This in conclusion I clearly think Parliaments are the best preservers of the Ancient Laws and Rights of this Kingdom But this I think too that Corruptio optimi est Pessima that no Corruption is so bad so foul so dangerous as that which is of the best And therefore if Parliaments should at any time be misguided by practice of a 〈◊〉 Party nothing then so dangerous as such a 〈◊〉 because the highest Remedy being Corrupted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sure Redress left at all And we had a lamentable 〈◊〉 of such a Parliament 〈◊〉 Hen. 4. was set up For that 〈◊〉 was the Cause of 〈◊〉 the Civil Wars and that great 〈◊〉 of Blood which followed soon after in this Kingdom God make us mindful and careful to prevent the like The said Commons do farther aver that the said William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury during the time in which the Treasons and Offences afore-named were Committed hath been a Bishop or Arch-Bishop in this Realm of England one of the King's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Matters and of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council And that he hath taken an Oath for his Faithful discharge of the said Office of Counsellor and hath likewise taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Arch-Bishop and also of replying to the Answers that the said Arch-Bishop shall make unto the said Articles or to any of them and of offering farther Proof also of the Premises or any of them or of any other Impeachment or Accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the Case shall according to the Course of Parliaments require do pray that the said Arch-Bishop may be put to answer to all and every the Premises and that such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice This is the Conclusion of these general Articles then put up against me and is added only for Form and so requires no Answer from me But in the Close they of the House of Commons make two Petitions to the Lords and both were granted as 't is fit they should The one is That they may add farther Accusations or farther Proof of this as the Course of Parliaments require And I refuse no such either Accusation or Proof so the due Course of Parliaments be kept The other is That there may be such Proceedings Examinations Tryal and Judgment as is agreeable to Law and Justice And such Proceedings my Innocency can never decline But whether the Proceedings hitherto against me be according to the Antient Proceedings in Parliament or to Law and Justice I leave Posterity to judge Since they which here seem so earnestly to call for Examinations Tryal and Judgment have not to this Day proceeded to any Tryal nay have not so much as brought up any particular Charge against me it being almost a full Year since they brought up this general Charge and called for Examinations and Tryal and yet have kept me in Prison all this while to the great Weakning of my Aged Body and Waste of my poor Fortunes And how much longer they mean to keep me there God knows Whereas all that I do desire is a Just and Fair Tryal with such an Issue better or worse as it shall 〈◊〉 God to give CAP. VIII WHen these Articles had been Read unto me in the Upper House and I had spoken to the Lords in a general Answer to them what I thought fit as is before expressed I humbly desired of the Lords this being upon Friday Feb. 26. that my going to the Tower might be put off till the Monday after that so I might have time to be the better fitted for my Lodging This I humbly thank their Lordships was granted I returned to Mr. Maxwell's Custody and that Afternoon sent my Steward to Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant that a Lodging might be had for me with as much convenience as might be On Munday March 1. Mr. Maxwell carried me in his Coach to the Tower St. George's Feast having been formerly put off was to begin that Evening By this means Mr. Maxwell whose Office tied him to attendance upon that Solemnity could not possibly go with me to the Tower at Evening as I desired Therefore Noon when the Citizens were at Dinner was chosen as the next fittest time for Privateness All was well till I passed through Newgate Shambles and entred into Cheapside There some one Prentice first Hallowed out more and followed the Coach the Number still increasing as they went till by that time I came to the Exchange the shouting was exceeding great And so they followed me with Clamour and Revilings even beyond Barbarity it self not giving over till the Coach was entred in at the Tower-Gate Mr. Maxwell out of his Love and Care was extreamly troubled at it but I bless God for it my Patience was not moved I looked upon a higher Cause than the Tongues of Shimei and his Children The same Day there was a Committee for Religion named in the Upper House of Parliament Ten Earls Ten Bishops and Ten Barons So the Lay Votes will be double to the Clergy that they may carry what they will for Truth This Committee professes to meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and to that end will call some Divines to them to consider of and prepare Business This appears by a Letter sent by Dr. Williams then Lord Bishop of Lincoln now Lord Arch-Bishop of York to some Divines which were named to attend this Service The Copy of the Letter follows WIth my best Wishes unto you in Christ Jesus I am Commanded by the Lords of the Committee for Innovations in Matters of
ever any Man played me But he failed in his hopes and his Petition was cast out of the Lords House to try his Right at Law which was all that was asked by Dr Merricke Yet upon the earnestness of the then Lord Bishop of Lincoln and now Arch-Bishop of York the Lords Sequestred my Jurisdiction and put it into the Hands of my Inferiour Officers and added in the Order that I should dispose of neither Benefice nor any other thing but I should first acquaint them with it The Order follows in haec verba Die Sab. 23. Octob. 1641. IT is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury shall be Sequestred until he shall be Convicted or Acquitted of the Charge of High Treason against him and the same in the mean time to be Executed by his Inferiour Officers And farther concerning those Ecclesiastical Benefices Promotions or Dignities that are in his disposing he shall present to this House the Names of such Persons as shall be Nominated by him for the same to be Approved of first by this House before they be Collated or Instituted Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam c. For my Jurisdiction I Thank God I never knowingly abused it And of the other Restraint about the giving of my Benefices I cannot but think it very hard in two respects The one is that I should be put to Name to them before I give that which by Law is mine to give In the mean time they cry out of the violation of the Propriety which each Subject hath in his Goods and yet I must not give my own So also they condemn Arbitrary Government and yet press upon me an Arbitrary Order against Law The other is that if in Obedience to this Order I shall Nominate any Man to them be he never so worthy for Life and Learning yet if upon Misinformation or otherwise the House should refuse him I should not only not do him the good I intended but blast him for all the remainder of his Life And whensoever he shall seek for any other Preferment that shall be laid unto him that he was thought unworthy by the High Court of Parliament Yet how to ease my self against this Order I know not This day Novemb. 1. News came to the Parliament of the Rebellion in Ireland The King being then in Scotland where there were Troubles enough also The Irish pretended the Scots Example and hoped they should get their Liberties and the Freedom of their Religion as well as they But that Rebellion is grown fierce and strong and what end that War will have God knows A happy one God of his Mercy send For this Nation is in many difficulties at once and we have drawn them all upon our selves But this belongs not to my Story Only this I shall add which is the Judgment of all Prudent Men that I speak with both of Ireland and England that if the Earl of Strafford had Lived and not been blasted in his Honour and Service no Rebellion had been stirring there And if this be so 't is a soar Account must be given for his Blood If either that Kingdom be upon this occasion quite lost from the Crown of England or not recover'd without great Expence both of Treasure and Blood On Thursday Novemb. 25. the King returning from Scotland entred into London was received with great State and Joy and Sumptuously Entertained This made divers Men think there would have been a Turn in the present Business And what it might have proved if the King would have presently and vigorously set himself to vindicate his own Just Power and leave them their Antient and Just Priviledges is not I think hard to judge But he let it cool and gave that which is truly the Malignant Faction but call others so time to underwork him and bring the City round and all ran then stronger in the same Current than ever it did So God of his Mercy bless all On Thursday Decemb. 30. the Lord Arch-Bishop of York and Eleven other Bishops were sent to the 〈◊〉 for High Treason and two other Bishops Duresme and Coventry and Litchfield to Mr. Maxwell's for setting their Hands to a Petition and delivering of it with a Protestation that this was not a free Parliament since they who had Antient Right there could not come to give their Votes as they ought without danger of their Lives For by this time it was grown common that the Multitude came down in heaps if either the Lords or the King denyed any thing which the House of Commons affected But how it came to pass that these Multitudes should come down in such disorder and yet be sent back and dissolved so easily at a word or beck of some Men let the World judge The Petition and Protestation which the Bishops delivered in was as follows and perchance it was unseasonably delivered and perhaps some Words in it might have been better spared but the Treason and peradventure that 's my Ignorance I cannot find in it The Petition and Protestation of Twelve Bishops for which they were Accused of High-Treason by the House of Commons and Committed by the Lords to the Black-Rod THat whereas the Petitioners are called upon by several and respective Writs under great Penalties to Attend in Parliament and have a clear and indubitable Right to Vote in Bills and all other Matters whatsoever debated in Parliament by the Antient Customs Laws and Statutes of this Realm and are to be protected by your Majesty quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service They humbly remonstrate and protest before God your Majesty and the Noble Peers now Assembled in Parliament that as they have an indubitable Right to Sit and Vote in the House of Lords so they if they may be protected from force and violence are most ready and willing to perform that Duty accordingly and that they do abominate all Actions and Opinions tending to Popery or any inclination to the Malignant Party or any other side and Party whatsoever to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not adhere But whereas they have been at several times violently Menaced Affronted and Assaulted by multitudes of People in coming to perform their Service to that Honourable House and lately chased away and put in danger of their Lives and find no Redress or Protection upon sundry Complaints made to both Houses in that particular They likewise protest before your Majesty and that Noble House of Peers that saving to themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in your House at other times they dare not sit to Vote in the House of Peers unless your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts Indignities and Danger in the Premises Lastly whereas their fears are not built upon Fancies and Conceipts but upon such Grounds and Objects as may well
terrifie Men of great Resolution and much Constancy they do in all Humility and Duty protest before your Majesty and the Peers of this most Honourable House of Parliament against all Votes Resolutions and Determinations and that they are in themselves null and of no effect which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of this instant Month December 1641. have already passed and likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable Assembly during such time of their forced and violented absence from the said most Honourable House Not denying but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary that most Noble House might proceed in all these Premises their absence and Protestation notwithstanding And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of the House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation in their Records They will ever pray God to bless and preserve c. Jo. Eborac Williams Geo. Hereford Coke Tho. Duresme Moorton Rob. Oxon Skinner Rob. Co. Lich. Wright Ma. Ely Wren Jos. Norwich Hall Godfr Glouc. Goodman Jo. Asaphen Owen Jo. Peterburg Towers Guil. Ba. Wells Pearce Mor. Llandaff Owen On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door but no farther There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis Sir Arthur Haselrigge Mr. Jo. Pymm Mr. Jo. Hampden and Mr. William Strode whom together with the Lord Kimbolton Sir Ed. Herbert his Majesty's Attorney General had the day before charged with High Treason in the Vpper House upon seven Articles of great consequence It seems they had information of the King 's coming and were slipt aside This made a mighty noise on all hands But the business was so carried that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall and after at the Grocer's-Hall Where things were so Ordered that within two or three days these Men were with great salutes of the People brought and in a manner guarded to the Committee and after to the House at Westminster and great stir made to and fro about the Accusation of these Men and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before The King left the City and withdrew privately first to Hampton-Court after that to Windsor Many puttings on and puttings off concerning this and other great Affairs between the King and the House All which I leave to publick Records as not concerning this poor History Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general because much of the Church-business as well as the States and much of mine as well as the Churches will depend upon it CAP. XII UPon Thursday January 20. upon no Complaint that I know for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds I provided them for the Service of the State as Need might require I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it nor ever had thought to do Yet the Order is as follows both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me and to my loss for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office Die Jovis 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament That the Sheriffs of the City of London or either of them shall receive by inventory all such Ordnance and other Arms as belong to any private Persons which are to be kept to their Uses remaining now at Fox-Hall Canterbury-House the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster and in the Bishop of Winchester's House a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament But the Intents of the Lords are and it is farther Ordered that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower Upon Saturday Feb. 6. the Bill passed That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament nor have to do in Civil Affairs This was mightily strugled for almost all this Session and now obtained The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England which the antientest Family of the Nobility which now sit there and thrust them out cannot say There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires The King gave way to this Bill and so that is setled And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it it is well But it may be that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power more than is yet feared And here I must tell you two Things The one that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued and the People came in Multitudes and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes so they were still joyned out of the House Insomuch that not the People of London only but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them or framed ready for them here against they came and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House as if it were a common Grievance The other That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords which will infer this as well as some other things That these were joyned together to make the Bishops more odious to the People as if they were Popishly affected themselves and to no other end The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court and on Thurs-Day Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich and on Friday Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son But the true Cause of this intended Journey was to be out of the Fears Discontents and Dangers as she conceived of the present Times And doubtless her Discontents were many and great and what her Dangers might have been by staying or may be by going God alone knows His Majesty while he was upon that Journey sent a Message to both Houses This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all
nor slip not so much as a turning of my Foot aside upon any Chink This Tendon or part of the main Sinew above my Heel brake just in the same Place where I had unhappily broken it before Febr 5 1627. as I was waiting upon King Charles to Hampton-Court But I recovered of it and could go strongly upon plain Ground God be merciful unto me now that he is pleased to humble me yet farther and to take from me the use of my Limbs the only Comfort under him in the midst of my Afflictions And this Lameness continued two whole Months before I was able to go down Stairs to take any Air to refresh my self and long after before I received any competent Measure of Strength CAP. XIV ST Leonards Foster-Lane London is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster Mr William Ward the Incumbent had resigned and besides was Censured by a Committee in Parliament for Innovations and I know not what One Mr George Smith was tender'd it seems to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster How things were carried there I know not but they let their Living fall in Lapse to the Lord Bishop of London His six Months likewise were suffered to slide over and the Benesice was lapsed to me as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury about March the 〈◊〉 In all this time Mr Ward had not the Providence to seek to the King for remedy or to the Original Patrons whose Presentation at any time before the Bishop had filled the Church was as I am inform'd good in Law This Benefice being now in my dispose the Precise part of the Parish Petition the Parliament for the aforesaid Mr. George Smith and by the means of my Lord Kimbolton a great Patron of such Men obtain this Order following Die Jovis 17 Martij 1641. UPon the reading of the Petition of the Parishioners of St. Leonards Foster-Lane London it is Ordered by the Lords in Parliament that Mr George Smith elected and approved by the Dean of Westminster and the Parishioners of 〈◊〉 Leonards Foster-Lane be especially recommended to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace from this House that the said Mr Smith may be forthwith Presented to the Parish-Church of the said St Lawrence John Brown Clericus Parliament This Order was brought me by the Church-Wardens and some of the Parish on Saturday March 19. I was sorry for the honest Incumbent's sake Mr Ward and troubled in my self to have such an Order sent me Especially considering that the Lords former Order though as I was informed against all Law yet was so moderate as to suffer me to Nominate to Benefices so that the Men were without Exception I put them off till Monday In the mean time I advised with my Learned Councel and other Friends All of them agreed in this That it was a great and a violent Injustice put upon me yet in regard of the Time and my Condition they perswaded me to give way to their Power and Present their Clerk On Munday Mar. 21. they repaired to me again I sent them to my Register to draw a Presentation according to the Order of Parliament and advised them while that was in drawing to send Mr. Smith to me One of them told me very boldly that it was not in the Order of Parliament that Mr. Smith should come to me and another told me that Mr. Smith would not come to me Upon this unworthy Usage of me I dismissed them again having first in Obedience to the Order Sealed and set my Hand to the Presentation ready for delivery when Mr. Smith came for it The next Morning these men repair again to the Lords House and on Wednesday Mar. 23. procure another Order strictly commanding me forthwith to deliver the Presentation to the Parishioners This Order being setled the Earl of Holland made a Motion and put the Lords in Mind that I lay under a heavy Charge and had long lain so That it would be Honourable for the Parliament to bring my Cause to Hearing that so I might receive Punishment if I were found to deserve it or otherwise have some end of my Troubles There was a great dispute among my Friends Quo Animo with what Mind this Lord moved it especially then when almost all my Friends in both Houses were absent Howsoever I took it for the best desiring nothing more than an end and therefore sent a Gentleman the next Day to give his Lordship Thanks for his Nobleness in remembring me And if he did it with an Ill Mind God forgive him and preserve me But whatsoever his Lordship's Intent was his Motion after some Debate begat a Message to the House of Commons to ripen my Business but it dyed again and nothing done The Order last above written concerning Mr. Smith the Parishioners brought to me the same Day in the Afternoon It happened that the Lord Primate of Armagh was then with me I shewed him the Order and he blessed himself to see it yet advised me to obey as my other Friends had done I farther desired him to stay and hear my Answer to them which was this That I knew not what Report they had made of me and my Obedience to the Lords and that therefore I would give their Lordships in Writeing an Account of my Proceedings but would deliver the Presentation to Mr. Smith when he came The Lord Primate cryed shame of them to their Faces So they went away On Thursday March 24. in an humble Petition I informed the Lords how ready I was to obey Only desired that Mr. Smith might come to me that I might see his Orders and examine his Sufficiency to both which I stood bound both in Conscience and by Law Upon reading of this Petition some Lords said Mr. Smith was an unmannerly Fellow not to come to me But the Lord Kimbolton told them he was a very worthy Man and that he might go to me afterward but it was fit their Order should be obeyed And the Earl of Warwick added that I desired Mr. Smith might come to me only that I might pick a Quarrel with him to frustrate the Order of the House Upon this there followed Instantly a Peremptory Order commanding me to present Obedience So Mr. Smith was left to come to me afterwards if he pleased and he came not at all which was as good as if he had come to have his Sufficiency examined for that which he had already in possession But how worthy and fit he proved I refer to all honest Men that heard him afterwards Upon this Order according to the former Advice of my Friends I delivered the Presentation to the Churchwardens and Parishioners and if any thing proved amiss in the Man as after did in a high Measure or hurtful in the thing it self I humbly besought God to have Mercy on me and to call for an Account of them who laid this pressure upon me CAP. XV. BEfore this time the Rectory of
Stisted in Essex was fallen void and in my Gift The E of Warwick was an earnest Suitor to me for it for one Mr Clark I delayed having Six Months time by Law to dispose of my Benefices During this delay Mr Richard Howlett a Batchelour of Divinity and a Man of very good worth a Dean in Ireland was by the Rebels there turned out of all he had and forced for safety of his Life to come with his Wife and Children into England His Wife was my near Kinswoman At their coming over I was forced to relieve them else they might have begged Hereupon I resolved in my self to give Stisted to Mr Howlett and to gratifie Mr Clark with something after Nothing doubting but that the Parliament would readily give way in such a case of Necessity for so worthy a Man as Mr Howlett was known to be While these things were in my Thoughts two other great Benefices fell into my disposal Bocking and Lachingdon both in Essex Presently the Parishioners Petition me They of Bocking for Dr Gawden a Chaplain of the Earl of Warwick's They of Lachingdon that they might chuse their own Minister I gave a fair Answer to both but reserved my self Then I was pressed with Letters from the Earl of Warwick for Dr Gawden My Answer was I could not gratifie Dr Gawden with Bocking and Mr Clark with Stisted Then Dr Gawden brings me a very earnest Letter but very Honourable from the Earl of Hertford When I saw my self thus pressed I resolved to name fit Men to all three Benefices presently and see how the Parliament would be pleased to deal with me Before I did this I thought fit to make a fair Offer to the Earl of Warwick who by Dr Gawden's intreaty came to me to the Tower I freely told his Lordship my Resolution which was that at the desire of his Lordship and my Honourable Friend the Lord Marquess of Hertford I would give Bocking to Dr Gawden Lachingdon to Mr Howlett in regard of his Alliance to me and his present Necessities and Stisted to Mr Newested to whom I was pre-ingaged by Promise to my Ancient worthy Friend Sir Tho Rowe whom Mr Newested had served in his Embassages seven Years and for Mr Clark he should have the next Benefice which fell in my Gift for his Lordship's sake His Lordship seemed to be very much taken with this Offer of mine and promised me and gave me his Hand upon it that he would do me all the kindness he could that these my Nominations might pass with the Lords Upon this I rested and according to my Promise Petitioned the Lords as is expressed Upon the Reading of this Petition the Lords Order'd me presently to Collate Bocking upon Dr Gawden which I did the Order being brought unto me the next Day But for the other two the Lords took time to consider The Earl of Warwick was then present in the House and as I am informed said little or nothing This made me fear the worst And therefore I advised Mr Howlett to get a full Certificate of the Lord Primate of Armagh both for Life and Learning and attend with it at the Parliament to make the best Friends for himself The Business stuck still At last he met with the Lord Kimbolton who presently made all Weather fair for him And upon his Lordships motion to the House an Order passed for Mr Howlett to have Lachingdon The Motive this Mr Howlett was Fellow of Sidney College in Cambridge and Tutor at that time to two Sons of the Lord Mountague the Lord Kimbolton's Uncle At which time also the Lord Kimbolton himself was a Student in the same College and knew the Person and worth of Mr Howlett This his Lordship Honourably now remembred else it might have gone hard with Mr Howlett's Necessities So upon the Order thus obtained I Collated Lachingdon upon him After this the Earl of Warwick went Lord Admiral to Sea by appointment of the Parliament And forthwith I was served with another Order to give Stisted to Mr Clark Hereupon I Petitioned again and set forth my Resolutions and Ingagements to Sir Tho Rowe And Dr Gawden having told me that the Earl of Warwick had left that Business for me in trust with the Lord Roberts I made bold to write to his Lordship and intreat his lawful Favour The Lord Roberts denied that any such Order or Care of that Business was left with him nor would he meddle in it but referred me to the Lord Kimbolton who still followed the Business close for Mr Clark By all which it appeared to me that the Earl of Warwick had forgotten his Promise to me to say no more Soon after I received another Order to give Stisted to Mr Clark To this I answered again by Petition but with like Success For another Order came forth Peremptorily to Command me to give Stisted to Mr Clark But it so fell out that this Order was not brought to me till Ten Days after the Date I sent my Councel to attend the Lords that I might not fall into Contempt The Business was not then called on and by the Sixteenth of the same Month Stisted fell in Lapse to His Majesty So I lost the giving of the Benefice and some body else their Ends upon me CAP. XVI ON May 15. Sunday I made a shift between my Man and my Staff to go to Church There Preached one Mr Joslin His Text Judge 5 23. Curse ye Meroz c. To pass over what was strangely Evil thoroughout his Sermon his Personal Abuse of me was so foul and so palpable that Women and Boys stood up in the Church to see how I could bear it And this was my first Welcome into the Church after my long Lameness But I humbly thank God for it I bare his Virulence patiently and so it vanished As did much other of like Nature which I bare both before and after this God forgive them After this I had some quietness most Particulars lying dead out of several respects unknown to me But all things grew higher and higher between the King and the Parliament to the great Dammage and Distraction of the Kingdom God of his Mercy send a speedy and a blessed Issue and preserve his Majesty the Kingdom and this poor Church from Ruin But I much fear our Sins are ripe for a very great if not a final Judgment Friday August the 19. Captain Royden and his Company by Order of Parliament came about seven of the Clock in the Evening to my House at Lambeth to take away my Arms. They stayed there all Night and searched every Room and where any Key was not ready brake open Doors And the next Morning they carried my Arms away in Carts to Guild-Hall London and I was sufficiently abused all the way by the People as my Arms passed They gave out in London there were Arms for Ten Thousand Men whereas there was not enough for
ready again in my great Business And Wednesday at Night Januar. 3. I received an Order for my Appearance and to Answer to the Impeachment against me on the Munday following Januar. 8. This Summons seem'd sudden after so great an Intermission Yet I could not Petition for more time till Saturday Januar. 6. because as the Messenger told me the House sat not again till then Then I Petitioned for more time in regard my Councel were not in Town And I had time given till Tuesday Januar. 16. and that Day set peremptorily Notwithstanding the shortness of this time my Councel being out of Town as not expecting it I was on Sunday Januar. 7. Ordered again to appear in Mr. Smart's Suit the next day The Warrant bare date a Fortnight before yet partly to Sanctifie the Sabbath and partly to shew his great Civility to me in giving me Warning I was not served with it till Sunday night at Seven of the Clock The next Morning I went to Westminster as I was commanded But I was sent back and not so much as called upon So beside the Charge I was at that Day was lost and taken from me and my Business as short time as I had given me Then Tuesday came on Januar. 16. And whereas I was Ordered to appear at the Lords House at Nine in the Morning I was by another Order put off to One of the Clock in the Afternoon Then I appeared The Committee that were to press the Evidence against me began to proceed upon the former general Articles as well as upon the latter But to the first Articles I had never been called to Answer nor ever joyned Issue Upon this there was much looking one upon another as if they meant to ask where the Failure was But by this means there could not then be any Proceeding So I was there peremptorily Ordered to put in my Answer on Munday Jan. 22. both to the Original and to the Additional Articles and in Writing At this day and time I appeared as I was Ordered to do but could not obtain of the Lords either to take my former Answer off from the File if I must put in another nor to distinguish the Articles which were Treason and which Misdemeanour Nor leave for my Councel to speak to the Generality and Uncertainty of the Original Articles which they professed were such as no Man living could prepare Answer for But I must put in my Answer presently or be taken Pro Confesso So in these Streights I put in my Answer to both Articles which follows in haec verba THE Humble Answer of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to the first and farther Articles of Impeachment brought up by the Honourable House of Commons against him and by Order of the Right Honourable the Lords in Parliament of the 16th of this Instant directed to be put in As to the 13th Article of the said first Articles and the Matters therein charged and all Matters or Things in the same or any of the rest of the said Articles contained which concern any Act of Hostility whether between the King and his Subjects or between Subject and Subject or which may be conceived to arise upon the coming of any English Army against Scotland or the coming of the Scottish Army into England or upon any Action Attempt Assistance Counsel or Device having relation thereunto and falling out by the occasion of the late Troubles preceding the late conclusion of the Treaty and return of the Scottish Army into Scotland This Defendant saith That it is Enacted by an Act made during the Sitting of this present Parliament that the same and whatsoever hath ensued thereupon whether Trenching upon the Laws and Liberties of the Church and Kingdom or upon his Majesty's Honour and Authority in no time hereafter may be called in question or resented as a Wrong National or Personal and that no mention be made thereof in time coming neither in Judgment nor out of Judgment but that it be held and reputed as though never such things had been thought or wrought as by the said Act may more at large appear With this that this Defendant doth Aver that he is none of the Persons Excepted by the said Act or the said Offences charged upon this Defendant any of the Offences excepted by the said Act. And as to all the rest of the said first and farther Articles this Defendant saving to himself all Advantages of Exception to the said Articles Humbly saith He is not Guilty of all or any the Matters by the said Articles charged in such Manner and Form as the same are by the said Articles charged against him This day the Thames was so full of Ice that I could not go by Water It was Frost and Snow and a most bitter day I went therefore with the Lieutenant in his Coach and twelve Warders with Halberts went all along the Streets I could not obtain either the sending of them before or the suffering them to come behind but with the Coach they must come which was as good as to call the People about me So from the Tower-gate to Westminster I was sufficiently railed on and reviled all the way God of his Mercy forgive the misguided People My Answer being put in I was for that time dismissed and the Tyde serving me I made a hard shift to return by Water And now notwithstanding all this haste made to have my Answer in Mr. Pryn cannot make this broken Business ready against me Therefore to fill up some time I was Ordered to be at the House again on Munday Jan. 29. about Mr. Smart's Business But being put to this Trouble and Charge and shewed to the People for a farther Scorn I was sent back again and had nothing said to me All February passed over and Mr. Pryn not yet ready he had not yet sufficiently prepared his Witnesses But on Munday Mar. 4. an Order passed to call me to the House to answer my Charge of High-Treason on Tuesday March 12. following And on Saturday March 9. I received a Note from the Committee which were to press the Evidence against me what Articles they meant to begin with which had a shew of some fair Respect but the Generality and Uncertainty of the Articles was such as rendred it a bare shew only no Particular being charged concerning which I might provide for any Witnesses or Counter-proof CAP. XXI AND now being ready to enter upon the Hearing and the Tryal it self I hold it necessary for me to acquaint the Reader with some General things before that begin Partly to the end he may see the course of this Tryal and the carriage which hath been in it and partly to avoid the often and tedious Repetition which else must necessarily be of some of them and especially that they may not be mingled either with the Evidence or my Answers to it to interrupt the Current or make any thing more obscure 1. The
but an Act of Parliament and that no regard was had to the Canons I humbly conceive there was no offence in the Words For though the Superiority by far in this Kingdom belongs to the Acts of Parliament yet some regard doubtless is or ought to be had to the Canons of the Church And if nothing will down with Men but Acts of Parliament the Government cannot be held up in many Particulars For the other Words God forgive this Witness For I am well assured I neither did nor could speak them For is it so much as probable that I should say I would rescind all Acts that are against the Canons What power have I or any particular Man to rescind Acts of Parliament Nor do I think any Man that knows me will believe I could be such a Fool as to say That I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the Kings Prerogative equal to Acts of Parliament Since I have lived to see and that often many Canons rejected as contrary to the Custom of the Place as in choice of Parish-Clerks and about the Reparation of some Churches and the King's Prerogative discussed and weighed by Law Neither of which hath or can be done by any Judges to an Act of Parliament That there is Malice in this Man against me appears plainly but upon what 't is grounded I cannot tell Unless it be that in this business of Dr. Gill and in some other about placing Lecturers which in some Cases this Company of the Mercers took on them to do I opposing it so far as Law and Canon would give me leave crossed some way either his Opinion in Religion or his Purse-profit I was I confess so much moved at the Unworthiness of this Man's Testimony that I thought to bind this Sin upon his Soul not to be forgiven him till he did publickly ask me Forgiveness for this Notorious Publick Wrong done me But by God's Goodness I master'd my self and I heartily desire God to give him a sense of this Sin against me his poor Servant and forgive him And if these words could possibly scape me and be within the danger of that Statute then to that Statute which requires my Tryal within six Months I refer my self The Eleventh Charge of this day was the Imprisonment of Mr. George Waker about a Sermon of his Preached to prove as he said That 't is Sin to obey the greatest Monarchs in things which are against the Command of God That I had Notes of his Sermons for four or five Years together of purpose to intrap him That I told his Majesty he was Factious That Sir Dadly Carlton writ to keep him close That in this Affliction I protested to do him Kindness and yet did contrary My Answer was That for the Scope of his Sermon To Obey God rather than Man no Man doubts but it ought to be so when the Commands are opposite But his Sermon was viewed and many factious Passages and of high Nature found in it And yet I did not tell the King he was Factious but that he was so complained of to me and this was openly at the Council-Table And whereas he speaks of Notes of his Sermons for divers Years with a purpose to intrap him all that he says is that he was told so but produces not by whom And truly I never had any such Notes nor ever used any such Art against any Man in my Life For his Commitment it was done by the Council-Table and after upon some Carriage of his there by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me nor can that be imputed to me which is done there by the major part and I having no Negative And if Sir Dudly Carlton writ to keep him close at his Brother's House contrary to the Lords Order let him answer it And if he supposes that was done by me why is not Sir Dudly examined to try that Truth As for the Protestation which he says I made to his Wife and his Brother that I complained not against him it was no Denyal of my Complaint made against him at the first that I heard he was Factious but that after the time in which I had seen the full Testimony of grave Ministers in London that he was not Factious I made no Complaint after that but did my best to free him And the Treason in these two Charges is against the Company of the Mercers and Mr. Waker The next Charge was that Dr Manwaring having been Censured by the Lords in Parliament for a Sermon of his against the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject was yet after this preferred by me in Contempt of the Parliament-Censure both to the Deanery of Warcester and the Bishoprick of St Davids And my own Diary witnesses that I was complained of in Parliament for it And that yet after this I did consecrate him Bishop 1. To this I answered that he was not preferred by me to either of these and therefore that could not be done in contempt of the Parliament-Censure which was not done at all For as for St Davids 't is confessed Secretary Windebank signified the King's Pleasure not I. And whereas it was added that this was by my means That is only said but not proved And for Worcester there is no Proof but the Docket-Book Now my Lords 't is well known in Court that the Docket doth but signifie the King's Pleasure for such a Bill to be drawn it never mentions who procured the Preferment So that the Docket can be no Proof at all against me and other there is none 2. For the Sermon 't is true I was complained of in Parliament that I had been the Cause of Licensing it to the Press and 't is as true that upon that Complaint I was narrowly sifted and an Honourable Lord now present and the Lord Bishop of Lincoln were sent to Bishop Mountain who Licensed the Sermon to Examine and see whether any Warrant had come from me or any Message But when nothing appeared I was acquitted in open Parliament To some Body 's no small Grief God forgive them and their Malice against me for to my knowledge my Ruin was then thirsted for And as I answered Mr. Brown's Summary Charge when he pressed this against me could this have been proved I had been undone long since the Work had not been now to be done That he was after Consecrated by me is true likewise and I hope 't is not expected I should ruine my self and fall into a Premunire by refusing the King 's Royal Assent and this for fear lest it might be thought I procured his Preferment But the Truth is his Majesty commanded me to put him in mind of him when Preferments fell and I did so But withal I told his Majesty of his Censure and that I fear'd ill Construction would be made of it To this it was replyed That I might have refused to Consecrate the Cause why being sufficient and justifiable in Parliament and excepted
the Warrants The next Witness concerning this Charge was Tho. Edwards He says That three Hampers of Mr. Pryn's Books were taken out of his House whither it seems they were conveyed for Safety and no Warrant shewed to take them The weaker Man he to let his Friends Books go so But this Witness hath not one Word of me 4. The next Witness was William Wickens he says he knew of no Warrant neither but that License was given by the Sheriffs about Six Years since Here 's never a Word concerning me nor am I to Answer for the Sheriffs Act. And whereas it is an Aggravation in the Charge That all Mr. Pryn's Books were sold Tho. Edwards says there were but Three Hampers of them and this Witness says he bought them for Two and Thirty Pounds And these neither by Number nor Price could be half of Mr. Pryn's Books if I have heard Truth of his Library 5. After this Man's Testimony comes Mr. Pryn himself in his own Cause He made a long relation of the Business and full of Bitterness against me This I doubt not was purposely done to represent me as Odious as he could to the Lords and the Hearers But I shall assume nothing to my self that was done by Order of the Court of Star-Chamber Whatsoever was done there by Common Consent was their Act not mine and if any Treason be in it they are as guilty as I for Treason admits no Accessories Nor will I meddle with the Language God forgive him that and what ever else he hath done against me Only I shall answer to all such particulars of his as seem to touch upon my self 1 First then he says he brought a Prohibition An. 1629. and that was the Ground of my Hatred against him For Prohibitions I shall Answer when they are Charged But as I remember not this so I bare him no Hatred and bearing him none it could not be for that Cause Nor doth he so much as offer to prove it was 2 Next he says I gave Direction to Mr. Attorney Noy and that Dr. Heylin drew some Informations for him Dr. Heylin was well acquainted with Mr. Attorney but how long or upon what grounds I know not Nor did I give Mr. Attorney any direction What Dr. Heylin did if he did any thing is nothing to me unless I set him on which is not Proved nor Sworn 3 He farther says That Mr. Attorney read his Book twice over and said that he found nothing amiss in it I know not what Mr. Attorney said to him nor what he may say of Mr. Attorney now he is dead This I am sure of and 't is well known to some of your Lordships he said far otherwise in open Court 4 He says That his Book was Licensed to the Press and after that seized and that the Messenger told him it was done by me This was done by Warrant of the High Commission not by me Nor doth he offer any Proof against me but that the Messenger told him so which is a bare Hearsay and no Proof 5 Then he says That there was another Order given about his Business and that I did it But he brings no Proof for this but that Mr. Ingram the then Keeper of the Fleet told him so But this is as bare a Hearsay as the former and Mr. Ingram not produced to make out the Proof 6 Then he says He writ me a Letter and that I sent it to Mr. Attorney to have him yet farther proceeded against 'T is true my Lords he did Write unto me but whether it were a Letter or a Libel I leave other Men to Judge This Letter I did send to Mr. Attorney but only to let him see how I was used not to have any farther proceeding against him But Mr. Attorny was so moved at the sight of it that when he saw me next he told me he would call him Ore tenus for it Therefore it seems somewhat was very much amiss in it call the Writing what you will 7 He says Mr. Attorney thought he had not kept the Letter but he was deceived for he had it But how was Mr. Attorney deceived I 'le tell your Lordships what himself told me When Mr. Attorney saw that I would not agree to any farther Prosecution he sent for Mr. Pryn shewed him the Letter and thought after he had Read it to give him some good Counsel to desist from that Libelling Humour of his But Mr. Pryn after he had got the Letter into his Hands went to the Window as if he meant to read it and while Mr. Attorney was otherwise busied he tare it into small Pieces and threw it out at the Window and then said unto him This shall never rise in Judgment against me Now he confesses he hath the Letter still and that Mr. Attorney was deceived Belike he tare some other Paper for it and put the Letter in his Pocket But that you may see the Honesty of this Man and what Conscience he makes of that which he speaks upon his Oath Here he says he had the Letter still and that Mr. Attorney was deceived And yet after this when he sets out his Breviate of my Life he confesses in an unsavoury Marginal Note That he Tare it Mr. Attorney having need of such a Paper And for this Breviate of his if God lend me Life and Strength to end this first I shall discover to the World the Base and Malicious Slanders with which it is fraught 8 He went on and said There was an Order made against him when Term was done so that he could have no Remedy This is directly against the Court and their Order not against me 9 Then he cites out of the Epistle before my Speech in the Star-Chamber that I Censured him for having his Hand in the Pamphlets of those times and yet was doubtful of it The Words are For I doubt his Pen is in all the Pamphlets But first 't is acknowledged I gave no Vote at all in his Censure And if I did not Judicially Censure him then sure I was not doubtful and yet Censured Secondly he was Censured upon his own Pamphlet And his Hand was certainly in his own what doubt soever I might make of it's being in theirs And Thirdly if the Words be extended to their Pamphlets also that 's nothing to prove I doubted of the Justness of the Sentence For the Words are not I doubt his Pen is in all those Pamphlets of Mr. Burton and Dr. Bastwick but in all the Pamphlets whether their Libels or any others so I might be doubtful of the one and yet certain enough of the other 10 And whereas he adds That he was joyntly Charged with Dr. Bastwick and Mr. Burton yet could not be suffered to speak together for a joynt Answer and that his Cross Bill was refused All this was done by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me And your Lordships know well the Lord Keeper managed the Affairs of that Court not
I. 11 Then he says That at last Mr. Holt came to him but was threatned that very Afternoon for it But he doth not tell your Lordships by whom and for my part more than civil giving him the time of the Day I never spake with him in all my Life 12 He tells your Lordships next how he passed through Coventry to which I have spoken already and how through Chester and how some Chester men were used concerning him and his entertainment But my Lords whatsoever was done in this was by the High-Commission at York and if any thing be therein amiss they must answer that did it 13 Lastly he spake of sending Sir William Balfore to me and some other like Particulars Of all which there is no Proof but a bare Relation what Mr. Hungerford Mr. Ingram and Sir William Balfore said which is all Hearsay and makes no Evidence unless they were present to Witness what is said And here give me leave to observe that Mr. Pryn hath in this Charge woven together all that he cou'd say concerning both Causes for which he was Censured For in the third Particular he speaks of his Book for which he was first Censured and in the Ninth and Tenth of his Cross-Bill and the like which were in his second Cause 6. The sixth Witness was Mr. Burton a Party too For that which he said agreeable to Mr. Pryn it received the same Answer And he added nothing new but that his Wife was kept from him by Warrant from the Lords And if it was by the Lords Order then was it not by me And when it was replyed that till he was Sentenced to Garnsey his Wife had access to him Mr. Burton answered Yea but my Lords she was not suffered to be with me at Nights At which the Lords fell a Laughing and there ended his Charge 7. The last Witness was Mrs. Bastwick And she also said nothing different from Mr. Pryn but that she was kept from her Husband and that she Petitioned the Lords about it But of me in particular not one Word And though Mr. Brown in his last Reply upon me said The Time of these Mens Censure was the noted Time of the Oppression of the Subjects Liberty yet I shall crave leave to say of these Men as S. Augustin once said of two great Donatists in his time who it seems had received some Sentence and afterwards a return not altogether unlike these Men They were Felicianus and Pretextatus of those thus S. Augustin If these Men were Innocent why were they so Condemned And if they were Guilty why were they with such Honour returned and received This applies it self And here I am willing to put the Reader in Mind too that Mr. Brown drawing up an exact Summ of my Charge and pressing it hard against me to my Remembrance and I think my Notes could not have slipped it passed by this Charge concerning Mr. Pryn and I cannot but think he had some Reason for it This tedious Charge being over the World ran round and I was brought back again to another Charge about demolishing the Houses at St Pauls and here three Witnesses more came against me 1. The first was Mr. Bently He said there were above Sixty Houses pulled down I Answered I know not the number but if there were so many the Recompence given was sufficient for more He said farther That there was Twenty Yards between the Church and some of the Houses There were very few if any such let him look to his Oath but then some were close upon the Wall of the Church And suppose all had been Twenty Yards distant that was not room enough to bring in and Lodge Materials for the Repair and to turn the Carriages And here again I made mention of my Salvo before desired for the Record of Ed. 3. touching the like Buildings and their Demolition 2. The second Witness was Mr. Goare For the Sixty Houses as was before testified I gave the same Answer as also that the Act of the Council-Table cannot be said to be my Act. For St. Gregory's Church they were not left without a Place for Divine Service as he would fain have it thought For they were assigned to a part of Christ-Church till another Church might be built for them And for the pulling down of St. Gregory's 't is well known to divers of that Parish that I was not so much as one of the Referees to whose view and consideration it was referred But the Truth is this Man Rented the Parsonage-House and had a good Penniworth of it to gain by his Under-Tenant The going down of that House troubles him and not the Church 3. The Third Witness Walter Biggs says nothing different from the two former but that I said I was opposed for the pulling down of the Houses Whence it was inferred that it was my Act because I was opposed But my Lords I hope I might say I was Opposed without any Offence or without taking the Order of the Council-Table to my self For 't is well known the Work of that Repair under God was mine and I took no indirect no oppressing Way to it nor can I now be ashamed of that which in future times in despight of the present Malice will be my Honour So that the Care of the Work lying upon me I might well say I was opposed though the Opposition went higher against the Orders of the Lords The last Charge of this Day was about the putting down of two Brewers in Westminster because the Excessive and Noysom Smoak from thence much annoyed the King's House Gardens and Park at St. James These two were Mr Bond and Mr Arnold 1. For Mr. Bond he begins with somewhat that I should say at the Council-Table As Namely that he must Seal a Bond of two Thousand Pounds to Brew no more with Sea-Coal Now this argues if I did so speak that it was in delivering to him the Sense of the Board which Office as I have before expressed and is well known was usually put upon me if I were present And your Lordships may here again see what Envy hath followed me upon that which I could not decline He says farther that upon this Mr. Attorney Banks proceeded against him in the Exchequer That there upon some occasion the Lord Chief Baron should say ye are wise Witnesses for the King That his Councel were forbid to Plead and so a Verdict passed for the King All this is nothing to me I was neither Chief Baron nor Witness nor one of the Jury that gave the Verdict He says he was informed that there was an Order of Council made that no Man should put up a Petition for him But himself doth not so much as mention that this Order was procured by me And it is but a Report that no Petition might be delivered for him and none of them that told him so produced for proof So he scandalizes the Lords by Hearsay Next he says
opened it so wide in the other when we moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings Where I humbly desire this Passage of the Law may be considered In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day and for not coming to Church The Words of the Law are For due Execution hereof the Queens most Excellent Majesty the Lords Temporal and all the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled do in God's Name earnestly require and Charge all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges as they will answer before God c. Now if I do not this here 's an apparent Breach of the Law And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book then the Judge who by this Law should assist me Cries O the Bishop and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne when he Summ'd his Charge against me The Fifth Charge of this Day was Mr. John Ward 's Case in a Suit about Symony in the High Commission He says for he also is in his own Cause That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington His Majesty trusted me with the Titles which did accrew to him in that kind and because Symony had been so rife Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title And this I conceive was no Offence Though this be that which he calls the heaviness of my Hand upon him He farther says That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich to admit the King's Clerk the Church being void 7. Junij 1638. Nor do I yet see my Lords what Crime it is in me trusted especially as before to send to the Bishop to admit when the Church is void Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony before Proof And Mr. Bland produced as a Witness also says that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich not to admit And I hope an Arch-Bishop and trusted therein by his Majesty may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk as any lay-Lay-Lord may write against it But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring but adds That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas Junij 12. And that thereupon I said it was to no purpose for us to sit there if after a long Tryal and Judgment given all might be stopped If I did say so I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject But if the Law will have it otherwise we cannot help that Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law Then he says a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission to the Judges to revoke the Ne admittas and that I was forward to have the Letter sent How forward soever I was yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court not by me And let the Letter be produced it shall therein appear that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas but to desire the Judges to consider whether it were not fit to be revoked considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation or a mistake in the Cause the Judges being still free to judge according to Law both for the one and the other And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges and therefore I think Legally But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void whereas this Letter to the Judges says it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all For after the Tryal past and the Symony proved the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court and Read the Church was not void as touching those Legalities which as I humbly conceive do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop yet that was better thought on in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges He says lastly That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth it was found that the King had no Right Why my Lords if different Courts judge differently of Symony I hope that shall not be imputed to me In the Court where I sate I judged according to my Conscience and the Law and the Proof as it appeared to me And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas Let Dr. Ryves answer it The Witness himself confesses that Dr. Ryves says the Command to the Cursitor was from the Lord Keeper not from me And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication and the Suits which followed it As it will appear in the Witnesses following which were four 1. The first was Mr Hen. Dade the Commissary then before whom the Cause began And he confesses He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall as in many Churches Sentences of 〈◊〉 are written But he tells your Lordships too that this Sentence was My House shall be called the House of Prayer but ye have made it a Den of Thieves The Commissary's Court was kept as usually it is at or toward the West-end of the Church And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall meerly to put a scorn and a scandal though I hope an unjust one upon that Court He was commanded to blot it out He would not because it was Scripture as if a Man might not Revile and Slander nay speak Treason too if he will be so wicked and all in Scripture-Phrase Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd To your Tents O Israel c. Upon this he was Excommunicated and I cannot but think he well deserved it For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber the Motion that Mr. Attorney would leave him to the common Prosecutor
and not follow it in his own Name himself confesses was made in open Court by Mr. Bierly and that from me he had no Instructions at all 2. The second Witness is Adams in his own Cause To the place of Scripture I have spoken already And the next that he says is That Sir Nath. Brent in my Visitation commanded the setting of the Communion Table at the upper end of the Chancel That upon his not blotting out the passage of Scripture he had an Action and that his Solicitor was Committed by J. Jones till he relinquished his Suit In all this there is not one word of any thing that I did And for that which Sir Nath. Brent did about placing the Communion Table 't is answered before He says also that when he saw that he must Prosecute his Suit against Commissary Dade in his own Name he left the Kingdom And surely my Lords if he would leave the Kingdom rather than Prosecute his Cause in his own Name 't is more than a sign that his Cause was not very good 3. The third Witness was Mr. Cockshot one of Mr. Attorney Banks his Servants He says that Adams moved him and he Mr. Attorney and that thereupon Mr. Attorney gave his Warrant against Dade By which your Lordships may see how active Mr. Cockshot was against a Church-Officer and in so foul a Scandal He says also that Mr. Dade came to Mr. Attorney and told him that I did not think it fit a Prosecution in such a Cause should be followed in Mr. Attorney's Name First 't is true I did not think it fit nor did Mr. Attorney himself when upon Mr. Bierlye's Motion he fully understood it Secondly the Cause being so scandalous to a Church-Officer I conceive I might so say to Mr. Dade or any other without offence But then thirdly here 's not one word that I sent Mr. Dade to Mr. Attorney about it He came and used my Name so Mr. Cockshot says but not one word that I sent him Lastly he says That Mr. Attorney told him that I blamed him for the business and that thereupon he chid this Witness and sent him to me and that I rebuked him for it but he particularly remembers not what I said Nor truly my Lords do I remember any of this But if I did blame Mr. Attorney for lending his Name in such a Scandalous Cause as this I did as I conceive what became me And if he chid his Man he did what became him And if I rebuked Mr. Cockshot when he was sent to me sure he deserved it and it seems it was with no great sharpness that he cannot remember any thing of it And so I answer'd Mr. Browne when he instanced in this 4. The last Witness was Mr. Pryn who says no Appeal was left him But that under Favour cannot be For if my Courts refused him which is more than I know he might have Appealed to the Delegats He says That he advised Adams to an Action of the Case that he blamed Lechford for deserting the Suit and that he advised him to go to Mr. Attorney So here 's no assistance wanting to Adams but the Church-Officer Mr. Dade must have none Yet I blame not Mr. Pryn because he says he did it as his Councel He says farther That when Adams was put to prefer his Bill in his owne Name that then the Excommunication was pleaded in Bar But he doth not say it was pleaded by me or my Advice nor do I hear him say it was unjustly pleaded And had not Adams been wilful he might have taken off the Excommunication and then proceeded as it had pleased him Then the Charge went on against me about the stop of Mr. Bagshawe the Reader of the Middle-Temple The Witnesses are two Lawyers which accompanied Mr. Bagshawe to Lambeth Mr. White and Mr. Pepys They say that Mr. Bagshawe insisted upon these two points First that a Parliament might be held without Bishops and Secondly that Bishops might not meddle in Civil affairs My Lords these things are now setled by an Act of this Parliament but then they were not And I conceive under Favour that Mr. Bagshawe the Crasiness of these Times considered might have bestowed his time better upon some other Argument And sure no Man can think that either my self or any Church-Governour could approve his Judgment in that Particular And whereas they say that the Lord Keeper Finch and the Lord Privy Seal told them that I was the Man that complained of it to the King and the Lords 'T is most true I did so and I think I had been much to blame if I had not done it And if when they came over to Lambeth about it they heard me tell Mr. Bagshawe as they also say they did that he should answer it in the High-Commission Court next Term I humbly conceive this no great Offence but out of all Question no Treason to threaten the High-Commission to a Reader of the Inns of Court The last Charge of this Day was concerning the Lord Chief Justice Richardson and what he suffered for putting down Wakes and other disorderly Meetings in Sommersetshire at the Assises there holden The single Witness to this is Edward Richardson a Kinsman of the Judges as I suppose He says That Complaints were made to the Judge of Wakes and Feasts of Dedication that his Majesty writ Letters about it to Sir Robert Philips and others They Certify a Command comes by the Lord Keeper to revoke the Order next Assises First 't is not done Then by Command from the Lords of the Council the Judge upon that second Command revokes it but as 't is Certified not fitly In all this here 's not one Word that concerns me Then he says That upon this last Certificate the business was referred to the Lord Marshal and my self and the Judge put from that Circuit I cannot now remember what Report we made But what e're it was the Lord Marshal agreed to it as well as I. Then a Letter of mine was produced of Octob. 4. 1633. But the Letter being openly read nothing was found amiss in it And under your Lordships Favour I am still of Opinion that there is no Reason the Feasts should be taken away for some Abuses in them and those such as every Justice of Peace is able by Law to remedy if he will do his Duty Else by this kind of proceeding we may go back to the old Cure and Remedy Drunkenness by rooting out all the Vines the Wine of whose Fruit causes it As for the Pretences which this Witness spake of they were none of mine as appears Evidently by the Letter it self As an Appendix to these was added a Letter of my Secretary Mr. Dell to Sir John Bridgman Chief Justice of Chester in a Cause of one Ed. Morris It was as I think it appears upon an Incroachment made in the Marches Court upon the Church In which Case I conceive by my Place
some known Bounds might be set to each Court that the Subject might not to his great Trouble and Expence be hurried as now he was from one Court to another And here I desired a Salvo till I might bring Arch-Bishop Parker's Book to shew his Judgment in this Point in the beginning of the Reformation if it shall be thought needful According to whose Judgment and he proves it at large there is open Wrong done to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Prohibitions The next Charge is about my undue taking of Gifts A Charge which I confess I did not think to meet here And I must and do humbly desire your Lordships to remember that till this Day I have not been Accused in the least for doing any thing Corruptly And if I would have had any thing to do in the base dirty Business of Bribery I needed not have been in such Want as now I am But my Innocency is far more to my Comfort than any Wealth so gotten could have been For I cannot forget that of Job That Fire shall consume the Tabernacles of Bribery And in the Roman Story when P. Rutilius a Man Summâ Innocentiâ of greatest Integrity was Accused Condemned and Banished 't is observed by the Story that he suffered all this not for Bribery of which he was not Guilty but Ob Invidiam for Envy against which when it Rages no Innocency no Worth of any Man is able to stand 1. But to come to the Particulars the first is the Case of Sir Edward Gresham's Son unhappily Married against his Father's will a Suit in the High Commission about it and that there he had but Fifty Pounds Damages given him That was no fault of mine my Vote gave him more but it was carried against me The Bond of two Hundred Pounds which was taken according to Course in the Court was demanded of me by Sir Edward to help himself that way and 't is confessed I granted it But then 't is Charged that in my Reference to Sir John Lambe to deliver him the Bond I required him to demand one half of the Forfeiture of the Bond toward the Repair of St. Pauls 'T is true I did so But First I desire it may be considered that it was wholly in my Power whether I would have delivered him the Bond or not Secondly That upon this gross Abuse I might have sued the Bond in my own Name and bestowed the Money upon what Charitable Uses I had thought fit Thirdly That I did nothing herein but what the Letters-Patent for Repair of St. Pauls give me power to do Fourthly That this is the third time St. Pauls is urged against me Which I am not sorry for because I desire since 't is once moved it may be sifted 〈◊〉 the uttermost And whereas to make all Ecclesiastical Proceedings the more odious it was urged that the Rubrick in the Common-Prayer Book mentions no License but asking of Banes That Rubrick is to be understood where no License is granted For else no License at all for Marriage without Banes-asking can be good which is against the Common both Law and Practice of the Kingdom 2. The second Particular was Charged by one Mr. Stone of London who said he sent into Lambeth two Butts of Sack in a Cause of some Chester-Men whom it was then in my Power to relieve and mitigate their Fine set upon them in the High Commission at York about Mr. Pryn's Entertainment as he passed that way And that this Sack was sent in before my Composition with him what should be mitigated and so before my return of the Fine mitigated into the Exchequer The Business my Lords was thus His Majesty having taken the Repair of the West End of St. Pauls to himself granted me to that end all the Fines in the High-Commission Court both here and at York and left the Power of Mitigation in me The Chester-Men which this Witness speaks of were deeply Sentenced at York for some Misdemeanours about Mr. Pryn then lately Sentenced in the Star-Chamber One or more of them were Debtors to this Mr. Stone to the value of near Three Thousand Pounds as he said These Men for fear of the Sentence kept themselves close and gave Mr. Stone to know how it was with them and that if he could not get me to moderate the Fine they would away and save themselves for they had now heard the Power was in me Upon this Mr. Stone to save his own Debt of three Thousand Pounds sends his Son-in-Law Mr. Wheat and Dr. Bailie Men that were bred in the College of S. John under me and had ever since good interest in me to desire my Favour I at first thought this a pretence and was willing to preserve to St. Pauls as much as fairly I might But at last upon their earnest pleading that the Men were not Rich and that Mr. Stone was like without any fault of his to be so much damnified I mitigated their Fines which were in all above a Thousand Pounds to two Hundred I had great Thanks of all Hands and was told from the Chester-Men that they heartily wished I had had the Hearing of their Cause from the beginning While Mr. Wheat and his Brother Dr. Bailie were Soliciting me for Favour to Mr. Stone He thinks upon sending Sack into my House and comes to my Steward about it My Steward acquaints me with it I gave him absolute Command not to receive it nor any thing from any Man that had Business before me So he refuses to admit of any Mr. Stone presses him again and tells him he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Cause but would give it for the great Favour I had always shew'd to his Son-in-Law But still I Commanded my Steward to receive none When Mr Stone saw he could not fasten it he watches a time when my Steward was out of Town and my self at Court and brings in his Sack and tells the Yeoman of my Wine-Cellar he had leave to lay it in My Steward comes home finds the Sack in the Cellar tells me of it I Commanded it should be taken out and carried back Then Mr. Stone comes intreats he may not be so Disgraced protests as before that he did it meerly for my great Favour to his Son-in-Law and that he had no Relation to the Chester-Men's Business And so after he protested to my self meeting me in a Morning as I was going over to the Star-Chamber Yet afterwards this Religious Professour for so he carries himself goes Home and puts the Price of the Sack upon the Chester-Men's Account Hereupon they complain to the House of Commons and Stone is their Witness This is the truth of this Business as I shall answer it to God And whether this do not look like a thing Plotted by the Faction so much imbittered against me let understanding Men judge Mr. Wheat his Son-in-Law was present in Court and there avowed that he Transacted the Business
see it Flourish in another Hundred Years 't is that which I cannot hope for now He says there was a Reference to the Councel on both sides and that under that Reference the Business dyed And if it dyed then what makes it here before the Resurrection Yea but says Mr. Nicolas here 's Agitation about the submitting of the Sword which is the Emblem of Temporal Power But neither to Foreign nor Home Power but only to God and that in the place and at the performance of his Holy Worship At which time and place Christian Kings submit themselves and therefore cannot stand upon the Emblems of their Power Nor would the Lords of the Council have made either Order or Reference had there been any thing of danger or against Law in this kind of submitting Mr. Yorke was produced as another Witness but said just the same with Marsh and so the same Answer served him Then followed a Charge about the Charter of York to be renewed and that I did labour to have the Arch-Bishop of York his Chancellor and some of the Residentiaries named in it to be Justices of Peace within the City To prove this Alderman Hoyle is produced Who says There was an Order of the Council about this but cannot say that I procured it So far then this Proof reaches not me For the Bishop his Chancellor and some of the Residentiaries to be Justices of Peace within the City If I were of this Opinion as then advised I am sure there 's no Treason in it and I believe no Crime And under your Lordships Favour I could not but think it would have made much Peace and done much Good in all the Cities of England where Cathedrals are Lastly he says There was a Debauched Man committed about breach of the Sabbath and being casually smother'd I should say they deserved to be Hanged that Killed him Concerning this Man he lost his Life that 's confessed His Debauchery what it was is not proved And were he never so disorderly I am sure he was not without Legal Tryal to be shut up into a House and smother'd That is against both Law and Conscience And the Officers then in being had reason to smother the Business as much as they could And it may be deserved somewhat if not that which this Alderman says I said to his best Remembrance For so and with no more certainty he expressed it This I am sure I said That if the Bishop 〈◊〉 any of the Church had been then in their Charter the Poor Man's Life had not been lost The Fourth Charge was just of the same Nature concerning the Charge of Shrewsbury For this there were produced two Witnesses Mr. Lee and Mr. Mackworth But they make up but one between them For Mr. Lee could say nothing but what he acknowledges he heard from Mr. Mackworth And Mr. Mackworth says first That the Schoolmaster 's Business was referred to other Lords and my self That 's no Crime and to my knowledge that has been a troublesom business for these Thirty Years He says I caused that there should go a Quo Warranto against the Town This is but as Mr. Owen informed him so no proof Beside 't is no Crime being a Referee if I gave legal Reason for it Nor is it any Crime that the Bishop and his Chancellor should be Justices within the Town As is aforesaid in the Case of York Considering especially that then many Clergy-Men bare that Office in divers Counties of England He adds that an Old Alderman gave Fifty Pound to St. Pauls But out of what Consideration I know not nor doth he speak And if every Alderman in the Town would have given me as much to that use I would have taken it and thanked them for it Then he says There was an Order from all the Lords Referees for setling all things about their Charter So by his own Confession the whole Business was transacted publickly and by Persons of great Honour and nothing charged upon my Particular If Mr. Owen sent me in a Butt of Sack and after put it upon the Town Account for so he also says Mr. Owen did ill in both but I knew of neither And this the Councel in their Reply said they urged not in that kind Lastly the Charter it self was Read to both Points of the Bishops and his Chancellors being Justices of Peace within the Town and the not bearing up of the Sword To both which I have answer'd already And I hope your Lordships cannot think his Majesty would have passed such a Charter Or that his Learned Councel durst have put it to him had this thing been such a Crime as 't is here made The next Charge was out of my Diary at March 5 1635. The words are William Juxon Lord Bishop of London made Lord High Treasurer of England No Church-Man had it since H 7 time I pray God bless him to carry it so that the Church may have Honour and the King and the State Service and Contentment by it And now if the Church will not hold up themselves under God I can do no more I can see no Treason in this nor Crime neither And though that which I did to help on this Business was very little yet Aim I had none in it but the Service of the King and the Good of the Church And I am confident it would have been both had not such troublesom Times followed as did Then they instanced in the Case of Mr. Newcomen But that Cause being handled before they did only refer the Lords to their Notes And so did I to my former Answers Then followed the Case of Thorn and Middleton which were Fined in the High Commission about some Clergy-Mens Business Thorne being Constable The Witnesses in this Case are Three 1. The first is Huntford if I took his Name right And for the Censure of these Men he confesses it was in and by the High Commission and so no Act of mine as I have often pleaded But then he says that I there spake these words That no Man of their Rank should meddle with Men in Holy Orders First he is in this part of the Charge single and neither of the other Witnesses comes in to him Secondly I humbly desire the Proceedings of the High Commission may be seen which are taken out of our hands For so far as I can remember any thing of this Cause the Minister Mr. Lewis had hard measure And perhaps thereupon I might say that Men of their Rank should not in such sort meddle with Men in Holy Orders But to tax the proceedings of a violent busie Constable was not to exempt the Clergy from Civil Magistracy Upon this he falls just upon the same words and says that I utter'd them about their offering to turn out a Corrector from the Printing-House This Corrector was a Minister and a well deserving Man The Trust of the Press was referred to the High-Commission Court And
to see what I did at Oxford 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent And he says The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already And if it be lawful in one place 't is in another For the Chappel of Magdalen College and Christ-Church Quire he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either Nor doth he know whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door as I knew nothing of it till it was done so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too that he knows not of any Adoration of it as Men passed the Streets or otherwise When this Witness came not home they urged the Statute of Merton College or the Vniversity where if I took my Notes right they say I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam And as I know no fault in that Injunction or Statute so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church without some Bowing or Genuflection 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett He says that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles he gave Reasons against it but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still First my Lords if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it and not I. Secondly it may be observed that this Man by his own Confession gave Reasons such as they were against due Reverence to God in his own House He says that Dr. Frewen told him from me That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's or let another Execute his place as Proctor This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen who being at Oxford I cannot produce him And if I had sent such a Message I know no Crime in it He says that after this he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him He did so And from that Day he heard no more of it but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked He says Mr. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he He confesses ingenuously that the Bowing required was only Toward not to the Altar And To the Picture at St. Mary's Door he says he never heard of any Reveverence done to it And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church was since my Time But it must be his Knowledge not his Belief that must make an Evidence 3. The Third Witness was one Mr. Bendye He says There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time If there be 't is more than I know My Lord of York that now is when he was Bishop of Lincoln worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel and if he did set up a Crucifix I think it was before I had ought to do there He says there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus And God forbid but there should and the Canon of the Church requires it He says there were Latin Prayers in Lent but he knows not who injoyned it And then he might have held his Peace But there were Latin Sermons and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday when few came to Church but the Lent Proceeders who understood them And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin and had so long before I knew the University The last Thing he says was That there were Copes used in some Colleges and that a Traveller should say upon the sight of them that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back therefore a Protestant may not wear one or entring into S. Pauls he may cry Down with it for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity The Words were to this Effect I desire you to remember me a Sinner Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis which is no more than that when they there fall on their Knees or Prostrate to Prayer they would remember me In which Desire of mine or Expression of it I can yet see no Offence No nor in coram Altare their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence but because I have answered those Titles already I refer the Reader thither and shall not make here any tedious Repetition Only this I shall add That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen that not Bishops only one to another but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra to Bishops of meaner place than my self to say no more But here Mr. Brown in his last Reply was pleased to say This Title was not given to any Bishop of England First if I had my Books about me perhaps this might be refuted Secondly why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation Is it impossible be my Unworthiness what it will for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another Thirdly be that as it may if it were as certainly it was Lawfully given to other Bishops though they not English then is it neither Blasphemy nor Assumption of Papal Power as was Charged upon it From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge And I must be Guilty if ought were amiss there too For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses Mr. Wallis Mr. Greece and Mr. Seaman Their Testimonies agreed very near So I will answer them together First they say That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks and Pictures in the Glass-Windows and the like But these things I have often answered already and shall not repeat They say the Chief Authors of these things were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens They are both living why are they not called to answer their own Acts For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me For no one of them says that I gave direction for any of these No says Mr. Serjeant but why did I tolerate them First no Man complained to me Secondly I was not Chancellor and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place And thirdly this was not the least Cause why I followed my Right for Power to visit there And though that Power was confirmed to me yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it It would have but heaped more Envy on me who bare too much already As
Secondly he confesses that when Dr. Bray made stay of them he never complained to me and I cannot remedy that which I do not know Thirdly he confesses that all the time he was in Lambeth-House my Predecessor ever left that care of the Press upon his Chaplains and why I might not do it as well as my Predecessor I do not yet know But he said that he complained to Sir Edmund Scott and desired to be advised by him what he should do And that he Answer'd he thought I would not meddle with that troublesome Business more than my Predecessors had done Be this so yet Sir Ed. Scott never told me this nor is there any the least Proof offer'd that he did But because this and the like passages about Expunging some things out of Books makes such a great Noise as if nothing concerning Popery might be Printed And because Mr. Brown in Summing up of the Charge in the House of Commons warmly insisted upon this Particular I thought it necessary to Answer as follows That what moved my Chaplain to Expunge that large passage against Images I knew not nor could I now know my Chaplain being Dead But that this I was sure of that else-where in those very Sermons there was as plain a passage and full against Images left in And in another place a whole Leaf together spent to prove them Idolaters and that as gross as the Baalists and so he terms them Yea and that the Pope is Antichrist too and not only called so but proved by divers Arguments And not so only but in plain Terms that he is the Whore of Babylon And these passages I then Read out of the Book it self in the House of Commons And many other-like to these there are So my Chaplain might see good Cause to leave out some passages Where so many upon as good Cause were left in But to the Business of leaving the Care of these Books and the overview of them to my Chaplains it was then urged That the Commissary of John Lord Arch-Bishop of York had Excommunicated the Lord Bishop of Durham being then in the King's Service And that the Arch-Bishop himself was deeply Fined for this Act of his Commissary And that therefore I ought much more to be answerable for my Chaplain's Act whom I might put away when I would than he for his Commissary who had a Patent and could not be put out at pleasure Mr. Brown also followed this Precedent close upon me But first there is a great deal of difference in the thing it self My Chaplain's Case being but the leaving out of a passage in a Book to be Printed But his Commissary's Case being the Excommunicating of a great Bishop and he in the King's Service of whose Honour the Laws of this Realm are very tender And Secondly the Bishop and his Official call him Chancellor or Commissary or what you will make but one Person in Law and therefore the Act of the Commissary to the full extent of his Patent is the Act of the Bishop in legal Construction and the Bishop may be answerable for it But the Bishop and his Chaplain are not one Person in any Construction of Law And say he may put away his Chaplain when he will yet that cannot help what is past if ought have been done amiss by him And this was the Answer I insisted on to Mr. Brown Upon my entrance on this days Defence I found my self aggrieved at the Diurnal and another Pamphlet of the Week wherein they Print whatsoever is Charged against me as if it were fully proved never so much as mentioning what or how I Answer'd And that it troubled me the more because as I conceived the passages as there expressed trenched deep upon the Justice and Proceedings of that Honourable House And could have no Aim but to incense the Multitude against me With some difficulty I got these Pamphlets received but there they dyed and the Weekly abuse of me continued to keep my Patience in Breath CAP. XXXV The Thirteenth Day of my Hearing THE First Charge of this Day was the Opinion which was held of me beyond the Seas The first Witness was Sir Henry Mildmaye who as is before related told me without asking That I was the most Hateful Man at Rome that ever sate in my See since the Reformation Now he denied not this but being helped on by good Preparation a Flexible Conscience and a fair leading Interrogatory by Mr. Nicolas Mr. Serjeant Wilde was Sick and came no more till the last day when I made my Recapitulation he minced it And now he says that there were two Factions at Rome and that one of them did indeed speak very ill of me because they thought I aimed at too great a Power here in England But the other Faction spake as well of me because they thought I endeavoured to bring us in England nearer to the Church of Rome But first my Lords this Gentleman's Words to me were Round and General That I was hated at Rome not of a Party or Faction there And my Servants heard him at the same time and are here ready to witness it that he then said the Pope was a goodly Gentleman and did use to ride two or three great Horses in a Morning and but that he was something taller he was as like Auditor Philips who was then at Dinner with me as could be But I pray mark what Wise Men he makes them at Rome One Faction hates me because I aim at too much Power And the other loves me because I would draw England nearer Rome Why if I went about to draw England nearer Rome can any among them be such Fools as to think my Power too great For if I used my Power for them why should any there Condemn me And if I used it against them why should any here Accuse me Non sunt haec benè divisa temporibus These things suit not with the Times or the Dispositions of Rome But the plain Truth is I do not think that ever he was at Rome I after heard a whisper that he only stepped into France for another Cure not to Rome for Curiosity which was the only cause he gave the Lords of his going thither 2. The second Witness was Mr. Challoner He says not much of his own knowledge but of Fame that tatling Gossip yet he told the Lords I was a very Obscure Man till within these Fifteen Years Be it so if he please Yet I have been a Bishop above Three and Twenty Years And 't is Eighteen Years since I was first Dean of his Majesty's Chappel Royal. He says that after this time there was a strong Opinion of Reconciliation to Rome A strong Opinion but a weak Proof For it was an Opinion of Enemies and such as could easily believe what they over-much desired He farther said that some of them were of Opinion that I was a good Roman-Catholick and that
is Dead and cannot answer for himself Thus far I can for him without medling with any his Opinions He was very Honest and very Learned and at those Years he was of might deserve more than a Poor Benefice 16. Here Mr Pryn came in again and Testified very boldly that I gave many Benefices which were in the Gift of the Master of the Wards And all Preferments only to such Men as were for Ceremonies Popery and Arminianism For the First of these two the Business was thus There arose a Difference between the then Lord Keeper Coventry and the Lord Cottington then Master of the Wards about the disposing of those Benefices It grew somewhat high and came to Hearing by the King himself His Majesty upon Hearing gave the right of Sealing to the Lord Keeper but for the time till more might appear reserved the Giving to himself that he might have some of those lesser Preferments to bestow on such Ministers as attended upon his Navy then at Sea I never gave any one of these Benefices in my Life And that this Story is of Truth the Lord Cottington is yet living and can Witness it And this very Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who in summing up the Charge laid this also upon me and without mentioning what Answer I gave to it For the Second that I preferred none but such Men. 'T is known I preferred Bishop Hall to Exeter Dr. Potter to Carlile Dr. Cook to Bristol first and then to Hereford That I gave Dr. Westfield the Archdeaconry of S. Albans that I was Dr. Fells means for Christ-Church and Dr. Higgs his for the Deanery of Litchfield that I setled Dr. Downing at Hackney and Mr. Herrick at Manchester when the Broad Seal formerly given him was questioned That I gave two of my own Benefices to Mr. Palmer and Mr. Taylor two of the now Synod an Hospital to Dr Jackson of Canterbury and a Benefice to his Son in Law at his Suit I could not Name all these upon the sudden yet some I did and no one of them guilty of this Charge in the least Mr. Brown in his Summary said I could name but one or two And when in my Answer made in the House of Commons I specified more among which Mr Palmer was one Mr. Brown said in his Reply that Mr Palmer had indeed his Benesice of my giving so himself told him but it was at the Entreaty of a great Noble-Man Say it were Mr. Palmer was then a stranger to me Some body must speak and assure me of his Wants and Worth or I cannot give But if upon this I give it freely is it worth no thanks from him because a Noble-Man spake to me Let Mr. Palmer rank this Gratitude among his other Vertues 17. From hence they stepped over into Ireland and objected my preferring of Dr Chappel to be Master of the College at Dublin Here the first Witness is Mr. Walker He says that all his Scholars were Arminians This is a great sign but not full Proof He says that Dr. Chappel was at First fierce against them but afterward changed his Mind Dr. Featly said the like of Dr. Potter Some say Arminius himself was at first Zealous against those Opinions but studying hard to confute them changed his own Mind Take heed Mr. Walker do not Study these Points too hard For my own part Dr. Chappel was a Cambridge Man altogether unknown to me save that I received from thence great Testimony of his Abilities and fitness for Government which that College then extreamly wanted And no Man ever complained to me that he favoured Arminianism The other Witness was Dr. Hoyle a Fellow of the College in Dublin He says that the Doctor did maintain in that College Justification by Works and in Christ-Church Arminianism In this he is single But if it be true why did not the Lord Primate of Armagh Punish him for he says he knew it That he opposed some things in the Synod And it may be there was just Cause for it Lastly he says the late Lord Deputy liked not the Irish Articles but gave them an Honourable Burial as he says the Lord Primate himself confessed I am a stranger to all this nor doth Dr. Hoyle charge any thing against me but says that they which did this were supposed to have some Friend in England And surely their Carriage was very ill if they had none 18. Then were Letters read of my Lord Primate's to me in which is Testified my Care of the Patrimony of that Church And then a Paper of Instructions given by me to the Lord Deputy at his first going into that Kingdom For the First though it be thrust in here among matters of Religion yet I pray your Lordships to consider 't is about the Patrimony of that Church only And I thank them heartily for producing it For in this Letter is a full confession of my Lord Primate's that the motion of getting the Impropriations from his Majesty formerly objected against me proceeded from him as I then pleaded And the Letter was read For the Second my Lord Deputy a little before his first going into Ireland asked me what Service I would command him for the Church there I humbly thanked him as I had reason and told him I would bethink my self and give him my Thoughts in Writing These are they which are called Instructions They are only for the good of that poor Church as your Lordships have heard them This was all and herein my Lord shewed his Honour and I did but my Duty Though I very well understand why this Paper is produced against me After this they proceeded to the Eleventh Original Article which follows in haec Verba 11. He in his own Person and his Suffragans Visitors Surrogates Chancellors or other Officers by his Command have caused divers Learned Pious and Orthodox Preachers of God's Word to be Silenced Suspended Deprived Degraded Excommunicated or otherwise Grieved and Vexed without any just and lawful Cause whereby and by divers other means he hath hindred the Preaching of God's Word caused divers of his Majesty's Loyal Subjects to forsake the Kingdom and Increased and Cherished Ignorance and Prophaneness among the People that so he might the better facilitate the way to the effecting of his own Wicked and Traiterous Design of Altering and Corrupting the true Religion here Established 1. The First Instance to make good this Article was a Repetition of some Lecturers before-named But when they thought they had made Noise enough they referred the Lords to their Notes and so did I to my former Answers 2. The Second Instance was out of some Articles of Bishop Mountague and Bishop Wrenn and their Account given to me Bishop Wrenn Art 16 Speaks of the Afternoon Sermons being turned into Catechising And Art 5 of his Account I take it that no Lecture in his Diocess after c. It was made plain to the Lords that this was spoken of some single and factious
I produced Mr. Dobson an ancient Servant to my Predecessors who witnessed that Arch-Bishop Bancroft had store of them and kept them all his Time Nor do I know how this Charge can fall upon me For there is no one Word in any of the Letters produced that Reflects upon me or any Plot of mine Nor indeed had I ever any such to Reflect upon The Fourth Charge is That I had a Hand in the Plot for sending the King when he was Prince into Spain to be perverted in his Religion They follow their Proof of this out of my Diary And they begin with my Friendship with the Lord Duke of Buckingham who waited on the Prince in this Journey And first they urged my Diary at June 9. 1622. where I mention that there were then Particulars which are not for Paper But the Words which lead these in were his entrance upon a near Respect to me the particular Expressions whereof were not for Paper Nor Word nor Thought of either Plot or Popery Then they urged June 15. 1622. where 't is said that I became C. that is Confessor to the Lord Duke First if my Lord Duke would Honour me so much as to make me his Confessor as I know no Sin in it so is it abundantly Proof that the Passages before mentioned were not for Paper Should I venture them so there 's never a Person of Honour present but would think me most unworthy of that Trust. Next they pressed June 13. 1623. where I confess that I received Letters from my Lord Duke out of Spain I did so and I then held it great Honour to me and do so still But then and long before it was known to all Men whither he was gone and with whom Nay it was commonly known to all Men of Quality hereabout within three or four Days And till it was so commonly known I knew it not Yea but then they inforced out of Feb. 17. 1622 3. That the Prince and the Marquess of Buckingham set forward very Secretly for Spain And Feb. 21. that I writ to his Lordship into Spain 'T is true they went away that Day and very secretly but I neither did nor could set it down till afterwards that I came to know it And then so soon as I came to know it which was about the 21th I did write To these was Cunningly how Honestly let all the World Judge pieced a Passage out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall But that Letter was read at my humble motion to the Lords and the Date of it was in 1634. So many Years after this Business of Spain And the Passage mentioned was only about King James his manner of defending the Pope to be Antichrist and how he salved it while the Prince was in Spain But King James related it after Nor could any Words of that Letter be drawn to the King 's going thither much less to any knowledge I had of it The Fifth Charge was concerning his Majesty's Match with France And here again they urge my Diary at Mar. 11. 1625. That the Duke of Buckingham was then and there employed And at May 19. and 29. that I then writ Letters to him First my Lords I hold it my great Honour that my Lord Duke would write to me and give me leave to write to him Secondly I have committed some Error in these Letters or none If none why are they Charged If any why are they not produced that I may see what it is and answer it The Sixth Charge was That I was an Instrument of the Queens This they endeavoured to prove by my Diary in Three Places First at Aug. 30. 1634. Vpon occasion of some Service done she was graciously pleased to give me leave to have immediate Access unto her when I had Occasion This is true and I most humbly Thanked her Majesty for it For I very well knew what belonged to Addresses at Second Hand in Court But what Crime is in this that the Queen was pleased to give me Access unto her when I had Occasion Here 's no Word of Religion Secondly at May 18. 1635. Where 't is said that I gave her Majesty an account of some thing committed to me If her Majesty sent or spake to me to do any thing as it seems she did shall I want so much Duty as to give her an Account of it So belike I must be unmannerly with her Majesty or lye open to no less than a Charge of high Treason Thirdly at April 3. 1639. 'T is made a great matter that I should then dispatch a great business for the Queen which I understood she would not move for her self And that for this her Majesty gave me great Thanks Mr. Nicolas his Inference upon this was that they conceive wherefore But his Conceit makes no Evidence He must not only conceive but prove wherefore before it can work any thing against me As for Religion as there is no Word of it in my Diary so neither was it at this time thought on Her Majesty would therein have moved for her self But it seems it must be a Crime if I be but Civil and Dutiful towards the Queen though it be but thrice mentioned in so many Years The Seventh Charge was that I forbad Ministers Praying for the Queens Conversion and punished others The First Witness Mr. Ratcliff says that Sir Nath. Brent gave it in Charge at Bow Church in my Visitation The more to blame he if so he did Yea but he says it was by my Command delivered unto him by Sir John Lambe Was it so How doth Mr. Ratcliff know that He doth not express He was not present when I spake with Sir John Lambe And if Sir Nath. Brent told him of it 't is but Hearsay And Sir Nath. having been so ready a Witness against me why is he not examined to this Particular And as for the Paper which was shewed it appears plainly there that it was no Paper of Instructions sent to my Visitors by me but of particular Informations to me Of which one was that the Queen was prayed for in a very Factious and Scandalous Way And this appeared when that Paper was read And this I referred to my Visitors as I not only might but ought Not forbidding the Prayers but the Scandalous manner of them The Second Witness was Mr. Pryn. Who says That one Mr. Jones was punished for praying for the Queen He was punished in the High-Commission for scandalous Abusing the Queen under a Form of Praying for her and for divers other Articles that were against him And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who forgot not this in summing up my Charge The Eighth Charge was That I punished Men for Praying to preserve the Prince No God forbid The High-Commission Book was shewed and that there in the Year 1634. one Mr. Howe was Censured for it I got this Act of the High-Commission to be read to the Lords His Prayer went
Yea but some Letters were found from his Son Thomas what Entertainment be had in Foreign parts for his Father's sake But these Letters were read to the Lords and there is not one Word in them that relates to me And 't is both likely and fit the Son of a Secretary of State should be worthily used in his Travels Yea but his Son Christopher was at Rome and sent thither to Insinuate himself with the Pope So Andreas ab Habernfeld writes in the Papers which Sir William Boswell sent over to me If he did send his Son to that end then I discovered his Plot for I caused those Papers to be examined by the King and the Lords as is before related Besides in my Poor Judgment the Pope must be a very simple Man it may be Mr. Nicolas thinks him so compared with himself that a Youth of Seventeen at the most should insinuate himself to Fish any thing out of him for his Fathers Service Lastly he pressed that my Interest continued with Mr. Secretary in all these Courses of his 'T is well known in Court the old Interest did not continue between us but for old Friendships sake I will not be drawn to say more As for his releasing of any Priests he must give an account of that himself But for my self I was so careful in this Particular that I never put my Hand though Publick at Council-Table or Star-Chamber to any Release in all my time I might be named as present when such Release was made which I could not avoid but act in any I did not Nay I was so careful that I refused to set my Hand to any License to Travel lest if any Young Man should be perverted abroad in his Travels any thing might be imputed to me And this all the Clerks of the Council can Witness But I see no Wariness no Care can prevent the Envy and the Malice of the Many and the Mighty The Eighth Charge was my Correspondence with Popish Priests And for Proof of this they produced divers Witnesses 1. The First Witness was one Wadsworth one of the Common Messengers used to attach such Persons He says that Smith aliàs Fludd bragged to him that he had acquaintance with me Here 's nothing but a Bragging Report of Smith who what he is I know not So here 's no Proof He says that Four Pound was sent to himself to free him out of Prison and that Davis told him it came from me This is but a Hearsay from Davis as the former was from Smith But say my Lords if I did send him Four Pound to free him out of Prison doth he not now very thankfully reward me for it The Truth is my Lords I did send him Four Pound And the Motive that made me send it was because I heard he was a Convert from Popery to be a Protestant and that his Imprisonment was as much for that as for any thing else And this was attested to the Lords by my Servant Mr. 〈◊〉 who was one of them that moved me for him 2. The Second Witness was Francis Newton another Messenger He says that when he had taken Henry Mors a Priest he should have been carried to a private Committee that he disliked it and Complained to Mr. Secretary Cook who he says sent him to me and that when he came to Lambeth Mr. Dell told him I was in my Garden with Sir Toby Matthew My Servant Mr. Dell being appointed my Solicitor was now present in Court and denyed all this And well he might for Sir Toby was never in my Garden with me in all his Life And if Mr. Dell told him that I would not meddle in the Business as he says he did Mr. Dell must give the Account for it not I. Yet if there were a Reference of this Mors to a private Committee the hindring of that was more proper to Mr. Secretary than to me Howsoever here was no hurt done For he confesses that Mors was sent back to Newgate And if as he farther says he was discharged by Mr. Secretary Windebank that is nothing to me He says he was informed by Stukely that Smith aliàs Fludd was acquainted with me But if he were but informed so himself that 's no Proof to inform your Lordships He says that Brown a Priest was dismissed out of the High-Commission Thus it was He was called in thither for very foul Uncleanness In process of this Business he there openly confessed himself a Priest Hereupon that Court sent him to Newgate What became of him after I know not save that I know he was strictly examined by Mr. Pym and others concerning me This Newton upon what Grudge I know not calls me Rogue and all to naught in all Companies and with so much I acquainted the Lords 3. The Third Witness was Tho. Mayo a Messenger also He says that Sir Toby Matthew was accounted a Priest when he was in parts beyond the Seas and that he saw him in Coach with me and that he went over with me in my Barge First I gave in Two Exceptions against this Witness One that he was a Man of no Conscience for he had shifted his Religion from Protestant to Papist and back again three or four times Which was a thing known The other was that he kept a Brothel House at this present And that his Fellow Wadsworth knew this and called him Pimping Knave saying he kept a Brace of Wenches at this time in his House And these Words he spake of him but the Fifth of this present July in the Bull Tavern in the Palace-Yard So I thought him no fit Witness But he was heard for all this And afterwards Wadsworth meeting my Servant Mr. Snath he told him that he did say so to Mayo and wondred how I should come to hear it Being admitted and saying as he did I told the Lords that he began with a very bold Oath and like a shifter of his Religion For I had Four of my Servants there Three of which usually attended me when I went and returned from Court Mr. Dell Mr. Snath Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Dobson and they all attested the contrary and I never went but one of these at least was with me Besides he is single in this Testimony He says that he saw Sir Toby several times in my House But he confesses withal that he never saw him near me For my own part I cannot say that ever he was within my Doors But if he or others of his Quality do come to pry out any thing in my House how is it possible for me to hinder it My Porter could not see it written in their Foreheads who they were He says That one Price was often seen at my House But he doth not say he was seen with me or there with my Knowledge He says That one Leander was Reported to have been my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford First this is but a Report and so no Evidence Secondly if he were my
all the Proof they brought for it is that it is written upon the Paper that there was an Intention to Print it but that I know not what hinder'd it But this Argument can never conclude John a Nokes knows not who hindred the Printing of a Jewish Catechism in England therefore he was displeased the Catechism was not Printed But I see every Foot can help trample him that is down Yea but they Instanced in three Particulars which they charged severally upon me The first Particular was That by this Remonstrance they sought to fill our Peoples Hearts more than our Ears A second was that they swelled to that bigness till they brake themselves But neither of these strike at any Right or Priviledge of Parliaments they only Tax some Abuses which were conceived to be in the Miscarriage of that one Parliament And both these Particulars were in my Instructions And though I have ever Honoured Parliaments and ever shall yet I cannot think them Infallible General Councils have greater Promises than they yet they may Err. And when a Parliament by what ill Accident so-ever comes to Err may not their King tell them of it Or must every Passage in his Answer be sour that pleases not And for that Remonstrance whither it tended let the World judge the Office is too dangerous for me The third Particular was the Excusing of Ireland and the growth of Popery there of which that Remonstrance An. 1628. complained This was in the Instructions too And I had Reason to think the King and his Council understood the State of Ireland for Religion and other Affairs as well as other Men. And I was the more easily led into the belief that Religion was much at one State in Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's and King James his time and now because ever since I understood any thing of those Irish Affairs I still heard the same Complaints that were now made For in all these times they had their Romish Hierarchy Submitted to their Government Payed them Tythes Came not to the Protestant Churches And Rebelled under Tyrone under pretence of Religion And I do not conceive they have gone beyond this now If they have let them Answer it who have occasioned it But to prove this great new growth of Popery there they produced first a Proclamation from the State in Ireland dated April 1. 1629. Then a Letter of the Bishop of Kilmore's to my self dated April 1. 1630. Thirdly a Complaint made to the State there An. 1633. of this growth so that I could not but know it Most true when these Informations came I could not but know it But look upon their Date and you shall find that all of them came after this Answer was made to the Remonstrance and therefore could not possibly be foreseen by me without the Gift of Prophesie Then they produced a Letter of the Earl of Straffords in which he Communicated to me Mar. 1633. that to mould the Lower House there and to rule them the better he had got them to be chosen of an equal number of Protestants and Papists And here Mr. Maynard who pressed this point of Religion hard upon me began to fall foul upon this Policy of the Earl of Strafford and himself yet brake off with this But he is gone Then he fell upon me as a Man likely to approve those ways because he desired the Letter might be communicated to me This Letter was not written to me as appears by the Charge it self For if it had no Man else needed to communicate it to me And I would fain know how I could help any of this If that Lord would write any thing to me himself or communicate any thing to another that should acquaint me with it was it in my power to hinder either of these And there were other Passages in this Letter for which I conceive his Lordship desired the Communication of that Letter to me much more than the Particular urged which could no way relate unto me And Mr. Brown in his Summ said very little if any thing to this Business of Ireland After this Mr. Nicolas who would have nothing forgotten that might help to multiply Clamour against me fell upon five Particulars which he did but name and left the Lords to their Notes Four of these Five were handled before As First the words If the Parliament prove peevish Secondly that the King might use his own Power Thirdly the violation of the Petition of Right Fourthly the Canons Fifthly that I set Spyes about the Election of Parliament-Men in Glocester-shire and for this last they produced a Letter of one Allibon to Dr. Heylin To the four first I referred the Lords to their Notes of my Answers as they did To this last that Mr. Allibon is a meer Stranger to me I know not the Man And 't is not likely I should employ a Stranger in such a Business The Letter was sent to Dr. Heylin and if there were any discovery in it of Juglings there in those Elections as too often there are and if Dr. Heylin sent me those Letters as desirous I should see what Practices are abroad what fault is there in him or me for this Then Mr. Nicolas would not omit that which he thought might disgrace and discontent me though it could no way be drawn to be any Accusation 'T was out of my Diary at Oct 27. 1640. this Parliament being then ready to begin The Passage there is That going into my upper Study to send away some Manuscripts to Oxford I found my Picture which hung there privately fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor I am almost every day threatned with my Ruin God grant this be no Omen of it The Accident is true and having so many Libels causelesly thrown out against me and hearing so many ways as I did that my Ruin was Plotted I had Reason to apprehend it But I apprehended it without Passion and with looking up to God that it might not be Ominous to me What is this Man Angry at Or why is this produced But though I cannot tell why this was produced yet the next was urged only to Incense your Lordships against me 'T is in my Diary again at Feb. 11. 1640. Where Mr. Nicolas says confidently I did Abuse your Lordships and Accuse you of Injustice My Lords what I said in my Diary appears not if it did appear whole and altogether I doubt not but it alone would abundantly satisfie your Lordships But that Passage is more than half burnt out as is to be seen whether of purpose by Mr. Pryn or casually I cannot tell yet the Passage as confidently made up and read to your Lordships as if nothing were wanting For the thing it self the close of my words is this So I see what Justice I may expect since here 's a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge is brought up against me Which Words can
a Monster in Nature in Morality and in Law and if it be nourished will devour all the Safety of the Subject of England which now stands so well fenced by the known Law of the Land And therefore I humbly desire your Lordships not for mine but for the Publick's sake to weigh this Business well before this Gap be made so wide as there will hardly be Power left again to shut it 2. My Second Reason is joined to the Answer of an Objection For when this Result was spoken of it was added That the Particulars charged against me are of the same kind and do all tend to the Subversion of Law and Religion and so become Treason But first suppose that all the Particulars charged do tend to the subversion of Law yet that cannot make them to be all of one kind For all Crimes tend more or less to the Overthrow of Vertue yet no Man can say that all Crimes are of the same kind Secondly be they of the same or different kinds yet neither all nor any of these charged against me do tend to the subversion of the Law For 't is one thing to break dislike or speak against some particular Laws and quite another to labour the Subversion of the whole Body of the Law and the Frame of Government And that I have done this by Conspiracy or Force or any overt Action is not so much as offered in proof And for the breach of any particular Law if I be guilty I am to be punished by the Sanction of that Law which I have broken 3. Thirdly Whereas it hath been said That many Actions of the same kind make a Habit. That 's true But what then For first the Actions urged against me are not of the same kind but exceeding different Secondly if the Habit be Treasonable then all those particular Actions which bred that Habit must be several Treasons as well as the Result or Habit it self whereas it hath been granted all along that my particular Actions are not Treasons And thirdly a Habit in it self neither is nor can be Treason for all Treason is either Thought Word or Overt Act but no Habit is either of these Therefore not Treason For a Habit is that in the Soul which enclines the Powers of it and makes a Man apt and ready to think speak or do that to which he is habituated So an ill Habit against Soveraign Power may make a Man apt and forward to fall into Treason but Treason it is not 4. Fourthly Nor can this Result be Treason at the Common Law by which alone I conceive there is no Treason at all at this day in England For the main end of that excellent Statute of 25 Edw. 3. was for the Safety of the Subject against the manifold Treasons which variously fell upon them by the Common Law and bounded all Treasons and limited them to the things expressed to be Treason in and by that Statute And in all times of difficulty since recourse hath still been had to that Statute And to that Statute I refer my self with this That this Result must be something within this Statute or some other known Statute or else it cannot be Treason And no Proof at all hath been so much as offered that this Result is Treason by any Law My Lords I do with all humble submission desire That when the Reply is made to this matter of Fact a Day may be assigned for my Councel to be heard in matter of Law in all and every Particular which they shall find necessary for my just Defence And now my Lords I do in all Humility lay my self low at God's Mercy-seat to do with me as he pleases and under God I shall rely upon your Lordships Justice Honour and Clemency of which I cannot doubt And without being farther tedious to your Lordships who have with very Honourable Patience heard me through this long and tedious Tryal I shall conclude with that which St. Augustine said to Romanianus a Man that had tryed both Fortunes as well as I If the Providence of God reaches down to us as most certain it doth Sic tecum agi oportet sicut agitur It must so be done with thee and so with me also as it is done And under that Providence which will I doubt not work to the best to my Soul that loves God I repose my self Here ended my Recapitulation and with it the Work of that Day And I was ordered to appear again the Saturday following to hear Mr Brown Sum up the whole Charge against me But upon Tuesday Septemb 3 this was put off to give Mr Brown more time to Wednesday Septemb 11. On Wednesday Septemb 4. as I was washing my Face my Nose bled and something plentifully which it had not done to my remembrance in forty Years before save only once and that was just the same Day and Hour when my most Honourable Friend the Lord Duke of Buckingham was killed at Portsmouth my self being then at Westminster And upon Friday as I was washing after Dinner my Nose bled again I thank God I make no superstitious Observation of this or any thing else yet I have ever used to mark what and how any thing of note falls to me And here I after came to know that upon both these Days in which I bled there was great agitation in the House of Commons to have me Sentenced by Ordinance but both times put off in regard very few of that House had heard either my Charge or Defence CAP. XLIV ON Wednesday September 11. Mr. Brown made in the Lords House a Summ or Brief of the Charge which was brought against me and touched by the way at some things in my Recapitulation But in regard I might not Answer him I took no perfect Notes but stood still and possessed my Soul in Patience yet wondring at the bold free frequent and most false Swearing that had been against me When Mr. Brown had ended I humbly desired again that my Councel might be heard in Point of Law And they were hereupon Ordered to deliver in Writing under their Hands what Points of Law they would insist upon and that by Saturday September 14. This day my Councel according as they were Ordered delivered into the Lords House these two Points following by way of Question First Whether in all or any the Articles charged against me there be contained any Treason by the Established Laws of this Kingdom Secondly Whether the Charge of the said Impeachment and Articles did contain such Certainty and Particularity as is required by Law in a Case where Treason is charged This day I Petitioned the Lords that my Councel might have access to and take Copies of all such Records as they thought necessary for my Defence which was Granted and Order'd accordingly My Councel's Quaeries having been formerly sent down to the House of Commons they were there referred to a Committee of Lawyers to
obligatam ideo aperto nomine praesentibus Reverentiae tuae innotescere volui mansurus Hagae Comitum Sept. 14. S. N. 1640. Observantissimus Officiosissimus Andreas ab Habernfeld Illustrissimo ac Reverendissimo Dom. Domino Gulielmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi Primati Metropolitano totius Regni Angliae Dom. meo Most Illustrious and most Reverend Lord ALL my Senses are shaken together as often as I revolve the present business neither doth my Vnderstanding suffice to conceive what Wind hath brought such horridthings that they should see the Sunshine by me For besides expectation this good Man became known unto me who when he had heard me discoursing of these Scottish stirs said that I knew not the Nerve of the Business that those things which are commonly scattered abroad are Superficial From that hour he every day became more familiar to me who acknowledging my dexterity herein with a full Brest poured forth the Burdens of his Heart into my Bosom supposing that he had discharged a Burthen of Conscience wherewith he was pressed Hence he related to me the Factions of the Jesuits with which the whole Earthly World was assaulted and shewed that I might behold how through their Poyson Bohemia and Germany were devoured and both of them maimed with an irreparable Wound That the same Plague did creep through the Realms of England and Scotland the matter whereof revealed in the adjacent writing be discovered to me Which things having heard my Bowels were contracted together my Loyns trembled with horrour that a pernicious Gulf should be prepared for so many thousands of Souls With Words moving the Conscience I inflamed the Mind of the Man He had scarce one hour concocted my Admonitions but he disclosed all the Secrets and he gave free Liberty that I should treat with those whom it concerned that they might be informed thereof I thought no delay was to be made about the things The same Hour I went to Master Boswell the King 's Leger at the Hague who being tied with an Oath of Secrecy to me I communicated the Business to him I admonished him to weigh these things by the Ballance neither to defer but act that those who were in danger might be speedily succoured He as becomes an honest man mindful of his Duty and having nearer looked into the business refused not to obey the monitions Moreover he forthwith caused that an Express should be dispatched and sent word back again what a most acceptable Oblation this had been to the King and your Grace for which we rejoyced from the Heart and we judged that a safe and favourable Deity had interposed it self in this Business whereby you might be preserved Now that the verity of the things related might be confirmed some principal heads of the Conspiracy were purposely pretermitted that the Knowledge of them might be extorted from the circumvented Society of the Conspirators Now the things will be speedily and safely promoted into Act if they be warily proceeded in at Bruxels By my advice that day should be observed wherein the Packet of Letters are dispatched which under the Title of To Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray tied with one Cover are delivered to the Post-Master such a Packet may be secretly brought back from him yet it will be unprofitable because all the inclosed Letters are written Characteristically Likewise another Packet coming weekly from Rome which is brought under this Subscription to the Most Illustrious Lord Count Rossetti Legat for the time these are not to be neglected to whom likewise Letters writ in the same Character are included That they may be understood Read is to be consulted with The forenamed day of dispatch shall be expected In Read's house an accumulated Congregation may be circumvented which succeeding it will be your Grace's part to order the Business The Intestine Enemy being at length detected by God's Grace all Bitterness of Mind which is caused on either side may be abolished delivered to oblivion deleted and quieted the Enemy be invaded on both parts Thus the King and the King's Friend and both Kingdoms near to danger shall be preserved delivered from imminent Danger Your Grace likewise may have this Injunction by you if you desire to have the best advice given you by others that you trust not overmuch to your Pursevants for some of them live under the Stipend of the Popish party How many Rocks how many Scillaes how many displeased Charibdes appear before your Grace in what a dangerous Sea the Cockboat of your Grace's Life next to Shipwrack is tossed your self may judge the Fore-deck of the Ship is speedily to be driven to the Harbour All these things I whisper into your Grace's Ear for I know it bound with an Oath of Secresie therefore by open Name I would by these Presents become known unto your Grace Hague 14. Sept. S. N. 1640. Your Grace's most Observant and most Officious Andrew Habernfeld Andreas ab Habernfeld a Chaplain as some affirm to the Queen of Bohemia his Indorsement hereon The Arch-Bishop's Indorsement with his own hand Rece Octob. 14. 1640. Andreas ab Habernfeld his Letters sent by Sir W. Boswell about the discovery of the Treason I conceive by the English Latin herein that he must needs be an Englishman with a concealed and changed Name And yet it may be this kind of Latin may relate to the Italian Or else he lived some good time in England The declaration of this Treason I have by his Majesty's special Command sent to Sir W. Boswell that he may there see what proof can be made of any particulars The general Overture and Discovery of the Plot sent with Sir William Boswell's first Letter The King's Majesty and Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury are to be secretly informed by Letters 1. THat the King's Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop are both of them in great danger of their lives 2. That the whole Common-wealth is by this means endangered unless the mischief be speedily prevented 3. That these Scottish Troubles are raised to the end that under this pretext the King and Arch-Bishop might be destroyed 4. That there is a means to be prescribed whereby both of them in this case may be preserved and this Tumult speedily composed 5. That although these Scottish Tumults be speedily composed yet that the King is endangered and that there are many ways by which Destruction is plotted to the King and Lord Arch-Bishop 6. That a certain Society hath conspired which attempts the Death of the King and Lord Arch-Bishop and Convulsion of the whole Realm 7. That the same Society every week deposits with the President of the Society what intelligence every of them hath purchased in eight days search and then confer all into one Packet which is weekly sent to the Director of the Business 8. That all the Confederates in the said Conspiracy may verily be named by the Poll. But because they may be made known by other means it is thought meet
MAYO WHO saith That on Thursday last being the Twentieth of July One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Three he being at Bruges in Flanders heard Proclamation made in Dutch who understands it very well That all People within that City that would go to the Governours House and give any Money to maintain the Roman 〈◊〉 in England they should have their Money repaid them again in a Years time with many Thanks HENRY MAYO This Examination was taken before 〈◊〉 EDWARD BOYCE JOHN BOYCE GEORGE TROTTER H. W. I Will conclude this first Volume with three Letters of the Arch-Bishop two of them wrote by him while Chancellor of the Vniversity of Oxford to his Vice-Chancellor there for discovering preventing and punishing the Practices of Romish Emissaries who endeavoured to seduce the Youth of that Place and the third to Sir Kenelm Digby upon his return to the Communion of the Church of Rome being so many Authentick and Vndeniable Arguments of the Arch-Bishop's Since-cerity in the profession of and Zeal for the Established Religion of the Church of England To which I will subjoyn the Testimonies of two worthy Persons yet living concerning the Opinion had of the Arch-Bishop at Rome during his Life and with what Joy they received the News of his Death and Sufferings The first Letter to Oxford was wrote upon Occasion of this following Letter Letter from Oxon to Mr Fish of Clerkenwell to convey two Oxford Youths beyond Sea Mr. Fish brought me this Letter Aug 29 1637. Sir THough unknown I have presumed to be so bold as to solicit you in a Business viz. To know whether you could send over one or two who for Religion sake are desirous to be entred into some Order beyond the Seas especially that of the Fratrum Minorum or Jesuits So expecting your Answer and unwilling to disclose my self till I have it I rest 23. Augu Yours Direct your Letter as 〈◊〉 as you can to one Richard Pully in St John's College Oxon. Superscribed thus To his very loving Friend Mr John Fish in Clerkenwell give these Leave this at one Mr Fishes at Doctors Commons to be delivered unto him London My Letter to the Vice-chancellor Dr Bayly Aug 29 1637. sent presently away for care to be had of this Business Salutem in Christo. S I R I Have yet received no Letter from you this Week If I do you shall have answer on Friday if I have so much Leisure In the mean time I send you this inclosed which came to my Hands this present Afternoon I pray examine the Business with all the care and industry you possibly can as well for the discharge of your own Duty and Credit as mine in the Government of that Place And if there be such a Man as Pully here mentioned be sure to make him fast and examine him throughly touching all Particulars that you shall think material for the discovery of these unworthy Practices for the seducing of Youths in that University or elsewhere Especially concerning the Author of this Letter and what Youths have been dealt withal after this sort either in that House or any other of the Town And whether any Jesuits or other have of late lyen hankering up and down thereabouts or be there at this present to that purpose or any other as bad In all which I desire you to use your utmost Diligence and Discretion that you can and let me have an account with all convenient speed So I leave you to God's Grace and rest Croydon Aug 29 1637. Your very Loving Friend W C A N T. My LETTER to the Vice-Chancellor Dr Frewen for watchfulness against Jesuits Febr 7 You had need be very careful of the University For while none of you think of it the Jesuits and their Instruments are busie thereabouts And at this present they have seduced a young Youth of Exeter College I have forgotten his Name but it begins with a W and the young Organist of St John's who slipt away whilst the President was at Sarum I have granted an Attachment against them if they can light upon them before they take Shipping as also against Cherriton for that I hear is his Name who seduced them You had need be very careful in these Businesses for else we shall very deservedly hear ill of it Lambeth Febr 7 〈◊〉 W Cant. Arch-Bishop Laud's Letter to Sir Kenelm Digby Salutem in Christo. Worthy Sir I Am sorry for all the Contents of your Letter save that which expresses your Love to me And I was not a little troubled at the very first words of it For you begin that my Lord Ambassador told you I was not pleased to hear you had made a Defection from the Church of England 'T is most true I was informed so and thereupon I writ to my Lord Ambassador to know what he heard of it there But 't is true likewise that I writ to your self and Mr. Secretary Cooke sent my Letters very carefully Now seeing your Letters mentioned my Lord Ambassador's Speech with you without any notice taken of my writing I could not but fear these Letters of mine came not to your Hands Out of this Fear your Second Letters took me for they acknowledged the receipt of mine and your kind acceptance of them Had they miscarried I should have held it a great Misfortune For you must needs have condemned me deeply in your own Thoughts if in such a near and tender Business I should have solicited my Lord Ambassador and not written to your self In the next place I thank you and take it for a great Testimony of your Love to me that you have been pleased to give me so open and clear Account of your proceedings with your self in this matter of Religion In which as I cannot but commend the strict reckoning to which you have called your self so I could have wish'd before you had absolutely setled the Foot of that Account you would have called in some Friend and made use of his Eye as a By-stander who oftentimes sees more than he that plays the Game You write I confess that after you had fallen upon these troublesom Thoughts you were nigh two Years in the diligent Discussion of this matter and that you omitted no Industry either of conversing with Learned Men or of reading the best Authors to beget in you a right Intelligence of this Subject I believe all this and you did wisely to do it But I have some Questions out of the freedom of a Friend to ask about it Were not all the Learned Men you conversed with for this Particular of the Roman Party Were not the best Authors you mention of the same Side If both Men and Authors were the same way can they beget any righter Intelligence in you than is in themselves If they were Men and Authors on both Sides with whom you conversed why was I whom you are pleased to Style one of your best Friends omitted True it may be you could not reckon me among
his Reports W. S. A. C. A short Introduction The Charge upon what it consists The Titles of the several parcels of the Articles upon which the Charge against the Arch-Bishop was made up The 〈◊〉 upon his Councel by Reason of the mixt Charge without distinguishing what was intended to 〈◊〉 a Treason what a 〈◊〉 The two Points presented by Councel in writing to be 〈◊〉 upon for his Defence in point of Law The first only admitted The Method proposed The three General Charges Two General Questions to be insisted upon In maintenance of our first 〈◊〉 upon the first Question The uncertainty of what was or was not Treason produced the Law of 25 Ed. 3. The Parliament of 25 Ed. 3. by Reason of that Law called Parliamentum Benedictum and that no Law had deservedly more Honour than Magna Charta The Act of 25 Ed. 3. the Rule in Parliament to judge Treasons by Parliament Roll 1 H. 4. num 144. the Prayer of the Commons Parliament Roll 5 H. 4. num 12. Case Earl of Northumberland ☜ Treasons particularly Enacted after 25 Ed. 3. still reduced to that Law Treasons made in the divided time of R. 2. reduced per Stat. 1 H. 4 cap. 10. Made in the time of H. 8. reduced 1 Ed. 6. cap. 12. Made in the time of Ed. 6. reduced by the Act of 1 Mariae cap. 10. ☜ From 1 H. 4. to this day no Judgment in Parliament given of any Treason not contained in that Law This Law in all times the Standard to Judge Treasons by Treasons declared per Stat. 25 Ed. 3. cap. 2. ☞ Stat. 25 Ed. 3. may admit no construction by Equity or Inference to make other Treason than thereby declared Reasons why not Viz. Instances where it would not Stat. 3 H. 5. cap. 6. 1 M cap. 6. Cok. Collections 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 ☜ 2. Question Mildmay's case 6. Report Coke fol. 42. ☜ Objection Answer ☞ Parliament Roll 28 H. 6. num 28. to 47. In the Case of the Duke of Suffolk Articles Cardinal Woolsey in Parliament 21 H. 8. Indictment K. Bench Ligham 23 H. 8. Empson 1 H. 8. ☞ Answer to the second General Charge of endeavouring to subvert Religion Stat. 5. R. 2. C. 5. 2 H. 5. C. 7. ☜ Stat. 1 Ed. 6. C. 12. 1 Mar. C. 12. Answer to the third general Charge labouring to subvert and incense the King against Parliaments Articles against the Duke of Ireland and others 11 R. 2. ☜ 14 Article Answer to the particular Articles insisted upon 〈◊〉 in the Charge The first Particular Differences between the Matters charged the Fact made Treason by the Statute 3 Jac. C. 4. The second Particular Number of Crimes below Treason or Felony cannot make a Treason Power 〈◊〉 declare 〈◊〉 per Stat. 25. 〈◊〉 3. c. 2. Wherein we conceive there is no power to declare an Offence below a Felony to be a Treason ☜ ☜ Earl Strafford ☜ Whatsoever hath been hitherto placed in the Margin of this Argument was transcribed from Mr. Hern's own Copy But this which followeth I transcribed from a loose Note wrote by an unknown hand and affixed to this place H. W. Concerning the Proviso in 25 Ed. 3. last mentioned it is observable That Mr. Lane in the Lord Strafford's Tryal saith That that Clause of Provision 25 Ed. 3. is quite taken away by 6 Hen. 8. Cap. 4. 20. So that no Treason is now to be reckoned but what is literally contained in 25 Ed. 3. See for this Whitlock's Memoirs pag. 43. See also Burnet's Hist. Reform Part II. pag. 253. about the Repeal of Treasons Octob. 22. 1644. Octob. 28. 〈◊〉 1. Novemb. 2. Novemb. 6. Novemb. 11. My Defence in the House of Commons 1. 2. 3. 4. * Quomodo potest malus litigator landare 〈◊〉 Aug. Epist. 166. I. II. * Cont. Fisher p. 211. * An. 45. Ed. 3. * Tacit. L. 6. Annal. * Annum jam agens septuagesimum secundum Novemb. 13. 1644. Novemb. 16. Novemb. 22. Novemb. 23 Novemb. 29. Novemb. 28. Decemb. 〈◊〉 Decemb. 16. 1644. Decemb. 17. Decemb. 24. Decemb. 25. Jan. 2. 〈◊〉 Jan 3. 1 Pet. 2. 23. Judg. 16. 30. Exod. 12. 〈◊〉 John 19. 11. Dan. 3. * This Sea 〈◊〉 Copy Luk. 6. 39. † In this way Hind's Copy Job 11. 48. Act. 6. 12. Act. 12. 3. Esa. 1. 15. Psal. 9. 12. Heb. 10. 31. Sir John Clotworthy * So Lord Hind's Copy * hath The shorter Lines both here and afterwards are Abbreviations of so many several parts of the Will made by W. S. A. C. * f. each * f Rich. Cobb 〈◊〉 cunctis liberalium Artium Disciplinis eruditum pro Magistro teneamus quasi Comparem velut alterius Orbis Apostolicum 〈◊〉 Capgr in vit S. Anselmi Gu. 〈◊〉 de Gestis Pontific Anglor p. 223. 〈◊〉 prima Sedes Archiepiscopi habetur qui est totius Angliae Primas 〈◊〉 Id. Ibid. p. 195. * Hieron Lamas in Summa p. 3. c. 3. in 1 Cor. 10. 3. in 1 Cor. 〈◊〉 24. Integritatis Custodes Recta sectantes De vera Relig. c. 5. 〈◊〉 2. 12. Anno 1445. Anno. 1446. Anno 16. Rich. 2. cap. 5. Lib. XIX An. 1374. Statutum de An. 27 Eliz. St. Hilary l. 10. de Trin. p. 165. Cor. 13. 8. The Definition or Description of a Sectary is wanting in the Original H. W. * Prov. 1. 8. c. 6. 20. Nec aliae Preces omnino dicantur in Ecclesiâ nisi quae à prudentioribus traditae vel 〈◊〉 in Synodo 〈◊〉 ne fortè aliquid 〈◊〉 Fidem vel per Ignorantiam vel per minus Studium sit compositum Concil Milevita 2 can 12. 23. Rom. 6. 17. Phil. 3. 16. 1 Tim. 5. 22. 2 Tim. 1. 13. St. Luke 11. 1. v. 2. St. Chrysost. in Rom. 8. 26. 1 Eliz. c. 1. Acts 15. 24 29. v. 28. St. Luc. 11. 2. In his Speech against the Bishops Votes in Parliament p. 3. Psal. 110. 3. In decoribus Sanctitatis Ar. Mant. Ibid. 1. 2. 3. Psal. 95. 6. 4. Levit. 5. 7. * Apud Ainsworth in Levit. 20. 3. Levit. 7. 25. Levit. 17. 4. 9. 10. * 'T is Fallacia Accidentis For it is not in or of the nature of Prayer that it should be in a negligent Form set down or negligently performed but a meer accident and a bad one 1 Cor. 1. 21. * In the Church of Africa when the Arian Heresie began the Church had suffered so much by the Preaching of Arius the Presbyter that they made a Law not to suffer any Presbyter 〈◊〉 Preach at all at least not in the Mother Church and in the Bishop's Presence As may be seen in Socrates l. 5. Hist. c. 22. And though this may seem a 〈◊〉 Cure yet when the Disease grew Masterful and 〈◊〉 the Church did not refuse to use it 'T is Vniversal for Time For it is testified by Dionysius the Areopagite if those Works be his De Ecclesia Hierar P 77 Edit Gr Lat. and he was one of the
21. Dies erat Martis Carnivale Misit D. Buckinghamiae ut ad se venirem Tum in Mandatis mihi dedit ut c. Feb. 23. Die Jovis Quaesivi Ducem apud Chelsei Ibi primò vidi nuper Natum Haeredem ejus Carolum Ducem non inveni Redij dein inveni 〈◊〉 ejus me quaerentem Cum eo propero in Aulâ invenio Quid à me factum narro Febr. 24. Die Veneris S. Matthiae Cum eo fui in AEdibus suis per Horas fere tres ubi suâ manu c. aliquid ut adderem jussit Dicto obsequutus sum proximo Die attuli Feb. 25. Feb. 26 Dominicâ primâ Quad. Concionem quam habui in initio Parlamenti Regio Mandato Typis jam excusam in manus Serenissimi Regis Caroli dedi Vesperi Feb. 27. Die Lunae Periculum Regis Caroli ab Equo qui fractis duobus Ephippiorum cingulis Ephippio unà cum Sessore in ventrem devoluto tremens constitit donec Rex salvus c. Martij 1. Dies erat Mercurij Festum S. Davidis Clamor incaepit in Domo Inferiori Parlamenti Nominatim contra Ducem Buckinghamiae ob moratam Navim dictam The St. Peter of Newhaven post Sententiam latam Perpetuae in Domo illâ agitationes erant à die illo Martij 6. Resignavi Rectoriam de Ibstock quam habui in Commendam Martij 11. Proposuit in Domo Dr. Turner Medicus Quaesita Septem vulgò dicta Quaeres contra Ducem Buckinghamiae Non alio tamen nixas Fundamento quam quod ex Famâ quidem Publicâ ut dixit petijt Dies erat Saturni Martij 16. Die Jovis Proposuit quidam è Belgia Nomine Joh. Oventrout se viam ostensurum quî Occidentalis-India excuteret Jugum Hispaniae se Regi nostro Carolo subderet Res refertur 〈◊〉 Comiti de Totnes Baroni Conway Secretario Principali quia dixit Stratagema suum à Religione non minimas vires petiturum adjungor ego Proposuit Senex quaedam de Aricâ capiendâ Nec qui capi potuit ullis Argumentis edocuit nisi quòd velit dividi Incolarum animos in causâ Religionis immisso illic Catechismo Hidelbergiae Dimisimus Hominem nec Sapientiores redimus Anno 1625. March 27. Midlent Sunday I Preached at White-Hall I ascended the Pulpit much troubled and in a very melancholy moment the Report then spreading that his Majesty King James of most Sacred Memory to me was Dead Being interrupted with the dolours of the Duke of Buckingham I broke off my Sermon in the middle The King died at Theobalds about three quarters of an hour past Eleven in the forenoon He breathed forth his Blessed Soul most Religiously and with great constancy of Faith and Courage That day about five a Clock Prince Charles was Solemnly Proclaimed King God grant to him a Prosperous and Happy Reign The King fell Sick March 4. on Friday The Disease appeared to be a Tertian Ague But I fear it was the Gout which by the wrong application of Medicines was driven from his feet to his inward vital parts April 1. Friday I received Letters from the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King and therein a Command from his Majesty King Charles to Preach a Sermon before himself and the House of Peers in the Session of Parliament to be held on the 17 day of May next following Apr. 3. Sunday I delivered into the Duke of Buckingham's hands my short Annotations upon the Life and Death of the most August King James which he had commanded me to put in writing April 5. Tuesday I Exhibited a Schedule in which were wrote the Names of many Church-Men marked with the Letters O. and P. The Duke of Buckingham had commanded to digest their Names in that method that as himself said he might deliver them to King Charles April 9. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham whom upon all accounts I am bound for ever to Honour signified to me that a certain Person moved through I know not what envy had blackened my Name with his Majesty King Charles laying hold for that purpose of the Error into which by I know not what Fate I had formerly fallen in the business of Charles Earl of Devonshire 1605. Decemb 26. The same day I received in Command to go to the Right Reverend the Bishop of Winchester and learn from him what he would have done in the Cause of the Church and bring back his Answer especially in the matter of the Five Articles c. April 10. Sunday after Sermon was done I went to the Bishop who was then in his Chamber at Court I acquainted him with what I had received in Command He gave to me his Answer From thence we went together to hear Prayers in Somerset-House Having heard Prayers we afterwards saw there the Body of the late King James which rested there till the day of his Funeral Rites April 3. Wednesday I brought back to the Duke of Buckingham the Answer of the Bishop of Winchester At the same time the Duke made known to me what the King had determined concerning his Clerk of the Closet the Right Reverend the Bishop of Durham and about his Successor in that Office April 17. Easter-day The Bishop of Durham being Sick I was appointed but at the desire of the said Bishop by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke Lord Chamberlain of the Household to wait upon his Majesty in the Quality of Clark of the Closet which place I Executed till the first of May. April 23. Burton presented his Paper to the King May 11. The Marriage was Celebrated at Paris between his Majesty King Charles and the most Illustrious Princess Henrietta Maria of France Daughter of Henry IV. May 7. Saturday we Celebrated the Funeral of King James May 1. Early in the Morning the Duke of Buckingham went towards the Sea-side to pass over into France to meet Queen Mary I wrote Letters to the Duke that day which might follow after him For he went in great haste May 17. The Parliament was put off till the last day of May. May 18. I took a short Journey with my Brother to Hammersmith that we might there see our common Friends It was Wednesday May 19. Thursday I sent Letters the second time to the Duke of Buckingham then staying for a while at Paris May 29. Sunday I gave a third Letter into the hands of the Bishop of Durham who was to Attend the King that he might deliver them to the Duke of Buckingham at his first Landing May 30. Munday I went to Chelsey to wait upon the Dutchess of Buckingham May 31. Tuesday The Parliament was a second time put off till Munday the 13. of June King Charles set forward toward Canterbury to meet the Queen June 5. Whitsunday in the Morning just as I was going to Prayers I received Letters from France from the most Illustrious Duke of Buckingham June 6. I wrote an Answer next Morning After
I had finished my Answer the Right Reverend Lancelot Lord Bishop of Winchester and I went together to the Country House which John Lord Bishop of Rochester hath by Bromley We Dined there and returned in the Evening June 8. Wednesday I went to Chelsey but returned with my Labour lost June 12. Sunday it was Trinity Sunday Queen Mary crossing the Seas Landed upon our Shore about Seven a Clock in the Evening God grant that she may be an Evening and an Happy Star to our Orb. June 13. Munday the Parliament waiting for the King 's coming adjourned again till Saturday the 18th of June June 16. Thursday the King and Queen came to London They arrived at Court at five a Clock It was ill weather and the day cloudy When they came by the Tower of London for they came by water instead of Coach the King led out the Queen to the outside of the Barge that she might see the People and the City But at the same time a violent shower of Rain falling down forced them both to return into the inward part of the Barge The shower continued until they had entred White-Hall and then ceased June 18. Saturday The first Parliament of King Charles which had been so often put off now began There were present at the opening of it the Duke of Shiveruz with other French Noblemen a Bishop also who Attended the Queen For fear of the Pestilence which then began to be very rife the King omitted the pomp usual upon that day lest the great conflux of People should be of ill consequence And the Sermon which had been imposed upon me to be Preached in Westminster Abbey at the beginning of this Session was put off to the next day that is to June 19. First Sunday after Trinity on which day I Preached it in the Chappel at White-Hall June 20. The Convocation began June 24. Was the Feast of St John Baptist. The King Commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury with six other Bishops whom he then Named to advise together concerning a Publick Fast and a Form of Prayer to implore the Divine Mercy now that the Pestilence began to spread and the extraordinary wet weather threatned a Famin and also to beg the Divine Blessing upon the Fleet now ready to put to Sea The Bishops were London Durham Winchester Norwich Rochester St. Davids This was done June 25. Saturday All the Bishops who were then in Town were introduced together that they might wait upon Queen Mary and kiss her Hand She received us very Graciously July 2. Saturday The Fast was kept by both Houses of Parliament to set an Example therein to the whole Kingdom July 3. Sunday in my Sleep his Majesty King James appeared to me I saw him only passing by swiftly He was of a pleasant and serene Countenance In passing he saw me beckned to me smiled and was immediately withdrawn from my Sight July 7. Thursday Richard Montague was brought into the Lower House of Parliament c. July 9. Saturday it pleased his Majesty King Charles to intimate to the House of Commons that what had been there said and resolved without consulting him in Montague's Cause was not pleasing to him July 11. Monday The Parliament was Prorogued to Oxford against the first day of August July 13. Wednesday there having died in the former week at London 1222 Persons I went into the Country to the House of my good Friend Francis Windebank In going thither Richard Montague met me by chance I was the first who certified him of the King's Favour to him July 15. Friday I went to Windsor and performed some Businesses committed to my trust by the Right Reverend Bishop of Durham I returned that night The Court was there at that time July 17. Sunday I went again to Windsor I stood by the King at Dinner time Some Matters of Philosophy were the Subject of Discourse I Dined Afterwards I Eat in the House of the Bishop of Glocester Baron Vaughan was there present with his Eldest Son The next day one of the Bishops Servants who had waited at Table was seized with the Plague God be merciful to me and the rest That Night I returned being become lame on the sudden through I know not what humor falling down upon my left Leg or as R An thought by the biting of Buggs I grew well within two days July 20. Wednesday A Publick Fast was held throughout all England I Preached in the Parish of Hurst where I then abode with Master Windebanke July 21. Thursday I visited Sir Richard Harrison and returned July 24. Sunday I Preached in the Parish of Hurst July 29. Friday I entred into Oxford July 31. Sunday I fell down I know not how in the Parlour of the President 's Lodging at St. John's Colledge and hurt my left shoulder and hip Aug. 1. Monday The Parliament began at Oxford Presently after the beginning of it a great assault was made against the Duke of Buckingham Aug. 12. Friday The Parliament was dissolved the Commons not hearkning as was expected to the King's Proposals Aug. 15. My Relapse I never was weaker in the judgment of the Phisician It was Munday The same day I began my journey towards Wales Aug. 21. Sunday I Preached at Brecknock where I stayed two days very busie in performing some Business That Night in my Sleep it seemed to me that the Duke of Buckingham came into Bed to me where he behaved himself with great kindness towards me after that Rest wherewith wearied Persons are wont to solace themselves Many also seemed to me to enter the Chamber who saw this Not long before I dreamed that I saw the Dutchess of Buckingham that Excellent Lady at first very much perplexed about her Husband but afterwards chearful and rejoycing that she was freed from the fear of Abortion so that in due time she might be again a Mother Aug. 24. Wednesday and the Festival of St. Bartholomew I came safely thanks be to God to my own House at Aberguille Although my Coach had been twice that day overturned between Aber-Markes and my House The first time I was in it but the latter time it was empty Aug. 28. Sunday I Consecrated the Chappel or Oratory which I had built at my own charge in my House commonly called Aberguilly-House I Named it the Chappel of St. John Baptist in grateful remembrance of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford of which I had been first Fellow and afterwards President And this I had determined to do But another thing intervened of no ill Omen as I hope of which I had never thought It was this On Saturday the Evening immediately preceeding the Consecration while I was intent at Prayer I know not how it came strongly into my mind that the day of the Beheading of St. John Baptist was very near When Prayers were finished I consulted the Calendar I found that day to fall upon Munday to wit the 29th of August not upon Sunday I could have
altered Which is absolute Nonsence Secondly he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out But that is visibly untrue for it is left in Thirdly that though it be in yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist as also their Rebellion Neither For the Change is this That Antichristian Sect altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which c. and whose Religion is Rebellion altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist but moderates both And for ought I yet know 't is necessary it should For if their Religion be Rebellion see what it will produce Is not this the Syllogism The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist Therefore Christianity is Rebellion I may not inlarge but you may see more if you please in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me he did not so much as mention that I had the King 's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular And besides urged this as a great Innovation because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years Not remembring therewhile that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament must be taken away or altered though it hath continued above Fourscore Nay and Episcopacy must be quite abolished though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford who came to Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the 〈◊〉 The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle I remember not the Relation He says he came to my Chaplain Dr Bray to License it And that Dr Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it which were better left out because we were upon a way of winning the Papists First I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too And Secondly I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England Especially if so easie a Cure as avoiding harsh Language would do it He says my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth Sure if the Censure be false he had reason to except against it if true yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says he came and complained to me and that I told him I was not at leisure but left it to my Chaplain So the Charge upon me was That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book and I would not Redress it To this I answerd First that my Chaplain was Dead and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book can neither confess him to be in an Errour nor yet justifie him Secondly for my own refusing to meddle with it Sir Edward took me in a time of business when I could not attend it Thirdly if I had absolutely refused it and left it to my Chaplain I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords that Arch-Bishop Abbot my immediate Predecessor and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain would never meddle with Licensing Books but ever referred them to his Chaplains And Dr. Mocket another of his Chaplains well known to Dr. Featly suffered for a Book sharply yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it Fourthly as the Liberty of the Press is in England and of the Books which are tendred to the Press the Arch-Bishop had better Grind than take that Work to his own Hands especially considering his many and necessary Avocations Lastly no Man ever complained to me in this kind but this Gentleman only So it is one only single Offence if it be any But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford I cannot yet see And so I answered Mr. Brown who in his Summary Charge forgot not this But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply in such Language as I am willing to forget The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. Potter about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken The Business this Dr Potter writ to me for my Advice I used not to be Peremptory but put some few things back to his farther consideration Of which three were now Charged upon me The first was he used this phrase Believe in the Pope I desired him to consider of In And in this I yet know not wherein I offend The Second was this Phrase The Idol of Rome I advised him to consider this Phrase too that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was And here Mr Nicolas cryed out with vehemency That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol I had not Dr Potter's Book now at hand and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it but else as many at least think the Mass the Idol of Rome as the Pope Unless Mr Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments The Third was That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. as I remember did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine as the Church But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments because there Mr. Brown began with this The two former he Charged also and I answered them as before But he omitted that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration In which way I humbly conceive I cannot be in Crime though I were in Errour Here ended the Business of this Day and I was Ordered to attend again June 27. CAP. XXXVIII The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I appeared again And the first Charge laid against me was my Chaplain Dr Bray's Expungings out of Dr Featly's Sermons The same Charge ad Verbum which was before and I give it the same Answer These Repetitions of the same things being only to increase Clamour and to fill more Mens Ears with it The Second Charge was certain Expunctions of some things against the Papists in Dr Clark's Sermons The Witness which Swore to the passages left out was one Mr White a Minister and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr Clark's But First this Witness is single Secondly he brought only a Paper in which he had written down what was Expunged but Dr Clark's Sermons he brought not with it So 't is not impossible he might be mistaken Howsoever I not having the Book could not possibly make an
absolute and a perfect Answer Thirdly this Witness confesses that Dr Weeks then Chaplain to my Lord of London had the view of Dr Clark's Sermons and took Exceptions against some passages as well as my Chaplain Dr Haywood did So it seems there was cause for it Fourthly I Answer that for this and for all other of like Nature my Chaplain must Answer for his own Act and not I. He is Living and an Able Man I humbly desire he may be called to his Account For 't is not possible for me to tell your Lordships upon what grounds he did Expunge these many and different passages which are instanced against me Lastly in all the passages of Dr Clark's Sermons it is not any where distinguished which were Expunged by my Chaplain and which by Dr Weeks So that the Charge in that behalf is left very uncertain For the passages themselves as they are many so they are such as may easily be mistaken the most of them And whether Dr Clark handled them in such manner as was not justifiable either against Arminius or the Papists cannot possibly be known till each place in the Book be Examined for the Thing and my Chaplain Dr Haywood for the Meaning This made a great noise in Mr Brown's Summary Charge against me he alledging that two and twenty Passages about Points of Popery were dashed out of Dr Clark's Sermons To which I Answer'd that I conceived my Chaplain would be able to make it good there were two hundred left in for two and twenty left out And that they which were left out were not some way or other justifiable against the Papists as set down and expressed by him And if so they are better out than in For we gain nothing by urging that against the Papists which when it comes to the Touch cannot be made good against them One Passage is here added out of Dr. Featly's Sermons p. 225. Where he inveighs against too much imbellishing and beautifying the Church and not the Souls of Men c. First if there be not a care to beautifie the Soul let Men profess what Religion they will 't is a just Exception and I believe no fault found with that But Secondly for the over-much beautifying of the Church 't is a Point that might well be left out Little necessity God knows to Preach or Print against too much adorning of Churches among us where yet so many Churches lye very nastily in many places of the Kingdom and no one too much adorned to be found Nay the very Consecration of Churches cryed down as is before expressed And this Opinion that no Place is Holy but during the Service in it made Mr. Culmer though a Minister to piss in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury And divers others to do so and more against the Pillars in St Paul's nearer hand as may daily be both seen and smelt to the shame of that which is called Religion Here Mr Nicolas would fain have shovell'd it to the out-side of the Church which had been bad enough but it was the inside I spake of and the thing is known Then an Instance was made in a Book of Dr Jones The Witness that any thing was Expunged out of this was only Mr Chetwin And he confesses that this Book was Licensed by Dr Baker and he my Lord of London's Chaplain not mine Here my Friends at the Bar infer that Dr Baker was preferred by me First that 's not so he was preferred by his own Lord. Secondly if he had been preferred by me it could have made no Charge unless proof had been made that I preferred him for abusing Dr. Jones his Book And for the Docket which is the only Proof offer'd that I preferred him I have already shewed that that is no Proof Yea but they say Dr Baker was imployed by me as one of my Visitors And what then Must I be answerable for every fault that is committed by every Man that I employ in my Visitation though it be a fault committed at another time and place though I humbly desire Dr. Baker may Answer for himself before I acknowledge any fault committed by him And though I conceive this Answer abundantly satisfactory for any thing that may concern me yet Mr. Brown omitted not this Instance against me The Third Charge was personally against my self and taken out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber The words these The Altar is the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth greater than the Pulpit for there 't is Hoc est Corpus meum this is my Body but in the other it is at most but Hoc est Verbum meum this is my Word And a greater Reverence is due to the Body than the Word of the Lord. Out of this place Mr Nicolas would needs inforce that I maintained Transubstantiation because I say There 't is Hoc est Corpus meum First I perceive by him he confounds as too many else do Transubstantiation with the Real Presence whereas these have a wide difference And Calvin grants a Real and True Presence yea and he grants Realiter too and yet no Man a greater Enemy to Transubstantiation than he As I have proved at large in my Book against Fisher and had leave to Read the Passage therein to the Lords And Mr. Perkins avows as much And Secondly the Word There makes nothing against this For after the Words of Consecration are past be the Minister never so Unworthy yet 't is infallibly Hoc est Corpus meum to every worthy Receiver So is it not Hoc est Verbum meum from the Pulpit to the best of Hearers nor by the best of Preachers since the Apostles Time And as Preaching goes now scarce is any thing heard from many in two long Hours that savours of the Word of God And St. Paul tells us 1 Cor. 11. of a great Sin committed in his Time of not discerning the Lord's Body when Unworthy Communicants received it Where was this Why it was There at the Holy Table or Altar where they Received yet did not discern I hope for all this St. Paul did not maintain Transubstantiation Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge pressed this also upon me I answer'd as before and added that in all Ages of the Church the Touchstone of Religion was not to Hear the Word Preached but to Communicate And at this day many will come and hear Sermons who yet will not receive the Communion together And as I call the Holy Table the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth so doth a late Learned Divine of this Church call the Celebration of the Eucharist the Crown of Publick Service and the most solemn and chief work of Christian Assemblies and he a Man known to be far from affecting Popery in the least And all Divines agree in this which our Saviour himself Teaches St. Mat. 26. That there is the same effect of the Passion of Christ and of this Blessed Sacrament