and messengers haue put to their seales Giuen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being in this behalfe sufficiently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours procurators messengers and commissioners by our said soueraigne lord the king namely in regard of the molestations iniuries and damages vniustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and Lord of Ireland by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten their common couÌ„sel being assembled for the same purpose authorized also and as well closely as expresly maintained and ratified by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans doe in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland being appointed for the very same occasion demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok and sufficiently ordeined by authority requisite in this behalfe to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities that conuenient iust and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties who are specified in the articles vnder written Imprimis that about the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren Godekin Michael Clays Sheld Hans Howfoote Peter Hawfoote Clays Boniface Rainbek and many others with them of Wismer and of Rostok being of the societie of the Hans tooke by maine force a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton Robert Gabiford Iohn Paulin and Thomas de Chester which ship together with the furnâ—ture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds also the woollen cloth the red wine the golde and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide and there they imprisoned the sayde parties taken and to their vtter vndoing detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods anyâ— marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia beeing then valued at 160. nobles Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule Clays Scheld Godekin Mighel and one called Strotbeker by force of armes and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok and others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway wickedly and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie fiue pieces of ware foure hundred of werke and halfe a last of osmundes and other goods to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe Hans van Gelder and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Terry of Hul called the Cogge with thirtie wollen broad clothes and a thousand narrow clothes to the value of 200. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe Wilmer Hans van Gelder Clays Scheld Euerade Pilgrimson and diuers others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie with diuers goods and marchandizes namely oyle waxe and werke to the value of 300. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans their confederates wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound marâ—hant of Hull two cakes of waxe to the value of 18. poundes out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel Clays Scheld Storbiker and diuers others of Wismer and Rostok and of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing the master whereof was called Henry Puys of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman Iohn Topeliffe aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke namely in werke waxe osmunds and bowstaues to the value of 1060. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland the master whereof was called Hinkensman 140. woollen clothes the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles from Thomas Thester of Yorke and a chest with armour siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas to the value of 9. pounds Item in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok and others their complices of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth greene cloth meale and fishes to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings besides 32. pounds in the sea called Northsound Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September one Godekin Wisle and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia wherof the master was named Rorebek from Iohn Seburgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. markes from Stephan Flispe and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth to the value of 60. pounds from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks from William Munde marchant of the same town two fardels of woollen cloth worth 40 li from Iohn Dawe and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne three packs of woollen cloth worth 200. marks Moreouer they tooke and imprisoned certaine English men which were in the said ship namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight which Thomas paid for this ransome 20. nobles of English money William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide which William by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment lost the sight of his eyes and Thomas Cornwaile marchant of the foresaide Towne which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok vpon the coastes of Denmarke and Norway
naturam bubali quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis insiliunt in eum volentes interficere Post illos sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos vt causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua Modo â—amen hoc dimiserunt quia abominabiles erant omni nationi Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus parentum vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocuâ—ditate sua Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua Vnde qui indiget auro fodit donec reperiat accipiat quando indiget residuum condens in terra quia si reponeret in arca vel in thesauro crederet quod Deus aâ—feâ—ret ei aliud quod est in terra De istis hominibus vidi personas multum deformes Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos Iugures sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri Apud Iugures est fons radix ideomatis Turci Comanici Post Tebet sunt Langa Solanga quorum nuncios vidi in curia Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam decem quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus Isti sunt parui homines fusci sicut Hispani habent tunicas si cut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi Sed pars anterior est parum interior quà m posterior non terminatur in vnum angulum sed sunt quadrae desuper sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum limato in tantum quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum vel galea bene burnita Et circa tempora habent longas bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae quae se extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus Et quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae superius à tempore in tempus iacent sicut circulus ex transuerso capitis Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vnius cubiti ad latitudinem vnius palmi rasam multum Et quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Cham vel alicui magno viro semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam acsi inueniret ibi ea quae dicebat nec respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram nec in faciem illius cui loquebatur Etiam accedens coram domino recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam suam Vltra istos sunt alij homines vt intellexi pro vero qui dicuntur Muc qui habent villas sed nulla animalia sibi appropriant tamen sunt multi greges multa armenta in terra ipsorum nullus custodit ea Sed cum aliquis indiget aliquo ascendit collem clamat omnia animalia audientia clamorem accedunt circa illum permitâ—unt se tractari quasi domestica Et si nuncius vel aliâ—uis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam ipsi includunt eum in domo ministrant ei necessaria donâ—â— negocium eius fuerit expeditum Quia si iret extraneus per regionem animalia ad odorem eius fugerent efficerentur syluestria Vltra est magna Cathaya cuius incolae antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres Ab ipsis enim veniunt optimi pannâ— serici Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam oppido eorum Bene intellexi quod in illa regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos propugnacula aurea In ista terra sunt multae prouinciae quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis Et inter* Aliqua desiderantur The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers vnto the East parts of the worlde An. Dom. 1253. TO his most Soueraigne most Christian Lord Lewis by Gods grace the renowmed king of France frier William de Rubruk the meanest of the Minorites order wisheth health coÌ„tinual triumph in CHRIST It is written in the booke of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man He shall trauell into forren countries and good and euill shall he trie in all things The very same action my lord and king haue I atchieued howbeit I wish that I haue done it like a wise man and not like a foole For many there be that performe the same action which a wise man doth not wisely but more vndiscreetly of which number I feare my selfe to be one Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it because you commanded mee when I departed from your highnes to write all things vnto you which I should see among the Tartars and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long letters I haue done as your maiestie inioined me yet with feare and reuerence because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to write vnto so great a maiestie Be it knowen therefore vnto your sacred Maiestie that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May we entered into the sea of Pontus which the Bulgarians call the great sea It containeth in length as I learned of certaine merchants 1008 miles and is in a maner diuided into two parts About the midst thereof are two prouinces one towards the North and another towards the South The South prouince is called Synopolis and it is the castle and porte of the Soldan of Turkie but the North prouince is called of the Latines Gasaria of the Greeks which inhabite vpon the sea shore thereof it is called Cassaria that is to say Caesaria And there are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards Synopolis Also there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and Cassaria Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople in length and breadth is about 700. miles and 700. miles also from thence to the East namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia At the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued which prouince is in a maner three square hauing a citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome And sayling before the said citie we sawe an island in which a Church is sayd to be built by the hands of angels But about the midst of the said prouince toward the South as it were vpon a sharpe angle or point standeth a citie called Soldaia directly ouer against Synopolis And there doe all the Turkie merchants which traffique into the North countries in their iourney outward arriue and as they returne homeward also from Russia and the said Northerne regions into Turkie The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and gray furres with other rich and costly skinnes Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bombast and silke and diuers kindes of spices But vpon the East part of the said prouince standeth a
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
not vnto vs but vnto our forenamed knight an answere in writing what your will and determination is Neither let it seeme strange vnto you that we haue not at this present sent our forenamed Iohn Kington clerke together with the sayd William for the cause of his abode with vs is that he may in the meane season employ his care and diligence about those matters which must be preparatiues for the finall conclusion of the foresayd busines Honorable sir and most deare friend we doe most heartily with increase of prosperity and ioy vnto your person Giuen in our palace of Westminster the 14. day of Feb. in the yeare of our Lord 1407. To the right noble and valiant knight Sir VVilliam Sturmy sent at this present by the most souereigne King of England c as his ambassadour vnto Dordract his most sincere friend HOnorable sir our most entier friend wee receiued the royall letters of the most mighty prince and lord our lord the king of England and France and lord of Ireland sent vnto vs vnder the date of the 14. day of February which we receiued at our castle of Marienburgh the 11. of April containing amongst other matters that his Maiesties purpose was once againe to sende one of his ambassadors namely your selfe our very sincere friend vnto Dordract giuing you in charge that you would make haste thither there slay vntill some of our subiects might at our commandemeÌ„t in conuenient time repaire vnto the same place there by Gods assistance to bring our matters vnto a happy conclusion And then he requested that wee should without delay write our determination vnto you as the conclusion of the said letter importeth Howbeit our most deare friend the treaties conferences about the redresse or reformation of vniust attempts committed by the subiects of our sayd lord the king our subiects one against another are both on our behalfe and on the behalfe of the common societie of the Hans marchants hitherto had made and continued common And so our commissioners vpon our full and absolute commandement shal for the managing of these and of other affaires of the foresaid societie many waies vrgent and difficult vpon the feast of our Lords Ascension next to come meet with the said societie at Lubec there to giue notice what they haue determined to conclude in this present busines in others for their owne behalfe For we wil giue our ambassadours which are there to appeare streightly in charge that according to the kings request aforesayde they doe without delay procure an answere to be written vnto your honour concerning the determination of the foresayd societie Giuen at the place and vpon the day aboue named in the yeare of our Lord 1407 Fr. Wernherus de Tettingen commander in Elbingâ— general vice-master and lieutenant in the roome of the Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Marie c. of late deceased The letters of Henry the 4. king of England c vnto Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 1408. wherein he doth ratifie and accept the last agreement made at Hage in Holland HEnry c. vnto the honourable and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare friend greeting and dayly increase of our accustomed amity and friendship We doe by these presents giue your houour to vnderstand that our faithfull welbeloued William Esturmy knight and Master Iohn Kington clerke our ambassadors and messengers sent of late on our behalfe vnto the presence of your predecessour for the redressing of certaine grieuances and damages being contrary to iustice offered against vs and our liege subiects by the people subiects of your predecessors against them also by our subiects as it is aforesayd in friendly maner to be procured of late returning out of the parts of Alemain made relation vnto vs and to our counsell that hauing conferred with your forenamed predecessour about the foresayd affayres the particulars following were at length concluded namely first of all that at a certaine day and place they should meete in Holland with his ambassadors and messengers to hold a friendly conference between them about the redressing and reformation of the grieuances and damages aforesayd and that they should by the equall waight of diligent examination ponder in the balance of iustice discusse define al singular the foresaid grieuances damages inflicted on both parts Howbeit at length after sundry prorogations then made continued on this behalfe our ambassadors messengers aforesaid vpon the 28. of August last past assembling themselues for our part at the towne of Hage in Holland the hon discreete personages Arnold Heket burgomaster of the towne of Dantzik Iohn Crolowe for the behalf of your subiects of Prussia and Tidman de Meule Iohn Epenscheid for the behalfe of Liuonia being assembled as messengers and commissioners about the redresse and reformation aforesayd did then and there demaund in certaine articles of our ambassadours and messengers abouenamed 25034. nobles half a noble for the grieuances damages offered as it was theÌ„â—aid to your subiects of Prussia and 24082. nobles 12 s.8.d in recompense of the damages offered vnto those your subiects of Liuonia And when the substance of those articles about the grieuances losses aforesayd was by the sayd ambassadours and messengers througâ—ly examined and discussed by their generall consent it was finally agreed that your subiects in consideration of all and singular the foresayd grieuances and damages offered vnto them by our people should within three yeares after the feast of Easter next ensuing at three equall payments receiue from vs namely they of Prussia 8957. nobles and they of Liuonia 22496. nobles sixe pence halfe peny farthing and no more so that we our selues thought good to condescend thereunto Howbeit forasmuch as certaine other articles of your subiects of Prussia and also certaine articles in the behalfe of our subiects containing grieuous complaints in them being propounded before the ambassadors messengers aforesaid for the attaining of reformation in regard of the damages grieuances offered on both parts could not as theÌ„ for the great obscurity of diuers of the sayd articles and also for want of sufficieÌ„t proofe at the last meeting appointed and held by the foresayd ambassadors at the towne of Hage in Holland sufficiently to be examined discussed and defined it was agreed vpon by the ambassadors and messengers of both partes that from the 15. day of October then last expired vnto the feast of Easter now next ensuing and from thenceforth within one whole yere immediatly following the plaintifes of both parts should throughly declare before our chancelour of England for the time being the foresayd obscurities coÌ„cerning the substance of their articles and that they should for the obtaining of execution and complement of iustice at our sayd chancelours hands peremptorily minister necessary
by the tenor of these presents wee straitely commaund all and singular the aforesaid English Marchants that they attend aduise obey and assist as it becommeth them the sayde gouernours so to bee chosen and their deputies in all and singular the premisses and other things which any way may concerne in this behalfe their rule and gouernement Giuen in our Palace at Westminster vnder the testimonie of our great Seale the sixt day of Iune in the fift yeere of our reigne A note touching the mighty ships of King Henry the fift mentioned hereafter in the treatie of keeping the Sea taken out of a Chronicle in the Trinitie Church of Winchester EOdem Anno quo victoria potitus est videlicet Anno Domini 14â—5 regni sui Annotertio post bellum de Agencourt conducti a Francis venerunt cum multis Nauibus recuperaturâ— Harfletum Sed Rex Angliae misit fratrem suum Iohannem Ducem Bedfordiae Andegauiae qui pugnauit cum eis vicit Naues cepit quasdam submersit caeteri fugerunt cum Hispanis nauibus qui venerant cum eis Anno gratiae 1416. Sequenti vero Anno redierunt potentiores iterum deuicti perpetuam pacem â—cum Rege composuerunt propter eorum naues fecit Rex fieri naues quales non erant in mundo De his sic conductis a Francis ita metricè scribitur Regum belligero trito celeberrimus aruo Gallos Hispanos Ianos deuicit Vrget Vastat turbantur caetera regna metu Nauali bello bis deuicti quoque Iani. A branch of a Statute made in the eight yeere of Henry the sixt for the trade to Norwey Sweueland Denmarke and Fynmarke ITem because that the kings most deare Uncle the king of Denmarke Norway Sweueland as the same our soueraigne Lord the king of his intimation hath vnderstood considering the manifold great losses perils hurts and damage which haue late happened aswell to him and his as to other foraines and strangers and also friends and speciall subiects of our said soueraigne Lord the king of his Realme of England by y e going in entring passage of such forain strange persons into his realme of Norwey other dominions streits territories iurisdictions places subdued and subiect to him specially into his Iles of Fynmarke and elswhere aswell in their persons as their things and goods for eschuing of such losses perils hurts damages and that such like which God forbid should not hereafter happen our said soueraigne Lord the king hath ordeined and statuted that all and singular strangers aswell Englishmen and others willing to apply by Ship and come into his Realme of Norwey and other dominions streits territories iurisdictions Isles places aforesaid with their ships to the intent to get or haue fish or any other Marchandises or goods shall apply and come to his Towne of Northberne where the said king of Denmarke hath specially ordained and stablished his staple for the concourses of strangers and specially of Englishmen to the exercise of such Marchandises granting to the said Englishmen that they shall there inioy in and by all thingsâ— the same fauour priuileges and prerogatiues which they of the Hans did enioy Therefore our said soueraigne Lord the king willing the loue affinitie and amities to be firmely obserued which betwixt his said Uncle and his noble progenitors of good memory their Realmes lands dominions streites territories iurisdictions and their said places and the same our soueraigne Lord the king his noble progenitours of famous memory his great men subiects Realmes lands dominions hath bene of old times hitherto continued nor nothing by our said soueraigne Lord the king or his people to be attempted or done whereby such amities by reason of any dissensions enemities or discords might be broken by the aduise of the Lords spirituall temporall of the coÌ„mons of his said Realme of England assembled in this present Parliament hath ordained prohibiting that none of his liege people nor subiects of his Realme of England by audacitie of their follie presume to enter the Realmes lands dominions straits territories iurisdictions places of the said king of Denmarke against y â— ordinance prohibition interdictioÌ„ of y e same his Uncle aboue remembred in contempt of the same vpoÌ„ paine of forfeiture of all their moueable goods imprisonment of their persons at the kings will Another branch of a statute made in the tenth yeere of the reigne of Henry the sixt concerning the state of the English Marchants in the dominions of the king of Denmarke ITem because that our soueraigne Lord the king at the grieuous complaint to him made in this Parliament by the commons of his realme of England being in this Parliament is informed that many of his faithfull liege people be greatly impouerished vndone in point to be destroyed by the king of Denmarke his lieges which be of the amitie of the king our soueraigne Lord because that they do daily take of his said faithful subiects their goods so that they haue taken of marchants of York and Kingston vpon Hul goods marchandises to the valour of v. M.li. within a yeere and of other lieges marchants of y e Realme of England goods cattals to the valour of xx M.li. wherof they haue no remedie of the said king of Denmarke nor of none other forasmuch as none of them coÌ„meth within the Realme of England nor nothing haue in the same Realme of England that y e goods be taken out of the same Realme The king willing to prouide remedy for his said liege people hath ordeined established that if y e goods of any of y e said his lieges be or shal be taken by the said king of Denmarke or any of his said lieges the keeper of the priuie seale for y e time being shall haue power to make to y e partie grieued letters of request vnder the priuie seale wtout any other pursuite to be made to any for restitutiâ—n to be had of y e goods so taken to be taken And if restitution be not made by such letters the king our soueraigne lord by the aduise of his counsel shal prouide to the partie grieued his couenable remedy according as y e case requireth Here beginneth the Prologue of the processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea and namely the narrowe sea shewing what profite commeth thereof and also what worship and saluation to England and to all English-men THe true processe of English policie Of vtterward to keepe this regne in Of our England that no man may deny Ner say of sooth but it is one of the best Is this that who seeth South North East and Wesâ—â— Cherish Marchandise keepe the admiraltie That we bee Masâ—ers of the narrowe see For Sigismond the great Emperour With yet reigneth when he was in this land With king Henry the fift
the Tartarian tongue Cara-calmack inhabited with blacke people but in Cathay the most part therof stretching to the sunne rising are people white and of faire complexion Their religion also as the Tartars report is christian or after the maner of Christians and their language peculiar differing from the Tartarian tongue There are no great and furious Beares in trauelling through the waies aforesaid but wolues white and blacke And because that woods are not of such quantitie there as in these parts of Russia but in maner rather scant then plentiful as is reported the Beares breed not that way but some other beasts as namely one in Russe called Barse are in those coasts This Barse appeareth by a skinne of one seene here to sell to be nere so great as a big lion spotted very faire and therefore we here take it to be a Leopard or Tiger Note that 20 daies iourney from Cathay is a countrey named Angrim where liueth the beast that beareth the best Muske the principall therof is cut out of the knee of the male The people are taunie for that the men are not bearded nor differ in complexion from women they haue certaine tokens of iron that is to say the men weare the sunne round like a bosse vpon their shoulders and women on their priuie parts Their feeding is raw flesh in the same land and in another called Titay the Duke there is called Can. They worship the fire and it is 34 dayes iourney from great Cathay and in the way lyeth the beautifull people eating with kniues of golde and are called Comorom and the land of small people is neerer the Mosko then Cathay The instructions of one of Permia who reporteth he had bene at Cathay the way before written and also another way neere the sea coast as foloweth which note was sent out of Russia from Giles Holmes FIrst from the prouince of Dwina is knowen the way to Pechora and from Pechora traueiling with Olens or harts is sixe dayes iourney by land and in the Sommer as much by water to the riuer of Ob. The Ob is a riuer full of flats the mouth of it is 70. Russe miles ouer And from thence three dayes iourney on the right hand is a place called Chorno-lese to say in English blacke woods and from thence neere hand is a people called Pechey-cony wearing their haire by his description after the Irish fashion From Pechey-cony to Ioult Calmachey three dayes iourney from thence to Chorno Callachay three dayes tending to the Southeast These two people are of the Tartarian faith and tributaries to the great Can. Here follow certaine countreys of the Samoeds which dwell vpon the riuer Ob and vpon the sea coasts beyond the same taken out of the Russe tongue word by word and trauailed by a Russe borne in Colmogro whose name was Pheodor Towtigin who by report was slaine in his second voyage in one of the said countreys VPon the East part beyond the countrey of Vgori the riuer Ob is the most Westermost part thereof Upon the sea coast dwell Samoeds and their countrey is called Molgomsey whose meate is flesh of Olens or Harts and Fish and doe eate one another sometimes among themselues And if any Marchants come vnto them then they kill one of their children for their sakes to feast them withall And if a Marchant chance to die with them they burie him not but eate him and so doe they eate them of their owne countrey likewise They be euill of sight and haue small noses but they be swift and shoote very well and they trauaile on Harts and on dogges and their apparell is Sables and Harts skinnes They haue no Marchandise but Sables onely 2 Item on the same coast or quarter beyond those people and by the sea side also doth dwell another kinde of Samoeds in like maner hauing another language One moneth in the yeere they liue in the sea and doe not come or dwell on the dry land for that moneth 3 Item beyond these people on the sea coast there is another kinde of Samoeds their meate is flesh and fish and their merchandise are Sables white and blacke Foxes which the Rusles call Pselts and Harts skinnes and Fawnes skinnes The relation of Chaggi Memet a Persian Marchant to Baptista Ramusius and other notable citizens of Venice touching the way from Tauris the chiefe citie of Persia to Campion a citie of Cathay ouer land in which voyage he himselfe had passed before with the Carauans dayes iourney FRom Tauris to Soltania 6 From Soltania to Casbin 4 From Casbin to Veremi 6 From Veremi to Eri. 15 From Eri to Boghara 20 Frō Boghara to Samarchand 5 From Samarchand to Cascar 25 From Cascar to Acsu 20 From Acsu to Cuchi 20 From Cuchi to Chialis 10 From Chialis to Turfon 10 From Turfon to Camul 13 From Camul to Succuir 15 From Succuir to Gauta 5 From Gauta to Campion 6 Which Campion is a citie of the Empire of Cathay in the prouince of Tangut from whence the greatest quantitie of Rubarbe commeth A letter of Sigismond king of Polonia written in the 39. yeere of his reigne to Elizabeth the Queenes most excellent Maiestie of England c. SIgismudus Augustus by the grace of God king of Polonia great Duke of Lituania Russia Prussia Massouia and Samogetia c. Lord and heire c. to the most Noble Princesse Ladie Elizabeth by the same grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland c. our deare sister and kinsewoman greeting and increase of all felicitie Whereas your Maiestie writeth to vs that you haue receiued two of our letters wee haue looked that you should haue answered to them both First to the one in which we intreated more at large in forbidding the voyage to Narue which if it had bene done we had bene vnburdened of so often writing of one matter and might haue answered your Maiestie much better to the purpose Now we thus answere to your Maiestie to those matters of the which you writte to vs the 3 of October from Windsore First forasmuch as your Maiestie at the request of our letters hath discharged the arrest of Marchants goods and of the names of the men of Danske our subiects which was set vpon them by the commandement of your Maiestie and also haue restored the olde and ancient libertie of traffique we acknowledge great pleasure done vnto vs in the same and also thinke it to bee done according to common agreement made in times past Neither were we euer at any time of any other opinion touching your Maiestie but that wee should obtaine right and reason at your hands Forasmuch as we likewise shall at all times be ready to grant to your Maiestie making any request for your subiects so farre as shall stand with iustice yet neither will we yeeld any thing to your Maiestie in contention of loue beneuolence and mutuall office
voluntate expresso nostro mandato curauimus vt non solum vestrae Maiestatis pro illis postulationi sed eorundem etiam hominum expectationi plenè satisfactum esse confidamus Id quod eo fecimus studiosius quod plane perspectum probèque cognitum habeamus nostros omnes quibona cum gratia nostra nostrarúmque literarum commendatione isâ—uâ— sub vestro imperio negotiaturi veniunt pari cum vestrae Maiestatis fauore tum vestrorum subditorum humanitate vbiuis acceptos esse Quae nostra vtrobÃque mutuae inter nos amicitiae gratae inter nostros beneuolentiae officia vt crebra perpetua existant nos admodum postulamus Quem animi nostri sensum fusius hi vestri opportunius suo sermone coram declarabunt Quibus non dubitamus quin vestra Maiestas amplam fidem sit tributura Deus c. Grenouici nono die Maij 1567. The Ambassage of the right worshipfull Master Thomas Randolfe Esquire to the Emperour of Russia in the yeere 1568 briefly written by himselfe THe 22 day of Iune in the yere of our Lord 1568 I went aboord the Harry lying in the road at Harwich with my company being to the number of fortie persons or thereabout of which the one halfe were gentlemen desirous to see the world Within one dayes sailing we were out of the sight of land and following our course directly North till we came to the North Cape we sailed for the space of twelue dayes with a prosperous winde without tempest or outrage of sea hauing compassed the North Cape we directed our course flat Southeast hauing vpon our right hand Norway Wardhouse Lapland all out of sight till we came to Cape Gallant and so sailing betweene two dayes the two and thirtieth day after our departure from Harwich we cast ancre at Saint Nicholas road In all the time of our voyage more then the great number of Whales ingendering together which we might plainly beholde and the Sperma Cetae which we might see swimming vpon the sea there was no great thing to be woondered at Sometimes we had calmes wherein our Mariners fished and tooke good store of diuers sorts At S. Nicholas we landed the 23 of Iuly where there standeth an abbey of Monks to the number of twentie built all of wood the apparell of the Monks is superstitious in blacke hoods as ours haue bene Their Church is faire but full of painted images tapers and candles Their owne houses are low and small roomes They lie apart they eat together and are much giuen to drunkennesse vnlearned write they can preach they doe neuer ceremonious in their Church and long in their prayers At my first arriuall I was presented from their Prior with two great rie loaues fish both salt and fresh of diuers sorts both sea fish and fresh water one sheepe aliue blacke with a white face to be the more gratefull vnto me and so with many solemne words inuiting me to see their house they tooke their leaue Towne or habitation at S. Nicholas there is none more then about foure houses neere the abbey and another built by the English Company for their owne vse This part of the countrey is most part wood sauing here and there pasture arable ground many riuers and diuers Islands vnhabited as the most part of the countrey is for the coldnesse in Winter S. Nicholas standeth Northeast the eleuation of the pole 64 degrees The riuer that runneth there into the sea is called Dwina very large but shallow This riuer taketh his beginning about 700 miles within the countrey vpon this riuer standeth Colmogro and many prety villages well situated for pasture arable land wood and water The riuer pleasant betweene hie hils of either side inwardly inhabited and in a maner a wildernesse of hie firre trees and other wood At Colmogro being 100 versts which we account for three quarters of a mile euery verst we taried three weeks not being suffered to depart before the Emperour had word of our comming who sent to meet vs a gentleman of his house to conuey vs and to see vs furnished of victuals and all things needfull vpon his owne charge The allowance of meat and drinke was for euery day two rubbles besides the charge of boats by water and foure score post horses by land with aboue 100 carts to cary my wines and other cariage Colmogro is a great towne builded all of wood not walled but scattered house from house The people are rude in maners and in apparell homely sauing vpon their festiuall and marriage dayes The people of this town finding commodity by the English mens traffike with them are much at their commandement giuen much to drunkennesse and all other kinde of abominable vices In this towne the English men haue lands of their owne giuen them by the Emperour and faire houses with offices for their commodity very many Of other townes vntill I come to Vologda I write not because they are much like to this and the inhabitants not differing from them I was fiue whole weeks vpon the riuer of Dwina till I came to Vologda being drawen with men against the streame for other passage there is none Vologda standeth vpon the riuer of Vologda which commeth into Dwina The towne is great and long built all of wood as all their townes are In this towne the Emperour hath built a castle inuironed with a wall of stone and bricke the walles faâ—re and hie round about Here as in all other their townes are many Churches some built of bricke the rest of wood many Monks and Nunnes in it a towne also of great traffike and many rich merchants there dwelling From hence we passed by land towards Mosco in poste being 500 versts great which are equall with our miles In their townes we baited or lay being post townes The countrey is very faire plaine pleasant well inhabited corne pasture medowes enough riuers and woods faire and goodly At Yeraslaue we passed the riuer of Volga more then a mile ouer This riuer taketh his beginning at Beal Ozera descendeth into Mare Caspium portable thorow of very great vessels with flat bottomes which farre passe any that our countrey vseth To saile by this riuer into Mare Caspium the English company caused a barke to be built of 27 tunns which there was neuer seene before This barke built and ready rigged to the sea with her whole furniture cost not the company aboue one hundreth marks there To Mosco we came about the end of September receiued by no man not so much as our owne countreymen suffered to meet vs which bred suspition in me of some other course intended then we had hitherto found We were brought to a house built of purpose by the Emperour for Ambassadours faire and large after the fashion of that countrey Two gentlemen were appointed to attend vpon me the one to see vs furnished of
good and as you may most conueniently and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards alongst the tract of it though it incline Northerly euen so farre as you may or can trauell hauing regard that in conuenient time you may returne home hither to London for wintering And for your orderly passing in this voyage and making obseruations in the same we referre you to the instructions giuen by M. William Burrough whereof one copie is annexed vnto the first part of this Indenture vnder our seale for you Arthur Pet another copie of it is annexed to the second part of this Indenture vnder our seale also for you Charles Iackman and a third copy thereof is annexed vnto the third part of this Indenture remaining with vs the saide companie sealed and subscribed by you the said Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman And to the obseruing of all things contained in this Commission so neere as God will permit me grace thereunto I the said Arthur Pet doe couenant by these presents to performe them and euery part and parcell thereof And I the said Charles Iackman doe for my part likewise couenant by these presents to performe the same and euery part thereof so neere as God will giue me grace thereunto And in witnes thereof these Indentures were sealed and deliuered accordingly the day and yeere first aboue written Thus the Lorde God Almightie sende you a prosperous voyage with happie successe and safe returne Amen Instructions and notes very necessary and needfull to be obserued in the purposed voyage for discouery of Cathay Eastwards by Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman giuen by M. William Burrough 1580. VVHen you come to Orfordnesse if the winde doe serue you to goe a seabord the sands doe you set off from thence and note the time diligently of your being against the saide Nesse turning then your glasse whereby you intende to keepe your continuall watch and apoint such course as you shal thinke good according as the wind serueth you and froÌ„ that time forwards continually if your ship be lose vnder saile a hull or trie do you at the end of euery 4. glasses at the least except calme sound with your dipsin lead and note diligently what depth you finde and also the ground But if it happen by swiftnes of the shippes way or otherwise that you cannot get ground yet note what depth you did proue and could finde no ground this note is to be obserued all your voyage as well outwards as home wards But when you come vpon any coast or doe finde any sholde banke in the sea you are then to vse your leade oftener as you shal thinke it requisite noting diligently the order of your depth and the deeping and sholding And so likewise doe you note the depthes into harboroughs riuers c. And in keeping your dead reckoning it is very necessary that you doe note at the ende of euery foure glasses what way the shippe hath made by your best proofes to be vsed and howe her way hath bene through the water considering withall for the sagge of the sea to leewards accordingly as you shall finde it growen and also to note the depth and what things worth the noting happened in that time with also the winde vpon what point you finde it then and of what force or strength it is and what sailes you beare But if you should omit to note those things at the end of euery foure glasses I would not haue you to let it slip any longer time then to note it diligently at the end of euery watch or eight glasses at the farthest Doe you diligently obserue the latitude as often and in as many places as you may possible and also the variation of the Compasse especially when you may bee at shoare vpon any land noting the same obseruations truely and the place and places where and the time and times when you do the same When you come to haue sight of any coast or land whatsoeuer doe you presently set the same with your sailing Compasse howe it beares off you noting your iudgement how farre you thinke it from you drawing also the forme of it in your booke howe it appeares vnto you noting diligently how the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you and the extreames also in sight of the same land at both ends distinguishing them by letters A. B.C. c. Afterwards when you haue sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4. glasses at the most noting diligently what way your barke hath made and vpon what point of the Compasse do you againe set that first land seene or the parts thereof that you first obserued if you can well perceiue or discerne them and likewise such other notable points or signes vpon the land that you may then see and could not percâ—iue at the first time distinguishing it also by letters from the other and drawing in your booke the shape of the same land as it appeareth vnto you and so the third time c. And also in passing alongst by any and euery coast doe you drawe the maner of biting in of euery Bay and entrance of euery harborow or riuers mouth with the lying out of euery point or headland vnto the which you may giue apt names at your pleasure and make some marke in drawing the forme and border of the same where the high cliffs are and where lowe lande is whether sande hils or woods or whatsoeuer not omitting to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to you which may serue to any good purpose If you carefully with great heede and diligence note the obseruations in your booke as aforesaid and afterwards make demonstration thereof in your plat you shall thereby perceiue howe farre the land you first sawe or the parts thereof obserued was then from you and consequently of all the rest and also how farre the one part was from the other and vpon what course or point of the Compasse the one lieth from the other And when you come vpon any coast where you find floods and ebs doe you diligently note the time of the highest and lowest water in euery place and the slake or still water of full sea and lowe water and also which way the flood doeth runne how the tides doe set how much water it hicth and what force the tide hath to driue a ship in one houre or in the whole tide as neere as you can iudge it and what difference in time you finde betwene the running of the flood and the ebbe And if you finde vpon any coast the currant to runne alwayes one way doe you also note the same duely how it setteth in euery place and obserue what force it hath to driue a ship in one houre c. Item as often and when as you may conueniently come vpon any land to make obseruation for the latitude and variation c. doe you also if you may with your instrument for trying of distances obserue the platforme
diuerse times by sundry of our nation and the last great voyage by M. Ralph Fitch who with M. Iohn Newbery and two other consorts departed from London with her Maiesties letters written effectually in their fauour to the kings of Cambaia and China in the yere 1583 who in the yeere 1591. like another Paulus Venetus returned home to the place of his departure with ample relation of his wonderfull trauailes which he presented in writing to my Lord your father of honourable memorie Now here if any man shall take exception against this our new trade with Turkes and misbeleeuers he shall shew himselfe a man of small experience in old and new Histories or wilfully lead with partialitie or some worse humour For who knoweth not that king Salomon of old entred into league vpon necessitie with Hiram the king of Tyrus a gentile Or who is ignorant that the French the Genouois Florentines Raguseans Venetians and Polonians are at this day in league with the Grand Signior and haue beene these many yeeres and haue vsed trade and traffike in his dominions Who can deny that the Emperor of Christendome hath had league with the Turke and payd him a long while a pension for a part of Hungarie And who doth not acknowledge that either hath trauailed the remote parts of the world or read the Histories of this later age that the Spaniards and Portugales in Barbarie in the Indies and elsewhere haue ordinarie confederacie and traffike with the Moores and many kindes of Gentiles and Pagans and that which is more doe pay them pensions and vse them in their seruice and warres Why then should that be blamed in vs which is vsuall and common to the most part of other Christian nations Therefore let our neighbours which haue found most fault with this new league and traffike thanke themselues and their owne foolish pride whereby we were vrged to seeke further to prouide vent for our naturall commodities And herein the old Greeke prouerbe was most truely verified That euill counsaile proueth worst to the author and deuiser of the same Hauing thus farre intreated of the chiefe contents of the first part of this second Volume it remayneth that I briefly acquaint your Honor with the chiefe contents of the second part It may therefore please you to vnderstand that herein I haue likewise preserued disposed and set in order such Voyages Nauigations Traffikes and Discoueries as our Nation and especially the worthy inhabitants of this citie of London haue painefully performed to the South and Southeast parts of the world without the Streight of Gibraltar vpon the coasts of Africa about the Cape of Buona Sperança to and beyonde the East India To come more neere vnto particulars I haue here set downe the very originals and infancie of our trades to the Canarian Ilands to the kingdomes of Barbarie to the mightie riuers of Senega and Gambra to those of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona and the Isles of Cape Verde with twelue sundry voyages to the sultry kingdomes of Guinea and Benin to the Isle of San Thomé with a late and true report of the weake estate of the Portâ—gales in Angola as also the whole course of the Portugale Caracks from Lisbon to the barre of Goa in India with the disposition and qualitie of the climate neere and vnder the Equinoctiall line the sundry infallible markes and tokens of approching vnto and doubling of The Cape of good Hope the great variation of the compasse for one point and an halfe towards the East betweene the Meridian of S. Michael one of the Islands of the Azores and the aforesaid Cape with the returne of the needle againe due North at the Cape Das Agulias and that place being passed outward bound the swaruing backe againe thereof towards the West proportionally as it did before the two wayes the one within and the other without the Isle of S. Laurence the dangers of priuie rockes and quicksands the running seas and the perils thereof with the certaine and vndoubted signes of land All these and other particularities are plainly and truely here deliuered by one Thomas Steuens a learned Englishman who in the yeere 1579 going as a passenger in the Portugale Fleete from Lisbon into India wrote the same from Goa to his father in England Whereunto I haue added the memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster who doth not onely recount and confirme most of the things aboue mentioned but also doth acquaint vs with the state of the voyage beyond Cape Comori and the Isle of Ceilon with the Isles of Nicubar and Gomes Polo lying within two leagues of the rich Island Samatra and those of Pulo Pinaom with the maine land of Iunçalaon and the streight of Malacca I haue likewise added a late intercepted letter of a Portugall reuealing the secret and most gainefull trade of Pegu which is also confirmed by Caesar Fredericke a Venetian and M. Ralph Fitch now liuing here in London And because our chiefe desire is to find out ample vent of our wollen cloth the naturall coÌ„moditie of this our Realme the sittest places which in al my readings and obseruations I find for that purpose are the manifold Islands of Iapan the Northern parts of China the regions of the Tartars next adioyning whereof I read that the countrey in winter is Assifria como Flandes that is to say as cold as Flanders that the riuers be strongly ouer-frozen and therefore I haue here inserted two speciall Treatises of the sayd Countries the one beginning pag. 68 the other pag. 88 which last discourse I hold to be the most exact of those parts that is yet come to light which was printed in Latine in Macao a citie of China in China-paper in the yeere a thousand fiue hundred and ninetie and was intercepted in the great Carack called Madre de Dios two yeeres after inclosed in a case of sweete Cedar wood and lapped vp almost an hundred fold in finc calicut-cloth as though it had beene some incomparable iewell But leauing abruptly this discourse I thinke it not impertinent before I make an end to deliuer some of the reasons that moued me to present this part of my trauailes vnto your Honour The reuerend antiquitie in the dedication of their workes made choyse of such patrons as eyther with their reputation and credite were able to countenance the same or by their wisedome and vnderstanding were able to censure and approoue them or with their abilitie were likely to stand them or theirs in steade in the ordinarie necessities and accidents of their life Touching the first your descent from a father that was accounted Pater patriae your owne place and credite in execution of her Maiesties inward counsailes and publike seruices added to your well discharging your forren imployment when the greatest cause in Christendome was handled haue not onely drawen mens eyes vpon you but also forcibly haue moued many and my selfe among the rest to haue our labours protected by your
renewing and great increasing of an ancient trade vnto diuers places in the Leuant seas and to the chiefest parts of all the great Turkes dominions Anno 1575 1578. 136 23 The letters of Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke to the sacred Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth Anno 1579. 137 24 The answere of her Maiestie to the foresayd letters of the great Turke sent by M. Richard Stanly in the Prudence of London Anno 1579. 138 25 The charter of priuiledges granted to the English and the league of the great Turke with the Queenes Maiestie for traffique onely Anno 1580. 141 26 Her Maiesties letter to the great Turke promising redresse for the disorders of Peter Baker of Radcliffe committed in the Leuant Anno 1581. 145 27 The letters Patents or Priuileges granted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne M. Richard Staper and certaine other marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke Anno 1581. 146 28 The Pasport made by the great Master of Malta vnto the English men in the Barke Rainolds Anno 1582. 154 29 The Queenes commission giuen to her seruant M. William Hareborne to bee Her Maiesties Ambassador or Agent in the parts of Turkie Anno 1582. 157 30 Her Maiesties letter to the great Turke written in commendation of M. William Hareborne when he was sent Ambassador Anno 1582. 158 31 A letter of the Queenes Maiestie to Alli Bassa the Turkes high Admiral sent by her Ambassador M. William Hareborne and deliuered vnto him aboord his Galley in the Arsenal 159 32 A briefe remembrance of things to bee indeuoured at Constantinople and at other places in Turkie touching our Clothing and Dying and touching the ample vent of our naturall commodities c. written by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Anno 1582. 160 33 Certaine other most profitable and wise instructions penned by the sayd M. Richard Hakluyt for a principall English Factor at Constantinople 161 34 A letter of Mustafa Chaus to the Queenes Maiestie Anno 1583. 171 35 A letter of M. William Hareborne to M. Haruie Millers appointing him Consul for the English nation in Alexandria Cairo other places of Egypt in the yeare of our Lord 1583. 171 36 A Commission giuen by M. William Hareborne the English Ambassador to M. Richard Forster authorizing him Consul of the English nation in the partes of Alepo Damasco Aman Tripolis Ierusalem c. together with a letter of directions to the sayd M. Forster Ann. 1583. pag. 172 37 A letter sent from Alger to M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassador at Constantinople Anno 1583. 173 38 A letter of M. Hareborne to Mustafa chalenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating three of the Grand Signors commandements 174 39 A Pasport graunted to Thomas Shingleton by the king of Alger in the yeare 1583. 174 40 A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne in his Maioraltie to the king of Alger on the behalfe of certaine English captiues An. 1584. 175 41 Notes concerning the trades of Alger and Alexandria 176 42 A letter of M. William Hareborne the English Ambassadour to M. Edward Barâ—on Anno 1584. 177 43 A commandement obtayned of the Grand Signor by her Maiesties Ambassadour M. William Hareborne for the quiet passing of her subiects to and from his dominions sent to the Viceroyes of Alger Tunis and Tripolis in Barbary An. 1584. 177 44 A letter of the hon M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour with the Grand Signor to M. Tipton appointing him Consul of the English in Alger Tunis and Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1585. 178 45 A Catalogue or register of the English ships goods and persons wrongfully taken by the Galleys of Alger with the names of the English captiues deliuered to Hassan Bassa the Beglerbeg of Alger c. 179 46 A letter of M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassador c. to Assan Aga Eunuch and treasurer vnto Hassan Bassa king of Alger which Assan Aga was sonne to Francis Rowly merchant of Bristol and was taken in an English ship called the Swallow 180 47 A petition exhibited to the Viceroy of the Turkish empire for reformation of sundry iniuries offered our nation in Morea as also for sundry demaundes needefull for the establishing of the trafficke in those parts 181 48 A commandement of the Grand Signor to Patrasso in Morea on the behalfe of the English pag. 181 49 The Grand Signors commandement to Chio on the behalfe of the English merchants 182 50 Two of his commandements sent to Baliabadram and to Egypt for the same purpose 182 51 A commandement of the Grand Signor to the Cadi of Alexandria for the restoring of an English mans goods wrongfully taken by the French Consul 183 52 Another commaundement to the Bassa of Alexandria for the very same purpose 183 53 A coÌ„mandement to the Byes and Cadies of Metelin and Rhodes and to all the Cadies Byes in the way to Constantinople for the courteous and iust vsage of the English merchants 183 54 A commandement sent to Alepo concerning the goods of M. William Barret deceased 183 55 The Queenes letters to the great Turke for the restitution of an English ship called The Iesus and of the English captiues detained at Tripolis in Barbary for certaine other English men which remained prisoners at Alger Anno 1584. 191 56 The great Turkes letters to the king of Tripolis in Barbary commanding the restitution of an English ship called The Iesus with the men and goods c. Anno 1584. 192 57 The letter of M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour to Bassa Romadan the Beglerbeg of Tripolis in Barbary for the restoring of the sayd ship called The Iesus Anno 1585. pag. 193 58 The great Turkes Pasport of safe conduct for Captaine Austel and Iacomo Manuchio 198 59 A Pasport of the Erle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gent. traueiling to Constantinople Anno 1586. 198 60 A description of the yearely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumetans Turkes and Moores to Mecca in Arabia 198 61 A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia and sent by M. Iohn Newbery Anno 1583. 245 62 A letter written from her Maiestie to the king of China in the yeare of our Lord 1583. 245 63 A letter of M. Iohn Newbery sent from Alepo to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford Ann. 1583 pag. 245 64 Another letter of the sayd M. Newbery written from Alepo to M. Leonard Poote at London Anno 1583 246 65 A second letter of the sayd M. Newbery written from Babylon to the aforesayd M. Poore Anno 1583. 247 66 M. Newbery his letter from Ormuz to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shales at Balsara Anno 1583. 248 67 His third letter written to M. Leonard Poore from Goa in the yeare 1584. 248 68 A letter written from Goa by M. Ralph Fitch to M. Leonard Poore abouesayd Anno 1584. pag. 250 69 The report of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten of
of the name of Christ Iesu and in the vertue of his pretious bloud which he shedde vpon the crosse for the saluation of mankinde they doe cast foorth deuils out of them that are possessed And because there are many possessed men in those parts they are bound and brought ten dayes iourney vnto the sayd friers who being dispossessed of the vncleane spirits do presently beleeue in Christ who deliuered them accounting him for their God and being baptised in his name and also deliuering immediatly vnto the friers all their idols and the idols of their cattell which are commonly made of felt or of womens haire then the sayd friers kindle a fire in a publike place whereunto the people resort that they may see the false gods of their neighbors burnt and cast the sayd idols thereinto howbeit at the first those idols came out of the fire againe Then the friers sprinkled the sayd fire with holy water casting the idols into it the second time and with that the deuils fled in the likenesse of blacke smoake and the idols still remained till they were consumed vnto ashes Afterward this noise out cry was heard in the ayre Beholde and see how I am expelled out of my habitation And by these meanes the friers doe baptise great multitudes who presently reuolt againe vnto their idols insomuch that the sayd friers must eft soones as it were vnder prop them and informe them anew There was another terrible thing which I saw there for passing by a certaine valley which is situate beside a pleasant riuer I saw many dead bodies and in the sayd valley also I heard diuers sweet sounds and harmonies of musike especially the noise of citherns whereat I was greatly amazed This valley conteineth in length seuen or eight miles at the least into the which whosoeuer entreth dieth presently and can by no meanes passe aliue thorow the middest thereof for which cause all the inhabitants thereabout decline vnto the one side Moreouer I was tempted to go in and to see what it was At length making my prayers and recommending my selfe to God in the name of Iesu I entred and saw such swarmes of dead bodies there as no man would beleeue vnlesse he were an eye witnesse thereof At the one side of the foresayd valley vpon a certaine stone I saw the visage of a man which beheld me with such a terrible aspect that I thought verily I should haue died in the same place But alwayes this sentence the word became flesh and dwelt amongst vs I ceased not to pronounce signing my selfe with the signe of the crosse and neerer then seuen or eight pases I durst not approch vnto the said head but I departed fled vnto another place in the sayd valley ascending vp into a little sandy mountaine where looking round about I saw nothing but the sayd citherns which me thought I heard miraculously sounding and playing by themselues without the helpe of musicians And being vpon the toppe of the mountaine I found siluer there like the scales of fishes in great abundance and I gathered some part thereof into my bosome to shew for a wonder but my conscience rebuking me I cast it vpon the earth reseruing no whit at all vnto my selfe and so by Gods grace I departed without danger And when the men of the countrey knew that I was returned out of the valley aliue they reuerenced me much saying that I was baptised and holy and that the foresayd bodies were men subiect vnto the deuils infernall who vsed to play vpon citherns to the end they might allure people to enter and so murther them Thus much concerning those things which I beheld most certainely with mine eyes I frier Odoricus haue heere written many strange things also I haue of purpose omitted because men will not beleeue them vnlesse they should see them Of the honour and reuerence done vnto the great Can. I Will report one thing more which I saw concerning the great Can. It is an vsuall custome in those parts that when the forsayd Can trauelleth thorow any countrey his subiects kindle fires before their doores casting spices thereinto to make a perfume that their lord passing by may smell the sweet and delectable odours thereof and much people come foorth to meet him And vpon a certaine time when he was comming towardes Cambaleth the fame of his approch being published a bishop of ours with certaine of our minorite friers and my selfe went two dayes iourney to meet him and being come nigh vnto him we put a crosse vpon wood I my selfe hauing a censer in my hand and began to sing with a loud voice Veni creator spiritus And as we were singing on this wise he caused vs to be called commanding vs to come vnto him notwithstanding as it is aboue mentioned that no man dare approch within a stones cast of his chariot vnlesse he be called but such onely as keepe his chariot And when we came neere vnto him he vailed his hat or bonet being of an inestimable price doing reuerence vnto the crosse And immediatly I put incense into the censer and our bishop taking the censer perfumed him and gaue him his benediction Moreouer they that come before the sayd Can do alwayes bring some oblation to present vnto him obseruing the ancient law Thou shalt not appeare in my presence with an empty hand And for that cause we carried apples with vs and offered them in a platter with reuerence vnto him and taking out two of them he did eat some part of one And then he signified vnto vs that we should go apart least the horses comming on might in ought offend vs. With that we departed from him and turned aside going vnto certaine of his barons which had bene conuerted to the faith by certaine friers of our order being at the same time in his army and we offered vnto them of the foresayd apples who receiued them at our hands with great ioy seeming vnto vs to be as glad as if we had giuen them some great gift All the premisses aboue written frier William de Solanga hath put downe in writing euen as the foresayd frier Odoricus vttered them by word of mouth in the yeere of our Lord 1330 in the moneth of May and in the place of S. Anthony of Padua Neither did he regard to write them in difficult Latine or in an eloquent stile but euen as Odoricus himselfe rehearsed them to the end that men might the more easily vnderstand the things reported I frier Odoricus of Friuli of a certaine territory called Portus Vahonis and of the order of the minorites do testifie and beare witnesse vnto the reuerend father Guidotus minister of the prouince of S. Anthony in the marquesate of Treuiso being by him required vpon mine obedience so to doe that all the premisses aboue written either I saw with mine owne eyes or heard the same reported by credible and substantiall persons The common report also of the countreyes where
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
coppy of your will and Testament which you must alwayes cary about you and chiefly when you go into the Indies In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesaide schooles the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia that if any Marchant die and haue his Wil made and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone with that copie of his Testament then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof into what part of Christendome soeuer it be and the heires of such a one comming thither with testimoniall that they be heires they shall receiue there the value of his goods in such wise that they shall not loose any thing But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by ancient custome of the Countrey that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there and haue departed with al their goods and substance without let or trouble In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one as well the Noble man as the simple the onely difference is in the finenes of the cloth which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another and they weare their apparell in this wise First a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases which they binde vp betwixt their legges and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces made in guize of a myter and some goe without tocks and cary as it were a hiue on their heades which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare when it is lifted vp they goe all bare footed but the Noble men neuer goe on foote but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be weare a smocke downe to the girdle and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases open before so straite that they cannot goe but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand but they caÌ„not by reason of the straitnes of their cloth They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature which they are greatly giuen vnto which sight should cause them to regard women the more Also the women goe bare footed their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels And their fingers full of precious rings with their haire rolled vp about their heads Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders in stead of a cloacke Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write I say that those parts of the Indies are very good because that a man that hath litle shall make a great deale thereof alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be taken for honest men For why to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel but he that is vicious let him tary at home and not go thither because he shall alwayes be a begger and die a poore man Letters concerning the voyage of M. Iohn Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria and ouerland to Balsara and thenâ—e into the East Indies and beyond In the yeere 1583. ¶ A letter written from the Queenes Maiestie to Zelabdim Echebar King of Cambaia and sent by Iohn Newbery In February Anno 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God c. To the most inuincible and most mightie prince lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya Inuincible Emperor c. The great affection which our Subiects haue to visit the most distant places of the world not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery ioyntly with those that be in his company with a curteous and honest boldnesse doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire we doubt not but that your imperial Maiestie through your royal grace will fauourably and friendly accept him And that you would doe it the rather for our sake to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie wee should more earnestly and with more wordes require it if wee did think it needful But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world we are greatly eased of that burden and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words onely we request that because they are our subiects they may be honestly intreated and receiued And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shaâ— to our subiects at our requests performe wee according to our royall honour wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China In Februarie 1583. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which nowe hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie is mooued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie being perswaded that hee hauing entred into so many perils your Maiestie will not dislike the same especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie and that to your people it will bring some profite of both which things he not doubting with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe
together as they haue sinned together to receiue iudgement and therfore the soule alone cannot Their seuen precepts which they keepe so strictly are not for any hope of reward they haue after this life but onely that they may be blessed in this world for they thinke that he which breaketh them shall haue ill successe in all his businesse They say the three chiefe religions in the world be of the Christians Iewes Turks yet but one of them true but being in doubt which is the truest of the three they will be of none for they hold that all these three shall be iudged and but few of them which be of the true shall be saued the examination shall be so straight and therefore as I haue sayd before to preuent this iudgement they burne their bodies to ashes They say these three religions haue too many precepts to keepe them all wel therfore wonderful hard it wil be to make account because so few doe obserue all their religion aright And thus passing the time for the space of three moneths in this sea voyage we arriued at Venice the tenth of Iune and after I had seene Padua with other English men I came the ordinary way ouer the Alpes by Augusta Noremberg and so for England where to the praise of God I safely arriued the ninth of August 1595. A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signior Sultan Murad Can to the Queenes Maiesty of England in the yeere of our Lord 1594. IL principio del ragionamento nostro sia scrittura perfetta nelle quatro parte del mondo in nome di quello che ha creato indifferentemente tante infinite creature che non haueâ—ano anima ni persona di quello che fagirar gli noue cieli che la terra sette volte vna sopra l' altra fa firmar Signor Re senza vicere che non ha comparacion alla sua creatione ne opera vno senza precio adorato incomparabilmente l' altissimo Dio creatore che non ha similitudine si â—ome e descrito dalli propheti ala cui grandessa non si arriue alla perfettione sua compiuta non si oppone quel omnipotente creatore cooperatore alla grandessa del quale inchinano tutti li propheti fra quali il maggior che ha ottenuâ—o gracia horto del paradiso ragi dal sole amato del altissimo Dio è Mahomet Mustaffa al qual suoi adherenti imitatori sia perpetua pace alla cui sepultura odorifera si fa ogni honore Quello che è imperator de sette climati delle quatro parti del mondo inuincibile Re di Graecia Agiamia Vngeria Tartaria Valachia Rossia Turchia Arabia Bagdet Caramania Abessis Giouasir Siruan Barbaria Algieri Franchia Coruacia Belgrado c. sempre felicissimo de dodeci Auoli possessor della corona della stirpe di Adam fin bora Imperator figliolo del ' Imperatore conseruato de la diuina prouidenza Re di ognâ— dignita honore Sultan Murat cha Il Signor Dio sempre augmentile sue forzze padre di quello a cui aspettala corona imperiale horto cypresso mirabile degno della sediâ— regale vero herede del comando imperiale dignissimo Mehemet Can filiol de Sultan Murat Can che dio compisca lâ— suoi dissegni alunga li suoi giorni feliâ—i Dalla parte della madre del qual si scâ—â—ue la presente alla serenissima gloriosissima fra le prudentissime Donne eletta fra li triomfâ—nti soâ—toâ—il standardo di Iesu Christo potentissima ricâ—hissiâ—aregiâ—râ—â—â— al mondo singularissima fra il feminil sesso la serenissima Regina d' Ingilterraâ— che â—egue â—e vestigie de Maria virgine il fine della quale sia con bene perfettione secondo il suâ— desidâ—â—â—oâ— Le mando vna salutâ—â—ion di pace cosi honorata che non basta tutta la copia di rosignoli con le lâ—romusiche ariuare non che con quosta carta l' amore singulare che e conciputo fra noi esimiâ—â—â—a â—n horto di Vccelli vagi che il Signor Diola faci degna di saluacione il fine suo siâ— tale che in questo mondo nel ' futuro sia con pace Doppo comparsi li suoi honorati presenti da la sedia de la Serenita vostra sapera che sono capitati in vna hora che ogni punto e stato vna consolation dâ— lungo tempo per occasione del Ambassadore di vostra serenita venuto alla felice porta del Imperatore contanto nostro contento quanto si posso desiderare con quello vna lettera di vostra serenetà châ— ci estata presentata dalli nostri Eunuchi con gran honore la carta de la quale odoraua di camfora ambracano â—â—inchiostro di musco perfetto quella peruenuta in nostro mano tutta la continenza di essa a parte ho ascolâ—ato intentamente Quello che hora si conuiene e â—he correspondente alla nostra affecione in tutto quello che si aspetta alle cose attenente alli paesi che sono sotto il commando di vostra serenità lei non manchi dâ— sempre tenermi dato noticia che in tutto quello che li occorerà Io possi compiacerla de quello che fra le nostre serenità e conueniente accioche quelle cose che si interprenderano habino il desiderato buon finâ— perche Io saro sempre ricordeuole al altissimo Imperatore delle occorenze di vostra serenita per che sia in ogni occasione compiaciâ—ta La pace sia con vostra serenita câ—n quelli che seguitano dreâ—amente la via di Dio. Sâ—ritta all primi dell luna di Rabie Liâ—ol anno del profeâ—a 1002 di Iesu 1594. The same in English LEt the beginning of our discourse be a perfect writing in the foure parts of the world in the name of him which hath indifferently created such infinite numbers of creatures which had neither soule nor body and of him which mooueth the nine heauens and stablisheth the earth seuen times one aboue another which is Lord and king without any deputy who hath no comparison to his creation and worke and is one inestimable worshipped without all comparison the most high God the creator which hath nothing like vnto him according as he is described by the Prophets to whose power no man can attaine and whose absolute perfection no man may controll and that omnipotent creatour and fellow-worker to whose Maiesty all the Prophets submit themselues among whom the greatest and which hath obtained greatest fauour the garden of Paradise the beame of the Sunne the beloued of the most high God is Mahomet Mustaffa to whom and to his adherents and followers be perpetuall peace to whose
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
Then desired he them to giue him the ship-boate with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England but all was in vaine Then wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants informing them of all the matter and promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to fetch theÌ„ And thus was Pinteado kept a shipboord against his will thrust among the boyes of the ship not vsed like a man nor yet like an honest boy but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand Then deparâ—ed they leauing one of their ships behind them which they sunke for lacke of men to cary her After this within 6 or 7 dayes sayling dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse thought that stroke him to the heart A man worthy to serue any prince and most vilely vsed And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forâ—y and of them many died And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide in commendation of Pinteado to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then trueth I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to reconcile him at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure and not for any other crime or offence as may appeare by the said letters he was only for pouertie inforced to come into England where he first perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea But as the king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune euen so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may either be hindered by the contempt or aided by the help of the poore mise according vnto the fable of Esope The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents whereby the king of Portugall made him knight of his house after all his troubles and imprisonment which by wrong information made to the king he had susteined of long time being at the last deliuered his cause knowen and manifested to the king by a gray Frier the kings Confessor I The king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso one of my counsell and ouerseer of my house that in coÌ„sideration of the good seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado the sonne of Iohn Anes dwelling in the towne called the Port hath done vnto me my will and pleasure is to make him knight of my house allowing to him in pension seuen hundred reis monethly and euery day one alcayre of barly as long as he keepeth a horse to be paid according to the ordinaÌ„ce of my house Prouiding alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift And this also in such coÌ„dition that the time which is accepted in our ordinance forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this allowance which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent shal be first expired before he do marry I therfore command you to cause this to be entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold vnder the title of knightsâ— And when it is so entred let the clarke of the Matricula for the certeintie therof write on the backside of this Aluala or patent the number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred Which done let him returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of September in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this present yeere Rey. The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant YOur Maiestie hath vouchsafed in respect and consideration of the good seruice of Anthony Anes Pinteado dwelling in the port and sonne of Iohn Anes to make him knight of your house with ordinarie allowance of seuen hundred reis pension by the moneth and one alcaire of barley by the day as long as he keepeth a horse and to be paide according to the ordinance of your house with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters Patents The Secretaries note Entred in the booke of the Matricula Fol. 683. Francisco de Siquera The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant and brother to the king of Portugall sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado ANthony Anes Pinteado I the infant brother to the king haue me heartily commended vnto you Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you desiring to bring you home again into your countrey And for that purpose he hath with him a safe coÌ„duct for you granted by the king that therby you may freely and without all feare come home And although the weather be foule and stormie yet faile not to come for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king whereof I would be right glad and to bring the same to passe I will do all that lieth in me for your profite But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues will make further declaration hereof vnto you I say no more at this present Written in Lisbone the eight day of December Anno 1552. The infant Don Lewes ALl these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese with whom Pinteado left them at his vnfortunate departing to Guinea But notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire promises Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his countrey men without the presence of other forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him if time and place might haue serued their wicked intent The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne Sir Iohn Yorke Thomas Lok Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin in the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok AS in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history then the course of the nauigation whereof at that time I could haue no perfect information so in the description of this second voyage my chiefe intent hath beene to shew the course of the same according to the obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners and as I receiued it at the handes of an expert Pilot being one of the chiefe in this voyage who also with his owne hands wrote a briefe declaration of the same as he found and tried all things not by coniecture but by the art of sayling and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie Not therefore assuming to my selfe the commendations due vnto other neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so
Moneth we ranne along Island and had the South part of it at eight of the clocke East from vs ten leagues The seuenth day of this moneth we had a very terrible storme by force whereof one of our men was blowen into the sea out of our waste but he caught hold of the foresaile sheate and there held till the Captaine pluckt him againe into the ship The 25. day of this moneth we had sight of the Island of Orkney which was then East from vs. The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld and so sailed about the coast and ankered at Yarmouth and the next day we came into Harwich The language of the people of Meta incognita Argoteyt a hand Cangnawe a nose Arered an eye Keiotot a tooth Mutchatet the head Chewat an eare Comagaye a legge Atoniagay a foote Callagay a paire of breeches Attegay a coate Polleueragay a knife Accaskay a shippe Coblone a thumbe Teckkeâ—e the foremost finger Ketteckle the middle finger Mekellacane the fourth finger Yacketrone the litle finger The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher made to the West and Northwest Regions in the yeere 1577. with a description of the Countrey and people Written by Master Dionise Settle ON Whitsunday being the sixe and twentieth of May in the yeere of our Lord God 1577. Captaine Frobisher departed from Blacke Wall with one of the Queenes Maiesties ships called The Aide of nine score tunnes or therabouts and two other little Borkes likewise the one called The Gabriel whereof Master Fenton a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes was Captaine and the other The Michael whereof Master Yorke a Gentleman of my Lord Admirals was Captaine accompanied with seuen score Gentlemen souldiers and sailers well furnished with victuals and other prouision necessarie for one halfe yeere on this his second voyage for the further discouering of the passage to Cathay and other Countreys thereunto adiacent by West and Northwest nauigations which passage or way is supposed to bee on the North and Northwest pars of America and the said America to be an Island inuironed with the sea where through our Merchants may haue course and recourse with their merchandize from these our Northernmost parts of Europe to those Orientall coasts of Asia in much shorter time and with greater benefite then any others to their no little commoditie and profite that do or shall frequent the same Our said Captaine and General of this present voyage and company hauing the yeere before with two little pinnesses to his great danger and no small commendations giuen a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof is also prest when occasion shall be ministred to the benefite of his Prince and natiue Countrey to aduenture himselfe further therein As for this second voyage it seemeth sufficient that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and Countreys which in his first voyage the yeere before he had found out Upon which considerations the day and yeere before expressed we departed from Blacke Wall to Harwich where making an accomplishment of things necessary the last of May we hoised vp sailes and with a merrie wind the 7. of Iune we arriued at the Islands called Orcades or vulgarly Orkney being in number 30. subiect and adiacent to Scotland where we made prouision of fresh water in the doing whereof our Generall licensed the Gentlemen and souldiers for their recreation to goe on shore At our landing the people fled from their poore cottages with shrikes and alarms to warne their neighbours of enemies but by gentle perswasions we reclamed them to their houses It seemeth they are often frighted with Pirats or some other enemies that mooue them to such sudden feare Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone without any chimneis the fire being made in the middest thereof The good man wife children and other of their family eate and sleepe on the one side of the house and the cattell on the other very beastly and rudely in respect of civilitie They are destitute of wood their fire is â—urffes and Cowshards They haue corne bigge and oates with which they pay their Kings rent to the maintenance of his house They take great quantitie of fish which they dry in the wind and Sunne They dresse their meat very filthily and eate it without salt Their apparell is after the rudest sort of Scotland Their money is all base Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots The fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people then I wherefore I remit other their vsages to their râ—ports as yeâ—rely repaiâ—ers thither in their course to and from Island for fish We departed herehence the 8. of Iune and followed our course betweene West and Northwest vntill the 4. of Iuly all which time we had no night but that easily and without any impediment we had when we were so disposed the fruition of our bookes and other pleasures to passe away the time a thing of no small moment to such as wander in vnknowen seas and long nauigations especially when both the winds and raging surges do passe their common and wonted course This benefite endureth in those parts not 6. weekes while the sunne is neere the Tropike of Cancer but where the pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees it continueth much longer All along these seas after we were sixe dayes sailing from Orkney we met floting in the sea great Firre trees which as we iudged were with the furie of great floods rooted vp and so driuen into the sea Island hath almost no other wood nor fuell but such as they take vp vpon their coastes It seemeth that these trees are driuen from some part of the New found land with the current that setteth from the West to the East The 4. of Iuly we came within the making of Frisland From this shoare 10â— or 12. leagues we met great Islands of yce of halfe a mile some more some lesse in compasse shewing aboue the sea 30. or 40. fathoms and as we supposed fast on ground where with our lead we could scarse sound the bottome for depth Here in place of odoriferous and fragrant sinels of sweete gums pleasant notes of musicall birdes which other Countreys in more temperate Zones do yeeld wee tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile in the moneths of Iune and Iuly nothing inferior to our vntemperate winter a sudden alteration and especially in a place or Parallele where the Pole is not eleuate aboue 61. degrees at which height other Countreys more to the North yea vnto 70. degrees shew themselues more temperate then this doth All along this coast yce lieth as a continuall bulwarke so defendeth the Countrey that those that would land there incur great danger Our Generall 3. dayes together attempted with the ship boate to haue gone on shoare which for that without great
Arambec corruptly called Norumbega with the Paâ—entsâ— letters and aduertisements thereunto belonging The voyage of the two ships whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the eight and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the discouerie of the North partes MAster Robert Thorne of Bristoll a notable member and ornament of his country as wel for his learning as great charity to the poore in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour which both are to be seene almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work exhorted the aforesaid king with very waighty and substantial reasons to set forth a discouery euen to the North Pole And that it may be knowne that this his motion tooke present effect I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers M. Hall and M. Grafton who both write in this sort This same moneth say they king Henry the 8 sent 2 faire ships wel manned victualled hauing in them diuers cunning men to seek strange regions so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne which was the yere of our Lord. 1527. And whereas master Hal and master Grafton say that in those ships there were diuers cunning men I haue made great enquirie of such as by their yeeres and delight in Nauigation might giue me any light to know who those cunning men should be which were the directers in the aforesaid voyage And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher and M. Richard Allen a knight of the Sepulchre that a Canon of Saint Paul in London which was a great Mathematician and a man indued with wealth did much aduance the action and went therein himselfe in person but what his name was I cannot learne of any And further they told me that one of the ships was called The Dominus vobiscum which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man of those dayes and that sayling very farre Northwestward one of the ships was cast away as it enâ—â—ed into a dangerous gulph about the great opening betweene the North parts of Newfoundland and the countrey lately called by her Maiestie Meta Incognita Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton and the coastes of Arambec and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those vnknowen regions returned home about the beginning of October of the yere aforesayd And thus much by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times who should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy actes of our nation is all that hitherto I can learne or finde out of this voyage The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8. ONe master Hore of London a man of goodly stature and of great courage and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8 and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others being assisted by the kings fauour and good countenance to accompany him in a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America wherein his perswasions tooke such effect that within short space many gentlemen of the Iâ—â—â—es of court and of the Chancerie and diuers others of good worship desirous to see the strange things of the world very willingly entred into the action with him some of whose names were as followeth M. Weekes a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere liuing M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent M. Tuckfield M. Thomas Buts the sonne of Sir William Buts knight of Norfolke which was lately liuing and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation M. Hardie M. Biron M. Carter M. Wright M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother M. Ridley and diuers other which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie a ship of seuen score â—unnes wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbaâ—ked In the other ship whose name was the Minion went a very learned and vertuous gentleman one M. Armigâ—l Wade Afterwaâ—des Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth father to the worshipfull M. William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant of London M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappel with diuers other of good account The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid to wit the Trinitie and the Minion were about sixe score persons whereof thirty were gentlemen which all we mustered in warlike maner at Graues-end and after the receiuing of the Sacrament they embarked themselues in the ende of April 1536. From the time of their setting out from Grauesend they were very long at sea to witte aboue two moneths and neuer touched any land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton shaping their course thence Northeastwardes vntill they came to the Island of Penguin which is very full of rockes and stones whereon they went and found it full of great soules white and gray as big as geese and they saw infinite numbers of their egges They draue a great number of the foules into their boates vpon their sayles and tooke vp many of their egges the foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of holes being flead off they dressed and eate them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat They saw also store of beares both blacke and white of whome they killed some and tooke them for no bad foode M. Oliuer Dawbeny which as it is before mentioned was in this voyage and in the Minion told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following to wit That after their arriuall in Newfoundland and hauing bene there certaine dayes at ancre and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the countrey the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches spied a boate with Sauages of those parts rowing downe the Bay toward them to gaze vpon the ship and our people and taking vewe of their comming aloofe hee called to such as were vnder the hatches and willed them to come vp if they would see the natural people of the countrey that they had so long and so much desired to see whereupon they came vp and tooke viewe of the Sauages rowing toward them and their ship and vpon the viewe they manned out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them But they spying our ship-boat making towards them returned with maine force and fled into an Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there and our men pursued them into the Island and the Sauages fledde and escaped but our men found a
in the others They obserue in their sowing the course of the Moone and the rising of certaine starres and diuers other cuâ—â—omes spoken of by antiquâ—ty Moreouer they liue by hunting and fishing They liue long are seldome sicke and if they chance to fall sicke at any time they heale themselues with fire without any phisitian and they say that they die for very age They are very pitifull and charitable towards their neighbours they make great lamentations in their aduersitie and in their miserie the kinred reckon vp all their felicitie At their departure out of life they vse mourning mixt with singing which continueth for a long space This is asmuch as we could learne of them This land is situated in the Paralele of Rome in 41. degrees and 2. terces but somewhat more colde by accidentall causes and not of nature as I will declare vnto your highnesse elsewhere describing at this present the situation of the foresaid Countrey which lieth East and West I say that the mouth of the Hauen lieth open to the South halfe a league broad and being entred within it betweene the East and the North it stretcheth twelue leagues where it waxeth broader and broader and maketh a gulfe about 20. leagues in compasse wherein are fiue small Islands very fruitfull and pleasant full of hie and broade trees among the which Islandes any great Nauie may ride safe without any feare of tempest or other danger Afterwards tuâ—ning towardes the South in the entring into the Hauen on both sides there are most pleasant hils with many riuers of most cleare water falling into the Sea In the middest of this entrance there is a rocke of free stone growing by nature apt to build any Castle or Fortresse there for the keeping of the hauen The fift of May being furnished with all things necessarie we departed from the said coast keeping along in the sight thereof and wee sailed 150. leagues finding it alwayes after one maner but the land somewhat higher with certaine mountaines all which beare a shew of minerall matter wee sought not to land there in any place because the weather serued our turne for sailing but wee suppose that it was like the former the coast ranne Eastward for the space of fiftie leagues And trending afterwards to the North we found another land high full of thicke woods the trees whereof were firres cipresses and such like as are wont to grow in cold Countreys The people differ much from the other and looke how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle so much were these full of rudenesse and ill maners and so barbarous that by no signes that euer we could make we could haue any kind of traffike with them They cloth themselues with Beares skinnes and Luzernes and Seales and other beasts skinnes Their food as farre as we coulde perceiue repairing often vnto their dwellings we suppose to be by hunting fishing and of certaine fruits which are a kind of roots which the earth yeeldeth of her own accord They haue no graine neither saw we any kind or signe of tillage neither is the land for the barrennesse thereof apt to beare fruit or seed If at any time we desired by exchange to haue any of their coÌ„modities they vsed to come to the seashore vpon certaine craggy rocks and we standing in our boats they let downe with a rope what it pleased them to giue vs crying continually that we should not approch to the land demanding immediatly the exchange taking nothing but kniues fishookes and tooles to cut withall neyther did they make any account of our courtesie And when we had nothing left to exchange with them when we departed from them the people shewed all signes of discourtesie and disdaine as were possible for any creature to inuent We were in dispight of them 2 or 3 leagues within the land being in number 25 armed men of vs And when we went on shore they shot at vs with their bowes making great outcries and afterwards fled into the woods We found not in this land any thing notable or of importance sauing very great woods and certaine hilles they may haue some minerall matter in them because wee saw many of them haue beadstones of Copper hanging at their eares We departed from thence keeping our course Northeast along the coast which we found more pleasant champion and without woods with high mountaines within the land continuing directly along the coast for the space of fiftie leagues we discouered 32 Islands lying al neere the land being small and pleasant to the view high and hauing many turnings and windings betweene them making many faire harboroughs and chanels as they doe in the gulfe of Venice in Sâ—lauonia and Dalmatia we had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people we suppose they are of the same maners and nature as the others aâ—e Sayling Northeast for the space of 150. leagues we approached to the land that in times past was discouered by the Britons which is in fiftie degrees Hauing now spent all our prouision and victuals and hauing discouered about 700 leagues and more of new Countreys and being furnished with water and wood we concluded to returne into France Touching the religion of this people which wee haue found for want of their language wee could not vnderstand neither by signes nor gesture that they had any religion or lawe at all or that they did acknowledge any first cause or moouer neither that they worship the heauen or stars the Sunne or Moone or other planets and much lesse whither they be idolaters neither could wee learne whither that they vsed any kind of sacrifices or other adorations neither in their villages haue they any Temples or houses of prayer We suppose that they haue no religion at all and that they liue at their owne libertie And that all this proceedeth of ignorance for that they are very easie to be perswaded and all that they see vs Christians doe in our diuine seruice they did the same with the like imitation as they saw vs to doe it A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine French Captaines into Florida Wherein the great riches and fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to light written all hauing the last by Monsieur Laúdonniere who remained there himselfe as the French Kings Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter Translated out of French into English by M. RICHARD HAKLVYT To the right honourable Sir VValter Ralegh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Gard Lord Warden of the Stanneries and her Highnesse Lieutenant generall of the County of Cornewall R. H. wisheth true 〈◊〉 SIR after that this historie which had bene concealed many yeeres was lately committed to print and published in France vnder your Name by my learned friend M. Martine Basamer of Paris I was easily enduced to turne it into English vnderstanding that the same was no
abundance Diamonds of inestimable value with great store of pearle The report of a French man called Bountillier of Sherbrouke concerning Trinidad and Dorado HE saith that beeing at Trinidad in 1591. he had of an Indian there a peece of Golde of a quarter of a pound in exâ—hange of a knife the sayde Indian tolde him hee had it at the head of that riuer which commeth to Paracoa in Trinidad and that within the Riuer of Orenoque it was in great abundance Also in 1593. beeing taken by the Spanyardes and brought prisoner into the Iland of Madera the place for his prison there came in this meane time a Barke of sortie Tunnes from a new Discouery with two millions of Golde the company whereof reported Golde in that place to bee in great abundance and called it El Nueuo Dorado This Frenchman passed from Spaine in the Barke and hauing a cabben neere a gentleman one of the Discouerers that came from that place in the sayde Barke had diuers times conference with him and amongst other things of the great abundance of Golde in the sayd Dorado being as they sayd within the riuer of Orenoque Reportes of certaine Marchants of Rio de Hacha concerning El Nueuo Dorado THey sayd aduancing the kings great treasure in the Indies that Nueuo Reyno yeelded very many Golde mines and wonderfull rich but lately was discouered a certaine Prouince so rich in Golde as the report thereof may seeme incredible it is there in such abundance and is called El Nueuo Dorado Antonio de Berreo made the said discouerie The report of a Spanyard Captaine with Berreo in the discouerie of El Nueuo Dorado THat the information sent to the King was in euery poynt truely sayde that the riuer Orenoque hath seuen mouths or outlets into the sea called Las Siete bocas de dragon that the sayd riuer runneâ—h farre into the land in many places very broad and that Anth. de Berreo lay at Trinidad making head to goe to conquere and people the sayd Dorado A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana performed and written in the yeere 1596. by Laurence Keymis Gent. TO THE APPROVED RIGHT VALOROVS AND worthy Knight Sir Walter Ralegh Lord warden of the Stanneries Captaine of her Maiesties Guard and her Highnesse Lieutenant generall of the Countie of Cornewall I Haue here briefly set downe the effect of this your second Discouerie without any enlargement of made wordes for in this argument single speech best beseemeth a simple trueth Where the affinitie of the matter with your person leadeth mee to write of your selfe vnto your selfe that small libertie which I haue therein vsed shall I doubt not without offence or sinister construction be giuen to the cause in hand which whether it suffer not detriment by attributing lesse then of right belongeth the iudgement bee theirs that vprightly and indifferently shall weigh the consequents of their euill purpose who in seeking to detract from the Author of these Discoueries doe so much as in theÌ„ lieth wound deface tread vnder foot the thing it selfe But this is no nouelty nor proper only to these our dayes For long since it hath bin said Laudes eo vsque sunt tolerabiles donec ea dicunturâ— quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant simaior a proferantur inuident non credunt The feruent zeale loyalty of your minde in labour with this birth of so honorable expectation as it hath deserued a recompence farre different so needeth it not my poore suffrage to endeare the toyle care and danger that you haue willingly vndergone for the good and aduancement of our weale publique The praise-worthinesse thereof doeth approue it selfe and is better read in your liuing doings then in my dead vnregarded papers All that I can wish is that my life were a sufficient pledge to iustifie how much more easie and more materiall the course for Guiana would bee then others which requiring greater charge yeelde not so large benefit and are subiect to more doubtfull euents If vnto their wisdomes who sit in place and authority it shall appeare otherwise and that in following of other attempts there is lesse difficultie certainer profit and need-fuller offence vnto the enemie the cost and trauaile which you haue bestowed shall not I hope be altogether lost if vnto your Honour I can proue how and where the amends is to be had maugre the force and preuention of all Spaniards Your Lordships to be commanded in all seruice LAVRENCE KEYMIS To the Fauourers of the Voyage for Guiana IN things earnestly desired though neuer so likely we are still suspicious thinking it more credite to our common wisedome to discredite most noble and profitable indeuours with distrust then touch to our valours and safeties to lie wilfully idle So that howsoeuer an action well and iudicially attempted bee esteemed halfe performed yet is this my iealous conceite concerning Guiana that nothing is begun before all be ended In this regarde gentle Reader I haue presumed to burthen thine eares with the weake plea of a good cause and in stead of opening it throughly to thy prudent consideration to note only mine owne vnsatisfied affection hoping that because I doe name Guiana vnto thee thou wilt vouchsafe hoc nomine to vaile and couer all other my defects in the desert of a good meaning In publishing this Treatise my labor principally tendeth to this end to remoue all fig-leaues from our vnbeliefe that either it may haue cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance or if we will not be perswaded that our selfe-will may rest inexcusable They that shall apply and construe this my doing to serue the Spaniard his turne so wel as our owne in so much as it may seeme to instruct warne and arme him for their satisfaction herein they must not be ignorant that his eyes in seeing our shipping there doe as effectually informe him that many of our hearts are toward that place as if it should be credibly aduertised by some corrupt hireling that we thinke write and discourse of nothing els Neither can I imagine that to conceale our knowledge herein which to conceale may perhaps proue be hereafter taken for worse theÌ„ paricide would be of better purpose then to hoodwinke our selues as who would say No man shall see vs. Besides if the action were wholy to bee effected at her Maiesties charge then might it at her Highnesse pleasure be shadowed with some other drift and neuer be discouered vntill it were acted But since it craueth the approbation and purses of many Aduenturers who cannot be so prodigall both of their possessions and liues as voluntarily to run themselues out of breath in pursuing they know not what great reason it is that where assistance is to be asked due causes be yeelded to perswade induce them vnto it The Spaniard is not so simple vnsetled vncertaine in his determinations as to build them on our breath or to make
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn
to death at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie which for the same cause returned home Moreoouer vpon the foresaide Concubine and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced and they were put to death At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal which is a part of Russia deceased For being as it were for honours sake inuited to eate and drink with the Emperours mother and immediatly after the banquet returning vnto his lodging he fel sicke and within seuen dayes died And after his death his body was of a strange blew colour and it was commonly reported that the said Duke was poisoned to the ende that the Tartars might freely and totally possesse his Dukedome How the Friers comming at length vnto the Emperour gaue and receiued letters Chap. 31. TO be short the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor who when he had heard of them that we were come vnto him coÌ„manded that we should return vnto his mother For he was determined the next day as it is abouesaid to set vp a flag of defiaÌ„ce against al y â— countreis of the West which he would haue vs in no case to know Wherefore returning we staied some few dayes with his mother and so returned baâ—ke again vnto him With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst that we could scarce hold life and soule together For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes was scantly sufficient for one day Neither could we buy vs any sustenance because the market was too farre off Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith named Cosmas who being greatly in the Emperours fauour procured vs some sustenance This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour which hee had made before it was set in the proper place and his seale which he also had framed Afterward the Emperor sent for vs giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary that wee should write downe our messages affaires and should deliuer them vnto him Which thing we performed accordingly Aâ—ter many daies he called for vs againe demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope which vnderstood the Russian the Sarracen or the Tartarian language To whom we answered that we had none of those letters or languages Howbeit that there were certaine Saracens in the land but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope And wee saide that wee thought it most expedient that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language and had interpreted the meaning therof vnto vs we should diligently translate it into our own tongue and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope Then departed they from vs and went vnto the Emperour And after the day of S. Martine we were called for againe Then Kadac principal agent for the whole empire and Chingay and Bala with diuers other Scribes came vnto vs and interpreted the letter word for word And hauing written it in Latine they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence to wit if we had erred in any word And when both letters were written they made vs to reade them ouer twise more least we should haue mistaken ought For they said vnto vs Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright it might breed some inconuenience They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them if need should require How they were licensed to depart Chap. 32. ANd as our Tartars told vs the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit he was desirous as we thought that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man exhorted vs to make the said petition we thought it not good for vs that the Emperor should send his ambassadours Wherfore we gaue him answere that it was not for vs to make any such petition but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them we would diligently by Gods assistance see them conducted in safetie Howbeit we thought it expedient for vs that they should not goe and that for diuers causes First because we feared least they seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly we feared that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions Thirdly we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way For our nations be arrogant and proud For when as those seruants which at the request of the Cardinall attended vpon vs namely the legates of Almaine returned vnto him in the Tartars attire they were almost stoned in the way by the Dutch and were compelled to put off those garments And it is the Tartars custome neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours till they haue reuenged themselues Fourthly least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force Fiftly because there could come no good by their ambassade for they were to haue none other commission or authoritie but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope and to the Princes of Christendome which very same letters wee our selues had and we knew right well that much harme might ensue thereoâ— Wherefore the third day after this namely vpon the feast of Saint Brice they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale sending vs vnto the Emperours mother who gaue vnto eche of vs â— gowne made of Foxe-skinnes with the furre on the outside and a piece of purple And our Tartars stole a yarde out of euery one of them And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant they stole the better halfe Which false dealing of theirs we knew well inough but would make no words thereof How they returned homewards Chap. 33. THen taking our iourney to returne we trauailed all Winter long lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon For there were no trees but the plaine champion field And oftentimes in the morning we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension we arriued at the court of Bathy Of whom when wee had enquired what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written And hauing receiued letters for our safe conduct the thirteenth day after Pentecost being Saterday wee were proceeded as farre as Montij with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained which were withheld from vs and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs.
languages For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character dialect of both the saide tongues And there were certain Armenian priests which had skil in the Turkish Arabian languages The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake Turkish Arabian tongues Then we departed forth and put off our vestiments and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat caused our letters to be interpreted Which letters being heard he caused our bread wine and fruits to be receiued And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisine because Sartach as he said was desirous to see it and so we gaue it him About euentide Coiat sent for vs saying My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought without the aduise and counâ—ell of his father And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father leauing behind you the two carts which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes said vnto him Sir we will not onely leaue those with you but the two other carts also which we haue in our possession will we commit vnto your custodie You shall not quoth he leaue those behinde you but for the other two carts first named we will satisfie your request I saide that this could not conueniently be done but needes we must leaue all with him Then he asked whether we meant to tarie in the land I answered If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king you know that we are euen so determined Then he replied that we ought to bee patient and lowly and so we departed from him that euening On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs and separated all those things which we had brought the day before vnto the Court from the rest namely the bookes and vestiments and tooke them away with him Howbeit Coiat had commanded that we should carie those vestiments with vs which wee ware in the presence of Sartach that we might put them on before Baatu if neede should require but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence saying thou hast brought them vnto Sartach and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu And when I would haue rendred a reason he answered be not too talkatiue but goe your wayes Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe neither was there any other that would doe vs iustice I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me for when I once perceiued their couetous intent I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible and the sentences and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene because it was too wel known by reason of the golden pictures therein And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste vnto whom I said that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me Which thing he declared vnto Coiat Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him And we did as he commanded And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu the third day we came to Etilia or Volga the streams whereof when I beheld I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend Before we were departed from Sartach the foresaid Coiat with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian but a Moal Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation So great is their pride that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerniâ—g Christ yet will they not bee called Christians being desirous that their owne name that is to say Moal should be exalted aboue all other names Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars For the Tartars were another nation as I was informed by them Howe Sartach and Mangu-Can and Ken-Can doe reuerence vnto Christians Chap. 19. AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions lying thereabouts Con is a proper â—ame Can is a name of authority or dignitie which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them Whereupon their princes are called Can because that vntoâ— them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia that the Turkes seâ—t for aide against the French-men vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catayâ— Kara signifieth blacke and Catay is the name of a countrey So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward ouer against y e Ocean sea concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes by the which I trauailed And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman which were Christians following the sâ—ct of Nestorius After the death of Con Can the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome and they called him King Iohn reporting ten times more of him then was true For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts vse to doe For they blaze abroade great rumors and reports vpon iust nothing Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach that he was become a Christian and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians then they doe of other people and yet in very deede themselues are no Christians So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohnâ— Howbeit when I trauailed along by his
ouer that huge and waste desert which is in dimensions like vnto the Ocean Sea Our guide therefore directed vs as we were going on our iourney vnto many of their habitations And they marueiled exceedingly that we would receiue neither gold nor siluer nor precious and costly garments at their hands They inquired also concerning the great Pope whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard For there had gone a report among them that he was 500. yeeres olde They inquired likewise of our countreis whether there were abundance of sheep oxen horses or no Concerning the Ocean Sea they could not cōceiue of it because it was without limits or banks Upon the euen of y e feast of Al Saints we forsook the way leading towards the East because the people were now descended very much South and we went on our iourney by certaine Alpes or mountaines directly Southward for the space of 8. dayes together In the foresaid desert I saw many asses which they cal Colan being rather like vnto mules these did our guide his companions chase very eagerly howbeit they did but lose their labour for the beastes were two swift for them Upon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high mountaines and we entred into a place which was well watered and fresh as a garden and found land tilled and manured The eight day after the feast of All Saints we arriued at a certain towne of the Saracens named Kenchat the gouernour whereof met our guide at the townes end with ale and cups For it is their maner at all townes and villages subiect vnto them to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke At the same time of the yere they went vpon the yce in that countrey And before the feast of S. Michael we had frost in the desert I enquired the name of that prouince but being now in a strange territorie they could not tell mee the name thereof but onely the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince And there descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines which watered the whole region according as the inhabitants would giue it passage by making diuers chanels and sluces neither did this riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea but was swallowed vp by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth and it caused many fennes or lakes Also I saw many vines and dranke of the wine thereof How Ban was put to death and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men Chap. 25. THe day following we came vnto another cottage neere vnto the mountains And I enquired what mountains they were which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus which are stretched forth continued on both parts to the sea from the West vnto the East and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea wherinto the riuer of Volga dischargeth his streams I enquired also of the city of Talas wherein were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri of whom Frier Andrew made mention Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach Baatu Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them but onely that their lord master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures And vpon a certain day being drunken he spake on this wise vnto his men Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can as well as Baatu for in very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia to feed my cattel there as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him And they did so Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words And hee confessed that he had Howbeit because it is the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time Howe durst thou quoth Baatu once name mee in thy drunkennesse And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off Concerning the foresaid Dutchmen I could not vnderstand ought till I was come vnto the court of Mangu-Can And there I was informed that Mangu-can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward vnto a certaine village called Bolac where they are set to dig gold and to make armour Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them I passed very neere the saide citie in going forth as namely within three dayes iourney thereof but I was ignorant that I did so neither could I haue turned out of my way albeit I had knowen so much From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward by the mountaines aforesaid And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can who in all places sang and daunced before our guide because hee was the messenger of Baatu For this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other namely the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner aforesaide and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surlie and staute and shewe not so much curtesie vnto the subiectes of Mangu-Can as they doe vnto them A fewe dayes after wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to inhabite And there wee found a mightie riuer insomuch that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues and to saile ouer it Afterward we came into a certaine valley where I saw a castle destroyed the walles whereof were onely mudde and in that place the ground was tilled also And there wee founde a certaine village named Equius wherein were Saracens speaking the Persian language howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. The day following hauing passed ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward we entred into a most beautiful plaine hauing high mountaines on our right hande and on the left hande of vs a certaine Sea or lake which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in circuite All the foresayde plaine is most commodiously watered with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines all which do fall into the lake In Sommer time wee returned by the North those of the saide lake and there were great mountaines on that side also Upon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great store of villages but for the most part they were all wasted in regarde of the fertile pastures that the Tartars might feede their cattel there Wee found one great citie there named Cailac wherein was a mart and great store of Merchants frequenting it In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu who ought to haue accompanied our
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
our selues or of any appertayning vnto vs but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust weighty reasonable cause forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale yea of nature it selfe Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther requested vs that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing be released we answere vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged not in words only but actually really in deeds or by some course of law or friendly composition For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended because they are not mooued with like affections For the remeÌ„brance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger Also such a kind of temperature or permixtion as it were by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes more hate then loue whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues might be occasioned The lord knoweth that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects Furthermore whereas your maiesties request concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia is that we would defend them vnder our protection be it knowen vnto your highnes that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils for the repelling and auoiding of iniuries we haue sent forth our armie against them Howbeit for a certaine time a â—ruce is concluded on both parts so that our people are actually returned home Farre be it from vs also that our subiects being occupied in warres should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers of what landes or nations soeuer not being our professed enemies For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty to condemne the iust for the vniust then which nothing can be more cruel nor a reuenge of greater impietie In very deede most gracious prince and lorde we are mouâ—d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment wishing from the bottome of our hearts that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie and that continually The like whereof wee hope from you most humbly commending our selues and our whole Order vnto your highnes Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh the 16. day the moneth of Iuly in the yere of our Lord 1404. An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors commissioners messengers of the most mighty prince and lord our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland for the repayring reformaâ—ion and amâ—nds of whatsoeuer damages grieuances excesses violences and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted done or offered by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem or his subiects and for the requiring demanding and receiuing of such like reparations reformations amends by the foresayd lord the Master generall for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer from in the name of our soueraign lord the king his subiects vnto the sayd Master general into his land of Prussia by our souereigne lord the king appointed as ambassadors on the one party And betweene the hono Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander Warnherus de Tetâ—ingen chiefe hospitalary commaÌ„der in Elbing Arnold de Hacken treasurer the procurators commissioners of the great mighty lord the Master general being in like equal sort and in all respects as the ambassadours of England are authorized on the contrary side by the authoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part witnesseth That diuers treaties conferences being holden between the said ambassadors messengers procurators or coÌ„missioners of concerning the reparations reformations amends of certaine damages grieuances excesses violences iniuries offered and attempted aswel by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts in conclusion after the sayd treatise the foresayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted and with one consent agreed vnto the articles vnder written Inprimis that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect between our said soueraign lord the king his liege people subiects the subiects people inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall it is agreed and concluded that all liege marchants of England whatsoeuer shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes goods and marchandises whatsoeuer at any Porte of the land of Prussia and also the sayd goods and marchandises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine euen as heretofore and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners that whereas of late namely in the yeare of our lord 1403 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik and Henry Monek of Elbing his ambassadors messengers for this purpose hath caused certain articles namely 20 in number containing in them matters of damages molestations violences and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall his subiects by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects liege people to be exhibited giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king
statutes ordinations and prohibitions al English marchants whatsoeuer resorting vnto the land of Prussia must be firmely bounden and subiect Also it is ordained that whatsoeuer sale-clothes are already transported or at any time hereafter to bee transported out of England into Prussia by the English marchants and shall there be offered to bee solde whether they be whole cloathes or halfe cloathes they must containe both their endes Lastly that the matters aboue-mentioned fall not short and voyde of their wished effect the treaty and conference about all and singular damages and grieuances whereof there is not as yet done but there must be by the vertue of these presents performed a reformation and amendment must be continued and proroged vntill the first of May next ensuing as by these presents they are continued and proroged with the continuation of the dayes then immediately following at the towne of Dordract aforesaide at the which time and place or at other times and places in the meane space as occasion shall serue by both parties to be limited and assigned or else within oue yeere after the said first day of the moneth of May next ensuing bee expired the hurt and damaged parties generally before-mentioned shall haue performed vuto them a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation on both partes Prouided alwayes if within the terme of the saide yeere some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation bee not performed vnto the parties iniuried and endamaged which are generally aboue mentioned that then within three whole moneths after the foresaid yere shall expired the Prussians shall depart out of the realmes and dominions of the saide Soueraigne Lorde the king of England together with their marchandize and with other goods which they shal haue gotten or bought within the space of the foresaide three moneths and that the English men also are likewise in all respects bounden to auoid and no lawfull impediment hindering them to withdrawe themselues and to depart out of the territories and dominions of the saide Master generall without all molestation◠perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this regard Howbeit least that by the robberies and piracies of some insolent and peruerse people matter should be ministred vnto the said lord the Master generall of swaruing from the faithfull obseruation of the foresaide agreements or which God forbid any occasion bee giuen him of not obseruing them it is also decreed by the often aboue mentioned Ambassadours and messengers that if the goods and marchandize of any of the saide lorde Master generall his subiectes whatsoeuer shall be from hencefoorth vniustly taken vpon the Sea by any English Pirates and shal be caried into the realme of England and there receiued that the Gouernours and keepers of portes and of other places with whatsoeuer names they be called at the which portes and places such marchandises and goods shall chaunce to arriue beeing onely informed of the saide goods and marchandises by sole report or other proofes wanting by probable suspition are bound to arrest and to keep them in safe custodie fauourably to be restored vnto the owners therof whensoeuer they shall be lawfully demaunded which if they shall omit or deny to performe from thenceforth the saide gouernours and keepers are bound to make vnto the parties endamaged a recompease of their losses And for fault of iustice to be executed by the said gouernours and keepers our soueraign lord the king aboue named after he shall conueniently be requested by the parties damnified is bound within three moneths next ensuing all lawfull impediments being excepted to make correspondent iust and reasonable satisfaction vnto the saide parties endamaged Otherwise that it shal be right lawfull for the saide lorde the Master generall to arrest and after the arrest to keepe in safe custodie the goods of the English marchants being in the land of Prussia to the condigne satisfaction of such iniuries as haue bene offered vnto his subiects vntill his said subiects be iustly and reasonably contented Likewise also in all respects the same iustice is to be done vnto the English by the said Lord the Master generall and his subiects in Prussia euen as it hath bene enacted and decreed in the aboue written clause beginning Caeterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. for the said Master general and his subiects by the foresaide ambassadors of England and the commissioners of the said lord the Master generall that in like cases iustice ought to be administred on the behalfe of himselfe and of his subiects in the realme of England And that all and singular the couenants aboue written may in time to come by the parties whom they concerne firmly and inuiolably be obserued the forenamed ambassadors messengers and commissioners all and euery of them for the full credite probation and testimonie of all the premisses haue vnto these present Indentures made for the same purpose caused euerie one of their seales with their owne hands to be put One part of the which indentures remaineth in the custodie of the English ambassadors and the other part in the hands of the commissioners of Prussia Giuen at the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. vpon the 8. day of the moneth of October An agreement made betweene King Henrie the fourth and the common societie of the Marchants of the Hans THis Indenture made betweene the honourable Sir William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington clearke procurators messengers and commissioners sufficiently deputed and authorized by the most mighty Prince Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland for the performation of y e things vnder written on the one part the hon personages M. Henry Vredeland M. Riman Salum chief notaries Thederic Knesuolt secretary M. Simō Clouesten chief notary and Iohn Zotebotter citizen being sufficiently made and ordained procurators and messengers on the behalfe of the cities of Lubec Bremen Hamburg Sund and Gripeswold for the demanding obtaining seuerally of due reformation and recompense at the hands of our saide souereigne lord the king and of his messengers and commissioners aforesayde for all iniuries damages grieuances and manslaughters any wayes vniustly done and offred seuerally by the liege people and subiects of our soueraigne lord the king vnto the common societie of the marchants of the Hans and vnto any of the Citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide whatsoeuer on the other part Witnesseth That betweene all and euery of the saide Procurators messengers and Commissioners by vertue of the authoritie committed vnto them it hath bene and is appointed concluded and decreed that the liege marchants and subiects of our said soueraigne lord the king and the marchants of the common societie of the Dutch Hans aforesaide from hencefoorth for one whole yeere and seuen moneths immediately next ensuing and following shal be permitted and licenced friendly freely and securely to exercise mutual traffike
clothes namely of skarlet and cloth died in grayne and of other clothes of assise which were by them to be caried out of the realme of England euen as by their foresaid Charter in doeth more plainly appeare and whereas our soueraigne lord the king that now is ratifying and confirming the saide charter and being willing that they shoulde haue more especiall fauour shewed vnto them granted vnto them by their Charter that the said marchants should be exempted and freed from all custome and imposition of small clothes as in pieâ—es and in narrow clothes which were not of assise and in such other clothes of like qualitie yet of late the Customers of our Lorde the King that nowe is not allowing their saide speciall Charter so graunted vnto the marchants aforesaid do compel them to pay for straight clothes and for pieces of clothes which are not of assise together with other demands particularly seuerally made as great custome as if the clothes were full ouâ— of assise Moreouer also of late the customers of the smal or pety custome of the subsidie doe demand of them custome for kersey-clothes equal vnto the custome of those clothes that be of ful assise whereas the foresaid marchants were noâ— wont to pay for those kerseys by vertue of their Charter but onely according to the worth of ech pound of siluer as namely for other goods which are of golde weight to the great hinderance of the foresaid parties and against the manifest graunt of our soueraigne Lord the king as it appeareth in the said speciall Charter Item the said marchants alleage that they are priuiledged by their Charter if they pay custome and subsidy for their goods in the behalfe of our lord the king at any port of England where those goods haue arriued and afterward would transport the saide goods or any part of them vnto any other port within the realme aforesaid that then they should be quite released from paying of any other custome for the same goods if they bring a warrant that they haue paide the saide custome as is aforesaide Of late it fortuned that a certaine man of their socieâ—â—e named Nicholas Crossehaire being a marchant of the lande of Prussia immediatly after the concord was concluded betwene the English and the Prussians brought vnto the towne of Sandwich a shippe laden with bow-sâ—aues and other marchandize and there well and truely paide the custome of our lord the king for all his wares and selling there part of the same goods he afterward transported parcel thereof in a small barke vnto London there to be solde and caried a warrant also with him that he had at Sandwich paid the custome due vnto our lord the king yet the said warrant notwithstanding the customers of the pety custome subsidy of London came demanded custome of him at another time coÌ„trary to reason against the tenor of their charter and the said Nicholas offred pledges vnto them yea euen ready mâ—ney downe into their hands vntil the question were discussed and determined whether he should pay new custome or no but this they would not doâ— Then the said Nicholas brought a brief from our lord the king to get himselfe discharged from paying the said custome and for all that the foresaid customers would not as yet haue regard vnto him but kept the said goods within shipboord vpoÌ„ the riuer of Thames for the space of 15. dayes vntil he had paid another custom to the great losse of the said Nicholas for that which he sold first at Sandwich to be deliuered at London for seuen nobles he could not afterward haue for it aboue foure nobles and yet so was it solde by reason of the harme which his wares had taken by lying so long vpon the water contrary to the tenor of their Charter IteÌ„ the said marchants do alleage that another of their company called Peter Hertson bought at Bristow certain clothes laded the same in a ship to be transported for Prussia for the which he truely paide at Bristow the customs subsidies due vnto our soueraign lord the king which ship with the foresaid goods arriuing at London the customers of the pety-custome and of the subsidie there would not permit the said ship with the goods to passe vnto the parts aforesaid vntil the said Peter had paid another custome for the same goods the warrant which he brought with him notwithstanding to his great hinderance and contrary to the tenour of their Charter IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants alleage that wheras euery marchant bringing wares into the realm was wont to haue a schedule wherein his name was written for a specification certificat of the quantity of his goods in the said schedule to be found at the arriual of the ship without paying therfore ought at all of late the customers of the pety custome do compel theÌ„ to pay for ech mans name written a peny at y e arriual of their goods out of euery ship wherein the said goods are found what commodities marchandize soeuer they be whenas notwithstanding if there be a chest or any other smal matter there should not therfore be any custome due vnto our lord the king nor any receiued vnto his Maiesties vse In like maner do the customers of the subsidy deale Wheras also the foresaid marchants were not wont to pay for a cocket for the conueyance transportation of their goods out of the realme albeit many names were written therein more then 4.d of late the customers of the pety custom do compel them to pay for euery name contained in the same cocket 4.d and in like sort do the customers of the saide subsidy deale Which contribution in a yere extendeth it self vnto a great summe to the vnknown preiudice of our lord the king more then any man could suppose for the customers enioy their tees and commodities from his Maiestie that they may doe him faithfull seruice and likewise to the great damage of the said marchants IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the said marchants do alleage that they are constrained to pay for subsidy sometime 12.d and somtime 6.d in the pound contrary to the tenor of their charter and yet notwithstanding when their marchandize commeth to the wharf the customers prolong delay the time 3. or 4. weeks before they wil take custome for their goods in the which space other marchants sel their goods the customers not regarding whether the goods aforesaid take weâ— or no to the great damage aswel of our lord the king as of the said marchants because if they had quicke dispatch they mighâ— pay custome vnto his Maiestie oftner then they doe Item the said marchants doe farther alleage that the customers of the petiâ— custome and of the subsidie in the port of London haue appointed among themselues certaine men to seale vp the goods of the saide marchants so soon as they are arriued at the port of safetie vntil the said
sonnes and nephewes of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on and began to take vpon him the title of the great Duke of Vvlodimiria Moscouia and Nouogardia and to call himselfe the Monarch or Czar of all Russia He brought vnder his subiection two principall cities namely Plesco being the only walled citie in all Moscouie and Mouogrod both of them being in regard of traffike most riche and flourishing cities and hauing bin subiect vnto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. yeeres before The treasure of Nouogrod was so exceeding that the great Duke is reported to haue carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and siluer He also was the first man that waged warre against the Polonians and the Liuonians against Polonia he pretended a quarell alleaging that his daughter Helena whome hee had married vnto Alexander the great Duke of Lithuania which was afterward king of Polonia was euil intreated and was withdrawen from the Greekish religion vnto the ceremonies of the Church of Rome But against the Liuonians for none other cause but onely for an incredible desire of enlarging his dominions Howbeit what impulsiue causes of litle or no moment happened in the mean season we will in another place more plainely declare Notwithstanding he was very often and in diuers battels vanguished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer vpon this discourse He was married first vnto Marie the Duke of Tyuersky his daughter and of her hee begate Iohn vnto whom in his life time he surrendred his Dukedome and married him vnto the daughter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldauia which Iohn after he had begotten his sonne Demetrius deceased before his father Afterward Iuan Vasilowich aforesaide married a wife called Sophia being daughter vnto Thomas Palaelogus which is reported to haue had her dowry out of the Popes treasury because the Moscouite had promised to conforme himselfe vnto the Romish Church This Sophia being a woman of a princely and aspiring minde and often complaining that she was married vnto the Tartars vassal at length by her instant intreatie and continual perswasions and by a notable stratageme she cast off that slauish yoke very much vnbeseeming so mighty a prince For whereas the Tartarian Duke had his procuratours and agents in the Moscouites court who dwelt iu their owne houses built within the very castle of Mosco and were eye witnesses of all affaires which were there performed Sophia said she was admonished from heauen to builde a Temple in the selfe same place where the Tartars house stoode and to consecrate it vnto Saint Nicholas Being therfore deliuered of a sonne she inuited the Tartarian Duke vnto the solemne baptizing of him and beeing come shee requested him to giue her his house and obtained it at his hands Which house being razed and those Tartarian espials beeing excluded the Tartars at length were quite bereaued and vtterly dispossessed of their authoritie which they had exercised ouer the Russians for many yeres and could neuer yet recouer it albeit they haue giuen sundry attempts Of his wife Sophia he begate sixe children namely a daughter called Helena fiue sonnes that is to say Gabriel Demetrius George Simeon and Andrew The Dukedome of right appertayned vnto Demetrius the sonne of Iohn which was the sonne of Vasilowich by his first marriage Howbeit Sophia preuailed so with her husband that neglecting his graund-childe Demetrius hee bestowed his Dukedome vpon Gabriel his sonne Andrew the younger had a sonne called Vvlodimir of whom Mary was borne which in the yeere of Christ 1573. was maried vnto Magnus the Duke of Holst Gabriel hauing obtained the great dukedome of Russia changed his name calling himselfe Basilius and applied his minde to the atchieuing of high and great enterprises For hee reduced a great part of the dukedome of Moscouie which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania helde in possession vnder his owne iurisdiction and wonne vpon the riuer of Boristhenes which the Russians call Neiper many cities and especially Smolensco in the yeere of our Lord 1514. Hauing diuorced his first wife hee begate of Helena daughter vnto Duke Glinskie Iuan Vasilowich which now this present 1580. reigneth as great Duke Hee was borne in the yeere of our Lorde 1528. the 25. of August sixe houres after the rising of the sonne The great dukedome of Russia fell vnto the said Iuan Vasilowich in the fifth yeere of his age hauing his vncle George for his great protector being 25. yeeres of age and being of a strong body and of a couragious mind he subdued the Tartars of Cazan and Astracan vpon the riuer of Volgha carrying their Dukes and chieftaines into captiuitie But by what wayes and meanes after the league which by the inâ—erecession of the most sacred Roman Emperour continued from the yeere 1503. for the space of fifty yeeres was expired hauing renewed warres against Liuonia hee brought that most flourishing prouince into extreame miserie vsing for the same purpose a new pretense and alleadging that it belonged vnto him by right of inheritance I tremble to recount and it requireth a large historie which perhaps in time and place conuenient some more learned then my selfe will take vpon them to addresse He is exceedingly addicted vnto piety and deuotion and doth oftentimes obserue very strict fastings and abstinence with his monks and wheras the Russes in doing reuerence adoration vnto God doe beate their foreheads against the ground this Iuan Vasilowich with performing of the same ceremonie causeth his forehead to be ful of boines and swellings and sometimes to be black and blew and very often to bleed He is much delighted with building of Churches spareth no cost for that purpose Whether therfore by nature or which hee pretendeth to be the cause by reason of his subiects malice treacherie he be so addicted vnto all rigour and cruelty I dare not determine especially sithens he hath not an illiberal or mishapen countenance as Attila is reported to haue had Of his first wife which was sister vnto Mikita Romanowich beeing nowe great steward of his houshold he begate two sonnes namely Iuan and Theodore And albeit he was fiue times married yet had he not one childe more Whereas this Iuan Vasilowich vpon certaine friuolous reasons calleth himselfe the naturall lord of Liuonia I thought it not amisse to adde an Epistle hereunto which was written by a certaine honourable man concerning the same matter S. All wee which inhabite this Prouince with all seemely reuerence and submission of mind do offer most humble thanks vnto the Emperors most sacred and peerelesse maiesty our most gracious lord in that according to his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendome and for the good commodity of this our distressed and afflicted countrey which these many yeres hath bin in stead of a bulwarke against the inuasion of barbarous nations he hath
whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
great charges of many customs and other things thereunto pertaining they are at the length brought into your countrey and cities of Persia. What merchandize are those sayd the Sophie Edwards answered that they were great abundance of fine karsies of broad clothes of all sorts câ—lours as skarlets violets and other of the finest cloth of all the world Also that the Venetians brought out of England not onely such clothes ready made but furthermore great plenty of fine wooll to mingle with their wools of which they could not otherwise make fine cloth affirming that there went out of England yeerly that waies aboue two hundred thousand karsies and as many broad clothes beside fine wooll other merchandize beside also the great abundance of like clothes the which were caried into Spaine Barbarie diuers other countries The Sophie then asked him by what means such merchandize might be brought into Persia. Right wel sir said he by the way of Moscouia with more safety and in much shorter time then the Venetians can bring them first from England to Genice and from thence into Persia by the way of Turkie And therefore if it shal please your maiestie to grant vs free passage into all your dominions with such priuileges as may appertaine to the safegard of our liues goods and merchandize we will furnish your countries with all such merchandize and other commodities in shorter time and better cheape then you may haue the same at the Turks hands This talke and much more was between the Sophie and Edwards for the space of two houres all which things liked him so well that shortly after he granted to the sayd Arthur Edwards other priuileges for the trade of merchandize into Persia all written in Azure and gold letters and deliuered vnto the lord keeper of the Sophie his great seale The lord keeper was named Coche Califay who sayd that when the Shaugh that is the king or prince did sit to seale any letters that last priuiledge should be sealed deliuered to Laurence Chapman In this priuiledge is one principall article for seruants or merchants That if the Agent do perceiue that vpon their naughtie doings they would become Busormen that then the Agent wheresoeuer he shall find any such seruant or seruants to take them and put them in prison and no person to keepe them or maintaine them This article was granted in respect of a custome among the Persians being Mahumetans whose maner is friendly to receiue and wel entertaine both with gifts and liuing all such Christians as forsaking their religion wil become of the religion of the Persians Insomuch that before this priuiledge was granted there was great occasion of naughty seruants to deceiue and rob their masters that vnder the colour of professing that religion they might liue among them in such safetie that you might haue no lawe agaynst them either to punish them or to recouer your goods at their hands or elsewhere For before the Sophie whom they say to be a maruelous wise and gracious prince seemed to fauour our nation and to grant them such priuiledges the people abused them very much and so hated them that they would not touch them but reuiled them calling them Cafars and Gawars which is infidels or misbeleeuers But after they saw how greatly the prince fauoured them they had them afterward in great reuerence and would kisse their hands and vse them very friendly For before they tooke it for no wrong to rob them defraud them beare false witnesse against them and such merchandizes as they had bought or sold make them take it againe and change it as often as them listed And if any stranger by chance had killed one of them they would haue the life of two for one slaine and for the debts of any straÌ„ger would take the goods of any other of the same nation with many other such like abuses in maner vnknowen to the prince before the complaints of our men made vnto him for reformation of such abuses which were the cause that no merchant strangers of contrary religioÌ„ durst come into his dominions with their commodities which might be greatly to the profite of him and his subiects The Articles of the second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence Chapman which are to be annexed vnto the former priuiledge 10 Item that the merchants haue free libertie as in their first priuiledge to goe vnto Gilan and all other places of his dominions now or hereafter when occasion shall be giuen 11 Item if by misfortune any of their ships should breake or fall vpon any part of his dominions on the sea coast his subiects to helpe with all speed to saue the goods and to be deliuered to any of the sayd merchants that liueth or otherwise to be kept in safetie vntil any of them come to demaund them 12 Item if any of the said merchants depart this life in any citie or towne or on the high way his gouernours there to see their goods safely kept and to be deliuered to any other of them that shall demand them 13 Item the said merchants to take such camel-men as they themselues wil being countrey people and that no Kissell Bash do let or hinder them And the said owners of the camels to bee bound to answere them such goods as they shal receiue at their hands and the camel-men to stand to the losses of their camels or horses 14 Item more that the sayd Catiers do demaund no more of them then their agreement was to pay them 15 Item more if they be at a price with any Cariers haue giuen earnest the camel-men to see they keepe their promise 16 Item if any of the said merchants be in feare to trauel to giue theÌ„ one or more to go with them and see them in safetie with their goods to the place they will goe vnto 17 Item in all places to say in all cities townes or villages on the high way his subiects to giue them honest roume and victuals for their money 18 Item the sayd merchants may in any place where they shall thinke best build or buy any house or houses to their owne vses And no person to molest or trouble them and to stand in any Carauan where they will or shal thinke good THe commodities which the merchants may haue by this trade into Persia are thought to bee great and may in time perhaps be greater then the Portugals trade into y e East Indies forasmuch as by the way of Persia into England the returne may be made euery yeere once whereas the Portugals make the returne from Calecut but once in two yeeres by a long and dangerous voiage all by sea for where as the citie and Island of Ormus lying in the gulfe of Persia is the most famous Mart towne of all East India whither al y e merchandises of India are brought the same may in shorter time and more safely be brought by land and riuers through Persia euen vnto the
best shewe and with some warme Shube of furre vnder it in the winter time But in the sommer nothing but her two shirts for so they call them one ouer the other whether they be within doores or without On their heads they weare caps of some coloured stuffe many of veluet or of cloth of gold but for the most part kerchiefs Without earings of siluer or some other mettall and her crosse about her necke you shall see no Russe woman be she wife or maide The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the Right Honorable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. BY the grace of God the great Lord Emperor and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogorod king of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Tuer Vghori Permi Viatsko Bolgorie and other places Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod in the Lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and Lâ—efland of Oudorski Obdorski Condinski and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lorde ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grisinski Emperor of Kabardinski and of the Countrey Charchaski and the Countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other regions From Boris Pheodorowich his Maiesties brother in law master of his horses gouernour of the territories of Cazan and Astracan to William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer to the most vertuous Ladie Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland and other dominions I receiued your Lordships letters wherein you write that you haue receiued very ioyfully my letters sent vnto you and aduisedly read them and imparted the same vnto her Maiestie and that your Merchants finde themselues agreeued that when they approch these parts and are arriued here they are not permitted to enter into a free and liberall course of barter traffike and exchange of their commodities as heretofore they haue done but are compelled before they can enter into any traffike to accept the Emperours waxe and other goods at high rates farre aboue their value to their great losse and that they are by reason of this restraint long holden vpon these coasts to the danger of wintering by the way Hereafter there shal be no cause of offence giuen to the Marchants of the Queenes Maiestie Queene Elizabeth they shall not be forced to any thing neither are there or shall be any demands made of custome or debts Such things as haue beene heretofore demaunded all such things haue beene already vpon their petition and supplication commaunded to be discharged I haue sollicited his Maiestie for them that they be not troubled hereafter for those matters and that a fauourable hand be caried ouer them And according to your request I will be a meane to the Emperour for them in all their occasions and will my selfe shew them my fauorable countenance And I pray you William Burghley to signifie to her Maiesties Merchants that I promise to haue a care of them and for the Queenes Maiestie of Englands sake I will take her Merchants into my protection and will defend them as the Emperours selected people vnder the Emperors commission and by mine appointment all his Maiesties officers and authorized people shall be carefull ouer them The Emperors gracious fauor towards them was neuer such as it is now And where you write that at the port the Emperors Officers sell their waxe by commission at a set rate giuen them farre aboue the value and that they enforce your Marchants to accept it they deny that they take any such course but say they barter their waxe for other wares and also put their waxe to sale for readie money to your Merchants according to the worth thereof and as the price goeth in the custome house here It hath beene heretofore deare and now is sold as good cheape as in any other place and as they can best agree they enforce no man to buy it but rather kepe it therefore your Marchants haue no iust cause to make any such report I haue expressely giuen order that there shall be no such course vsed to enforce them but to buy according to their owne willes and to tarrie at the port or to depart at their pleasure And as touching the customes alreadie past and debts demanded at your Merchants hands whereof you write Our Lord great Emperour and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia of famous memory hath shewed his Maiesties especial fauour and loue for the great loue of his welbeloued sister Queene of England and by my petition and mediation whereas there was commandement giuen to take Marshes whole debt of your Merchants and factors it is moderated to the halfe and for the other halfe commandement giuen it should not be taken and the Merchants billes to be deliuered them And to the end hereafter that her Maiesties Marchants moue no contention betwixt our Lord the Emperor and great Duke of Russia and his welbeloued sister Queene Elizabeth his Maiestie desireth order to be giuen that your Marchants doe deale iustly in their traffike and plainely without fraud or guile And I will be a fauourer of them aboue all others vnder his Maiesties authoritie themselues shall see it Written in our great Lorde the Emperours citie of Mosco in the moneth of Iuly 7099. The Queenes Maiesties letter to Theodore Iuanouich Emperour of Russia 1591. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. to the right high mighty and right noble prince Theodore Iuanouich great Lord King and great Duke of all Russia Volodemer Mosco Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensko Otuer Vghory Perme Viatski Bolgory and other places Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotsky Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozero and Lifland of Oudorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and commander of all Sibierland and the North coasts great Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky Grisinsky Emperor of Kabardinsky and of the countrey of Charkasky and of the countrey of Gorsky and Lord of many other countreys our most deare and louing brother greeting Right noble and excellent prince we haue receiued your Maiesties letters brought ouer by our merchants in their returne of their last voyage from your port of S. Nicholas which letters we haue aduisedly read and considered and thereby perceiue that your Maiesty doth greatly mislike of our late imployment of Ierome Horsey into your dominions as our messenger with our Highnesse letters and also that your Maiesty doth thinke that we in our letters sent by the sayd messenger haue not obserued that due order or respect which apperteined to your princely maiesty in the forme of the same letter aswel touching the inlargement of your Maiesties stile and titles of honor which your Maiesty expected to haue bene therein more particularly expressed as also in the adding of our greatest seale or
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
plurimos annos exportatis affatim nostrarium quibusuis commodis pecudum pecorumque carnibus butyro piscium copia quotannis penè immodica quaedam quasi cella penuaria fuit Sensere huius Insulae commoda etiam Hollandiae olim Angliae vrbes aliquot Praeterea Danis Bremènsibus Lubecensibus cum Islandis commercia diu fuerunt Sed a nullis vnquam tale encomium talem gratiam reportarunt qualis hec est Gregoriana calumnia In vestrà vestrà inquam vrbe nata edita iterata si non tertiata que alias nationes quibus Islandia vix ac ne vix quidem nomine tenus alioqui innotuerat ad huius gentis opprobrium contemptum armauit quam à ciue vestro acceptam iniuriam iam 30. annos plus cò Islandia sustinet Sed etiam inscio magistratu eiusmodi multa saepè fiunt Neque enim dubitamus quin viri boni ciusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant ne edantur diligenter caueant cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali Ne alteri facias quod tibi factum non velis Et Caesareo de libellis famosis in quo irrogatur poena grauissima ijs qui tales libellos componunt scribunt proferunt emi vendiue curant aut non statim repertos discerpunt Caeterum iam tandem receptui canamus Nósque ad te Islandia parens carissima quam nec paupertas nec frigora nec id genus incommoda alia quamdiu Christo hospitia cupidè libenter exhibere non desistis inuisam facient conuertamus Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus nempè serium ardens studium ac amorem DEI diuine scientiae nobis in Christo pate factae totis viribus hortamur vt vni huic cuncta posthabeas doctrinae verbi cupiditate flagres Sacrum ministerium ministros non parum cures non contemnas aut odio prosequare sed reuerearis foueas ames Contra facientes pro impijs profanis habeas vt omnia ad pietatis honestatis praescriptum geras in vita priuata communi vt huic status ordines Ecclesiastici Politici in vniuersum obtemperent In vtroque vitae genere ab illa amussi seu norma aequi boni dependeas caeteros qui pertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt auerseris quos aequum est poenis condignis affici id quod magistratui curae futurum non diffidimus In primis verò nullos nisi spectatae fidei probitatis viros quique ad istas virtutes reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant ad gubernacula admittas qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur Res ista enim si probè curetur vt videlicet qui munus publicum gerunt ex bonis omnibus optimi quique deligantur improbi huic rei inepti procul inde arceantur subditorum conditio longè erit optatissima vita mores tantò magis laudabiles sequentur pietas honestas tantò erunt illustriores At verò si secus fiat si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri vel vita vel doctrina non respoÌ„deant si ad administrationeÌ„ politicam promiscuè admittantur quicunque eò propria leuitate ambitione vel auaritia contentione honoris ruunt si ijdem criminum aut improbitaris vel suspecti vel conuicti sint aut suspectorum conuictorum protectores vel ijsdem illicitè indulgentes quis tuus quaeso demum futurus est status quae facies quae conditio Certè longè omnium miserrima Nec enim alio pacto citius ad ruinam interitum tuum appropinquabis quà m si istis te regendam commiseris qui quod in ijs est licet sint ipsi ex tuis iugulum tuum propter emolumenta priuata odia latentia quotidiè petere coÌ„tendunt Quamobrem ne ista pluribus agam quanti intersit vt haec probè curentur sacilè ô Patria intelligis Sed dum haec tuls auribus à me occinuntur utinam gemitus meos altissimos qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent Serenissimae Regiae Maiestatis aures exaâ—diant apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica quae ea de causa exoriuntur maximè quòd patria à regia sede conspectu tantò interuallo sit remota vt multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumant licentiam linpunitatem securius promittant Caeterum ista numini iustissimo quod aequis omnia oculis aspicit committenda ducimus Reliquum est ô patria vt studium in te nostrum eo quo speramus animoâ—i comi benigno suscipias quod quamuis minimè tale est quale optaremus tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIVM nolui idcirco desistere quod pro tuo nomine tua dignitate tua innocentia pugnate me satis strenuè diffiderem Quin potius quicquid id est si modò quicquam est quantulum cunque tandem quod ad tui patrociniumâ— pro mea tenui parte afferte possem nequaquam supprimendum putaui nec enim illos laudare soleo Qui quòd desperent inuicti membra Glyconis Nodosa nolunt corpus probibere Chiragra Me sanè si haec commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori operae nequaquaÌ„ poenitebit Quòd si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tui aliquid faciat operam perdidisse haud videbor Sin verò alios alumnos tuos meos conterraneos arte industria superiores ad causam tuam vel nunc vel in posterum suscipiendam hoc conatu tenello excitauero quid est cur operae precium non fecisse dicar quibus seribentibus licet mea fama in obscuro futura est tamen praestantia illorum qui nomini officient meo me consolabor Nam etsi famae nominis cura summa esse debet maior tamen patriae cuius dignitate salua incolumni nos quoque saluos incolumes reputabimus Scripsi Holis Hialtaedalensium in Islandia AErae Christianae Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias A BRIEFE COMMENTARIE of Island wherin the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island are detected and the slanders and reproches of certaine strangers which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted By Arngrimus Ionas of Island To the most mighty Prince and Lord Lord Christian the 4. of Denmarke Norway and of the Vandals and Gothes King elect of Sleswic Holste Stormar and Duhmarse Duke Earle of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst His most gratious Lord. THat heroical attempt of Anchurus sonne of King Midas most gratious prince and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse deserueth highly to be renowmed in histories in that freely and couragiously he offered his owne person for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth about Celoena a towne in Phrigia which dayly swallowed multitudes of men and what soeuer else came neere vnto it For when his
from approching neere vnto their emperour Upon the chariot also two milke-white Ier-falcons doe sitâ— and seeing any game which hee would take hee letteth them flie and so theâ— take it and after this maner doeth hee solace himselfe as hee rideth Moreouer no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot but such as are appointed The number of his owne followers of his wiues attendants and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparant would seeme incredible vnto any man vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes The foresayd great Can hath deuided his Empire into twelue partes or Prouinces and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his iourny he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse except his Islands which are at the least 5000. Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the whole empire THe foresayâ— Emperor to the end that trauailers may haue all things necessary throughout his whole empire hath caused certaine Innes to be prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes where all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse And when any alteration or newes happen in any part oâ— his Empire if he chance to be farre absent from that part his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him and when themselues and their beasts are weary they blow their horne at the noise whereof the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne and so by diuers Innes and diuers postes the report which ordinarily could skarce come in 30. dayes is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire but straightway he hath intelligence thereof Moreouer when y â— great Can himselfe will go on hunting he vseth this custome Some twenty dayes iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe dayes iourney in circuit in which forrest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds as it is incredible to report Unto this forrest at the ende of euery third or fourth yeere himselfe with his whole traine resorteth and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest sending dogs into the same which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts namely lions and stags and other creatures vnto a most beautifull plaine in the midst of the forrest because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble especially at the cry of hounds Then commeth the great Can himselfe being caried vpon three elephants and shooteth fiue arrowes into the whole herd of beasts and after him all his Barons and after them the rest of his courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke Then they all goe vnto the beasts which are slaine suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that they may haue more sport with them another time and euery man enioyeth that beast as his owne wherein he findeth his arrow sticking Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his Court. FOure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate namely the feast of his birth the feast of his circumcision the feast of his coronation and the feast of his mariage And vnto these feasts he inuiteth all his Barons his stage-players and all such as are of his kinred Then the great Can sitting in his throne all his Barons present themselues before him with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads being diuersly attired for some of them are in greene namely the principall the second are in red and the third in yellow and they hold each man in his hand a little Iuorie table of elephants tooth and they are girt with golden girdles of halfe a foote broad and they stand vpon their feete keeping silence About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace all the Philosophers or Magicians remaine fâ—r certaine howers and doe attend vpon points or characters and when the point and hower which the sayd Philosophers expected for is come a certaine crier crieth out with a loud voyce saying Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour with that all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth Then hee crieth out againe Arise all and immediately they all arise Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon a point or character the second time and when it is fulfilled the crier crieth out amaine Put your fingers in your eares and foorthwith againe he saieth Plucke them out Againe at the third point he crieth Boult this meale Many other circumstances also doe they performe all which they say haue some certaine signification howbeit neither would I write them nor giue any heed vnto them because they are vaine and ridiculous And when the musicians hower is come then the Philosophers say Solemnize a feast vnto your Lord with that all of them sound their instruments making a great and a melodious noyse And immediately another crieth Peace peace and they are all whist Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperour which musike was more delightfull vnto me After them come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen them with his owne eies and therefore I omit to speake of them I was informed also by certaine credible persons of another miraculous thing namely that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei the kingdomes name is Kalor there growe great Gourds or Pompious which being ripe doe open at the tops and within them is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe euen as I my selfe haue heard reported that there stand certaine trees vpon the sâ—ore of the Irish sea bearing fruit like vnto a gourd which at a certaine time of the yeere doe fall into the water and become birds called Bernacles and this is most true Of diuers prouinces and cities ANd after three yeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie trauailing fiftie dayes iourney towards the West And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani whose principall city is Kosan which hath many other cities vnder it From thence passing many dayes trauell I came vnto a prouince called Casan which is for good commodities one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne and is very well inhabited inâ—omuch that when we depart out of the gates of one city we may beholde the gates
it himselfe and speake with him and sayd that he had also a letter of the Grand signior for the lord master Upon this he was bidden to go his way and to set him packing they shot after him a piece of artillery The next day after Ballantis Albanese that was fled thorow the breach of Spaine to the campe came from the sayd Genouois proposing such words or like as the other had sayd saying likewise that the Grand signior had sent a letter to the lord master To whom no words were spoken nor answere made for the lord great master as wise and prudent considering that a towne that will heare intreatings is halfe lost defended vpon the paine of death sith that Siotis had spoken these two times that none should be so hardy to speake nor answere them of the campe without his knowledge commandement but seeing they were such ambassadors they reported the words of the sayd Albanese or euer the sayd lord had knowledge of the words of the Siotis The which words spread thorow the towne put many folke in thought and would haue vndone that that the Siotis said the which is no maâ—uell whereas is much people for with good will and most often they regard sooner to saue the liues of them and their children then they doe to the honour of the residue Howbeit not one durst speake a word openly of that businesse but all secretly and some came and spake to certaine lords of the great crosse for to speake to y e lord great master And in effect some lords spake therof to him persuading him that it should be good to thinke thereon seeing that the towne went to losse To whom the sayd lord shewed many things for his honor and the Religion and that no such things ought to be done or thought for any thing in the world but rather he and they to die The lords hearing this answere went their wayes and then returned againe to the sayd lord aduising him more to thinke well on all things and to the saluation of his towne and of his religion And they sayd moreouer that they doubted that the people would rather haue a peace then to die themselues their wiues and children The lord seeing that such words were as things inforced as who should say if thou do it not we shall do it as wise men and prudent willing to make remedies of needfull things by counsell called the lords of his Councell for to haue aduise in these doings and other And when they were assembled the lord proposed the words that were to him denounced and sayd With these termes and wordes came two or three marchants and citizens of the towne that knocked at the doore of the Councell and presented a supplication to the great master and lords of the Councel whereby they required and besought meekely the sayd reuerend lord to haue respect to them and their poore housholds and to make some appointment with the great Turke seeing that the sayd matter was already forward in purpose that he would do it and that it would please him to consider the pitious sorowfull estate that the towne was in that there was no remedy to saue it and at the lest way if the lord would not make appointment to giue them leaue of his goodnesse to haue their wiues and their children out of the Rodes to saue them for they would not haue them slaine nor made slaues to the enemies And the conclusion was that if the sayd lord would not puruey therefore they would puruey for it themselues And there was written in the said request the names of eight or ten of the richest of the towne Which words of the sayd supplication being heard the sayd lord and his councell were abashed and ill content as reason would seeing that it was but a course game and thought on many things to make answere to the sayd citizens for to content and appease them and also to see if they should intend to the appointment as they required and after as the Genouoys had reported and the better to make the sayd answere and to know more plainly in what estate the towne was in all things that is to wit first of gunpowder and then of men of warre and of the katteries Also were demanded and asked the lord of S. Giles pre Iohn which had the charge of the gunpowder and then the captaine Sir Gabriel Martiningo for being ouer their men of warre as it is said as to him that knew the truth if the towne might holde or not or there were any meanes to saue it The sayd lord of S. Giles arose saying and affirming vpon his honour and his conscience that almost all the slaues and labourers were dead and hurt and that scantly there were folke enow to remoue a piece of artillery from one place to another and that it was vnpossible without folke any more to make or set vp the repaires the which euery day were broken and crushed by the great furious and continuall shot of the enemies artillery As for gunpowder the sayd lord sayd that all that was for store in the towne was spent long agone and that which was newly brought was not to serue furnish two assaults And he seeing the great aduantage of the enemies being so farre within the towne without power to put or chase them away for default of men was of the opinion that the towne would be lost and that there was no meanes to saue it The words of the sayd lord finished the captaine Gabriel Martiningo for his discharge sayd and declared to the reuerend lord and them of the Councell that seeing and considering the great beatings of the shot that the towne had suffered and after seeing the entring which the enemies had so large and that they were within the towne by their trenches both endlong and ouerthwart seeing also that in two other places they were at the foot of the wall and that the most part of our knights and men of warre and other were slaine and hurt and the gunpowder wasted and that it was vnpossible for them to resist their enemies any more that without doubt the towne was lost if there came no succors for to helpe and resist the siege The which opinions and reasons of these two woorthy men and expert in such feats vnderstood and pondered by the lord great master and the lords of the Councell they were most part aduised for to accept and take treaty if it were offered for the sauegard of the common people and of the holy reliques of the church as part of the holy crosse the holy throne the hand of S. Iohn and part of his head and diuers other reliques Howbeit the lord great master to whom the businesse belonged very neere and that tooke it most heauily and was more sorrowfull then any of the other as reason required was alway stedfast in his first purpose rather willing to die then to consent to such a thing
and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army is a thing incredible to consider the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people will easily beleeue it I haue seene with mine eyes that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes yea I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse So that if such a great armie want not water and salt they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes flowers and leaues of trees they cary rice with them for their voyage that serueth them in stead of comâ—its it is so daintie vnto them This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea but in the land for people dominions golde and siluer he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure as gold siluer and euery day he encreaseth it more and more and it is neuer diminished Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies Safires Spinels Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inestimable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it and the place where this treasure is is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone with two gates which stand open euery day And within this place or Courâ— are foure gilded houses couered with lead in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires and round about him are 4. litle children of gold In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money whose stature in height as hee sitteth is so high that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house I measured his feete and found that they were as long as all my body was in height with a crowne on his head like to the first And in the thirde house there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse with a like crowne on his head In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other which is made of Gansa which is the metall they make their money of this metall is made of copper leade mingled together This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first this treasure being of such a value as it is standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go see it for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof I say as I haue said before that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth because it is worthy of the noting I thinke it meet to write therof which is as foloweth The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded which is drawen by 16. goodly horses and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords nobles with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not The king sitteth in the middle of the cart vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie round about the cart that are in his dominions a marueilous thing it is to see so many people such riches such good order in a people so barbarous as they be This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio he hath 300 concubines of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects but he nor they neuer speake one to another but by supplications made in this order The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall on a tribunall seat and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king but all alike and there they sit with their supplications in their hands which are made of long leaues of a tree these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long two fingers broad which are written with a sharpe iron made for y t purpose in those leaues are their supplications written with their supplications they haue in their hands a present or gift according to the waightines of their matter Then come y e secretaries downe to read these supplications taking them reading them before the king if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund then he coÌ„mandeth to take the presents out of their hands but if he thinke their demand be not iust or acding to right he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia and if he bring money he shall lose by it Now the commodities that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place which is the great quantity of cloth made there which they vse in Pegu which cloth is made of bombaâ—â— wouen and paâ—â—ted so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed the more liuelie they shewe their colours which is a rare thing and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia as aforesayd which colour will neuer out With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu of great importance and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September if she stay vntil the twelfth it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage Their vse was to depart the sixt of September and then they made sure voyages and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection and that it be well dried as
of August in the afternoone had intelligence by one Captaine Middleton of the approch of the Spanish Armada Which Middleton being in a very good sailer had kept them company three dayes before of good purpose both to discouer their forces the more as also to giue aduise to my L. Thomas of their approch Hee had no sooner deliuered the newes but the fleete was in sight many of our shippes companies were on shore in the Ilande some prouiding balast for their ships others filling of water and refreshing themselues from the land with such things as they could either for money or by force recouer By reason whereof our ships being all pestered and romaging euery thing out of order very light for want of balast and that which was most to our disaduantage the one halfe part of the men of euery shippe sicke and vtterly vnseruiceable for in the Reuenge there were ninety diseased in the Bonauenture not so many in health as could handle her maine saile For had not twenty men beene taken out of a Barke of sir George Careys his being commaunded to be sunke and those appointed to her she had hardly euer recouered England The rest for the most parte were in little better state The names of her Maiesties shippes were these as followeth the Defiance which was Admiral the Reuenge Uiceadmirall the Bonauenture commaunded by Captaine Crosse the Lion by George Fenner the Foresight by M. Thomas Vauasour and the Crane by Duffild The Foresight the Crane being but smal ships only the other were of the middle size the rest besides the Barke â—alegh commanded by Captaine Thin were victualleâ—s and of small force or none The Spanish fleet hauing shrouded their approch by reason of the Island were now so soone at hand as our shippes had scarce time to way their anchors but some of them were driuen to let slippe their Cables and set saâ—le Sir Richard Grinuile was the last that wayed to recouer the men that were vpon the Island which otherwise had bene lost The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recouered the winde which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to doe was perswaded by the Master and others to cut his maine sayle and cast about and to trust to the sayling of the ship for the squadron of Siuiâ— were on his weather bow But Sir Richard vtterly refused to turne from the enemie alleaging that hee would rather choose to die then to dishonour himselfe his countrey and her Maiesties shippe perswading his companie that hee would passe through the two squadrons in despight of them and enforce those of Siuil to giue him way Which hee performed vpon diuers of the formost who as the Mariners terme it sprang their luffe and fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge But the other course had beene the better and might right well haue bene answered in so great an impossibility of preualing Notwithstanding out of the greatnesse of his minde he could not be perswaded In the meane while as hee attended those which were nearest him the great San Philip being in the winde of him and comming towards him becalmed his sailes in such sort as the shippe could neither make way nor feele the helme so huge and high carged was the Spanish ship being of a thousand and fiue hundreth tuns Who after layd the Reuenge aboord When he was thus berâ—ft of his sailes the ships that were vnder his â—ee luffing vp also layd him aboord of which the nert was the Admiral of the Biscaines a very mighty and puissant shippe commanded by Briâ—tandona The sayd Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side and eleuen pieces in euery â—ire She shot eight forth rightout of her chase besides those of her sterne ports After the Reuenge was entangled with this Philip foure other boorded her two on her larboord and two on her starboord The fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoone continued very terrible all that euening But the great San Philip hauing receiued the lower tire of the Reuenge discharged with crosse bar shot shifted her selfe with all diligence from her sides vtterly misliking her first entertainement Some say that the shippe foundred but we cannot report it for truth vnlesse we were assured The Spanish ships were filled with companies of souldiers in some two hundred besides the mariners in some fiue in others eight hundreth In ours there were none at all beside the mariners but the seruants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen onely After many enterchanged volies of great ordinance and small shot the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Reuenge and made diuers attempts hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soulders and Musketters but were still repulsed againe and and againe and at all times beaten backe into their owne ships or into the seas In the beginning of the fight the George Noble of LondoÌ„ hauing receiued some shot thorow her by the Armadas fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge and asked Sir Richard what he would command him being but one of the victualers and of small force Sir Richard bid him saue himselfe and leaue him to his fortune After the fight had thus without intermission continued while the day lasted and some houres of the night many of our men were slaine and hurte and one of the great Gallions of the Armada and the Admirall of the Hulkes both sunke and in many other of the Spanish shippes great slaughter was made Some write that sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight and lay speechlesse for a time ere hee recouered But two of the Reuenges owne company brought home in a ship of Lime from the Ilandes examined by some of the Lordes and others affirmed that hee was neuer so wounded as that hee forsooke the vpper decke till an houre before midnight and then being shot into the bodie with a Musket as hee was a dressing was againe shot into the head and withall his Chirurgion wounded to death This agreeth also with an examination taken by sir Francis Godolphin of foure other mariners of the same shippe being returned which examination the said sir Francis sent vnto master William Killegrâ—e of her Maiesties priuy Chamber But to returne to the fight the Spanish ships which attempted to bord the Reuenge as they were wounded and beaten off so alwayes others came in their places she hauing neuer lesse then two mighty Gallions by her sides and aboard her So that ere the morning from three of the clocke the day before there had fifteene seuerall Armadas assayled her and all so ill approued their entertainement as they were by the breake of day far more willing to harken to a composition then hastily to make any more assaulâ—s or entries But as the day encreased so our men decreased and as the light grew more and moreâ— by so much more grewe our discomforts For none appeared in sight but enemies sauing one small ship called the
saile to be cut that they might make away but sir Rich. Greenuil threatned both him al the rest that were in the ship y t if any maÌ„ laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight in the end were taken He was of so hard a coÌ„plexion that as he continued among the Spanish captains while they were at dinner or supper with him he would carouse 3 or 4 glasses of wine and in a brauerie take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in pieces swalow them downe so that oftentimes the blood ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the ship as the captaine of the souldiers the master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscains and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarel among them one taking the chiefe ensigne and the other the flag and the captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera there to repaire theÌ„selues where being arriued I and my chamber-felow to heare some newes went aboord one of the ships being a great Biscain and one of the 12 Apostles whose captaine was called Bartandono that had bin General of the Biscains in the fleet that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English captaine that sate by him and had on a sute of blacke veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a litle speake The English captaine got licence of the gouernour that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The gouernour of Tercera bade him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The master likewise with licence of Bartâ—ndono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the leastâ— 10 or 12 wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at sea between Lisbon the Ilands he died The captaine wrote a letter wherein he declared all the maner of the fight and left it with the English marchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the lord Admiral of England This English captaine comming vnto Lisbon was there wel receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Setuual and from thence sailed into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoners The Spanish armie staied at the Iland of Coruo til the last of September to assemble the rest of the fleet together which in the ende were to the number of 140 sailes of ships partly comming from India and partly of the army and being altogether ready to saile to Tercera in good company there suddenly rose so hard cruell a storme that those of the Ilands did affirme that in mans memorie there was neuer any such seen or heard off before for it seemed the sea would haue swalowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the cliffs which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwen vpon the land This storme continued not only a day or two with one wind but 7 or 8 dayes continually the wind turning round about in al places of the compasse at the lest twise or thrise during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at sea so that onely on the coasts and cliffes of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue 12 ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner wherby nothing els was heard but complaining crying lamenting telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of 20 dayes after the storme they did nothing els but fish for dead men that continually came driuing on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon a cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in an hundred pieces sunke to the ground hauing in her 70 men Galegos Biscains and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shrinen thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire brasse pieces that were all sunke in y e sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to waigh vp againe the next Sommer after Among these ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boat one of those that had bin arrested in Portugall to serue the king called the white Doue the master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland add there were in her 100 souldiers as in euery one of the rest there were He being ouer-ruled by the captaine that he could not be master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of the Iland of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safetie onely to consist in putting into the road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoyled but the captaine called him drunkard and Heretique and striking him with a staffe commaunded him to doe as hee would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it sayd well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to bee cast away I can but lose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing els but hard stones and rocks as high as mountaines most terriâ—le to beholdeâ— where some of the inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throâ— them downe vnto the men that they might lay holde vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in
William Hawkins of Plimmouth father vnto sir Iohn Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger M. Tho. Borey to Brasil in the yere 1540. p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master Iames Lancaster to the towne of Fernambuck in Brasil 1594. pag. 708 The letters discourses instructions obseruations and ruttiers depending vpon the voyages to Brasil A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the aduenturers for Brasil sent to Iohn Whithal dwelling at Santos by the Minion of London dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasil in Iune 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barkes of 30. or 40. tunnes pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northren part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spaine concerning the conquest of Rio grande c. pag. 716 A speciall note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the riuer of Plate pag. 719 A ruttier from the riuer of Plate to the Streights of Magellan pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the Riuer of Plate A Voyage of two Englishmen to the riuer of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. Iohn Drake after his departure from M. Fenton vp the riuer of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the yle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plate and all along vp within the said riuer and what armes mouths it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable with small barkes pag. 728. A Catalogue of diuers English voyages some intended and some performed to the Streights of Magellan the South sea along the coasts of Chili Peru Nicaragua and Nuéua Galicia to the headland of California and to the Northwest thereof as farre as 43. degrees as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones the Philippinas the Malucos and the Iauas and from thence by the Cape of Buâ—na Esperanza and the yle of Santa Helena the whole globe of the earth being circompassed home againe into England THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the globe of the whole earth begunne Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de Silua a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde and caried along with him as farre as the hauen of Guatulco vpon the coast of New Spaine with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befell during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake pag. 742 The voyage of M. Iohn Winter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. he being the first Christian that euer repassed the said Streight pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his viceadmirall with 4. ships intended for China but performed onely to the coast of Brasil as farre as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude begunne in the yeere 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea with two tal ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland but performed onely to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea and so round about the circumference of the whole earth begun in the yere 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made to the Streights of Magellan begun in the yere 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with three tall ships and two barks begun 1591. pag. 842 The principall obseruations discourses instructions letters ruttiers and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediatly going before THe names of the kings of Iaua at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there pag. 742 Certaine words of the naturall language of Iaua with the interpretation thereof pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de Silua a Portugall pilot taken by sir Francis Drake which he made to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake c. 157â— pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake vnto his consort M. Iohn Winter 748 Instructiâ—ns giuen by the R.H. the lords of the councell to M. Edward Fenton esquire for the order to be obserued in the voyage recommended vnto him for the East Indies and Cathay April 9. 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West â—ndies and the South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugall conteining diuers memorable maâ—ters not to be found in any other writers and continued vnto the yere 1587. pag. 778 Certaine rare and speciall notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world concerning the latitudes soundings lying of lands distances of places the variation of the compasse and other notable obseruations diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the olde Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable priuiâ— councell touching the successe of his voyage rounde about the worlde 837 Certaine notes or references taken out of a large map of China brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the streight of Magellan by certeine of the company of the Delight of Bristoll vnto Robert Burnet the Master of the sayd ship and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimoniall of the company of the Desire a ship of M. Canâ—ishes fleet in his last voyage touching the loosing of their generall which appeareth to haue bene vtterly against their meanings 845 The letters of the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 to the emperour of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of London who were embarked in the fleet whereof M. Beniamin Wood was generall pag. 852 Three seuerall
the North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland thorow which Northren Seas the Passage lyeth which I take now in hand to discouer Plato in Timaeo and in the Dialogue called Critias discourseth of an incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis being greater then all Affrike and Asia which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar nauigable round about affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did aswell enioy the gouernance of all Affrike and the most part of Europe as of Atlantis it selfe Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe to be of the more credite Marinaeus Siculus in his Chronicle of Spaine reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Caesar which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of the matter by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum Moreouer this was not only thought of Plato but by Marsilius Ficinus an excellent Florentine Philosopher Crantor the Graecian and Proclus and Philo the famous Iew as appeareth in his â—ooke De Mundo and in the Commentaries vpon Plato to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water by reason of a mightie earthquake and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy when by the forciblenes of the Sea called Superum it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria as appeareth in Iustine in the beginning of his fourth booke Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders And also the Cities of Pyâ—rha and Antissa about Meotis palus and also the Citie Burys in the Corynthian bosome commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea and are not at this day to be discerned By which accident America grew to be vnknowen of long time vnto vs of the later ages and was lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois Anno 1492. The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeresâ— for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere which is our vsuall moneth depending à Luminari minoâ—i So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis then those Westerne Islands which beare now the name of America counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis in the knowledge of our age Then if when no part of the sayd Atlantis was oppressed by water and earthquake the coasts round about the same were nauigable a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest seeing the most part of it was since that time swallowed vp with water which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels but rather be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde and also an inforcing of a great many new why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India c. seeing that Atlantis now called America was euer knowen to be an Island and in those dayes nauigable round about which by accesse of more water could not be diminished Also Aristotle in his booke De mundo and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus in his annotations vpon the same saith that the whole earth meaning thereby as manifestly both appeare Asia Africk and Europe being all the countreys then knowen is but one Island compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine which likewise prooueth America to be an Island and in no part adioyning to Asia or the rest Also many ancient writers as Strabo and others called both the Ocean sea which lieth East of India Atlanticum pelagus and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk Mare Atlanticum the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth So that it is incredible as by Plato appeareth manifestly that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk or yet the sea adioyning to Africk had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas sometime king thereof who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah in whose time the whole earth was diuided betweene the three brethren Sem Cam and Iaphet Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato Aristotle and other ancient Phylosophers but also by all the best moderne Geographers as Gemma Frisius Munsterus Appianus Hunterus Gastaldus Guyccardinus Michael Tramasinus Franciscus Demongenitus Bernardus Pureanus Andreas Vauasor Tramontanus Petrus Martyr and also Ortelius who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569 all the countreys and Capes on the Northwest side of America from Hoâ—helaga to Cape de Paramanâ—ia describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland towards any part of America making both Gronland and America Islands disioyned by a great sea from any part of Asia All which learned men and painefull trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice that America was an Island and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it Cataia and Grondland by the which any man of our countrey that will giue the attempt may with small danger passe to Cataia the Moluccae India and all other places in the East in much shorter time then either the Spaniard or Portugal doeth or may doe from the neerest parte of any of â—heir countreys within Europe What moued these learned men to affirme thus much I know not or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed or notified their opinions therein to the world if they had not had great good cause and many probable reasons to haue lead them thereunto Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance I haue for the better assurance of those proofes set downe some part of a discourse written in the Saxon tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil lord Burleigh and lord high treasurer of England wherein there is described a Nauigation which one Ochther made in the time of king Alfred King of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these Hee sailed right
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. THe 7. of Iune being Thursday the two Barks viz. the Gabriel and the Michael our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe and bare down to Detford and there we ancred the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boultspriâ— and forâ—mâ—st aboard of a ship that rode at Detford else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich The 8. day being Friday about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford and set saile all three of vs and bare downe by the Court where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could Her Maiestie beholding the same commended it and bade vs farewell with shaking her hand at vs out of the window Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings and thanked vs for it and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs and declared to the company that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient and diligent to their Captaine and gouernours in all things and wished vs happie successe The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend by the castle or blockehouse we obserued the latitude which was 51. degrees 33. minâ— And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone I had sight oâ— Faire yle being from vs 6. leagues North and by East and when I brought it Northwest and by North it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke and swâ—mpe in the middes The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale I cast about to the Westward the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me and the land of Faire yle West Southwest from me I sailed directly to the North head of that said land scunding as I ranne in hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms and gray redde shels and within halfe a mile of that Island there are 36. fathoms for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde and I found by my sounding hard rockes and foule ground and deepe water within two cables length of the shoare 28. fathome and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast the flood setteth Southeast and the ebbe Northwest The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head I did obserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest froÌ„ me 6. leagues and Swinborne head East southeast from me I found my eleuation to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr 46. min. So that my latitude was 59. degr 46. min. At that present being neere to Swinborne head hauing a leake which did trouble vs as also to take in fresh water I plyed roome with a sound which is called S. Tronions and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water and faire sande You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17.15.12.10.9.8 and 7. fathoms and the sound lyeth in North northwest and there we roade to a West sunne stopped our leake and hauing refreshed our selues with water at a North northwest sunne I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay And running off toward Fowlay I sounded hauing fiftie fathome and streâ—mâ—e ground and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande hauing fiftie fathome at the South head and streamie ground like broken otmell and one shell being redde and white like mackerell The 27. day at a South sunne I did abserue the latitude the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees 59. min. truly obserued the winde at South Southwest I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone the wind at South a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues and at the ende of this watch I sounded hauing 60. fathome with little stones and shels the Island from vs 8. leagues East The first of Iuly from 4. to 8. a clocke wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to the Westwards this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6. leagues From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues At that present I found our Compasse to be varied 11. deg and one 4. part to the Westwards which is one point The 11 day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues and rising like pinacles of steeples and all couered with snowe I found my selfe in 61. degr of latitude Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150â— fathoms we hoised out our boate and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land but the land lying full of yce they could not get on land and so they came aboord againe We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues The 18. day at a Southeast sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg So I obserued it till I found it at the highest and then it was eleuated 52. deg I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce seeming a firme lande and we cast Westward to be cleare of it The 26. we had sight of a land of yce the latitude was 62. degrees and two minutes The 28. day in the morning was very foggie but at the clearing vp of the fogge wee had sight of lande which I supposed to be Labrador with great store of yce about the land I ranne in towards it and sownded but could get no ground at 100. Fathom and the yce being so thicke I could not get to the shoare and so lay off and came cleare of the yce Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare and sought a harborowe all the sownd was full of yce and our boate rowing a shoare could get no ground at a 100. fathom within a Cables length of
the prouerb sayth he that takes beede and shields himselfe from all men may hap to scape from some for we had need to looke about vs considering how in number we were diminished and in strength greatly weakned both by reason of our sicknesse and also of the number that were dead so that we were consâ—rained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our Captaine was warned of their comming and how they had brought a great number of men with them for Domagaia came to tell it vs and dursâ— not passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs as he was wont to doe whereupon we mistrusted some treason Our Captaine seeing this sent one of his seruants to them accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of those people to see who were there and what they did The sayd Poulet the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona bring him certaine presents because they had beene together a good while in the sayd Donnaconas Towne So soone as he heard of their comming he got himselfe to bed faining to bee very sicke That done they went to Taignoagny his house to see him and wheresoeuer they went they saw so many people that in a maner one could not stirre for another and such men as they were neuer wont to see Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houses but still kept them company and brought them halfe way to their ships and tolde them that if it would please our captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey whose name was Agonna of whom hee had receiued some displeasure and carie him with him into France he should therefore for euer be bound vnto him and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him and bade the seruant come againe the next day and bring an answere Our Captain being aduertised of so many people that were there not knowing to what end purposed to play a prettie prancke that is to say to take their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and some more of the chiefest of them prisoners in so much as before hee had purposed to bring them into France to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne parts and maruels of the world for that Donnacona had told vs that he had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay in which are infinite Rubies Gold and other riches and that there are white men who clothe themselues with woollen cloth euen as we doe in France Moreouer he reported that â—ee had bene in another countrey of a people called Picquemians and other strange people The sayd Lord was an olde man and euen from his childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange Countreys as well by water and riuers as by lande The sayd Poulet and the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage and shewed him what Taignoagny his will was the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid Taignoagny come and see him and shewe what hee should for he should be very well entertained and also part of his will should be accomplished Taignoagny sent him word that the next day hee would come and bring the Lord Donnacona with him and him that had so offended him which hee did not but stayed two dayes in which time none came from Stadacona to our shippes as they were wont to doe but rather fled from vs as if we would haue slaine them so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery But because they vnderstood that those of Sidatin did frequent our company and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would leaue to haue the olde nailes out of it the third day following they came from Stadacona and most of them without difficulty did passe from one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes but Donnacona would not come ouer Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together aboue an houre before they would come ouer at last they came to speake with our Captaine There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would caused the foresayd man to be taken and caried into France Our Captaine refused to doe it saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the language but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland and there leaue him in an Island Our Captaine spake this onely to assure them that they should bring Donnacona with them whom they had left on the other side which wordes when Taignoagny heard hee was very glad thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe and therefore promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse and to bring Donnacona and all the people with him How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be set vp in our Forte and how the Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and others of their company came and of the taking of the sayd Lord. Chap. 18. THe third of May being Holyroode day our Captaine for the solemnitie of the day caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged wherein were the Armes of France and ouer them was written in antique letters Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat And vpon that day about noone there came a great number of the people of Stadacona men women and children who told vs that their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia were comming whereof we were very glad hoping to retaine them About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came being come neere our ships our Captaine went to salute Donnacona who also shewed him a mery countenance albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward the wood Shortly after came Taignoagny who bade Donnacona that he should not enter into our Forte and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men kindled where their Lord was Our Captaine prayed him to come into our ships to eate drinke as hee was wont to do and also Taignoagny who promised that after a whilche would come and so they did entred into our ships but first it was told our Captain by Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him that he had did Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships Our Captaine perceiuing that came out of the Forte and saw that onely by Taignoagny his warning the women ran away and none but men stayed in great number wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia two more of the chiefest whom he pointed vnto then he commanded them to make the other to retire Presently after the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine but by by Taignoagny came to make him come out againe Our Captaine seeing that there was no
and they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne and because of the Sunne which shineth hote vpon their bodies The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children vpon one of their armes They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest trees in the Countrey Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey with the nature and customes of the Inhabitants which I was very willing to write before I entred any further into the discourse of my historie to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of MY Lord Admirall of Chastillon a noble man more desirous of the publique then of his priuate benefite vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his prince which was to discouer new and strange Countreys caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence and men to beeleuied meete for such an enterprise Among whom hee chose Captaine Iohn Ribault a man in trueth expert in sea causes which hauing receiued his charge set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of Februarie accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes but so well furnished with Gentlemen of whose number I my selfe was one and with olde Souldiers that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie Hauing therefore sayled two moneths neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniards hee arriued in Florida landing neere a Cape or Promontorie which is no high lande because the coast is all flatte but onely rising by reason of the high woods which at his arriuall he called Cape François in honour of our France This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees Coasting from this place towards the North he discouered a very faire and great Riuer which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search the same the next day very early in the morning which being done by the breake of day accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shoare but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and amitie as they well declared by the Oration which their king made and the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde Riuer and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie knappe in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued This being done hee embarked himselfe againe to the ende alwayes to discouer the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer and then in the presence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attend him hee commaunded his men to make their prayers to giue thankes to GOD for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto these strange places without any danger at all The prayers being ended the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them thinking in my iudgement that wee worshipped the Sunne because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp toward heauen rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ribault promising to shew him their King which rose not vp as they did but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him and heard him make a long discourse but with no great pleasure because hee could not vnderstand his language and much lesse his meaning The King gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Herushawes feathers died in red and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked but life The Captaine to shew himselfe not vnthankfull gaue him pretie tinne bracelets a cutting hooke a looking glasse and certaine kniues whereupon the King shewed himselfe to be very glad and fully contented Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the Riuer whereat the king seemed to bee very sorie Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs hee commaunded that with all diligence they should take fish for vs which they did with all speede For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase they loaded vs with Trouâ—es great Mullets Plaise Turbuts and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours This done we entred into our Boates and went toward the other shore But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians which entring iâ—to the water to their armepits brought vs many litle baskets full of Maiz and goodly Mulberries both red and white Others offered themselues to beare vs on shoare where being landed we perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire and strong and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and arrowes in marueilous good order His two sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously but the king their father representing I wot not what kinde of grauitie did nothing but shake his head a little then the Captaine went forward to salute him and without any other mouing of himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie that hee made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted While thus he knew not what hereof to thinke our Captaine shewed him by signes that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him to let him vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him for the better confirmation whereof hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt which hee presented him withall and gaue his sonnes certaine other trifles Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after there gentle intertainments wee went our selues into the woods hoping there to discouer some singularities where were great store of Mulberrie trees white and red on the toppes whereof there was an infinite number of silkewormes Following our way wee discouered a faire
not by some great Lord or Knight of the order and that in these respects I prayed him very hartily to deliuer me the letters which my Lord Admirall had written vnto me which he performed The contents of those letters were these CAptaine Laudonniere because some of them which are returned from Florida speake indifferently of the Countrey the King desireth your presence to the end that according to your tryall he may resolue to bestow great cost thereon or wholly to leaue it and therfore I send Captaine Iohn Ribault to bee gouernour there to whom you shall deliuer whatsoeuer you haue in charge and informe him of all things you haue discouered And in a postscript of the letter was thus written Thinke not that whereas I send for you it is for any euill opinion or mistrust that I haue of you but that it is for your good and for your credit and assure your selfe that during my life you shall find me your good Master CHASTILLON Now after I had long discoursed with Captaine Ribault Captaine la Grange accosted mee and told me of an infinite number of false reports which had bene made of mee to my great hinderance and among other things he informed me that my Lord Admirall tooke it very euill that I had caried a woman with mee likewise that some bodie had tolde him that I went about to counterfeit the King and to play the tyrant that I was too cruell vnto the men that went with mee that I sought to be aduanced by other meanes then by my Lord Admirall and that I had written to many Lords of the Court which I ought not to haue done Whereunto I answered that the woman was a poore chambermayd which I had taken vp in an Inne to ouersee my houshold businesse to looke to an infinite sort of diuers beasts as sheepe and poultrie which I caried ouer with me to store the countrey withall that it was not meete to put a man to attend this businesse likewise considering the length of the time that I was to abide there mee thought it should not offend any body to take a woman with me aswell to help my souldiers in their sickenesses as in mine owne whereinto I fell afterward And how necessary her seruice was for vs ech one at that time might easily perceiue That all my men thought so well of her that at one instant there were sixe or seuen which did demand her of me in mariage as in very deede one of them had her after our returne Touching that which was sayd that I playd the King these reports were made because I would not beare with any thing which was against the duety of my charge and the Kings seruice Moreouer that in such enterprises it is necessary for a Gouernour to make himselfe knowen and obeyed for feare least euery body would become a master perceiuing themselues far from greater forces And that if the tale-tellers called this rigour it rather proceeded of their disobedience then of my nature lesse subiect to cruelty then they were to rebellion For the two last points that I had not written to any of the Lords of the Court but by the aduice commandement of my Lord Admirall which willed me at my departure to send part of such things as I should find in the countrey vnto the Lords of the Counsel to the end that being mooued by this meane they might deale with the Queene mother for the continuance of this enterprise that hauing bene so smâ—â—l time in the countrey continually hindred with building of fortresses and vnlading of my ships I was not able to come by any newe or rare things to send them whereupon I thought it best to content them in the meane while with letters vntill such time as I might haue longer space to search out the Countrey and might recouer some thing to sende them the distribution of which letters I meant not otherwise buâ— to referre to my Lord Admirals good pleasure that if the bearer had forgot himselfe so farre as that he had broken the couering of the letters and presented them himselfe for hope of gaine it was not my commandement And that I neuer honoured noble man so much nor did to any man more willing and faithfull seruice then to my Lord Admirall nor euer sought aduancement but by his meanes You see how things passed for this day The next day the Indians came in from all parts to know what people these were to whom I signified that this was he which in the yeere 1562. arriued in this countrey and erected the pillar which stood at the entrie of the riuer Some of them knew him for in trueth he was easie to be knowen by reason of the great bearde which he ware He receiued many presents of them which were of the villages neere adioyning among whom there were some that he had not yet forgotten The kings Homoloa Serauahi Alimacani Malica and Casâ—i came to visit him and welcome him with diuers gifts according to their manner I aduertised them that hee was sent thither by the king of France to remaine there in my roome and that I was sent for Then they demanded and prayed him if it might stand with his good pleasure to cause the merchandise that hee had brought with him to be deliuered them and that in fewe daies they would bring him to the mountaines of Apalatcy whither they had promised to conduct me and that in case they performed not their promise that they were content to be cut in pieces In those mountaines as they sayd is found redde copper which they call in their language Sicroa Pira which is as much to say as red mettall whereof I had a piece which at the very instant I shewed to Captaine Ribault which caused his gold-finer to make an assay thereof which reported vnto him that it was perfect golde About the time of these conferences commings and goings of the kings of the countrey being weakened with my former trauaile and fallen into a melancholy vpon the false reports that had bene made of mee I fell into a great continuall feuer which held me eight or nine dayes during which time Captaine Ribault caused his victuals to be brought on shore and bestowed the most part thereof in the house which my Lieutenant had built about two hundred pases without the forte which hee did to the ende they might bee the better defended from the weather and likewise to the intent that the meale might bee neerer to the bake-house which I had built of purpose in that place the better to auoide the danger of the fire as I sayd before But loe howe oftentimes misfortune doth search and pursue vs euen then when we thinke to be at rest loe see what happened after that captaine Ribault had brought vp three of his small ships into the riuer which was the fourth of September Sixe great Spanish ships arriued in the rode where four
the neighbour-prouinces There are no great cities there yet are the houses built of stone and are very good and in them they haue great store of gold which is as it were lost because they know not what vse to put it to The people weare Emeralds and other precious iewels vpon their bodies they are valiant hauing very strong armour made of siluer fashioned after diuers shapes of beast They worship for their gods such things as they haue in their houses as namely hearbes and birdes and sing songs vnto them in their language which differeth but litle from that of Culiacan They told the Frier that they were willing to become Christians and the Emperors subiects for they were without a gouernour with condition that no man should hurt them and that they would change their golde for such things as they wanted Commandement was giuen that they should bee receiued without doing them any displeasure Neere vnto this countrey there is another Prouince heretofore discouered by our men where the people go naked without any thing before them they are very hardly reduced to Christianitie and they are valiant and sâ—oute Their houses are couered with straw They seeke no other riches but to feede cattel They goe at certaine seasons to their sacrifices into a valley situate in that Prouince which is inhabited with peopleâ— esteemed by those of the countrey as saints and priests whom they call Chichimecas which dwell in the woods without houses and they eate such things as they of the countrey giue them of almes They goe nakedâ— and are tanned in the smoke and tye their priuie member with a string vnto their knee and the women likewise goe starke naked They haue certain temples couered with strawe with small round windowes full of the skuls of dead men before their temple is a great round ditch the brim whereof is compassed with the figure of a serpent made of gold and siluer and with another mixture of vnknowen metals and this serpent holdeth his tayle in his mouth They of this valley from time to time cast lots whose lucke it shal be to be sacrificed and they make him great cheere on whom the lotte falleth and with great ioy they crowne him with flowers vpon a bed prepared in the sayd ditch all full of flowres and sweete hearbes on which they lay him along and lay great store of dry wood on both sides of him and set it on fire on eyther part and so he dyeth Where he continueth so quietly without being bound as though hee did something wherein he tooke great pleasure And they say that hee is a Saint and doe worshippe him for that yeere and sing prayses and Hymnes vnto him and afterward set vp his head with the rest in order within those windowes Also they sacrifice their prisoners whom they burne in another deeper ditch and not with the foresayde ceremonies The Spanyardes which are in Xalisco write that hauing good assistance they hope that those people will become Christians The Countrey is very good and fruitfull and hath great store of good and wholesome waters A Letter of Francis Vazquez de Coronado Gouernour of Nueua Galicia to the lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy of Nueua Espanna Dated in Saint Michael of Culiacan the 8. of March 1539. Of the hard passage from Saint Michael of Culiacan to Topira The description of that Prouince and of another neere vnto the same very rich in gold and precious stonesâ— The number of the people which Vazquez caried with him in his iourney thither and how greatly Frier Marcus of Niça is honoured by the Indians of Petailan BY the helpe of God I meane to set forward from this City of S. Michael of Culiacan toward Topira the 10. of April neither can I any sooner set forward because the powder and match which your Lordship sendeth mee cannot he brought thither before that time and I thinke it be now in Compostella Besides this I am to passe many leagues ouer mightie high mountaines which reach vp to the skyes and ouer a Riuer which at this present is so bigge and swolne that it can in no place be waded ouer And if I depart at the time aforesayde they say wee may wade ouer it They tolde mee that from hence to Topira was not aboue 50. leaguesâ— and I haue learned since that it is aboue fourescore leagues I doe not remember that I haue written to your Lordshippe the information which I haue of Topira and though I had written thereof vnto you yet because that since that time I haue learned something more I thinke it meete to signifie the same vnto your Lordship in these my letters It may please your honour therefore to vnderstand that they tell mee that Topira is a very populous Prouince lying betweene two riuers and that there are aboue 50. inhabited townes therein And that beyond the same there is another Countrey greater then it the name whereof the Indians could not tell mee wherein there is great store of victuals of Maiz French peason Ari or Pepper Melons and Gourds and great store of Hennes of the countrey The people weare on their bodies golde Emeralds and other precious stones and are serued commonly in golde and siluer wherewith they couer their houses and the chiefe men weare great chaines of golde well wrought about their necks and are apparelled with paynted garments and haue store of wilde kine and they say they enter not into their countrey because themselues haue no great store of people these Indians being many in number and very valiant That which here I say I learned by two other relations of Indians dwelling neere vnto them I meane to set forward at the tune before mentioned and I carrie with me 150. horsemen and twelue spare horses and 200. footmen crosse bow-men and gunners I take also with mee liue hogs sheepe and all such things as I can get for money assure your Lordship that I meane not to returne to Mexico vntil I be able to informe your honour more perfectly what the state of that place is and if I find ouch that we may doe good in I will stay there vntill I haue aduertised your Lordship that you may command what you will haue done and if it fall out so vnluckily that there be nothing of importance I will seeke to discouer 100. leagues farther wherein I hope in God there will be something found in which your Lordship may imploy all these gentlemen and those which shall come hither thereafter I thinke I cannot chuse but stay there and the waters the seasons and disposition of the countrey and other accidents wil direct mee what is best to be done Frier Marco de Niça entred a good way into the country accompanied with Stephan Dorantezâ— the 7. of February last past when I departed from them I left them with aboue 100. Indians of Petatlanâ— and and from the time of their comming thither they greatly honoured the
father shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly I cannot send you nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better then I haue done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from Composteila and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the citie of S. Michael and though there be but the tenth part of these things it is a great matter Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter which I receiued from the said father the Indians tell me that all the people of the countrey doe greatly reuerence him and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues farther in that sort He saith that if he finde any good countrey he will write to me thereof I will not goe thither without informing your Lordship of my iourney I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall discouer some good thing A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna to the Emperors Maiestie Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan with commission to the Gouernors of those partes to pacific the Indians and not to make them slaues any more IN the ships that went last from hence whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral I wrote vnto your Maiestie how I had sent two Franciscan Friers to discouer the end of this firme land which stretcheth to the North. And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked for I wâ—l declare the whole matter from the beginning It may please your Maiestie to call to mind how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna because it is so great a countrey and that we haue yet no knowledge thereof Neither had I onely this desire for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen and 14000. Indians footemen borne in these Indias being the best men the best furnished which haue bene seene in these parts and he did so litle with them that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galicia sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times which sped no better then he had done Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast which 2â— ships and the captaine perished After that he sent againe 2. other ships one of the which was diuided from her consore and the Master and certaine mariners slue the captaine vsurped ouer the ship After this they came to an Island where the Master with certaine mariners going on land the Indians of the country slew them and tooke their boat and the ship with those that were in it returned to the coast of Nueua Galicia where it ran on ground By the men which came home in this ship the Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered and then either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of Saint Domingo and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico or rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua Espanna without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships and with certaine footemen and horsemen not throughly furnished with things necessary which fell câ—t so contrary to his expectation that the most part of the people which he carryed with him dyed of hunger And although he had ships and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals yet could hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it but rather it seemed that God miraculously did hide it from him and so he returned home without atchieuing ought else of moment After this hauing heere in my company Andrew Dorantez which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Naruaâ—ez I often was in hand with him supposing that he was able to doe your Maiestie great seruice to imploy him with fortie or fiftie horses to search out the secret of those parts and hauing prouided all things necessary for his iourney and spent much money in that behalfe the matter was broken off I wot not how and that enterprise was giuen 〈◊〉 Yet of the things which were prouided for that purpose I had left mee a Negro which returned from the foresayde voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez and certaine slaues which I had bought and certaine Indians which I had gathered together who were borne in those North partes whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça and his companion a Franciscan Frier because they had bene long trauelled and exercised those partes and had great experience in the affaires of the Indies and were men of good life and conscience for whom I obtained leaue of their superiours and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint Michael of Culiacan which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards towarde that quarter being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico Assoone as the gouernour and the Friers were come vnto that Citie hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him home into their Countrey to signifie and declare to the people of the same That they were to vnderstand that your Maiestie had commaunded they should not hereafter â—eâ— made slaues and that they should not be afrayd and more but might returne vnto their houses and liue peaceably in them for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euil dealings which were vsed toward them and that your Maiestie would cause them to be chastened which were the causes of their veration With these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400. men which comming before the gouernour said vnto him that they came on the behalfe of al their Countrey-men to tell him that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their houses and to sow Maiz for their sustenance for by the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines hiding themselues like wild beasts for feare left they should be made slaues and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them Whom the gouernour comforted with good wordes and gaue them victuals and stayed them with him three or foure dayes wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the Crosse and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ and they with great diligence sought to learne the same After these dayes hee sent them home againe willing them not to be afraid but to be quiet giuing them apparel beades kniues and other such
hitherto I haue not seene any of them sauing onely two olde women and these had two long robes downe to the foote open before and girded to them and they are buttoned with certaine cordons of cotton I requested the Indians to giue me one of these robes which they ware to send your honour the the same seeing they would not shewe mee their women And they brought mee two mantles which aree these Which I send you as it were painted they haue two pâ—nâ—ents like the women of Spaine which hang somewhat ouer their shoulders The death of the Negro is most certaine for here are many of the things found which hee carried with him And the Indians tell me that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilâ—â—cale tolde them that hee was a wicked villaine and not like vnto the Christians because the Christians kill no women and hee killed women and also he touched their women which the Indians â—ouâ— more then themselues therefore they determined to kill him But they did it not after such sort as was reported for they killed none of the rest of those that came with him neither stewe they the young lad which was with him of the prouince of Peratlan but they tooke him and kept him in safe custodie vntill nowe And when I sought to haue him they excused themâ—elues two or three dayes to giue him mee telling mee that hee was dead and sometimes that the Indians of Acucu had carried him away But in conclusion when I toldâ— them that I should bee very angry if they did not giue him mee they gaue him vnto me Hee is an interpreter for though hee cannot wâ—ll speake their language yet hee vnderstandeth the same very well In this place there is â—ound some quantitie of golde and siluer which thoâ—e which are skilâ—ull in minerall matters esteeme to be very good To this houre I could neuer learne of these people from whence they haue it And I see they refuse to tell mee the trueth in all things imagining as I haue sayde that in short time I would depart hence but I hope in God they shall no longer excuse themselues I vesceth your lordship â—o cerâ—ifie his Maiestie of the successe of this voyage For seeing wee haue â—o morâ— then that which is aforesayd and vntill such time as it please God that wâ—e finde that which wee desire I meane not to write my selfe Our Lorde God keepe and preserue your Excellencie From the Prouince of Cibola and from this citie of Granada the third of August 1540. Francis Vasquâ—s de Coronado kisseth the hands of your Excellencie The rest of this voyage to Acuco Tiquex Cicuio and Quiuira and vnto the Westerne Ocean is thus written in the generall historie of the West Indies by Francis Lopez de Gomara Chap. 214. BEcause they would not returne to Mexico without doing something nor with emptie hands they agreed to passe further into the countrey which was tâ—lde them to bee better and better So they came to Acuco a towne vpon an exceeding streng hill And from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Carcenas with this companie of horsemen went vnto the Sea and Francis Vasques went to Tiguex which standeth on the barke of a great riuer There they had newes of Axa and Quiuira There they sayde was a King whose name was Taâ—â—â—rax with a long beard horâ—e headed and rich which was giâ—ded with a Bracamaâ—â— which prâ—yâ—d vpon a payre of beades which worshipped a Crosse of goldeâ— and the image of a woman the Queene of heauen This newes did greatly reioyce and cheere â—p the armie altâ—oâ—g◠〈◊〉 to bee â—alleâ— and the report of the Friers They determined to goe thither with intention to winter in â—o â—ich a countrey as that was reported to bee One night the Indians ranne away and in the morning they found thirtie horses dead which put the armie in feare In their iourney they burnt a certaine towne And in another towne which they assaulted they killed certaine Spaniards and wounded fiftie horses and the inhabitants drewe into their towne Francis de Ouando wounded or dead to eate and sacrifice him as they thought or peraduenture to see more perfectly what maner of men the Spaniards were for there was not found there any signe of sacrificing men Our people layde siege vnto the towne but could not take it in more then fiue and fortie dayes space The townesmen that were besieged dranke snowe in stead of water and seeing themselues forlorne they made a fire wherein they cast their mantles feathers Turqueses and precious things that those strangers might not enioy them They issued out in a squadron with their women and children in the middest to make way by force and to saue themselues but fewe escaped the edge of our swordes and the horses and a certaine riuer which was neere the towne Seuen Spaniards were slaine in this conflict and fourescore were wounded and many horses whereby a man may see of what force resolution is in necessitie Many Indians returned to the towne with the women and children and defended themselues vntill our men set fire on the towne In this countrey there are melons and white and râ—dde cotton whereof they make farre larger maâ—tels then in other parts of the Indies From Tigues they went in foure dayes iourney to Cicuic which is a small towne and foure leagues from thence they met with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce whereof the first day they killed fourescore which sufficed the armie with flesh From Cicuic they went to Quiuira which after their accompt is almost three hundred leagues distant through mighty plames and sandie heathes so smooth and wearisome and bare of wood that they made heapes of oxe-dung for want of stones and trees that they might not lose themselues at their returne for three horses were lost on that plaine and onâ— Spaniard which went from his coÌ„panie on hunting All that way plaines are as full of crookebacked oxen as the mountaine Serena in Spaine is of sheepe but there is no people but such as keepe those cattell They were a great succour for the hunger and want of bread which our people stoode in One day it rayned in that plaine a great showre of haile as bigge as Orenges which caused many teares weakenesse and vowes At length they came to Quiuira and found Tatarrax whomâ— they sought an hoarie headed man naked and with a iewell of copper hanging at his necke which was all his riches The Spaniards seeing the false report of so famous riches returned to Tiguex without seeing either crosse or shewe of Christianitie and from thence to Mexico In the ende of March of the yeere 1542. Francis Vasquez fell from his horse in Tiguex and with the fall fell out of his wits and became madde Which some tooke to bee for griefe and others thought it to be but counterfeited
piece with souldiers and mariners And hauing good ordinance there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend vs. For wee shall both leaue and take at all times when we list But it behooueth your maiestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats For we haue great want of souldiers and mariners with tackling ankers powder shot caliuers and all kinde of furniture for them For these things are not here to bee had for money and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras For the merchants ships are so weake and so vnprouided that they haue almost none to defend themselues Also we shall be constrained to giue the carena againe vnto al the ships for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long trauelling and keeping of them here Thus if it would please your maiestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with al kinde of other furniture might be sent vs then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage God preserue your Catholike royal maiestie FroÌ„ Hauana the of 20 October 1590. Your maiesties seruant whose royall feet I kisse IOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete A Letter sent from the Gouernour of Hauana Iohn de Trexeda to the King of Spaine the twentieth of October 1590 touching the wants of that place BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arriuall here I haue giuen your maiestie at large to vnderstand what hath happened as much as I can and what thing is here to be done in this citie and what your maiestie must prouide And now once againe I will returne to put your maiestie in minde thereof I beseech your maiestie to command to be prouided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros if you will haue this fortification to goe forwardes because your maiestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther so we want men to worke and to garde it and likewise to keep it We dare not meddle with those of the Galies And likewise it may please your maiestie to send new working tooles of yron according to a remembrance which I haue sent to your maiestie of late which doeth signifie our wants more at large Likewise it is needefull that your maiestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place For it behooueth your maiestie not to haue them as yet left till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished and that which is in building vpon the hill which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles Likewise I haue certified your maiestie that with all speed I am making ready of the fiue Frigates that they may cary all the treasure Also Iohn de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to haue them dispatched doeth furnish mee with some money although somewhat scantly vntill such time as your maiestie doth send him some order therefore I beseech you to command it to bee done considering the great charges and expences that we are at here as by the accounts your Maiestie shall more at large perceiue what hath bene spent These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arriued but I doe stay the comming thereof euery day according as the Duke of Medina and Iohn de Ibarra haue written vnto me that those ships which should bring the same were readie to depart from thence All these things it behooueth your Maiestie to send in time for I can assure your Maiestie that you shall not haue vpon the sea such good sâ—ippes as these are For as touching the othee ships of the fleete which are in this harbour it is not conuenient to venture the siluer in them This counsell your Maiestie shall not take of mee for I am a souldier and haue but small skill in nauigation But euery day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots captaines masters and mariners As touching the copper I haue put it in practise twise more and haue made proofe thereof wherein there hath bene more spent then I was willing there should haue bene because I haue gotten no fruit thereof I know not the cause but that it is not done effectually by those that haue the working thereof Therefore I beseech your Maiestie to send me that same sounder which I wrote to your Maiestie heretofore of Our Lord keepe your Maiestie many yeeres From Hauana the 20 of October 1590. Your Maiesties seruant whose royall feete I kisse IOHN DE TREXEDA gouernour of Hauana A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Maiesties priuie Counsel of the West Indies from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Gouernour of S. Iuan de Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590 touching the state of that Citie and Island I Recieued your honours letter the 20 of Februarie whereby I receiued great content to heare that your honour is in good health As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes it doeth grieue me to the very soule I beseech God to send him his libertie and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieueth me very much I pray God to send good iustice The M. of the fielde Iuan de Texela and the M. workeman Iuan Baptista Antonio arriued here in safetie and haue veiwed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I haue informed his maiestie thereof They haue marked a place to build a strong Fort whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente And it standeth in a good situation and in a conuâ—nient place on a high mount which doeth lye vpon the entering in of the Harbour so cutteth ouer to a point of land leauing in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons without ioyning thereunto any part of the coast So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella He left me great store of yron worke tooles eight workemen and 200 Negros which are the kings And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke His maiestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the prouision of the Island to take those rents which his maiesty hath here to certifie his maiestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen that they may haue all things necessary So I haue sent to Nueua Espanna for such things as are here wanting I haue writteÌ„ to the M. of the field which is gone to Hauana informing
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
in the former passage as he tolde me the deeper alwayes he found the Sea Lay you now the summe hereof together The riuers runne where the chanels are most hollow the sea in taking his course waxeth deeper the Sea waters fall continually from the North Southward the Northeasterne current striketh downe into the straight we speake of and is there augmented with whole mountaines of yce and snowe falling downe furiously out from the land vnder the North pole Where store of water is there is it a thing impossible to want Sea where Sea not onely doeth not want but waxeth deeper there can be discouered no land Finally whence I pray you came the contrary tide that Mâ— Frobisher mette withall after that he had sailed no small way in that passage if there bee any Isthmos or straight of land betwixt the aforesayd Northwesterne gulfe and Mar del Zur to ioyne Asia and America together That conclusion frequented in scholes Quicquid preter c. was meant of the partes of the world then knowen and so is it of right to be vnderstood The fift obiection requireth for answere wisedome and policie in the trauailer to winne the Barbarians fauour by some good meanes and so to arme and strengthen himselfe that when he shal haue the repulse in one coast he may safely trauaile to an other commodiously taking his conuenient times and discreetely making choise of them with whom hee will throughly deale To force a violent entry would for vs Englishmen be very hard considering the strength and valour of so great a Nation farre distant from vs and the attempt thereof might be most perillous vnto the doers vnlesse their part were very good Touching their lawes against strangers you shall reade neuerthelesse in the same relations of Galeotto Perera that the Cathaian king is woont to graunt free accesse vnto all forreiners that trade into his Countrey for Marchandise and a place of libertie for them to remaine in as the Moores had vntill such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that coast to bee a circumcised Saracene wherefore some of them were put to the sword the rest were scattered abroad at Fuquien a great citie in China certaine of them are yet this day to be seene As for the Iapans they be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers The Portingals though they were straitly handled there at the first yet in the ende they found great fauour at the Prince his hands insomuch that the Loutea or president that misused them was therefore put to death The rude Indian Canoa halleth those seas the Portingals the Saracenes and Moores trauaile continually vp and downe that reach from Iapan to China from China to Malacca from Malacca to the Moluccaes and shall an Englishman better appointed then any of them all that I say no more of our Nauie feare to saile in that Ocean What seas at all doe want piracie What Nauigation is there voyde of perill To the last argument Our trauailers neede not to seeke their returne by the Northeast neither shall they be constrained except they list either to attempt Magellans straight at the Southwest or to be in danger of the Portingals for the Southeast they may returne by the Northwest that same way they doe goe foorth as experience hath shewed The reason alleadged for proofe of the contrary may be disproued after this maner And first it may be called in controuersie whether any current continually be forced by the motion of Primum mobile round about the world or no For learned men doe diuersly handle that queâ—tion The naturall course of all waters is downeward wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they finde the earth most lowe and deepe in respect whereof it was erst sayd the seas doe strike from the Northren landes Southerly Uiolently the seas are tossed and troubled diuers wayes with the windes encreased and diminished by the course of the Moone hoised vp downe through the sundry operations of the Sunne and the starres finally some be of opinion that the seas be caried in part violently about the world after the dayly motion of the highest moueable heauen in like maner as the elements of ayre and fire with the rest of the heauenly spheres are from the East vnto the West And this they doe call their Easterne current or leuant streame Some such current may not be denied to be of great force in the hot zone for the neerenesse thereof vnto the centre of the Sunne and blustring Easterne windes violently driuing the seas Westward howbeit in the temperate climes the Sunne being further off the windes more diuers blowing as much from the North the West and South as from the East this rule doeth not effectually withholde vs from trauailing Eastward neither be we kept euer backe by the aforesaid Leuant windes and streame But in Magellans streight wee are violently driuen backe Westward Ergo through the Northwesterne straight or Anian frette shall we not be able to returne Eastward It followeth not The first for that the northwesterne straight hath more searoome at the least by one hundreth English myles then Magellans frette hath the onely want whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent So would I say in the Anian gulfe if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius haue painted it out any returne that way to bee full of difficulties in respect of such streightnesse thereof not for the neerenesse of the Sunne or Easterne windes violently forcing that way any leuant streame But in that place there is more sea roome by many degrees if the Cardes of Cabota and Gemma Frisius and that which Tramezine imprinted be true And hitherto reason see I none at all but that I may as well giue credite vnto their doings as to any of the rest It must be Peregrinationis historia that is true reportes of skilfull trauailers as Ptolome writeth that in such controuersies of Geographie must put vs out of doubt Ortelius in his vniuersall tables in his particular Mappes of the West Indies of all Asia of the Northren kingdomes of the East Indies Mercator in some of his globes and generall Mappes of the world Moletius in his vniuersall table of the Globe diuided in his sea Carde and particuler tables of the East Indies Zalterius and Don Diego with Ferdinando Bertely and others doe so much differ from Gemma Frisius and Cabota among themselues and in diuers places from themselues concerning the diuers situation and sundry limits of America that one may not so rashly as truely surmise these men either to be ignorant in those points touching the aforesaid region or that the Mappes they haue giuen out vnto the world were collected onely by them and neuer of their owne drawing The first Voyage of M. Martine Frobisher to the Northwest for the search of the straight or passage to China written by Christopher Hall Master in the Gabriel