of England without any election by or Commission from the people with the true grounds thereof 2ly That the judicial power Judicature and Jugdements in Parliament belong wholly and soly to the King and House of Lords not to the Commons House and that in all criminal civil or ecclesiastical causes whatsoever proper for Parliaments to decide both in the Cases of Commoners and Clergy men as well as Peers who are onely triable both in and out of Parliaments by their Peers here plentifully evinced In debating these two points I have briefly proved the Antiquity of our Lords and Nobles sitting â—oting in all Parliamentary Great Councils both under our British Saxon Danish Norman and English Kings before any Knights Citizens or Burgesses were admitted into our Councils or Parliaments which having more particularly demonstrated by undeniable presidents in my Historical Collection of all the antient Great Councils and Parliaments of England in my Antiquity triumphing over Novelty p. 9 10.55 to 85. and in my 1 2 3. parts of an Historical Seasonable Vindication and Collection of the fundamental Rights Privileges Laws c. of all English Freemen printed 1655. 1656. 1657. wherein all the Great Councils and Parliamentary assemblies from Brute to William the Conquerer are Chronologically collected and epitomized I shall referr the Reader thereunto for full satisfaction of the Antiquity of our Parliamentary Councils and the Lords constant sitting voting judging in them 2ly Because many of our late Historians Antiquaries Lawyers and others derive our Parliament as now constituted and the calling of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to them from the Parliamentary Council held at Salisbury in the 16. year of King Henry the 1. or at least from King Henry the 2. his reign which the forged Imposture stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum and Sir Edward Cook seduced by it would advance as high as Edward the Confessor as if there had been Knights Citizens and Burgesses usually summoned to all Parliaments in his reign and ever since I have herein given you an account out of our antientest and best Historians of all the Parliaments and Proceedings in them both under King Henry the 1. 2. and most others under their immediate Successors infallibly proving there were no Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the Parliaments held under either of them and that their first summons to Parliaments for ought appears was but in 49 H. 3. not before since which they have been usually summoned but yet in a various manner 3ly I have evidenced by many memorable Histories Presidents Records in all ages the most whereof were never mentioned by any who have formerly written of Parliaments that the Judicature in our Parliaments resides solely in the King and House Lords not only in all Criminal cases of Lords Peers Commons and in all Civil and ecclesiastical businesses Appeals and Writs of Error there descided but likewise in all cases of Elections breach or allowance of privilege of Parliament and misdemeanours relating to the House of Commons themselves their Speakers Members and menial Servants To which I shall only add That the late King in his printed Answer to the 19. Propositions of both Houses June 1642. thus declares That the LORDS being trusted with a Iudicatory power are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and People to assist each against any incroachments of the other and by just judgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule betwéen every one of the thrée 4ly I have herein for the benefit of all Students Professors of the Law and others who take all Sir Edward Cooks Opinions Records for undoubted Oracles without examination and swallow down all his mistakes discovered many of his gross Errors oversights misrecitals and pervertings of Records in matters relating to our Parliaments evidenced his much magnified Modus tenendi Parliamentum to be a meer late Imposture full of mistakes concerning the Antiquity and Judicature of the Commons House and refuted Sir Edward Cooks mistaken Law as in other points so in this That the Kings general writ of summons to any Knight or Esquire to the House of Lords by the name of Knight or Esquire without any special clause of creating him a Baron or Lord in the Writ doth neither ennoble himself nor his heirs nor make them Lords and Barons though they sit in the Lords House as he asserts it doth unless they held by Barony of the King before and were Barons by their Tenure the general writs of summons stiling them only Knights and Esquires as before not Lords or Barons and having no clause in them that will amount to the creation of a Lord much less of a Baron which Title or word Baron is not mentioned in the Writ nor doth it affix their Lordship or Barony to any particular place as all Writs and Patents that create men Lords or Barons use to do For the further clearing of this point you may observe that the writs of summons in the Clause Rolls do sometimes stile the persons summoned Barons thus all or most of the writs of summons from 25. E. 3. to 1 E. 4. are directed Willielmo Baroni de Graystocke Chivaler Radulpho Johanni Radulpho Baroni de Graystocke Sometimes the writs stile them Lords as Johanni Talbot Domino de Furnival in 4 H. 5 c. In Ann 25 27 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. and 2 E. 4. the writs are Henrico Peircy DOMINO de Poymiger DOMINO de Poynings DOMINO de FERRARIIS de Groby Thomae DOMINO de Roos Richardo Woodvil Militi DOMINO de Rivers Roberto Hungerford Mil DOMINO de Mollings Willielmo Beuchamp DOMINO de Sto Amando Jacobo de Fynes DOMINO de Say et Seal Edwardo Gray Mil. DOMINO de Groby H. DOMINO de Poynings Johanni Sturton Mil. DOMINO de Sturton Johanni DOMINO de Clinton Edoardo Nevil DOMINO de Burgaveny Willielmo Bourchier Mil. DOMINO de Fitzwarren Henrico Bromflet DOMINO de VESSEY Thomae Grey DOMINO de Richmond Tho. Percie Mil. DOMINO de Egremont Ricardo Wells DOMINO de Willoughby Mil Richardo Fynes DOMINO de Dacre Though in most antient and later writs the word Dominus is omitted and the name of the Barony only used Somtimes there is a special clause of Creation in the writ it self as in Clause 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso Henrico Bromfleet Mil creaâ—ing him the heirs males of his body lawfully begotten Barons of Vessey These writs which thus stile thâ— Barons Lords create them such by special clauses as patents doe will make those Knights and Esquires Lords or Barons who were none before but a General writ which terms them only Knights or Esquires and gives them neither the Title of Lords or Barons nor creates them such cannot make themselves or their posterity Lords or Barons unless they held by Barony and then they are Barons only by Tenure not Writ This is clear as I conceive by the
unless a Peer by birth or creation those who are called to it only by general or special Writs not being formerly for life or inheritance Peers Nobles or holding by Barony of the King being only Assistants to the Lords as the Judges and others usually are not Members having votes It is the opinion of Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Littleton That if the King call any Layman to the Vpper house of Parliament generally by his Writ which he there recites that this alone doth create him a Baron and Lord of Parliament in fee simple without the word heirs and ennoble both himself and his heirs after him so as to make them hereditary Barons And this is the received opinion of most Grandees of the Law relying only upon his bare Ipse dixit though sometimes mistaken in his Judgement and frequently in his Records and Presidents whereon hee grounds his Opinion although he cites no president nor record at all to make good his Assertion in this case But under the favour of this Great Oracle of Law I conceive this Opinion of his to be no Law at all but a meer mistake for these ensuing reasons 1. Because there is not one word or syllable in this general Writ of Summons that gives him either the Name Title Honor or Dignity of a Lord or Baron of the Realm Therefore it cannot in Law or reason create him such a one If he were a Knight an Esquire a Master or Gentleman or Judge when the Writ was directed to him it gives him only that Title and summons him only by it without stiling him a Lord Baron Earl Viscount or Peer of the Realm at all Therefore it cannot ennoble nor create him one much less ennoble his posterity and give him an hereditary Barony without the word heirs since the Writ is only personal directed to himself alone 2. Because the Kings end and intention in summoning him to Parliament by this Writ is not to ennoble and create him a Lord Peer or Baron much less to ennoble his Posterity after him but only to consult and treat with him and the Prelates Lords and Nobles of the Realm concerning the affairs there propounded As this clause of the Writ demonstrates which only must ennoble him and his heirs if any to come to the Parliament at such a day and place that so the King may VOBISCUM with him not his heirs cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquâ—um habere tractatum Which word VOBISCVM being distinguished from cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus Regni can not possibly create him a Lord or Baron no more than a Prelate of the Realm the rather because the word Baro is not in the Writ Neither can the following clause create him one Viz. dictis die loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus Baronibus supradictis super dictis Negotiis tractaturis vestrumque Consilium impensuris because it neither gives him the name nor stile of a Lord or Nobleman much less of a Baron no more than of a Prelate and summons him not to be a Lord Earl Prelate or Baron of the Realm but to be personally present with them which he may be though a private person and no Lord and to treat and give his advice with them concerning the businesses there propounded the only end for which he is summoned not to be their fellow Peer Lord or Baron So that it is against all sence and reason to aver that such a general Writ as this can create himself much less his Posterity Lords or Barons of the Realm in perpetuity It is a rule in Law and oft resolved That the Kings grant shall not inure to two intents nor pass or give two things at once especially when one of them only is expressed the other not Therefore this writ of the King shall not-doe it to create the party summoned a Baron meerly by implication which is not expressed and to summon him to conferr treat and give his advice in Parliament which is the only thing intended and clearly expressed 3ly The Writ summons him only to that particular Parliament then to be held at one certain day and place not to any other much less to all future Parliaments to be held Therefore it cannot create him and his heirs hereditary Barons and Members of the Lords House no more than the Writ for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses for that particular Parliament makes them and their posterity Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament for perpetuity It being both contrary to the words and intention of the Writ to make him much less his heirs Members of all succeeding Parliaments to which they must still be summoned by New Writs 4ly No Lord or Baron is or can be legally created but of some particular place Town City or the like whereof he is stiled Earl Lord or Baron But the general writ of summons gives him no such particular stile or title of dignity confined to such a certain place Therefore it cannot create him either a Lord or Baron or if it doth it must be sine titulo which were absurd 5ly No Duke Earl when created Viscount Lord or Baron is or can be created a Peer of the Realm by the Kings Letters Patents for life in tayl or see simple without expresse words in the Patent creating him such a one for life or him and the heirs males of his body or his heirs in general Dukes Marquesses Viscounts Earls Lords or Barons of such a particular place as all their Patents whereof you have sundry Presidents in Mr. Seldens Titles of honour lib. 2. ch 5. throughout and our books of Heraldry plentifully manifest And in all late Patents of creation since 20 H. 8. of any Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts or Barons there is a special clause inserted enabling them and their heirs males and every of them to have hold and possess a seat and place in the Parliam of us our heirs and Successors within the Realm of England among other Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Lords and Barons of the Realm as a Duke Marquesse Earl Viscount Lord or Baron as Mr. Selden and their Patents inform us and I have formerly touched p. 49. If then the king by his Letters Patents cannot create men Nobles and Peers of Parliament for life in tail or see simple without these special and particular clauses then by the self same reason he cannot create them such by his writ unlesse it hath such special words and clauses in it and not by the general writ of summons forementioned wherein there is not one clause or syllable tending to such a particular personal or hereditary creation The rather because Sir Edward Cook himself confesseth that the Creation by Letters Patents is the surer though by writ be the antienter way for he and his posterity may sufficiently be created and made Noble by Letters Patents though he to whom they
right duty to be personally present in Parl. and ever have been so as well as the Commons and neither of them to be excluded since they all make up but one Parliament that no Lords Commons ought to depart from it without special leave under pain of amercement and other penalties That no binding Law can be passed without their joynt consents And that the Commons alone are no more a Parliament of themselves without the King and Lords than the Common Councel of London are an intire City or Corporation without the L. Mayor and Aldermen or the Covent without the Abbot the Chapter without the Dean or the legs or belly a perfect man without the head neck and heart Sixthly The antient and constant form of endorsing Bills in Parliament began in the Commons house in all Parliaments since the House of Commons unanswerably demonstrates the Commons of Englands acknowledgement of the Lords right to sit vote assent or dis-assent to Bills in Parliament viz. Soit Bayle a Seigneurs let it be delivered or sent up to the Lords Yea the Commons constant sending up of their own Members with Messages to the Lords their receiving Messages from them and entertaining frequent conferences with them in matters wherein their opinions differ in which conferences the Lords usually adhere to their dissents unlesse the Commons give them satisfaction and convince them and the Lords oft times convince the Commons so far as to consent to their alterations of Bills Ordinances Votes and to lay them quite aside is an unquestionable argument of their Right to sit and vote in Parliament and of their Negative voice too All which would prove but a meer absurdity superfluity if the Commons in all ages and now too were not convinced that the Lords had as good right to sit and vote in Parliament and a Negative dissenting voice as well as they never once questioned nor doubted till within this year or two by some seditious disciples of Lilburns and Overtons tutoring who endeavoured to evade their justice on them Seventhly This just right of the Lords is expresly and notably confirmed by all the Commons of England in the Parliament of 31 H. 8. c. 10. concerning the placing and sitting of the Lords and great Officers of State in the Parliament House made by the Commons consent it being in vain to make such a Law continuing still till this very day both in force and use if they had no lawfull right to sit and vote in Parliament because they are not elective as Knights and Burgesses are And likewise by the Statute of 39 H. 6. c. 1. made at the Commons own Petition to repeal the Parliament held at Coventry the year before and all procedings of it by practice of some seditious persons of purpose to destroy some of the great Nobles faithfull and lawfull Lords and Estates meerly out of malice and greedy and unsatiable covetousness to possesse themselves of their Lands possessions offices and goods whereby many great injuries Enormities and Inconveniences well nigh to the ruine decay and universal subversion of the kingdom ensued The very design of our Lilburnists Sectaries and Levellers now out of particular malice and covetousness to share the Lords and all rich Commoners lands and estates between them being poor indigent covetous people for the most part scarce forty of them worth one groat at least before these times and wars 8ly This apparent Right of theirs is undeniably ratified acknowledged by the very words of the Kings writs in all ages by which the Lords themselves are summoned to the Parliament running in this form Carolus c. Charissimo consaguineo suo Edwardo Com. Oxon. salutem Quia de advisamento consensu consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos statum et defensionem Regni nostri Angliae Ecclesiae Angli canae concernentibus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Civitatem nostram Westmonasterium 12 die Novemb. prox futuro tenere ordinavimus et ibidem vobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri colloquium havere ettractare Vobis sub fide ligeantiis quibus nobis teneamur firmiter injungendo Mandamus quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate periculis minentibus cessante excusatione quacunque dictis die et loco personaliter inter sitis Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaturus vestrumque consilium impensurus sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem et defensionem Regni et Ecclesiae praedictorum expeditionem que dictorum negotiorum diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste c. Which writs firmly require and command their personal presence counsel and advise in all Parliaments without any excuse and that by the faith and allegiance which they owe to the King and as they doe tender the King and his honour the salvation and defence of the Realm and Church of England and the dispatch of the arduous and urgent businesses which concern them Which is likewise seconded expressed in the very words of all the writs for election of Knights and Burgesses the form and substance whereof are antient and can recive no alteration nor addition but by Act of Parliament as Sir Edward Cook resolves By this Writ the Prelates Great men Nobles of the Realm are summoned to the Parliament there to treat and confer with the King of the arduous and urgent affairs and defence of the King Realm and Church of England as the first Clause of the writ Carolus c. quia c. pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos Statum defensionem Regni nostri Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae concernent quoddam Parliamentum nostrum c. teneri ordinavimus ibidem cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti Regni nostri colloquium haberet tractare Tibi praecipimus And the Commons are summoned to perform and consent to those things which shall there happen to be ordained by this Common Council of the Kindom c. And if they are thus summoned not to treat amongst themselves as an independent intire Parliament but to confirm and consent to what the King Prelates Great men and Peers the Common Council of the Realm shall ordain about such affairs as they must of necessity admit the King Lords and Peers to be altogether as essential yea more principal eminent Members of Parliament though not elective as the Knights and Burgesses who are but summoned to consent to and perform what shall happen there by their common advise to be ordained or at least to consult and advise with them as their inferiours not to over-rule them as their superiours and the only Supream power authority in the Kingdom So if they will totally exclude either King or Lords from the Parliament who are distinct principal and essential Members of it as well as the Commons and have always been so reputed until now
elect such other persons to represent assent and vote for them in Parliament in whom they most confided Sixthly our Peers in Parliament though they there serve for the good of the whole Kingdom which hath always trusted to them in matters of Counsel Judicature and making Laws yet they represent no persons but themselves only or their families Tenants Friends and Allies which depend upon them and bear their own expences which are so great and chargeable that the Abbot of St. James without Northampton in the Parliament of 12 E. 2. and the Abbot of Leicester in the the 26 of E. 3. being summoned to Parliament petitioned and procured themselves and their successors to be exemped from any future summons to and attendance in the Lords House as Barons of the Realm both because they held no lands of the King by Barony but only in frank almoign and their Predecessors had not formerly or usually been summoned to Parliaments sed vicibus interpolatis only And likewise because it would tend to the great grievance and loss of them and their houses and much impoverish them by reason of the great expence it would bring upon them One Peer and his retinue expending more every Parliament than the wages of 40 or 50 Knights and Burgesses amount to Wherefore there is no shadow of reason why the people should elect them since they doe not represent them nor pay them wages as they doe to their Knights Citizens Burgesses who serve for and represent them Wherefore their Levelling Oppugners may as well argue That our Nobles ought to be elected by the people to their Honors Lands Estates which descend unto them from their Ancestors not from the common people as that they ought to sir in Parliament by the peoples election only to represent themselves in their own right not the people And that the Knights of the Shire ought to be elected to their dignity of Knighthood which the King only confers on them or to their Lands and Freeholds which they enjoy in their own right because they are elected by the Free-holders to sit in Parliament in their right who elected them nor their own alone which Barons doe not 7ly On these grounds the suppressing debasing captivity or slaughter of the Princes Lords and Nobles of a kingdom or Nation is by God himself defined to be an immediate forerunner concomitant cause of the Kingdoms Nations ruine and slavery and a matter of great lamentation Ezech. 19.1.14 c. 17.12 Lam. 1.6 c. 2.2 c. 5.12 Prov. 19.10 c. 30.21.22 Eccl. 10.5 7. Isay 3.4 c. c. 34.11 12 13. c. 40.23 c. 43.28 Jer. 4.9 c. 27.20 c. 29. c. 25.18 19. c. 50.35.41 51 55. c. 52.16 Hos 7.16 Amos 2.15 c. 2.2 3. 2 Kings 24.14 Mich. 3.7 2 Chron. 24.23 Jer. 24.8 9. And the continuing of Kings Princes and Nobles in honour and power in any kingdom and nation are reputed and resolved by God to be the greatest honour happiness defence safety and preservation of that kingdom and people Jer. 17.24 25. c. 22.4 Eccles 10.17 Jer. 30.21 Psal 68.27 28. Prov 8.15 16. Isay 32.1 1. Chron. 23.2 c. c. 28.1 c. c. 29.24 25. Gen. 17.6.16 c. 35.11 2 Sam. 11 12. 1 Chron. 14.2 c. 28.4 5. c. 2 Chron. 2.11 c. 9.8 1 Kings 11.32 36. 2 Chron. 21.6 7. 2 King 8.18 19. 1 Kings 15 45. 2 Chron. 23.3.11.20 21. c. 9.26.27 Numb 24.7 Ezech. 37 22 29. Mich. 2.13 c. 4.8 Therfore they cannot be rejected suppressed by us now without apparent danger ruine and desolation to our kingdom whatever frantick Levellers and others fancy to the contrary who would be more than Kings and Lords themselves over the Nation could they once suppress both King and Lords as they design and endeavour By all which premises it is most apparent That our Lords and Barons sitting voting in Parliament who if you take them poll by poll have in all ages been more able Parliament-men States-men in all respects than the Commons though chosen by the people who alwayes make not choice of the best and wisest men as experience manifests is not only just lawfull in respect of Right and Title but originally instituted upon such grounds of Reason Justice Equity Policy as no rational understanding man can dislike or contradict but must subscribe to as necessary and convenient and so still to be continued supported in this their Right and Honour to moderate the Excesses Encroachments both of King and Commons one upon the other and keep both of them within their just and antient bounds for the kingdoms peace and safety The rather for that the very Act made this Parliament for the preventing of inconveniences happening through the long intermission of Parliaments not only enacts and requires ALL the Lords and Barons of this Realm to meet and sit in every Parliament under a penalty but likewise prescribes an Oath to the Lord Keeper and Commissioners of the Great Seal under severe penalties to send forth Writs of Summons to Parl. TO THEM ALL and in their default enables and enjoyns the Peers of the Realm or any twelve or more of them to issue forth Writs of Summons to Parliament under the Great Seal of England for the electing of Knights Citizens and Burgesses which Act will be meerly void and nugatory if their Votes and Right to sit in Parliament be denyed or the House of Peers reduced to the House of Commons which this very Statute doth distinguish Now whereas our whimsical Lilburnists and Levellers object that the Lords have no right to sit or vote in our Parliaments because they are not elected as Knights and Burgesses by the people under which Notion alone when thus elected they will admit them a place and vote in the Commons house but not otherwise I must inform these Ignoramusses that by the Laws Statutes of our Realm and the custom resolution of our Parliaments the Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm are altogether uncapable of being elected Knights or Burgesses to serve in Parliament and their elections as such meerly void and null in Law to all intents This is most apparent 1. By the very words of the writs of Summons to the Lords whereby they are summoned Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri colloquium habere tractare c. vestrumque consilium impensuri c. not to treat conferr and consult with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses 2. By the express words of the Writs for the electing of Knights Citizens and Burgesses which have the same clause and then enjoyn the Sherifs to cause to be elected and returned duos Milites magis idoâ—eos discretos Comitatus praedicti de qualibet Civitate duos Cives de quolibet Burgo duos Burgenses de discretioribus magis sufficientibus c. ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis quae tunc c. Which disables them to elect any Lords or
and otherwise punished for their contempt because bound therto by their voluntary acceptance of such a special Patent and dignity But if they be summoned only by a general Writ against their wills being no Lords of Parl. by special Patent or Writ before this doth neither make the one nor other Barons nor ennâ—ble their heirs males or successors nor oblige them to serne nor subject them to any fine for contempt for then the King by his Writ might summon all the Knights Esquires Gentlemen and any other Commoner Freeman Lawyer Clergy man of the Realm to the Lords House as a Member at his pleasure and fine them for a contempt in not appearing and thereby increase that House in infinitum and make it a mungril House of all sorts of degrees and professions of men instead of aâ— House of Lords to its utter subversion against the fundamental constitution and privilege of that House Therefore such Writs of summons must be void and null in Law as well as the Patent to Abbot Banham as Sir Ed. Cook asserts it for that he was neither Baro nor held per Baroniam Now whereas he asserts That Knights and Esquires who hold not by Barony cannot refuse when summoned by Writ to serve the King in Parliament but yet Abbots and other regular Prelates that hold not by Barony may because they are dead in Law as to secular affairs and therefore not capable to have voice in Parliament unless they hold by Barony and were called by Writ This reason of the difference is most absurd and unreasonable For 1. They are both Subjects to the king alike and so both equally obliged to serve and counsel him in Parliament 2ly If their tenures by Barony could make them capable to have place and voice in Parliament though dead in Law quoad secularia then much more the kings and the kingdoms need of their presence counsel and advice in Parliament touching the weighty affairs concerning himself and the defence and preservation of the Realm and Church of England when specially summoned by his writ to Parliament 3ly Though they were dead in some sence only in respect of their natural capacities to the world yet in their politick capacities they were not so but secular still to sue purchase advise c. as well as Laymen in the right of their Houses 4ly Parliaments being always summoned as well to advise of Ecclesiastical things touching the Church as of temporal things concerning the Realm of England their being dead to the world quoad secularia could no more enable them to refuse to serve in Parliament then Laymen quoad Ecclesiastica negotia therein treated of which concerned the Church and Laymen according to the doctrine in Popish times might as well refuse to serve in Parliament when summoned because they were no Ecclesiastical or religious persons who were properly to consult of the affairs of the Church of England as religious persons be exempted from and refuse to serve therein because dead to the world quoad secularia negotia concerning the King and Realm of England there debated and consulted of 4ly The true and only ground then why such Abbots Priors and all other Clergy men who held not by Barony might refuse to serve in the Lords House of Parliament when summoned by Writ was this that they held not of the King by Barony and upon this ground alone the Abbot of St. James without Northampton summoned to Parliament by Writ Anno 12 Ed. 2. upon his Proctors appearance and Petitions for him in Parliament recorded at large by Mr. Selden out of the Leger-book of the Abby worthy perusal being most full in point was discharged from his attendance his name struck out of the Roll and Register of the Chancery by the Chancellor and his Council as not one of the list of those who ought to be summoned for this very reason because NON TE NET PER BARONIAM nec de Rege in capite sed tantum in puram perpetuam Eleemosynam nec ipse Abbas nec Predecessores sui unquam in Cancellaria irrotulari fuerunt except only in 49 H. 3. m. 10. Schedula voluntarie nec ad Parliamentum citati hucusque VNDE PETIT habuit remedium And upon the self same reason the Abbot of Leicester and his successors were by special Patent in 26 E. 3. de veniendo ad Parliam Consilia nostra et haeredâ—m nostrorum de caetero quieti sint et exempti in perpetuum hough this Abbots predecessors had formerly been summoned to and sate in Parliaments interpolatis vicibus but noâ— continuè because idem Abbas aliquas terras senteâ—ementa de Nobis per Baroniam seis aâ—o modo non tenet per quod ad Parliamenta seu Consilia nostra venire teneatur The King reciting this as the only ground of his exemption and thereupon Nolentes Abbatâ—m indebite sic vexari granted him and his successors this Patent of Exemption upon which his name was cancelled in the Clause Roll of 25 E. 3. part 1. m. 5. dorso and this written in the margin against it Abbas Leicestriae cancellatur quia habet cartam Regis quod non compellatur venire ad Parliamentum And that of Dors Claus 11 E. 3. par 2. m. 11. 13 E. 3. par 2. m. 28. 1. cited by Mr. Selden Sir Edw. Coke in his Margin mentioned in a Bill in Parliament Que toutes les religioses que teignont per Barony sayent tenus de venier au Parlament is also direct iâ— point That those who hold not by Barony are not bound to serve in Parl. be they Religious persons or Lay persons who are not Peers or Lords of Parliament upon general writs of summons such Summons of them being AN UNDUE VEXATION OF THEM as King Edward stiles it in his Patent unless they voluntarily appear upon such a Summons as this Patent informs us those who were summoned in 49 H. 3. all did This reason therefore exempting all Abbots Peers and religious persons from service and attendance in the Lords House in Parliaments though summoned thereto by writ must necessarily exempt all Knights and Laymen from it there being the self same ground justice equity for it in both yea the selfsame unjustice vexation mischief to both and by consequence the selfsame Law And if this be Law as these Presidents Judgements Records expresly resolve it to be beyond contradiction Then it inevitably follows that the General writ of Summons to Parliament alone doth neither create the persons summoned to it nor their heirs or successors Barons Lords or Peers of the Realm unless they hold by Barony no although they sit once or twice in Parliaments by vertue of them or interpolatis vicibus but not continue as the Abbots of Leicester did for then they could not allege or plead their not holding Lands of the King in Barony or any other tenure binding them to sit and serve in Parliament
And if so then questionless such who hold not by an intire Barony and are not Majores Barones by Patent or Inheritance now cannot be created such by a meer general writ of summons neither can the King by his general writ create or make them such against this antient Law and usage ever since And the Earls Lords and Great honorary Barons who excluded all such from sitting in Parliament with them as Barons and their Peers then may much more exclude and refuse to admit such into their house or to sit with them if summoned now because their dignity honor power would suffer much diminution thereby and the King might by writ at any time call so many to their House as might overtop overâ—ote and alter their very Constitution as an House of Peers I shall close up this point of the Lords sole right to sit in Parliament with one or two memorable presidents In the 7. year of King Edward 2. as Walsingham stories in quindena Paschae per Regis brevia citatae sunt generaliter omnes Parliamentales personae pro Parliamento teuendo Londoniis Sed multis Proceribus praetendentes impedimenti causas nihil hâ—c vice factum suâ—t So Anno 1316. King Edward in the 9th year of his reign celebravit Concilium apud Clarindon sed Magnates noluerunt interesse Whereupon nothing was there effected The Lords presence being held then so necessary that by reason of the absence of divers of them upon some real or pretended impediments though all legally summoned by the Kings writs nothing was done or concluded by those who met who held themselves no compleat or legal Parliament without them Whereas in the Parliament of 5 E. 2. some of the Judges and Assistants departing from the Lords and divers Knights Citizens and Burgesses from the Commons house without license yet the Lords continuing all together and making Ordinances for regulating the Kings house and Revenues the Parliament still continued and these special writs were sent to recall the Judges and Lords Assistants quod redeant exinde et sine licentia nostra speciali durante Parliamento praedicto non recedatis Et hoc sicut indignationem nostram vitare volueritis nullo modo omittaris Teste Rege apud Haddely 12 Septemb. PER CONSILIUM And this general writ was sent to the Sheriff of Yorkeshire and all other Sheriffs of England to summon all the Knights Citizens and Burgesses in their several Counties to return thither or else to elect other fit persons in their places Praecipimus tibi firmiter injungentes quod illos Milites Cives Burgenses de Balliva tua quos nuper ad praesens Parliamentum nostrum apud London inchoatum de mandato nostro venire fecisti et qui ab eodem Parliamento certis de causis recesserunt quod redeant exinde c. vel alios ad hoc idoneos loco ipsorum SI AD HOC VACARE NON POSSUNT usque ad Westmonasterium ad dictum Parliamentum quod ibidem duximus continuandum c. proxime futur ad ultimum cum sufficienti potestate Comitatus tui Civitatum Burgorum praedictororum ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem contigerint ordinari c. Teste Rege apud London xi die Octobris This Parliament being thus continued Claus 5 E. 2. m. 25. Special license was granted to some LORDS to goe home who made Proxies to other Lords to supply their places by these words Deputamus in loco nostro in Parliamento and this in the Writ of Prorogation This I hope will suffice to convince all Levellers and Gainsayers of the LORDS undoubted antient Hereditary just Right and Title to sit vote in all ENGLISH PARLIAMENTS though not elected by the people SECTION II. Wherein the Lords House sole Right of Judicature in Parliament without the Commons is fully cleared by Presidents Histories Records in all ages and undeniable Reasons and that both in Criminal Civil Ecclesiastical Causes of all sorts as well in cases of Commoners and Clergymen as Temporal Peers persons of the highest degree proper for Parliament IT is the General confession resolution assertion both of Lawyers Law-books the Parliament and Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and all who have written of our Parliaments That the Parliament of England is the antientest honourablest highest Court and Supremest Judicature in the Realm to whose Judicature all other Courts Persons Subjects of the Realm are subject accountable for all Injuries Oppressions Crimes Wrongs Corruptions Errors Abuses Grievances Misdemeanors Treasons Contempts Frauds false Judgments and matters of publike or privat concernment not properly triable remediable or punishable in other inferior Courts of Justice and that Court to whom all Appeals concerning Misproceedings Errors or Injustice in other Courts or places ought to be made and from whose Injustice and Sentence there is no appeal but only to another Parliament as in the case of General Councils as Divines assert there is no appeal but to another general Council in Ecclesiastical affairs concerning the Universal Church or matters of Faith This being an unquestionable Principle and Truth the sole Question will be in what House or Persons in Parliament this Supreme Judicatory or judicial power resides Whether in the King alonâ— or Lords alone or King and Lords jointly or in the House of Commons alone never made a question â—il now by Lilburn and Overton or in the King and House of Peers not separate from but joyntly with the Commons House And for my part I conceive it resides wholly and solely in the King and House of Lords not in the House of Commons which hath no part nor share therein singly considered in it self nor yet joyntly with the King and Lords but only in some special cases and proceedings as when and where the King and Lords voluntarily require their concurrence or where the judgement and proceedings in Parliament are by way of Bill or Act of Parliament or when a judgement passed or confirmed by Bill or Act to which the Commons consent was requisite is to be altered or reversed but in no cases else that I can find To make this ouâ— beyond contradiction it must be necessarily granted by all and cannot be gainsaid or disproved by any that this Supreme power of Judicature hath been vested in our Great Councils and Parliaments even from their beginning and original institution it being the antientest as well as highest and honourablest of all other Courts That it had this Soveraign Jurisdiction vested in and exercised by it both under our British Saxon Danish and Norman Kings I have elsewhere evidenced and shall anon make good by undeniable presidents Now the Great Parliamentary Councils under them consisted only of the King the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Lords Earls Barons Nobles without any Commons House or Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people as I have already touched and manifested more fully in other Treatises yea
Sautre being condemned of Heresie in the Convocation by Archbishop Arundel and the Clergy thereupon by order and advice of the Temporal Lords without the Prelates who must not have their hands in blood though they gave the Sentence that he should be burned or the Commons there issued out a Writ to the Sherifs of London for the burning of Sautre as an Heretick accordingly burnt thereon being the first writ of this Nature issued by the Lords alone in the Kings name before the Statute of Heresie was made and passed in this Parliament In the same Parliament of 2 H. 4. n. 30. The Temporal Lords by assent of the King adjudged and declared Sir Ralph Lumly Knight and others Traytors for levying war in sundry parts to destroy the K. his people and that they should forfeit all their lands in fee goods and chattels though they were slain in the field not arraigned nor indicted by reason thereof In the Parliament of 4 H. 4. n. 19 20 21. Sir Philip Courtney being complained against and convicted of a forcible entry into Lands and for a forcible imprisonment of the Abbot of Mâ—nthaem in Devonshire and two of his Monks was upon hearing and examination adjudged by the King and Lords to be bound to his good behaviour and for his contempt committed to the Tower of London prisoner Anno 1403. Henry Percy the younger confederating with Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester to raise forces â—nd rebel against the King sent Letters to the people of every County propositum quod assumpserant non esse contra suam ligeantiam et fidelit tem quam regi fecerant nec ab aliunde exercitum congregasse nisi pro salvatione personarum suarum reipublicae meliori guvernatione Quia census et Tallagia Regi concessa pro salva regni custodia covertebantur ut dixerunt in usus indebitos et inutiliter consumebantur praeterea querebantur quod propter aemulorum dilationes pessimas rex eis insensus fuerat ut non auderent personaliter venire ad ejus praesentiaem donec Praelati regnique Barones regi supplicassent pro eisdem ut coram Rege permitterentur declarare suam innocentiam per Pares suos legaliter justificari Plures igitur visis his literis collaudabant tantum virorum solertiam extollebant fidem quam erga Rempublicam praetendebant Having raised great forces against the King by this means which the kings forces encountred at Shrewsbury in a pitched battel Henry Percy and sundry of his adherents were there slain in the field and the rest routed For which levying of war in the Parliament of of 5 H. 4. n. 15. the said Henry Percy and his Coâ—federaâ—es were declared and adjudged Traytors by the King and Lords in full Parliament and their Lands goods and chaâ—tels confiscated In the same Parliament n. 18. At the Petition of the Commons The Lords â—enâ—ed and ordered that the Kings Confessor the Abbot of Dore Mr Richard Durham and Crosby of the Chamber should be removed out of the Kings house and Court whereupon 3. of them appearing before the King and Lords in Parliament the King though he excused them yet charged them to depart from his house for that they were hated of the people In the Parliament of 13 H. 4. n. 12 13. The Lord Roos complained against Robert Thirwit one of the Justices of the Kings Bench for withholding from him and his Tenants Common of Pasture and Turbâ—ry in Warbie in Lincolnshire and lying in wait with 500 men for the Lord Roos Thirwit before the King and Lords confessed his fault and submitted himself to their Order who appointed 3. Lords to end the difference who made an award between them that Thirwit shouâ—d confess his fault to the Lord Roos crave his pardon and tender him amends In the Parliament of 5 H. 5. n. 11. Sir John Oldcastle knight being outlawed of Treason in the Kings bench and excommunicated before the Archbishop of Canterbury for Heresie was brought before THE LORDS and having heard his conviction made no answer nor excuse thereto Upon which Record and Process THE LORDS ADJUDGED that he should be taken as a Traytor to the King and Realm carried to the Tower of London from thence drawn through the City to the new Gallows in St. Gyles without Temple-barr and there hanged and burned hanging which was accordingly executed Sir Iohn Mortymer knight being committed to the Tower upon supposition of Treason done against King Henry the 5. in the 1. year of H. 6. brake out of the Tower for which breach he was indicted of Treason being afterwards apprehended he was brought into the Parliament of 2 H. 6. n. 18. and upon the same Indictment then confirmed by assent of Parliament JUDGEMENT was given against him BY THE LORDS that he should be carried to the Tower drawn through London to Tiburn there to be hanged drawn and quartered his head to be set on London-bridge and his four quarters on the four Gates of London In the Parliament of 38 H. 6. n. 20 2â— 22. Sir William Oldham knight and Thomas Vaughan Esquire were attainted of Treason by the LORDS and in the Parliaments of 1 E. 4. n. 19. to 31. 4 E. 4. n. 28. to 38. â—4 E. 4. n. 34. to 40. sundry Knights Esquires Citizens and Commoners are attainted of Treason by the Lords for levying warr and holding forts against the King then after by Bill whose names are overtedious to reherse which you may peruse at leisure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower To omit all other presidents of this Nature in the reigns of King H. 7.8 Ed. 6. Qu. Mary and Qu. Elizabeth of Commoners censured in and by the Lords house in Criminal causes upon impeachments complaints petitions which those who please may find recorded in the Journals of the Lords house I shall recite only some few Presidents more of late and present times In the Parliaments of 18. 21 Iacobi Sir Giles Mompesson and Sir Iohn Michel upon complaints and impeachments by the Commons for promoting Monopoliâ—s Corruption and other Misdemeanors were fined imprisoned by Judgement of the Lords House and Sir Giles degraded of his knighthood In the Parliament of 3. Carolâ— the Commons impeached Roger Manwaring Dr. of Divinity for preaching and printing Seditious and dangerous Sermons and sent up this Declaration against him to the Lords June 14. 1628. For the more effectual prevention of the apparent ruine and destruction of this kingdom which must necessarily ensue if the good and fundamental Laws and customs therein established should be brought into contempt and violated and that form of government thereby altered by which it hath been so long maintained in peace and happiness And to the honour of our Soveraign Lord the King and for the preservation of his Crown and Dignity the Commons in this present Parliament assembled do by this their Bill shew and
heretofore or to any Judges Justices Governours Generals Captains or other Militarie Officers made by their Commissions or appointment without the generality of the peoples Votes or consent especially when above half or three full parts of the Members were absent or driven from both Houses by the Objectors violence and menaces These Answers premised which have cut off the head of the Objectors Goliah and chief Argument against the Lords sitting in Parliament I shall now proceed to the proof of the Lords undeniable Right and Authority to sit Vote and give Judgement in our Parliaments though not actually elected nor sent to them by the people as Knights and Burgesses are 1. It is evident by the Histories Records of most antient and modern Kingdoms and Republikes in the world that their Princes Nobles Peers and great Officers of State have by their Original Fundamental Laws and Institutions by right of their very Nobility Peerage and great Offices without any particular election of the people a just right and title to sit consult Vote enact Laws and give Judgement in all their General Assemblies of State Parliaments Diets Councels as might be manifested by particular instances in the Kingdoms Republikes Parliaments Diets and General Assemblies of the Jews Aegyptians Grecians Romans Persians Ethiopians Germans French Goths Vandals Hungarians Bohemians Polonians Russians Swedes Scythians Tartars Moors Indians Spaniards Portugals Danes Saxons Scots Irish and many others Hence Dionysius Halicarnasseus Antiquitatum Romanorum l. 2. Sect. 2. affirms That both hereditary and elective Kings even in the antientest times CONSILIUM HABEBANT QUOD EX OPTIMATIbVS CONSTABAT had a Council which consisted of Nobles and Great men as Homer and the most antient Poets attest Neque ut nostro seculo Regum priscorum dominatus erat nimium sui juris neque ab unius sententia pendebat Now to deny the like privilege to our English Peers and Nobles which all Nobles Peers in all other Kingdoms Nations Republikes antiently have enjoyed and yet doe constantly enjoy without exceptions or dispute is a gross injury injustice over-sight yea a great dishonour both to our Nobility and Nation Secondly By and in the very primitive constitution of our English Parliaments for many hundred years together there were no Knights nor Burgesses at all but only the King and his Nobles after which when elected Knights gestes were first sent to Parliament about 49 H. 3. it was granted by the Kings grace and unanimously agreed by the kingdoms peoples general consents that our Parliaments should alwayes be constituted and made up not of Knights and Burgesses only elected only by Freeholders Burgesses not by the generality of the vulgar people who would now claim usurp this right of Election but likewise of the King the Supreme Member by whose writs the Parliaments were and ought to be alwayes summoned and of the Lords Peers Barons ecclesiastical civil and great Officers of the Realm who ought of right to sit vote make Laws and give Judgement in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage Baronies Offices without any election of the people the Commons themselves being no Parliament judicatorie or Law-givers alone without the King and Lords as Modus tenendi Parliamentorum Sir Ed. Cook in his 4. Institutes ch 1. Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. Vowell Cambden Sir Thomas Smith Cowell Minshaw Crompton with others who have written of our English Parliaments assert and all our Parliament Rolls Statutes Law-books resolve without whose threefold concurrent assents there is or can be no legal Act nor Ordinance of Parliament made since the Commons admission to vote in Parliament and assent to Bills which was but of later times out of the Kings frâ—e Grace Thirdly This right of theirs is confirmed by prescription and custom from the very first beginning of Parliaments in this kingdom till this present there being no president to be found in History or Record of any one Parliament held in this Island since it was a kingdom without the King personally or representatively present by a Protector Custos Regni Commissioners as he ought to be or without Lords and Peers antiently stiled Aldermen Heretockes Senators Wisemen Princes Dukes Earls Counts Nobles Great men c. by our Historians who make mention of their constant resorting to sitting voting judging in our General Assemblies and Parliamentary Councils under these Titles without the peoples Election for many hundreds of years before the Conquerors time in the antientest Parliamentary Councils we read of under the Britons and Saxons witness Beda Ingulphus Geoffry Monmouth Huntingdon Matthew Westminster Florentius Wigorniensis Malmsbury Hector Boetius Speed and others in their Histories Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae Spelmanni Concilia Tom 1. Mr. Lambard his Archaion Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to the 9. Report and fourth Institut c. 1. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c. 5. which I have largely manifested in my Truth triumphing over Falshood Antiquity over Novelty p. 56. to 90. My Historical Collection of the antient Great Councils Parliaments c there being little if any express or direct mention at all of any Knights of Shires Citizens or Burgesses in any of our Parliamentarie Councils before the Conquest or in the Conquerors time nor yet in the reigns of King William Rufus Henry the 1. Stephen Henry 2. Richard 1. King John or first part of the reign of Henry the 3d the first direct Writ of Summons for any Knights Burgesses or Commons to our Parliaments now extant being that of Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10 11. dorso before which no evident testimony can be produced for their sitting or voting in any great Councils or Parliaments as Members but onely out of the Spurious pretended antient though in truth late ridiculous Treatise stiled Modus tenendi Parliamentum on which Sir Edward Cook and others most rely And whereas some conclude that even in the antient Saxon Great Councils the Commons were usually present as Members being comprehended under the Titles of Sapientes Seniores populi Aeldermanni c. which in the dialect of those times signifie rather Lords and Great Men than Commons or Burgesses as all accord or at least wise under these phrases praesentibus omnibus Ordinibus illius Gentis cum viris quibusdam Militaribus rather Soldiers than knights of which we find mention in the Council of Bechenceld Ann. 697. or omnium Sapientum Seniorum POPULORUM totius Regni coupled with these pre-eminent Titles of Omnium Aldermannorum Principum Procerum Comitum who met together in a General Council under Ine Anno 713. Or cujuscunque Ordinis viros in the Council of Clovesho An. 800. which expressions are now and then mentioned in some antient Councils and Parliaments though rarely yet these are rather conjectural or probable than direct or punctual proofs of what they assert whenas the Lords Title to sit and vote in them is most direct and infallible And
be both Judge and Party it behoveth of Right that the King should have COMPANIONS for to hear and determine IN PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Wrongs of the King of the Queen and of their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right concerning their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the Latine word Comites For the good Estate of the Realm King Alfred assembled the COUNTS or Earls and ordained by a Perpetual Law that twice a year or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God c. By which Estate or Parliament many Laws and Ordinances were made which be there recites Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 2. c. 16. l. 3. c. 9. in Henry the 3d. his reign and Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. write thus in Edw. the first his reign in the same words Habet enim Rex cuâ—iaÌ„ suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS aliis viris peritis ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum novis injuriis emersis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Videlicet Legem per quam est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim à Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament subditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Tho. Smith in his Commonwealth of England l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Holinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 177. John Minshaw in his Dictionary Cowel in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powel in his Attorneys Accademy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPiRITUAL and TEMPORAL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one Assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realm And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirms particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself sits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and at any other time when he pleaseth ordering the Parliament To this Court come all the Lords of Parliament as well Spiritual as temporal and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certain day and place assigned The Chancellor of England and other great Officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unles good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings special license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves That the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to bind the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cook not only in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of the Commons themselves this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1 2. c. writes thus of the high and Honourable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royal politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realm viz. Of the Lords Spiritual Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Baronies parcel of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought ex debito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORAL Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons who sit there by reason of their dignities which they hold by descent or creation And likewise EVERY ONE OF THESE being of full age OUGHT TO HAVE a writ of summons EX DEBITO JUSTITIAE The third Estate are the Commons of the Realm whereof there be Knights of Shires or Counties Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Boroughs All which are respectively elected by the Shires or Counties Cities and Boroughs by force of the Kings writ ex debito Justitiae and none of them ought to be omitted and these represent all the Commons of the whole Realm and trusted for them and are in number at this time 403. He adds And it is observed that when there is best appearance there is the best successe in Parliament At the Parliament holden in the 7. year of H. 5. holden before the Duke of Bedford Guardian of England of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal there appeared but 30. in all at which Parliament there was but one Act of Parliament passed and that of no great weight In An. 50 E. 3. all the Lords appeared in person and not one by Proxy at which Parliament as appeareth by the Parliament Roll so many excellent things were sped and done that it was called Bonum Parliamentum And the King and these three estates are the great Corporation or body of the kingdom and doe sit in two Houses and of this Court of Parliament the King is Caput Principium Finis The Parl. cannot begin but by the Royal presence of the King either in person or representation by a Gardian of England or Commissioners both of them appointed under the great Seal of England c. And 42 E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 7. It is declared by the Lords and Commons in full Parliament upon demand made of them on the behalf of the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Crown whereunto they were sworn And p. 35. he hath this special observation That it is observed by antient Parliament men out of Records that Parliaments have not succeeded well in five cases First when the King hath been in difference with his Lords with his Commons Secondly When any of the great Lords were at variance between themselves Thirdly When there was no good correspondence between the Lords and Commons Fourthly When there was no unity between the Commons themselves in all which our present Parliament is now most unhappy and so like to miscarry and succeed very ill Fifthly When there was no preparation for the Parliament before it began every of which he manifests by particular instances From all these and sundry other Authorities it is most evident and transparent That both the King himself and Lords ought of
should alwayes be summoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law bâ— which he is made a King likewise his Court to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shall be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei frâ—num imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of less power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2.3 renders the like reason In all the contests in Parliaments and Wars between K. John Hâ—n 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta the Charter of the Forest the Liberties Properties of the Subjects and opposition of unjust Taxes Ayds Exactions the Lords and Barons were the Ring-leaders the chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations Exactions and Encroachments on the Great Charters Laws Rights Liberties of the people as all our Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principal Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and dethroning them for their misdemeanours as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum An. 756. 758. To give some pregnant Instances of this kind not vulgarly known or taken notice of to clear this truth beyond contradiction Upon the death of William Rufus An. 1100. Magnates the Nobles of England not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy who had been 5. years absent in the holy Warrs thereupon Henry his Brother Congregato Londoniis Clero Angliae populo universo to wit the Lords Spiritual and Temporal expressed by these terms not the inferiour Clergy Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons of the Realm as some Antiquaries and others mistake who derive their sitting in Parliaments from the beginning of this Kings reign promisit emendationem legum quibus oppressa fuerat Anglia tempore Patris sui Fratris nuper defuncti ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet et amorem et illum in Regem susciperent et patronum Ad haec CLERO respondente et MAGNATIBUS CUNCTIS the Clerus populus there summoned quod si animo volente ipsis vellet concedere et Charta sua communire illas Libertates et Consuetudines antiquas quae floruerunt in Regno tempore Regis Edwardi in ipsum consentirent et in Regem unanimiter consecrarent Henrico autem libenter annuente et se id facturum cum juramento affirmante consecratus est in Regem favente Clero et populo cui continuo à Mauritio Londonensi Episcopo et à Thoma Eboracensi Archiepiscopo corona capiâ—i imponitur Cum fuerat diademate insignitus has Libertates subscriptas in regno ad exaltationem sanctae Ecclesiae et pacem populi tenendas concessit His Charter is recorded at large in Matthew Paris Bromton and others It begins thus Henricus Dei Graâ—ia Rex Angliae c. Sciatis me Dei misericordia Communi Consilio Baronum Regni Angliae Regem esse coronatum which proves that the Clerus Angliae Populus forementioned were only the Spiritual and Temporal Barons not ordinary Clergy and Commons as contradistinguished from them et quia regnum oppressum erat injustis exactionibus Ego respectu Dei et amore quam erga vos omnes habeo sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam facio c. et omnes malas consuetudines quibus Regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero quis malas consuetudines in parte hic pono Si quis Baronum meorum Comitum c. Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus Pater meus eam emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls Nobles and Barons of England Et factae sunt tot Chartae quot sunt Comitatus in Anglia et Rege jubente positae in Abbatiis singulorum Comitatuum ad monimentum So Matthew Paris relates William of Malmsbury records In regem electus est aliquantis tamen ante controversiis INTER PROCERES agitatis atque sopitis Which done aliquarum moderationem legum revocavit in solidum Sacramento suo et OMNIUM PROCERUM ne luderentur corroboravit Simeon Dunelmensis records that Consecrationis suae die Sanctam Dei Ecclesiam liberam fecit ac omnes malas consuetudines et injustas exactiones quibus regnum Angliae opprimebatur abstulit Legem Regis Edwardi omnibus in commune reddidit c. MAJORES NATU ANGLIAE MAGNATES TERRAE CONGREGAVIT LONDONIAE The Chronicle of Bromton records the same in the self-same words and so doth Henry Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 2. c. 8 9. Polychron l. 7. c. 12. Roger de Hoveden Annal. pars 1. p. 468. and that the Lords procured this Charter King Stephen being elected and crowned King à PRIMORIBUS REGNI against his own and their former Oaths Omnes tam Praesules quam Comites et Barones qui filiae Regis et suis haeredibus juraverant Fidelitatem consensum Stephano praebentes In pursuance of his Coronation Oath Anno 1136. EPISCOPOS PROCERES REGNI SUI regali Edicto in unum convenire praecepit cum quibus GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRAVIT Oxoniis Wherein he confirmed all their Laws and Liberties by a special Charter in which there are these Clauses among others Sanctam Ecclesiam liberam esse concedo et debitam reverentiam illi conservo Omnes exactiones et injustitias et meschemingas sive per Vicecomites sive per alios quoslibet male inductas funditus extirpo Bonas leges et antiquas et justas consuetudines in hundris placitis et aliis causis observabo et observari praecipio et constituo This Charter was subscribed by all the Bishops Earls and Barons who procured it in this Common Council at Oxford Which they promised inviolably to observe generaliter se servaturum juravit sed nihil horum quae Deo promiserat observavit writes Matthew Paris Henry Huntindon Holinshed and others observe that the Archbishops Bishops and Nobles who contrary to their Oaths of Allegiance to Henry the 1. Mawde and their heirs elected Stephen King for this their detestable perjury soon after came to exemplary ends especially Roger the great Bishop of Salisbury qui secundum illud Sacramentum praefatum fecerat et omnibus aliis praedicaverat unde justo Deo judicio postea ab eodem Stephano quem creavit in Regem captus et excruciatus miserandum sortitus est
indignatione Postea vero ne oblivio tenorem responsionis Baronum deleret in scriptum taliter haec redacta Cum dominus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus et omnes Episcopi Angliae Abbates Priores per se vel per Procuratores suos necnon OMNES COMITES fere OMNES BARONES ANGLIAE ad mandatum domini Regis convenissent apud Westmonasterium die Martis proxima ante Purificationem beatae Mariae Anno Dom. 1242. Regni Henrici 3. Regis 26. audituri Domini Regis voluntatem et negocium pro quo ipsos mandaverat Et idem Dominus Rex transmittens ad eosdem dictum dominum Eboracensem et nobilem virum dominum Comitem Richarduum et dominum W. de Eboraco Praepositum de Beverlaco super voluntate Domini regis in negociis suis scilicet eisdem expositis per eosdem solennes nuncios omnes Magnates de regno suo rogasset de consilio ei dando et auxilio faciendo ad haereditatem suam jura sua perquirenda in partibus transmirinis quae spectabant ad Regnum suum Angliae tandem dicti Episcopi Abbates Priores Comites Barones magno inter eos tractatu praehabito inprimis Domino Regi per praedictos Magnates dederunt consilium videlicet Quod Dominus ipse Rex expectaret finem Treugarum inter eum et Regem Franciae initarum Et si forte idem Rex Franciae contra formam earundem treugarum aliquas fecisset interprisas tunc dictus Rex Angliae mitteret ad eum solennes nuncios ad rogandum monendum et inducendum ipsum Regem Franciae ut treugas initas teneret et interprisas emendaret si quae per ipsum vel per suos factae essent Quod si Rex Franciae facere contradiceret libenter ad hoc consilium apponerent pro posse suo de auxiliis ei dando Omnes ita unanimiter responderunt Similiter postquam fuerat Dominus eorum multoâ—ies ad instantiam suam ei auxilium dederunt Videlicet tertiam decimam mobilium suorum et postea quintam decimam et sextam decimam et quadragesimam Carucagium Hydagium et plura Scutagia et postea unum magnum Scutagium ad sororem suam Imperatricem maritandam Postea vero nondum quatuor annis elapsis petit ab eis iterum auxilium et tandem cum magna precum instantia obtinuit tricessimam quam ei concesserunt tali scilicet conditione quodilla exactio vel aliae precedentes amplius non traherentur in consequentiam Et inde fecit eis Chartam suam Et praeterea concessiâ— eis tun Quod omnes Libertates contentae in Magna Charta ex tunc in antea plenius tenerentur per totum regnum suum inde fecit eis quandam parvam Chartam suam quam adhunc habent in qua eaedem continentur Praeterea Dominus Rex concessit eis de voluntate sua et de consilio torius Barnagii sui quod tota pâ—cunia ex dicta tricesima proveniens salva deponeretur in Castris Domini Regis sub Custodia quatuor Magnatum Angliae scilicet Comitis Warranniae et aliorum per quorum visum et consilium pecunia illa expenderetur ad dicti Regis Regni utilitatem cum necesse esset Et quia Barnagium nescit nec audâ— it quod de dicta pecunia per visum vel consilium alicujus quatuor Magnatum praedictorum aliquid expendatur credunt firmiter bene intelligunt quod Dominus Rex adhuc totam habet illam pecuniam integram de qua nunc potest magnum habere auxilium Praeteria bene sciunt quod post tempus illud tot habuit escaetas scilicet Archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem plures Episcopatus Angliae ditiores terras Comitum Baronum militium de eo tenentium defunctorum quod solummodo de illis escaetis debet ipse habere grandem pecuniae summam si bene custodiatur Praeterea a tempore dictae tricessimae datae non cessaverant Justitiarii itinerantes itinerare per omnes partes Angliae tam de placitis forestae quam de omnibus aliis placitis ita quod omnes Comitatus Angliae omnia Hundreda Civitates Burgi fere omnes villae graviter amerciantur Unde solummodo de illo itinere habet Dominus Rex vel habere debuit maximam summam pecuniae si persolvatur bene colligatur Unde bene dicunt quod per illa amerciamenta per alia auxilia prius data omnes de Regno ita gravanâ—ur depauperantur quod parum aut nihil habent in bonis and may not we now more truly say so after so many years uncessant importable Taxes Excizes Impositions Contributions Exactions of all kinds without any interruption in far greater proportions than these amount to and all sequestrations sales of Delinquents and others estates not known in that age Et quia Dominus Rex nunquam post tricessimam datam nor our present Rulers after all their Protestations Declarations Remonstrances Votes Leagues and Covenants to preserve our Laws Liberties Properties Great Charters and the Petition of Right and all our contributions Excises Loans or publike faith c. Cartam suam de libertatibus tenuit imo plus solito postea gravavit as now per aliam Cartam eis concerâ—am quod Exactiones hujusmodi non traherentur in consequentiam responderunt eidem Domino Regi praecise Quod nullum ad praesens ei facerent auxilium A fit answer for all our Nobles and Commons in this age after so many years Taxes Imposts Excises far heavier than any complained of in that age Veruntamen quia Dominus eorum est sic se gerere poterit erga eos usque ad finem dictarum treugarum quod tunc bonum apponent consilium pro posse suo Et cum dicti Magnates Nuncii ipso Domino Regi nunciassent Responsum redeuntes ad Barnagium dixerunt quod in parte sufficiens Domino Regi dederunt responsum I have transcribed these memorable passages of this Parliament out of Matthew Paris thus largely in his own words for sundry reasons pertinent to my Theam 1. To prove that the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Peers Earls Barons Lords were the only Members of this all the former and most other succeeding Parliaments in Henry the 3 his reign this Historian who is most exact making mention of them only both in the summons to their debates in Parliament and this their Remonstrance in Parliament even in this case of ayds demanded and not of any Knights Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. To manifest that the Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm have most unanimously resolutely magnanimously opposed our Kings in Parliaments in their unjust designs and in Ayds Taxes demanded and earnestly begged importuned from them without any effect resisting our Kings therin to their faces and withstanding all their wiles pollicies King-crafts and private sollicitations perswasions
Liberties from vassalage to the Norman yoke assembling all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury informed them That they were born freemen that the name of bondage was never heard amongst them that nothing but servitude attended them if they unworthily submitted to the insolency of the invading Enemy as others had done And thereupon exhorted them manfully to fight for the Laws and Liberties of their County chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting valiantly for them in the field than to undergoe an unaccustomed yoke of bonduge or to be reduced from their known Liberties to an unknown and unsure slavery After which the Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to dye in battel than to behold the misery and slavery of their Native Country became the Captains of the Kentish Army which they raised and by a Stratagem invironing Duke William and his whole Army at Swanscomb they procured this Grant and Concession from him That all the people of Kent should for ever enjoy their antient Liberties without diminution and use the Laws and antient Customs of their Country they being resolved as Stigand told the Duke rather to part with their lives than them Liberty being the proper badge of Kentishmen After which Duke William marching to London to be Crowned King Cumque â—eracta victoria Tyranni nomen exhorrescens et legitimi Principis personam induere Gestiens à Stigando tunc temporis Canâ—uariensi Episcopo consecrari deposceret Ille out of an heroick gallant English Christian spirit Viro ut aiâ—bâ—t Cruento et alienâ— juris Invasori manus imponere nullatenus adquievit Whereupon he was crowned by Aldred Archbishop of York King William for this his stoutness and opposition in defence of his Countries Laws and Liberties under a pretence of honor first carried him with him into Normandy as a Prisoner at large afterwards upon feigned pretences caused him to be deprived of his Archbishoprick and then shut him up Prisoner in the Castle of Winchester where he soon after died of grief or famine having scarce enough allowed him to keep soul and life together Such a curb and terror was he to him whiles he lived in place and power that he could not carry on his designs against the English to captivate or enslave them till he was removed out of the way of this Conqueror who came to the Crown by the effusion of so much Christian bloud that Gulielmus Neubrigensis gives this censure of it and let all other invaders of the Crown by bloud observe it Sane quod idem Christianos innoxios hostiliter Christianus impetiit et tanto sibi sanguine Christianum Regnum paravit quantae apud homines gloriae tantae etiam apud Deum noxae fuit Whence Stigand refused to crown him Simon Monâ—eâ—ort Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar and General of the Barons in the wars against King Henry the 3d for the preservation corroboration of Magna Charta the Liberties and Properties of the People was so terrible to this extravagant oppressive King frequently violating both his Great Charters Laws Oaths That being perswaded to enter into his house in a tempest of thunder and lightning which he very much feared the Earl courteously meeting him and saying Why do you fear tht tempest is now past the King thereunto replyed not jestingly but seriously with a stern countenance I fear thundring and lightning above measure but by the head of God I tremble more at thee than at all the thundring and lightning in the world Being afterwards slain in the Battel of Eusham in defence of his Countries Liberties Rishanger gives this Encomium of him Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his dayes who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppressions of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Rights of the Realm A sufficient Ground for such Nobles and their Posterity to sit and Vote as Peers in Parliament without the peoples election In the 3 4 14 15 of K. Edw. 2. his reign Tho. Earl of Lancaster and other potent wealthy Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaverston and the Spencers who seduced the King oppressed the people and were the principal Pillars of our Laws Liberties as our Historians relate at large procuring those ill Counsellors to be banished and removed from the King even by force of Arms. In 10 11 22. of King Rich. 2. the Duke of Gloucester the Earl of Arundel and other potent Lords were the principal opposers of the Kings ill Counsellors Tyranny the chief protectors of the Laws and peoples Liberties to the loss of some of their lives heads estates as our Statutes the Rolls of Parliament in those years and Historians witness whence Walsingham writing of the Duke of Glocester's death murthered by the Kings command at Calice who was the principal Anti-royalist and head of all the Barons useth this expression Thus died this best of men the Son and Uncle of a King in quo posita fuere spes solatium TOTIVS REGNI COMMUNITATIS in whom the hope and solace of the Commonalty of the whole kingdom were placed who resented his death so highly that in the Parl. of 1 H. 4. Hall who had a hand in his murder was condemned and executed for a Traytor his Head Quarters hung up in several places and K. Richard among other Articles deposed for causing him to be murthered Since then our Peers and Nobles as the premised Examples abundantly evidence have been alwaies persons of greatest valour power estate interest most able forwards to oppose the Tyranny Exactions of our Kings and to preserve the Great Charters of our Liberties first gained since preserved and transmitted to us by their valour bloud counsel cate with our other Laws which they have upon all occasions manfully defended with the hazard loss of their lives Liberties Estates and upon this ground were thought meet by the wisdom of our Ancestors to merit and enjoy this privilege of sitting voting judging in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage and Baronies And since we must all acknowledge that the Lords assembled in a Great Council by the King at York as the Commons themselves acknowledge and remonstrate Exact Collection p. 13. were the chief instruments of calling this present Parliament and were therefore in the Act for Triennial Parliaments principally intrusted to summon and hold all future Parliaments in the Kings Lord Chancellors or Lord Keepers defaults Being also very active in suppressing the Star-chamber High Commission Councel-Table Prelats and other grievances and those who fitst appeared in the Wars against the King and his party in defence of our Laws Liberties Religion Parliaments Privileges to the great encouragement of others witnesse the deceased Lord General Essex Brooke Bedford Stamford Willougbie Lincoln Denbigh Manchester Roberts and others it would be the extremity of folly ingratitude and injustice to deny our Peers this hereditary Right Privilege Honour now w ch
Barons being no such Knights Citizens or Burgesses as the writ enjoyns them to elect and return 3. By all the Statutes for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses recorded in Rastall Tit. Parliament the Lords being not within their words or intention 4. By the Great Charter of King John and express Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4.31 H. 8. c. 10. Rot. Par. n. 10. which disable them to sit amongst the Commons but only in the Lords house among their Peers 5. By the very words of the Patents of their Creation which authorize and prescribe all Dukes Earls Viconts Barons in direct terms Quod in omnibus tenerentur tractentur et reputentur ut Duces Comites Barones quod haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum et vocem in Parliamentis publilicis Comitiis et Consiliis nostris Haeredum et Successorum nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae inter alios Duces Comites et Barones not amongst the Knights Citizens and Burgesses ut Duces Comites et Barones Parliamentorum Publicorum Comitiorum et Consiliorum not as Knights Citizens or Burgesses 6. By Sir Edward Cooks 4 Institutes p. 46 47. and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 736 737. who resolve That a Baron or Lord of Parliament is not eligible to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess of the House of Commons as was resolved in the case of Thomas Camoyes who was not only a Baronet but also a Baron and Lord of Parliament The Lord Camoyes being elected by the Freeholders of the County of Surrey for one of the Knights of the Shire to serve in Parliament for them Anno 7 R. 2. thereupon the King by advice of Council declared his election to be null and void in Law and commanded a new election of some other fit person to be made in his place by this memorable Writ extant on record Rex Vicecomiti Surriae salutem Quia ut accepimus tu Thomam Camoyes Chivaler qui Baronettus est sicut quamplures antecessorum suorum extiterunt ad essendum unum Militum venientium ad proximum Parliamentum nostrum pro Communitate Comitatus praedicti de assensu ejusdem Comitatus eligisti Nos advertentes quod hujusmodi Baronetti ante haec tempora in Milites Comitatus ratione alicujus Parliamenti elegi minime consueverunt ipsum de officio Militis ad dictum Parliamentum pro communitate Comitatus praedicti venturi exonerari volumus Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod quendam aâ—ium Misi em idoneum et discretum gladio cinctum in loco ipsius Thomae elegi et eum ad diem et locum Parliamenti praedicti venire facias cum plena et sufficienti potestate ad consentiendum hiis quae in Parliamento praedicto sicut juxta renorem prioris Brevis nostri tibi pro electione hujusmodi militum directi et nomen ejus Nobis Sciri facias Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium octavo die Octobris 7ly Both Houses of Parliament in their Remonstrance of Nov. 2. 1642. declare and publish in print to all the World This to be so clear and fundamental a privilege of Parliament That no Member of either House of Parliament is to be taken away or detained from the service of the House whereof he is a Member until such time as that House hath satisfaction concerning the cause and the cause be heard in Parliament first and dismissed from it That the whole freedom of Parlament dependeth upon it For who seeth not that by this means under false pretences of crimes and accusations such or so many Members of both or either Houses of Parliament may be taken out of it at any time by any persons to serve a turn and to make a MAJOR PART of whom they will at pleasure So as the freedom of Parliament dependeth in a great part on this privilege yea without it the whole Body of the Parliament will be destroyed by depriving it of its Members by degrees some at one time and others at another time as both Houses further remonstrate in their Declaration of October 23. 1642. Which as it infallibly demonstrates that the Lords House or Members cannot be taken away or taken from them against their wils without the destruction subversion of the whole Parliament of which they are chief Members the Judicial power of Parliaments residing principally in that House if not wholly So it likewise clearly resolves that no Peer or Member of the Lords House can be elected a Member of the Commons house For if the election of the Freeholders Citizens or Burgesses of any County City or Borough of a Duke Earl Lord or Baron of the Realm to be a Knight Citizen or Burgess in Parliament should be valid in Law to make them legal actual Members of the Commons house it would then lie in their powers to un-Peer un-Lord and degrade any Nobleman yea all the Earls Peers Lords Barons of the Realm and their Posterity at their pleasures to reduce them and the whole House of Peers into the Commons inferiour house and so quite dissolve the Lords House in high affront dishonor of the Lords and their House and of the Kings Soveraign royal Authority the fountain of all Honor and that without any legal trial or Judgment by their Peers or just cause of degradation on their parts against the express words and meaning of Magna Charta c. 29. And if any Lords upon such Elections should so far degenerate debase or degrade themselves as to accept thereof and ignobly sit and vote as Members of the Commons House both they and their posteritieâ— for such an ignoble act meritoriously deserved to be for ever degraded from their Nobility and secluded from all future sitting in the Lords House as Peers becoming thereby the very shame scorn scandal of Nobility fit only to be ranked with the basest Peasants to whom these Levellers would now equallize them Yea it would be now no less than wilfull perjury in any Freeholders Citizens Burgesses to elect them Knights or Burgesses and in themselves to accept of such Elections when chosen and in the whole House of Peers and Commons too once to permit allow approve or connive at such elections after their late Protestation Vow and Solemn League and Covenant to maintain to their power the Rights Privileges of Parliament and both Houses of Parliament whereof this is an unquestionable Right and Privilege That no Member of the Lords House should be elected a Knight Citizen Burgess or brought down from thence to sit only as a Commoner in the Commons House so long as he continues a Peer or Member of the Lords House a distinct House from and superior to the Commons House in all ages as its Title of the Lower House and their standing alwayes bare before the Lords with other evidences demonstrate nor any Knight Citizen or Burgess a true real Member of the House of Peers
custodia de Westmerland for their disloyalty towards him et omnia supradicta disposuit venditioni c. Tricesima prima die mensis Maii Rex Angliae celebravit secundum diem Concilii â—ui in quo ipse petiit sibi fieri judicium de Comite Iohanne fratre suo quod contra fidelitatem quam ei juraveraâ— Castella sua occupaverat et tertas suas transmarinas et cismarinas destâ—uxeraâ— et foedus cum inimico suo Rege Franciae contra eum inierat Similiter de Hugone de Nunant Coventrensi Episcopo SIBI FIERI JUDICIUM postulavit qui secreti sui conscium eum reliquerat et Regi Franciae et Comiti Johanni inimicis suis adhaeserat omne malum in perniciem regni sui machinans ET JUDICATUM EST quod Comes Johannes et Episcopus Coventrensis citarentur si intra quadraginta dies non venerint nec juri steterint JUDICAVERUNT COMITEM JOHANNEM DEMERUISSE REGNUM Episcopum Coventrensem subjacere judicio Episcoporum in eo quod ipse Episcopus eraâ— et JVDICIO LAICORVM in eo quod ipse Vicecomes Regis extiterat Secunda die mensis Aprilis Sabbato celebravit diem quarâ—um ultimum Concilii sui in quo omnes tam Cleriâ—i quam Laici qui volebant sibi conqueri de Archiepisc Eboracensi fecerunt queremonias multas de rapinis et injustis exactionibus sed Archiepiscopus Eboracensis nullum eis dedit responsum Deinde per consilium et machinaâ—ionem Cancellarii ut dicitur Girardus de Camvilla fuit retatus de receptatione praedonum qui rapuerunt bona Mercatorâ—m euntium ad nundinas de Stanford et ab eo recesserunt ad rapinam illam faciendam et de rapina illa redierunt ad eum Praeterea appellaverunt eum DE LAESIONE REGIAE MAJESTATIS in eo quod ipse ad vocationem Juâ—titiarium Regis venire noluit nec juri stare de praedicta receptatione rapâ—orum neque eoâ— ad justitiam regis producere Sed respondit Se esse hominem Comitis Johannis et velle in curia sua juristare Praeâ—erea appellaverunt eum quod ipse fuit â—n viet adjutorio cum Comite Johanne et aliis inimicis Regis ad Castella Regis de Notingham et de Tikehill capienda Girardus vero de Camvilla negavit omnia quae objiciebantur ei ab illis et illi dederunt vadium de prosequendo et Girardus dedit vadium defendendo se per unum de liberis hominibus suis A clear evidence of the form of proceedings in our Parliamentary Councils in that age against Traytors and other Offenders there impeached accused in criminal causes and of the Lords antient undisputable right to give judgment therein both in case of Peers as Earl John the Bishop of Chichester and Archbishop of York then were and in case of Commoners Girard de Camvil as I take it being then no Peer or Baron of this Realm but only a Servant to Earl John though afterwards in King Johns reign I finde him numbred amongst the Barons who were Witnesses to the homage and Oath of Allegiance made by William King of Scots to King John Earl John soon afâ—er coming to his Brother King Richard caâ—â— himself down at his feet and with many tears confessing his folly ill counsel and practices against him craved his pardon whereupon he received him into his favour and presently restored his lands which he had seised into his hands as forfeited by the Parliaments sentence denounced against him for his treason The Pope in the year 1208. having interdicted the whole Realm of England King John thereupon fearing that he would likewise excommunicate him and absolve his Nobles from their Allegiance to him to preserve his royalties sent a Company of armed Soldiers to all the Potent Nobles of the Realm and especially to those he suspected exacting Hostages from them that so if they should afterwards be absolved from their allegiance he might reduce them to due obedience Many submitted to the Kings commands and delivered some their Sons others their Nephews others their Kinsmen for hostages to the Messengers Who at last coming to William de Brause a Noble man and requiring pledges from him as they had done from others found a repulse For Matilda his wife out of a womanish procacity taking the word out of her husbands mouth answered the Messengers I will not deliver my children into the hands of your Lord King John because he most dishonourably slew his Nephew Arthur whom he ought to have honourably kept and preserved Which her Husband hearing rebuked her saying That she had spoken like one of the foolish women against our Lord the King for if I have offended him in any thing I am and will be ready to answer my Lord and that without hostages SECUNDUM JUDICIVM CVRIAE SUAE ET BARONUM PARIUM MEORUM assignato die loco The Barons in that age being to be judged and tried only by their Peers and that in the Kings Court of Parliament for any offences against the King not by the Commons or any inferiour persons In the year of Christ 1233. King Henry the 3. removing most of his English great Officers and Councellors from his Court and placing Poicâ—o â—es and Aliens in their room by whole Counsel he was wholly swâ—yed misguided especially by Peter de Rivallis qui homines Angliae naturales Nobiles totis viribus opprimebant proditores eos vocabant quos etiam de proditions apud Regem â—ccusabant â—neâ—aurorum â—eâ—iam suorum Rexeis custodias cum â—egibus patâ—ii judiciiâ— commisit Quid plura Judicia commitâ—ntur injustis leges exlegibus justicia injâ—riosis Et eum NOBILES de regno in regno de oppressionibus sibi irrogatis coram Rege causam deponerent Petro Episcopo impedience non fuit qui eis justitiam exhiberet c. Cumque his consimâ—â—ibus injuriis RICHARDUS COMES regni MARESCHALLUS viderâ—t tam NOBILES quam igâ—bbiles opâ—rimere iâ—ra regni penitus deponere zelo justitiae provocatus associatis sibi quibusdam Magnatibus ad Regem audacter accessit increpans eum audientibus multis quod per pravum Consilium advocarat extraneos Piâ—taviense no pressionem râ—gni hominum suorum de regno naturaliâ—m LEGUM PARITER AC LIBERTATUM Unde Regem humiliter â—ogabat uâ— tales excessus corrigere festinarer per quos Coronae suae regni sui subversio imminebaâ— Affirmabat insuper quod si hoc emendarc distugerer IPSE ET CAETERI DE REGNO MAGNATES tamdiu se ab ipsius consilio subtraherent quamdiu alienigenarum consortio frueretur Ad haec autem respondens Petrus Wintoniensis Episcopus dixit quod bene licuit Domino Regi extraneos quoscunque vellet vocare ad defensionem Regni sui Coronae etiam tot tales qui possent homines suos superbos rebelles ad debitum compellere famulatum
ill counsellors about him neglecting hating banishing his own Nobles and natural Subjects as Traytors without any just cause or legal trial and subverting confounding their Lawes Liberties Justice c. 2ly To manifest the proceedings impeachments in these Parliaments against the Earls and Nobles refusing to appear at these Parliaments upon the Kings these successive Writs of Summons his outlawing them of high Treason and spoiling burning seising their houses Lands thereupon being adjudged by the Lords in Parliament to be illegal and afterwards reversed as unjust and against the Law Claus 18. H. 3. m. 19. 3ly To manifest that the Lords in Parliament would not act any thing in the absence of these eminent Lords refusing to appear 4ly To evidence the Sentence and Justice of the King and Lords against these ill Counsellors Aliens and Traytors to the Publique whom they caused to be removed from the King Court Kingdom put from their publike Trusts and Offices called to an account publikely arraigned before the King himself and his Justices by whom they were imprisoned their lands confiscated and better Counsellors of State and Judges put into their places Anno 1240. Accusatus est graviter Comes Cantiae Hubertus de Burgo CORAM REGE ET CURIA TOTA London ubi post multâ—s disceptationes ut iraâ—undia Regis quae immoderate nimis conâ—â—â— ipsum excanduerat quiesceret ADJUDICAâ—UM EST ut quatuor Castra sua Charissima scilicet Blancum Castrum Grosmunt Scenefrithz Haetfeild Domino Regiâ— resignaret ut caetera sibi cum Regis benevolentia in pace remanerent Anno 1258. The Nobles complained in Parliamnnt of the Kings advancing his half Brothers who were aliens swaying all things and impoverishing the Realm and of their intollerable pride insolency and injuries and the Earl of Leicester particularly complained to the Parliament of William de Valentia non tamâ—n Regi sed universitati praecordialiter est conquestus exigens instanter sibi justitiam adhiberi The same year the Great men and Nobles of the Land Videntes Regnum undique desolatum tum exactionibus tallagiis tam Curiae Romanae quam Regis quam etiam alienigenarum praecipue Pictavensium elatione praesumptuosa fivore regio in regno nimium in sublimi provecta tantas in Anglia Dominationes sibi usurpantium magisteria â—ost Pentecosten apud Oxon. COLLOQUIUM GENERALE CELEBRAVERUNT being summoned to this Parliament by the Kings Writ super hiis necnon status regni meliorationâ— efficaciter exquisite tractaturi Quo non sine armis equis electissimis muniti venerunt ut si Rex alienigenae suiâ— provisionibus statutis sponte contemnerent assentire vigore opposito cogerentur aut ipsi alienigeni universaliter sine morae regnum Angliae poenitus evacuarent Quas quidem provisiones Oxon. stat necnon ET MAGNAM CHARTAM TAM DE LIBERTATIBUS ET DE FORESTA tandem Domino Rege ad suorum PROCERUM observantiam statutorum inclinato per queÌ„dam de suis militibus tactis sacrosanctis jurameÌ„tum praestante 24 prudentium virorum Nationis Anglicanae quos ad Regni gubernationem sub eodem duxerint inter se eligendos consilio se commendavit considerationâ— His igitur pâ—ractis fidelitatem Regi regni ET AD CONSIDERATIONEM SUORUM PARIUM STARE omnes quotquot in regno commorare vellent fecerunt jurare The Nobles in this Parliament required that all the Poictovines might surrender up all the Castles they held in England into the Kings hands Whereupon they peremptorily swore by the passion and wounds of Christ that they would never doe it whiles they breathed Whereupon the Earl of Leicester said to William of Vairencia the most insolent of them all That he should either surrender up the Castles he held of the Kings without delay VEL CAPUT AMITTERET on he should lose his head Similiter ALII COMITES ET BARONES DICEBANT etiam constructissime assertione consistentes The Poictovines being very much terrified with these words not knowing what to doe and fearing to fly to any Castle lest they should there be besieged and soon taken or starved by the Lords fled secretly and speedily from the Parliament to Winchester not sparing their horses sides and setting spies upon hills and Towers to observe whether the Barons pursued them who hearing of their flight commanding all their followers to arm themselves and dissolving the Parliament without adjourning it to any certain day pursued them to Winchester where the King and Nobles holding another PARLIAMENT the Poictovines JUDIDIUM EXPECTARE NOLENTES nec ausi exhibitionem JUSTITIAE quae singulis secundum juramentum REGIS PROCERUM debebatur expestare being the sole judges of them in Parliam for their exorbitant offences they presently fled out of the Realm beyond the Sea to avoid their sentence Hereupon Significatum est literatorie ad multos etiam quos praedicti Pictavienses impudentur offenderant ut â—nerelam super hoc reponeâ—res ostenderent Maguatibus Regni daâ—a sibi a dictis Regis fratribus illata eas querelas dilucidantes constanter moras sequerentur ut sibi omnia secundum quod jus dictaret restituerentur Sed quia instabat tempus messium considerantes simultatem et instantes labores forte inutiles sequi renuerunt donec majorem cernerent opportunitatem The Lords in Parliament being willing to award them damages and reparations against the Kings own Brothers in Law upon complaint and clear proof of the injuries and damages they sustained by them Anno 1260. There falling out a great difference between King Henry the 3. and Prince Edward his Son Simon Earl of Leicester and other Nobles thereupon Convocato in praesentia Regis apud sanctum Paulum BARONAGIO habitoque prius tractatâ— de Eadwardo super injuriis Regi ut dicebatur illatis paratus est idem Eadwardus se omnium objectorum probare immunem et ad duorum Regum scil Patris sui et Avunculi provisionem in emendatione facienda se dare tractabilem dicens Omnes alios Barones et Comites sibi de jure non esse Pares nec suas in eum exercere discussiones Unde dâ—cuâ—a hinc inde veritate omniumque relatorum falsitate probata pacificato Regi concordatus est filius multiplicatis de jure inimicorum confusionibus Concordato itaque Eadwardo Regi et Reginae et aliis amicis mox querela subsequitur de Comite Leicestriae Simoâ—e super pluribus injuriis tam citra mare quam ultra contra Regem ut dicebatur perpetratis Praefixo igitur die ad respondendum se de objectis expurgandum idem Comes ad dictum diem licet breviorem paratus est quantotiens petitis satisfacere et ad discutiendam super oppositis veritatem omnium transmarinorum quam cismarinorum arbitrio obtemperare exceptis quinque tantum minutis tam suae quam Eadwardi discordiae seminatoribus Qâ—o audito Comes Gloverniae cum
son serement Auxint pur lour malveis covetise et par poiar roial a eux acroche ne susterent nostre seignor le roy doier ne droit fair ' as grandes de la terre sur la demonstrance que ilz fesoient a luy pur luy et pur eux de la disheritance de la corone et de eux touchant les terres que furent as templers Et issint par yoiar roial a eux accroche ont ils mesne nostre seignour le roy son counseil et ses prelatz que des choses touchant eux ou lour alies ount emprise et embrace par eux que droit ne poet estre fait forsquea lour volunte et a dammage et a dishonour de nostre dit seigneur et peryl de son serement et dishinheritaunce et destruction de plusours autres grandes du people de son royalme Et auxint de eslues as evesque abbes et priours que devoient de droit estre resceux de nostre seignour le roy lou ils sont en due maner estues ne poient approcher a nostre seignour le roy ne one luy parler de querer sa grace tanque ils avoient fait sine et fret Sir Hugh le fitz a sa volunte Ne nul que eust grant aquere de nostre seignour le roy ne poet a nul grant atteinder avantque ilz avoient faitfine a luy Estre ceo lou John de Lacchelegh et autres fuerent agardes a la prisone pur un trespas que ils avoient fait a la dame de Merk a damag ' de la dist dame de M. Centz marcz dont ils furent atteintz devant mon Sir Robert de Middyngle er ses compaignons Justices assignes a oier et terminer cel temps cel trespas et le dit John feust en la prison de Colcestre par la gard suisdit Sir Hugh le fitz accrochantz a luy roial poiar amesna le diâ— Iohn hors de la prison contre leye de la teâ—re eius que il avoir fait gree a la dit dame des damages avantditz et luy fist vender sa terre a luy et â—ever sur ceo un fine Claus 16 E. 2. m. 5. There is this memorable case recorded The King being at Bishops Thorpe near York held a Council with his Lords divers of which are there named concerning the Truce with Scotland inter quâ—s Nobiles Hen. de Bellamont Baro de Magno et secreto Concillo ipsi Domino Regi juratus vocatus fuit ibidem venit Being there preâ—ed by the King to give his advice herein quodam motu excessius animo quasi irreverents dicto Domino Regi saepe respondit quod sibi consulere noluit in hac parte Whereupon the King commanded him thence Upon which he went out of the Council and said He had rather be absent than there Upon which contemptuous carriage and words consideration being had by the Lords and Council by all the Iudges Barons of the Exchequer being there amongst others to wit as assistants in regard he was sworn and had taken the Oath of a privy Counsellor to the King being called in again Committitur Scalae Prisonae pro contemptu inobedientia praedictis After which he was let to mainprise and a truce being there concluded with the Scots thereupon the writs ad arma c. were revoked that were formerly iâ—sued to the Tenants by Escuage and Knights service In the Parliament held at Winchester Ann. 2 E. 3. Edmund Earl of Kent the Kings Uncle by the instigation and power of Roger Mortimer Earl of March was arrested impeached condemned and executâ—d for conspiring and attempting to rescue his Brother King Edward the 2. and saying he was alive after the time he was murdered which Treason was said to be manifestly proved by Letters found about him and by his own voluntary confession before the Coroner recorded in Walsingham and the Clause Roll of 4 E. 3. which Letters and confession were openly read in Parliament pur que oue le assent des Countz Barons et autres Grantz et Nobles â—n mesme le Parliament par agard dicelle estoiet le dit Count come Nostre Trayture et Traiture de Royalm adjudge a la mort as the King himself recites in his Writs and Letters to all Sherifs Claus 4 E. 3. m. 16. dorso Demorte Edmundi nuper Comitis Cantii publicanda commanding them to publish this as the cause and manner of his death and to arrest all those that said King Edward the 2. was alive or that the said Earl of Kent was otherwise put to death So that by this record being a Peer he was adjudged to death only by the Earls Barons Great men and Nobles in Parliament without the Commons not named in this record And therefore the Kings Letter to the Pope in 4 E. 3. relating the proceedings and judgement against the Earl in these words if truly recited Comitibus Magnatibus Baronibus aliis de COMMUNITATE dicti regni ad PARLIAMENTUM illud congregatis injunximus ut super hiis DISCERNERENT ET JUDICARENT quid rationi justitiae conveni et habentes prae oculis solum deum qui eum CONCORDI ET UNANIMI SENTENTIA tanquam reum criminis laesae Majestatis ADJUDICARENT ejus sententiae c. Objected by Sir Robert Cotton to prove the Commons to have a share and voice in judicatures in Parliament and that not in the case of a Commoner but this great Peer must needs be understood of an Attainder by Bill to confirm the judgement formerly given against him by the Earls Barons and Lords alone in this Parliament as in the case of the two Spencers not long before not of his original sentence given only by the Lords Barons and other Great men and Nobles as the Clause Roll and all Writs to the Sheriffs record Which the Parliament Roll in 4 E. 3. n. 11 12. doth likewise intimate where Earl Edmonds eldest Son and Margaret Countesse of this Earl of Kent by their Petitions prayed that THE RECORD or Bill against the said Earl might be reversed for errors therein appearing and he to be restored to blood and lands of his Father and she to her Dower which was granted and ordered by Parliament saying to the King the wardship of the same during his minority and thereupon it was further enacted That no Peer of the land nor other persons should be impeached for the death of the Earl of Kent but only the said Mortimer and 3 more then impeached and condemned of High Treason for his murder as well of the deposed Kings and that his Countess should have her Dower as Claus 5 E. 3. part 1. m. 24. assures us In the Parliament of 4 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 14. Edward the eldest Son of Edward Earl of Arundel condemned and beheaded without any legal trial by his
Peers by Roger Moâ—timers power and procurement Anno 18 E. 2. petitioned that he might be restored to his Fathers blood lands and goods considering the said Earl was unduly put to death being not tried by his Peers according to the Law the grand Charter But for that the said Attainder was afterwards confirmed by Parliament he amended his Petition and prayed in such wise to be restored of the Kings meer grace Whereupon he was restored to all his Fathers lands and to Arundel Castle saving to the King all such lands as were given to this Earl by King Ed. 1. whereupon he did homage to the King in Parliament and had livery of the king of all his lands per assensum of the Lords as iâ— recorded in rot Fin. An. 3 E. 3. m. 14. Claus 4 E. 3. in dorso and Claus 5 E. 3. part 1. m. 2 3. In this Parliament of 4 E. 3. n. 6. The Lords claim to be JUDGES OF THEIR PEERS IN THAT FUTURE PARLIAMENTS in cases of Treason c. And n. 1. Roger Mortimer Ear of March who had formerly condemned and beheaded other Peers without any legal trial by their Peers and deposed murdered King Edward the 2. was by divine retaliation arrested at the Parliament held at Nottingham by the Kings command then sent Prisoner to the Tower impeached attainted condemned and executed himself as a Traytor without any hearing or personal defence BY THE LORDS AND PEERS AS JUDGES OF PARLIAMENT by the Kings assent The Articles of his Treasons Felonies and other misdemeanors entre in that Parliament Roll scarce legible now were read before the Lords against him and other of his companions The Articles against him are thus related by Walsingham Causae quae imponebantur eidem proue accepimus istae fuere writes Walsingham Prima causa quod fuit consentiers morâ— Regis Edwardi in castro de Berkley Secundo impositum ei fuit quod ipse impedivit honorem Regis et regni apud Stannyparke ubi Scoti fugerunt qui capi intersici potuerunt Tertio quod ipse accepit 20 millia mercarum a Scotis illas tunc permisit evadere turpem pacem postmodum inter Scotos et Regem ju venem sieri procuravit et super hoc Chartam Regis sieri fecit eisdem Et etiam illud vile matrimonium contractum inter sororem Regis et David filium Roberti de Brus consummari consuluit procuravit Quarto quod male consumpsit totam pecuniam in the sarris patris hujus Regis et Domini Hugonis de Spencer inventum et omnia bona regni postquam Angliam regina intravit suae dispositioni subjecit ita quod ipse Regina abundabant Dominus Rex egebat Quinto quod appropriavit sibi custodias et maritagia nobiliora per totam Angliam Et quod fuit malus Consiliarius Regis Reginae matris et nimis secretus cum ea ut dâ— aliis taceamus These with other Articles mentioned in the Parliament Roll being read thereupon Les ditz COUNTZ BARONS ET PIERS COME JUGGES DU PARLIAMENT as the Parliament Roll it self recites per assent du Roy in mesme le Parliament agarderent et ajugerent que le dit Roger COME TRAYTOUR ET ENEMY du ROY et du ROYALME fuist trâ—yne et pendis Upon which sentence without being called to answer the Earl Marshal by the Kings and Lords command assisted with the Mayor and Sherifs of London and the Constable of the Tower executed him the Thursday next after the first day of the Parliament Ubi mortis excepit sententiam trastus suspensus apud Elmes super communi furca latronum as Walsingham relates The Articles of this Regicides impeachment being very memorable and somewhat larger than those in Walsingham scarce legible in the Parliament Roll of 4 E. 3. I shall here present you with together with the manner of his apprehension and judgement out of Henry de Knyghton King Edward perceiving the great malice and cruelty of Queen Isabel his Mother and Mortymer that they occasioned many seditions favoured the Scots to the great dishonour of the King and Kingdom destroyed the King her Husband Et quanta mala eorum consilio auxilio exercebantur in regno qu â—ntaque mala opera eorum somento velâ—bantur by the secret advice of his friends resolved to separate them from one another to prevent greater mischiefs Nam in tantum invalescebant in terra quod totum regnum in periclitando labi videbatur Deinde Rex tenuit CONCILILM SUUM apud Notyngham in quindena Michaelis cum pene omnibus Magnatibus regni In quo Rex saniori consilio de eorum fraude et malitia saluâ—râ—us edoctus vidensque periculum tam praeteritum quam in posterum â—am in praesenti per dictos Isabellam et le Mortymer evidenter imminens graviter in corde condolens suscepit sicque die Veneris in crastino sancti Lucae Rex cum electa comitiva in obscuro noctis perrâ—xit per quendam viam subterraneam de villa Notynghamiae usque in castellum et venit ad cameram matris suae Isabelâ—ae et invenit ibi prope eam in alia camera Rogerum de Mortymer et Episcopum Lincolniensem Henricum Et statim Rex jussit Rogerum apprehendi et in securam custodiam usque in crastinum poni In crastino fecit apprehendere omnes suos adhaerentes perâ— tam villam dispersos Et statim misit omnes Londonias videlicet le Mortymer Et duos filios ejus scilicet Galfridum Edmundum milises et Dominum Oliverum de Byngam Dominum Simonem de Berforde Et in captione Rogeri Mortymere occisus est Dominus Hugo de Tryplyngton miles et senescallus familiae regis per dictum Rogerum Mortymer in ingressu regis in camera eorum Isabella mater regis ad udicata est perdere omnes terras suas et cum difficultate evasâ—t dampnationem ad mortem eo quod er at mater regis et ob reverentiam regis dilata est sententia Et ordinatum est singulis annis caperet de cista domini regis ad sustentationem suam tria millia mercarum et maneâ—et in uno certo loco ubi rex pro ea disponere vellet Magnates regui imposuerunt contra Rogerum Mortymer Articulos sequentes Primerment que parla on ordenee fuist al parliment de Londrez proscheyne apres la coronnement nostre seignour le roy que quatres Eveskes quatre Contes et vj. Barones dustent estre pres du roy pour la conseyller issint que tote foitz quatre y fuissent Cest assavoir une Eveske une Conte et dieux Barons a meynez que nule grosse bosoigne soit faite sanz lour assent que chescuâ—e respondist dez ces fetz pur son temps la dit Roger nyent eyant regarde al dit assent accrocha a luy real pouare le governement
iâ— regno Quid mihi suaderet vos prodere vel certe necare qui nihil lucri reciperem de vestra morte Nunquid hostes â—estri me ditiorem facerent in terra sua quam effectus sum in terra vestra et in natali solo Aut si regnum affectarem credendu â—ne est post vestram inteâ—fectinnem quod absit Dominos hujus Regni aquâ—nimiter ferre me posse Domini mei et patriae proâ—â—torem Deliâ—ere si placet fidem â—arâ—â—alia â—lerenâ—bus quia paratus sum more militis contra quemcunque mundi mihi in hac causa adversantem pugnare et meam innocentiam defendere et purgare Upon which and other words the King believed the Duke and received his excuses and committed the Frier at his request to the Custodie of the Lord John Holland usque ad diem quo causam diceret horum quae praeposuerat contra eum In ipsa nocte quae processit diem suae responsioniâ— the Frier was strangled and pressed to death by the said John and another Knight and the next day his dead corps was drawn through the street like a Traytor to take away the suspition of his unjust death Ipsi judices ipsi ministri ipsi tortores extiterunt Et hic fructus Parliamenti praesentis praeter hoc quod dominus Willielmus la Zouche quamvis gravissima detineretur aegritudine accersitus erat ad Parliamentum ad standium judicio Regis et Dominorum quia idem â—rater eum velut inventorem inceptorem et incentorem dixerat omnium quae scripserat extitisse Qui cum venisset lectica delatus quia propter guttam equitare non poterat compulsus est discinctus et discooperto capite ad haec omnia sibi objecta more latronum vel proditorum respondere Qui viriliter negavit objecta Sacramento firmans haec nunquam audisse vel hujusmodi cogitasse et ita demum absolutus est et domum redire permissus In this Parliament holden at Salisbury 7 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 11. to 16. John Cavendish a Fishmonger of London made his complaint first to the Commons and after to the Lords against Sir Michael de la Poole Chancellor of England demanding the Peace against him which THE LORDS granted after which he accused him for taking Bribes and delayes and injustice in a sute of his depending before him whereof he cleared himself by his own Oath and the Oaths of other witnesses sworn and examined before THE LORDS Whereupon the Lords being troubled with other weighty matters referred the Chancellors reparation for the Scandal to the ordering of the Judges The same Sir Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk and Chancellor of England in the Parliament of 10 R. 2. rot Parliamenti n. 6. to 18. was accused in full Parliament before THE KING BISHOPS LORDS by the Commons who exhibited sundry Articles against him recorded at large by Henry de Knyghton agreeing with the Parliament Roll. The effect of them was this That whiles he was Chancellor against his Oath to procure the profit of the King he had purchased lands and tenements of the King of great value at under rates and exchanged uncertainâ— customs and rents for good lands in deceipt of the King and for spending the Aids granted to the King the last Parliament to guard the Seas in another manner than they were granted whereby the Seas were not guarded and much mischief hapned to the Realm c. The Lords Commons refused to act any thing till the King came in person to Parliament and the Chancellor removed upon these Articles The Chancellor demanded of the LORDS 1. Whether he should answer these Articles without the Kings presence for things done whiles he was Chancellor for that he being Chancellor of England for the time represented the Kings person in Parliament during his absence thence Secondly Whether his Brother in Law Sir Richard Scroope might not answer for him whom he had by advice of his Counsel appointed to do it To which the LORDS answered and resolved It was honest and fit for him to answer for himself Whereupon he making protestation that he might adde to or diminish from his answer and that which might be honourable to him by advice of his Counsel the Lords granting thereunto He thereupon put in an answer and replication to all the Articles to which his Counsel added some things in making his defence The Commons replyed to his answer to w ch he by way of rejoyndâ—r replied and answered to them his defence sâ—eming very solid Yet the Commons upon his replication before judgement pressed the King then being in Parliament and she Lords that he might be committed for the grievous offences charged against him Whereupon he was arrested by the Kings command and committed to the custody of the Constable of England and after let to mainprise Ar last THE LORDS in full Parliament GAVE JUDGEMENT AGAINST HIM That for breach of his Oath all the Manors and lands which he had of the Kings gift contained in the Articles should be seised into the Kings hands to have them to him and his heirs for ever together with their mean profits and issues saving to him the name and Title of a Knight and Earl together with an annuity of 20 l. yearly granted him out of the profits of the County of Suffolk The like judgement was given against him for the lands exchanged by the King for the customs of Hull and the Priory of St. Anthony Walsingham addes That he was deprived likewise of his Chancellorship and adjudged worthy of death yet the Lords would not put him to death but sent him prisoner to Windsore Castle Rex autem non multo post annullavit quicquid in Parliamento statutum fuerat contra ipsum In the Parliament of 11 R. 2. rot Parl. â— 6 7. Thomas Duke of Gloucester kneeling before the King said that he understood the King was informed he went about to depose him and to make himself King Wherefore he offered to put himself upon his tryal in that behalf as the Lords of the Parliament would award Whereupon the King said in open Parliament that he thought the said Duke was nothing faulty and therefore held him excused After which all THE LORDS as well spiritual as temporal being in the Parliament claimed their liberties and franchises namely That all weightâ— matters in the same Parliament which should be after moved touching THE PEERS OF THE LAND ought to be discussed JUDGED AND DETERMINED BY THE M by the course of Parliament and not by the Civil Law nor yet by the Common Law of the Land used in other Couâ—ts of the Realm The which claim and liberties the King most willingly allowed and granted thereto in full Parliament After which Thomas Earl of Glocester Henry Earl of Derby Richard Earl of Arundel Thomas Earl of Warwick and Thomas Earl of Marshal Lords Appellants impeached Alexandâ—r Archbishop of York Robert de Vere
every temporal Lord being in full Parliament examined touching the answer of the said Sir William and the matters and evidences which they had examined said severally that the said William had done his message well and legally and that in the person of the said William there was no fault nor evil touching the said message nor any thing that he did to the person of the said Duke Whereupon Walter Clapton Chief Justice of the Kings Bench by command of the king adjudged and declared that the said William should be fully excused and acquitted for ever in time to come touching this matter 3ly The last day of this Parliament it was agreed by the King and Lords that all the remembrances called Raggemans or Blantâ—es Charters lately sealed in the City of London and divers Counties Cities and Burroughs of England should be sent to the City of London and from every County City and Burrough from whence they came and Writs sent to every of them rehearsing That the king held all the resiants and Inhabitants in them for his good and loyal Subjects and that no confession by them made comprised in the said remembrances are nor shall be in derogation of the estate of any such person and that the same remembrances shall be burnt and destroyed in the most open place of the said Counties Cities and Burroughs and if any thing remain of record in any Court or place the king wills that it shall be cancelled and totally adnulled revoked and repealed and held for no record and of no force nor value for time to come 4ly The 19th of November in the said Parliament Placita Coronae coram Domino Rege in Parliamento suo c. Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post Conquestum primo n. 17. The Commons prayed she King that rhe pursute arrest and judgements made against Sir William le Scropâ— knight Henry Green knight and John Bassy knight might be affirmed and held good Whereupon Sir Richard Scroop humbly prayed the King that nothing which should be done in this Parliament might turn to his or his Childrens dis-inherison Of which Sir Richard it was demanded whether the said pursute arrest and judgements were good or not who answered that he feared not to say and must confesse that when they were made thâ—y were good and profitable for the King and Realm and that his Son was one of them for which he was very sorrowfull Whereupon the king rehearsed that he claimed the Realm and Crown of England with all their members and appurietenances as heir of the bloud by the right line of king Henry the 3d. and although through the right which God had sent him by the aid of his Parents and friends he recovered the said Realm which was at the point to be undone by default of government and defesance of the Laws and customs of the Realm yet it was not his will that any should think that by way of Conquest he would disinherit any man of his heritage franchise or other right which he ought to have nor out any man of that which he had or should have by the good Laws or Customs of the Realm except these who had been against the good purpose and common profit of the Realm of which only the King held the said Sir William Henry and John for such and guilty of all the evil which had come upon the Realm and therefore he would have and hold all the Lands and Tenements they had within the Realm of England or elsewhere by conquest Whereupon fuist demande de touts les Seigniors temporellez lour advys de les pursuite arreste juggem 〈◊〉 suiâ—diâ—z Les queux Seigniors touz de â—ne accorde disorent que mesmes les pursuite arreste juggement quinâ—que fuist fait come defuist dit uist bons et les affirmente Piur bons et profitables 5ly In the case of John Hall 1 H. 4. Placita Coronae n. 11 to 17. who being in custody of the Marshal of Englana was brought by him before the Lords in Parliament and there charged before them by Walter Clapton Lord Chief Justice by the King command with having a hand in the murther of the Duke of Glocester who was smothered to death with a Featherbed at Calues by king Richard the seconds command the whole transaction whereof he confessed at large and put in writing before James Billingford Clerk of the Crown which was read before the Lords upon reading thereof the King and all the temporal Lords in Parliament resolved that the said John Hall by his own confession deserved to have as hard a death as they could adjudge him to because the Duke of Glocester was so high a Person and thereupon toutes les Seigneiors temporelz per assent du Roy adjuggerent all the temporal Lords by assent of the King ADJVDGED that the said Jo. Hall should be drawn from Tower hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn and there bowelled and his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calice where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the king should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshal of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gave judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calice and so not â—riable in the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a Judgement of High Treason on him for murthering of a great Peer only In the Parliament of 2 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 23 24. The Commons shewed to the King that William Bagot had been impeached of many horrible deeds and misprisions the which if they had been true the Commons supposed the the King aad ths Lords would have had good notice thereof for that they had made many examinations thereof whiles the said William was in distress And therefore the said Commons prayed the King that the said Sir William being in Flanders and no offence found in his person upon the slanders in his impeachment aforesaid that he would be pleased to restore him to his lands To which prayer was answered in the Kings behalf that although the said Sir William upon the said impeachment made the last Parliament was put to his answer before the King and the Lords and there pleaded a general Charter of pardon against which Charter it seemed to all the Lords then present that the said Sir William ought not to be impeached nor put to answer by the King on his part for that the said Sir William was not attainted of any impeachment suggested against him and that the King had done him justice in this behalf therefore he would in the same manner doe him justice in the residue at the Commons request A most full proof of the Kings and Lords judicial power in Parliaments even in case of a Commoner The same Parliament 2. H. 4. num 29. William
declare against Roger Manwaring Clerk Dr. in Divinity that whereas by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm the Free Subjects of England doe undoubtedly inherit this right and liberty not to be compelled to contribute to any tax tallage aid or to make any Loans not set or imposed by common consent by Act of Parliament and divers of his Majesties loving Subjects relying upon the said Laws and Customs did in all humility refuse to lend such sums of mony as without authority of Parliament were lately required of them Nevertheless he the said Roger Manwaring in contempt and contrary to the Laws of this Realm hath lately preached in his Majesties presence two several Sermons That is the 4. day of July last one of the said Sermons and upon the 29. day of the same moneth the other of the same Sermons Both which Sermons he hath since published in print in a Book entituled Religion and Allegeance and with a wicked and malicious intention to seduce and misguide the conscience of the Kings most excellent Majesty touching the observation of the Laws and Customs of this kingdom and of the rights and liberties of the Subjects to incense his royal displeasure against his good Subjects so refusing to subvert scandalize and impeach the good Laws and Government of this Realm and the Authority of the High Court of Parliament to avert his Majesties mind from calling of Parliaments to alienate his royal heart from his people and to cause jealousies sedition and division in the kingdom He the said Roger Manwaring doth in the said Sermons and book perswade the kings most excellent Majesty First That his Majesty is not bound to keep and observe the good Laws and Customs of the Realm concerning the rights and liberties of the Subjects aforementioned and this his royal will and command in imposing loans taxes and other aids upon his people without common consent in Parliament doth so far bind the Subjects of this Realm that they cannot refuse the same without peril of eternal damnation Secondly That those his Majesties loving Subjects which refused the loan aforementioned in such manner as is before recited did therein offend the Law of God against his Majesties supream authority and by so doing became guilty of impiety disloyaltâ—e rebellion and dis-obedience and lyable to many other taxes and censures which he in the several parts of his book doth most fasly and malitiously lay upon them Thirdly That authority of Parliament is not necessary for raising of aids and subsidies that the slow proceedings of such assemblies are not fit for the supply of the urgent necessities of the estate but rather apt to produce sundry impedimenâ—s to the just designs of Princes and to give them occasion of displeasure and discontent All which the Commons are ready to prove not only by the general scope of the same Sermons and books but likewise by several clauses aspersions and sentences therein contained and that he the said Roger Manwaring by preaching and publishing the Sermons and book aforementioned did most unlawfully abuse his holy function instituted by God in his Church for the guiding of the consciences of all his servants and chiefly of soveraign Princes and Magistrates and for the maintenance of peace and concord betwixt all men especially between the King and his People and hath thereby most grievously offended against the Crown and dignity of his Majesty and against the prosperity and good government of this estate and Commonwealth And the said Commons by protestation saving to themselves the liberty of exhibiting of any other accusation at any time hereafter or impeachment againg the said Roger Manwaring and also of replying to the answers which he said Roger shall make unto any of the matters contained in this present bill of complaint and of offering further proof of the premises or of any of them as the cause according to the course of the Parliament shall require Do pray that the said Roger Manwaring mâ—y be put to answer to all and every the premisses and that such proceeding examinatâ—on trial judgement and exemplary punishment may be thereupon had and executed as is agreeable to Law and Justice On June the 14 1628. the Lords sending a message to the House of Commons that they were ready to give judgement against Manwaring if the House of Commons would demand it Thereupon they went with the Speaker up to the Lords House having agreed he should demand judgement in these words which he then used at the Lords Bar The Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons have impeached Roger Manwaring of sundry misdemeanors and your Lordships having taken consideration thereof they doe now by me their Speaker demand judgement against them Which upon reading his impeachment and full proof thereof out of his Sermons in his presence was done accordingly The Judgement was given and pronounced by the Lord Keeper all the LORDS being in their Robes and Manwaring at the Bar it was delivered in these words Whereas Roger Manwaring Doctor in Divinity hath been impeached by the House of Commons for misdemeanors of a high nature in preaching two Sermons before his Majestie in Summer which since are published in print in a Book intituled Religion and Allegiance and in another Sermon preached in the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields the 4th of May last And their Lordships have considered of the said Manwarings answer thereunto expressed with tears and grief for his offence most humbly craving pardon therefore of the Lords and Commons yet neverthelesse for that it can be no satisfaction for the great offence wherewith he is charged by the said Declaration which doth evidently appear in the very words of the said Sermons their Lordships have proceeded to judgement against him and therfore this High Court doth adjudge First That Dr. Manwaring shall be imprisoned during the pleasure of the House 2ly That he de fined at 1000 l. to the King 3ly That he shall make such submission and acknowledgement of his offences as shall be set down by a Committee in writing both at the Bar and in the House of Commons 4ly That he shall be suspended for the time of 3 years from the exercise of the Ministery and in the mean time a sufficient preaching Minister shall be provided out of his living to serve the Cure this suspension and this provision of a preaching Minister shall be done by the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction 5ly That he shall be for ever disabled to preach at the Court hereafter 6ly That he shall be hereafter disabled to have any Ecclesiastical dignity or secular Office 7ly That his said Book is worthy to be burnt and that for the better effecting of this his Majesty may be moved to grant a Proclamation to call in the said Books that they may be all burnt accordingly in London and both Universities and for the inhibiting the permitting therof upon a great penalty Here we have a most direct president where the whole House of Commons
by their Speaker acknowledge the right of judicature in the case of a Commoner to be only and wholly in the Lords even in a criminal cause and thereupon pray the Lords to give judgement against him upon their Impeachment which they did accordingly in their robes as Judges by the mouth of the Lord Keeper their Speaker In this very Parliament now sitting Decemb. 21. Jan. 14. Febr. 11. 1640. and July 6. 1641. The Commons House by their Members impeached Sir John Bramston Chief Justice of the Kings Bench Sir John Finch Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Sir Humphry Davenport Chief Baron Judge Berkly Judge Crawly Baron Weston and Baron Trever of high Treason and other misdemeanors for that they had trayterously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the fundamental Laws and established Government of the Realm of England and instead thereof to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical Government against Law which they had declared by trayterous words opinions and judgement in the point of SHIP MONY by their subscriptions and judgement given against them in the case of Mr. Hamden in the Exchequer Chamber Which Impeachments they transmitted to the Lords House praying THE LORDS to put them to answer the premises and upon their examinations and trial to give such judgement upon every of them as is agreeable to Law and Justice To avoid which judgement Sir John Finch fled the Realm and the rest of them made fines and compositions to the publike and were most of them removed from their Judges places After this the Lords themselves as Judges in Parliament passed several judgements and censures against Dr. John Pocklington for his Sunday no Sabbath and other Books and against Dr. Bray for licensing them In October 1643. The Lords fined and imprisoned Clement Walker Esq in the Tower for some scandalous words against the Lord Viscount Say a Member of he House of Peers After that the Lords alone without any Impeachment of the Commons on their privity imprisoned fined and censured one Morrice upon complaint of Sir Adam Littleton after a full hearing at which I was present for forging an Act of Parliament with four or five more of his confederates therein which was most clearly proved by Witnesses upon Oath whereby he would have defrauded Sir Adam of some Lands in Essex And at least one hundred more Commoners have been committed by THE LORDS this Parliament and fined by them for several offences Misdemeanors and Breaches of their Privileges as well as Lilburn and Overton yet none of them ever excepted against or demurred to their Jurisdiction nor did the Commons House ever yet except against them for these their proceedings as injurious or illegal but approved and applauded this their Justice Finally John Lilburn himself in his printed Pamphlet intituled Innocency and Truth justified p. 74 75. relates that on May 4. 1641. himself was accused of High Treason and brought before the Lords Barr for his life where one Littleton swore point-blank against him But he having Liberty given to speak for himself without any demurring to their Jurisdiction because we was a Commoner desired that his Witnesses might be heard to clear him was upon Mr. Andrews Oath acquitted at the Barr of the whole house And thereupon concludes I am resolved to speak well of those who have done me JUSTICE From all these punctual successive presidents impeachments and clear confessions of the Commons House themselves in many former and late Parliam and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Iudicature without the Commons vested in them not only over Peers themselves but likewise Commoners in all extraordinary criminal cases of Treason Felony Trespass and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised submitted to in all ages without dispute much more then have they such a just judicial rightfull power in cases of breach of their own privileges of which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone as Sir Edw. Cook resolves they being the supremest Court. And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Judicature in the Realm inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons causes of Commoners yea to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of their Privileges as our Law books resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Iudicature both over Peers and Commoners in criminal causes being thus fully evicted against the falseâ— ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament which they never yet read nor understood there remains nothing but to answer some Authorities Presidents and Objections produced against it These presidents in Sir Edward Cooke Sir Robert Cotton and others are of 3 Sores 1. Such as are produced by them only to prove that the Commons have a Copartnership and joynt Authority with the King and Lords in the power and right of Judicature in our Parliaments 2ly Such as are objected to evidence they have a sole power of Judicature in themselves in some cases without the K. and Lords 3ly Such as are urged to prove they have no right of Judicature in Parliament in the cases of Commoners that are capital or criminal I shall propose and answer them all in order 1. Sir Edward Cook and Sir Robert Cotton produce these presidents to prove That the Commons have a Joint inâ—erest right and share with the King and Lords in the Iudicatory or Judicial power of Parliaments which I shall propound according to their Antiquity The 1. President alleged for it is that of Adomar Bishop of Winchester elect cited by Sir Robert Cotton in his Post-humous Discourse concerning the Power of the Peers Commons in Parliament in point of Iudicature who An. 44 H. 3. as affirms he was then exiled by the Ioint Sentence of the King Lords and COMMONS as appears by the Letter sent to Pope Alexander the 4th Si Dominus Rex et Regni Majores hoc vellent meaning Adomars revocation COMMUNITAS tamen ipsius ingressum jam nullatenus sustineret The Peers subsign this answer with their names and Peter de Moâ—tfort vice totius COMMUNITATIS as Speaker or Proctor of the Commons I answer under the favour of this renowned learned Antiquary that this president is full of gross mistakes For 1. Bishop Adomar was not banished the Realm at all either by King Lords or Commons but fled out of it voluntarily for fear to avoid the Barons who purâ—iâ—ed him with forces as Mat. Paris with others relate which the Nobles and Generality of the Barons in direct terms inform this Pope in another Letter sent together with this objected Maxime cum ipse a regno expuisus non extiterit sed sponte cesserit non ausus exhibitionem justiâ—iae quae
of 26 H. 6. n. â— upon his excuse Whereupon William Tresham was elected in his place presented to and approved by the King n. 7. 5ly That when he is elected and approved yet in case of sickness and infirmity he may be removed and another chosen and presented in his place and that upon the Commons special Petition to the king in his behalf out of his meer Grace to discharge him and accept of another Thus in the Parliament of 1 H. 4. n. 62 63 64. Sir John Cheyney Knight after his election and approbation was discharged and Sir John Dorew Knight elected presented and admitmitted by the Kings license to be Speaker in his room So in the Parliament of 1 H. 5. n. n. 7 9 10.11 Will. Sturton Esquire after he was chosen and allowed Speaker was removed for grievous sickness and John Doreward chosen in his place At the Parliament holden 15 H. 6. n. 10 27. Sir John Tirril knight was chosen and allowed yet removed for grievous sickness and William Beerell chosen in his place and that by the Kings special license and approbation to whom all those new Speakers were again presented by the Commons for his royal assent thereto 6ly That if he be altered by his Majesty by assent of the Council Lords as the entry is in the Parliament Rolls then he maketh a protestation or Petition to the king which consisteth of three parts 1. That the Commons in this Parliament may have freedom of speech as of right and custom they have used and all their antient and just Privileges and Liberties allowed them which the King usually granted with this caution That he hoped or doubted not That the Members would not speak any unfitting words or abuse this freedom and privilege for abuse whereof some have been committed Prisoners to the Tower by our Kings and Queens command 2ly That if he shall commit any Error in any thing he shall deliver in the name of the Commons no fault may be imputed to the Commons and that he may resort again to them for declaration of his good intent and that his Error may be pardoned 3ly That as often as necessity for his Majesties service and the good of the Common-wealth shall require he may by direction of the House of Commons have access to his Majesty If then the King hath the sole power and jurisdiction thus to nominate approve confirm disallow refuse discharge and remove the very Speakers of the Commons House themselves and not the Commons but by and with his special license grace and royal assent yea to grant them freedom of speech and their usual Privileges and liberties every Parliament upon their Petition and to pardon theirs and their Speakers Errors and that sitting in the Lords House with their assents then doubtlesse the king and Lords alone are the sole Judges of the Speakers and all other Members of the Commons House and have the sole power to judge of their undue elections retorns misdemeanors breaches of Privileges and all other matters concerning their Membership not the Commons And if they can neither constitute elect nor remove their own Speaker for sickness or any other cause without the kings privity and consent declared in the House of Lords much lesse can they suspend seclude or eject any Member out of the House when chosen and returned by the Freeholders Citizens or Burgesses as their Attorny or Trustee in equal power with themselves without the Kings or Lords consents for any pretext of unfitness or undue election And if the king as Sir Edward Cook grants and these presidents prove may discharge the Speaker from his Office for grievous sickness and inability to discharge it I mak no question but he may likewise upon the like Petition of the Commons or Speaker discharge him of his attendance in the House or any other Member for the self same reason and grant a Writ to elect another able and fitting person in his place according to the opinion of 38 H. 8. Brooks Parliament 7. and Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts f. 16. approved by the whole House of Commons and accordingly practised in 38 H. 8. against Sir Edward Cooks bare opinion without reason to the contrary In the Parliament holden at Westminster 5 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 38. Thomas Thorp his Case Item because that the Writ of Summons of Parliament returned by the Sherif of Roteland was not sufficiently nor duly returned as the Commons conceived the said Commons prayed our Lord the King and the Lords in Parliament that this matter might be duly examined in Parliament and that in case therâ— shall be default found in this matter that such a punishment might be inflicted which might become exemplary to others to offend again in the like manner Whereupon 〈◊〉 said Lord the King in full Parliament commanded the Lords in Parliament to examine the said matter and to do therein as to them should seem best in their discretions And thereupon the said Lords caused to come before them in Parliament as well the said Sherifs at William Oneby who was returned by the said Sherif for one of the Knights of the said County and Thomas Thorp who was elected in full Countie to be one of the Knights of the said Shire for the said Parliament and not returned by the said Sherif And the said parties being duly examined and their reasons well considered in the said Parliament it was agreed by the said Lords that because the said Sherif had not made a sufficienâ— return of the said Writ that he shall amend the said return and that he shall return the said Thomas for one of the said Knights as he was elected in the said County for the Parliament and moreover that the said Sherif for this default shall be discharged of his Office any committed Prisoner to the Fleeâ— and that he should make sins and ransome at the Kings pleasures â—oâ— here the Lords in Parliament at the Commons request and by the Kings command examine and give judgement in case of an undue election and retorn even without the Commons In this same Parliament Richard Cheddar Esquire a menial servant and attendant on Sir Thomas Brook chosen one of the Knights to serve in Parliament for the County of Somerset was horribly beaten wounded blemished and maimed by one John Savage Whereupon the Commons complained thereof to the King and Lords petitioning them for redress both in his particular case for the present and all others of that nature for the future that they might make fine at the Kings 〈◊〉 and render double damages to the party maimed whether Members of theirs Servants Whereupon it was ordained and established by the King and Lords that for as 〈…〉 deed was done within the time of the said Parliament that Proclamation be made where it was done that the said John appear and yield himself in the Kings Bench within a quarter of a year after the Proclamation
or jurisdiction to enlarge him or to fine or imprison those who took him in Execution as of late times they have done And in this Parliament upon the petition and supplication of the Prelates and Clergy n. 32. the King by the assent and advice of the Lords enacted the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 1. That the Clergy and their Attendants called to the Convocation by the Kings writ should have and enjoy for ever hereafter the same liberty and immunity in going coming and tarrying as the Great men and Commonalty of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliaments have used and enjoyed they complaining to the king that they and their servants coming to the Convocation were oftentimes and commonly arrested molested and inquieted Which they had no power to redress but only the King and Lords upon their complaints thereof In the Parliament of 18 H. 6. n. 13. It was shewed to the King and the Lords Spiritual Temporal that Gilbert Hore Sherif of the County of Cambridge upon the kings writ directed to him to chuse 2. knights for that shire had made no return of any knights for that County for certain reasons therein expressed Whereupon the King by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal not the Commons house alone as now nor yet joyntly with them ordered that a New writ for electing 2. knights for that County should be directed to him and that he should make proclamation that no person should come to the election with arms or arrayed in warlike manner in disturbance of the said election and breach of the kings peace A memorable president of the Kings and Lords Jurisdiction even in point of elections In the Parliament of 23 H. 6. n. 41. The Commons petitioned the king that by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at their special request it might be enacted that every Member of the Lords and Commons house who should have any assault or affray made upon him being at the Parliament or going to or coming from thence might have the like remedy at Sir Thomas Parr knight had given him in this Parliament to wit upon petition of the Commons in his behalf to the King and Lords being the same as was enacted in Chedders case 11 H. 6. c. 11. before Whereunto the king answered The Statutes therefore made shall be observed In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. rot parl n. 25 26 27 28. we have this memorable famous case touching privilege of Parliament in their very Speakers own case resolved by the Lords Thomas Thorp chief Baron was chosen Speaker of the Parliament after his election and before the Parliament which was prorogued sat he was arrested and taken in execution at the sute of the Duke of York whereupon some of the Commons were sent up by the House to the king and Lords spiritual and temporal sitting in Parliament desiring that they might enjoy all their ancient and accustomed privileges in being free from arrests and propounded the case of Thomas Thorp their Speaker to them desiring his inlargement whereupon the said Lords spiritual aad temporal not intending to hurt or impeach the privilege of the Commons but equally after the course of Law to administer Justice and to have knowledge what the Law will weigh in that behalf declared to the Justices the premises and asked of them whether the said Thomas ought to be delivered from prison by force and vertue of the said privilege of Parliament or not To the which question the chief Justices in the name of all the Justices aforesaid communication and mature deliberation had among them answered and said That they ought not to answer that question for it hath not been used aforetime that the Justices should in any wise determine the privilege of this high Court of Parliament for it is so high and mighty in his nature that it may make that Law which is not and that that is Law it may make no Law and the determination and knowledge of their privilege belongeth to the Lords of the Parliament and not to the Justices But as for declaration of proceedings in the lower Courts in such cases as writs of Supersedoas of Privilege of Parliament be brought and delivered the said chief Justice said that there be many and divers Supersedeas of privileges of Parliament brought into the Courts but there is no general Supersedeas brought to furcease all Processes for if there should be it should seem that this high Court of Parliament that ministreth all Justice and equity should let the process of the common Laws and so it should put the party plainant without remedy for so much as actions at Common Law be not determined in this high Court of Parliament And if any person that is a Member of this high Court of Parliament be arrested in such cases as be not for Treason or Felony or surety of the Peace or for condemnation before the Parliament it is used that all such persons should be released of all such arrests and make an Attorney so that they may have the freedom and Liberty freely to attend upon the Parliament After which answer and Declaration it was throughly agréed assented and concluded by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that the said Thomas according to the Law should remain still in prison for the causes abovesaid the privilege of the Parliament or that the same Sir Thomas was Speaker of the Parliament notwithstanding And that the premises should be opened and declared to them that were comen for the Commons of this land and they should be charged and commanded in the kings name that they with all goodly hast and speed proceed to the election of another Speaker The which premiâ—es for as much as they were matters of Law by the commandement of the Lords were opened and declared to the Commons by the mouth of Walter Moyle one of the kings Sergeants at Law in the presence of the Bishop of Ely accompanyed with other Lords in notable number and there it was commanded and charged to the said Commons by the said Bishop of Ely in the kings name that they should proceed to the election of another Speaker with all goodly hast and speed so that the matters for which the king called this his Parliament might be proceeded in and this Parliament take good and effectual conclusion and end Whereupon the Commons accordingly elected Thomas Charlton knight for their Speaker the next day and acquainted the Lords therewith and desired the kings approbation of their choice which was accorded unto by the king by assent of the Lords Lo here 1. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are the sole Judges of the privilege of the very Speaker of the House of Commons who is here adjudged to remain in execution notwithstanding their petition for his enlargement 2ly The whole House of Commons could not then send for nor yet enlarge their own Speaker when imprisoned
advis and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commyns in the seid Parliament assembled and by authorite of the same declared approved ratified confirmed and accepted the seid title just good lawfull and true and thereunto gave his assent and agrreement of his free will and liberty And over that by the seid advis and auctorite declared affirmed and reputed the seid Richard Duke of York very true and rightfull heir to the Crowns Royal estate and dignite of the Realms of Englond France and Lordship of Irelond aforeseid And that according to the worship and reverence thereto belonging he should be taken accepted and repuâ—ed in worship and reverence by all the Estates and persons of the seid Realm of Englond The seid Usurper late called King Henry the sixth saving and reserving to himself the seid Crowns Realms royal estate dignite and preheminence of the same and the seid Lordship of Ireland during his life natural And further more by the same advice and authotiâ—e would consented and agreed that after his decease or when it should please him to lay from him the seid Crowns estate dignity and Lordship or thereof ceâ—â—ede the seid Richard Duke of York and his heirs should immediately succeed him in the seid Crowns Royal Estate dignity and Lordship and them then have and enjoy any Act of Parliament Statute Ordinance or any thing to the contrary made or interruption or discontinuance of possession notwithstanding And if any person or persons from thenceforâ—h imagined or compaced the death of the seid Richard Duke of York it be deemed and judged high Treason in manner and form as it is specified in the seid Act And that the seid Noble Prince Richard Duke of York by way and consideration of recompence for his abstaining for a time of the exercise of the seid royal power of the benigne and noble disposition that he bare to the said Common wele and to the rest and tronquillity of the seid Realm should have Castles Mannors lands and tenements to the value of 10 Mil. Marc. whereof the Earldom and City of Chester was parcel assigned to the said Duke by special Act made in the seid Parliament the which Earldom and City the seid Duke gave among other unto our seid Soveraign Lord then being Earl of March as parcel of Manors Lordships lands and tenements of the yearly value of 3 Mil. Marc. which by vertue of the seid convention and concord and the Act thereof made was given unto him for the sustentation of his estate abiding and persevering like a true Christian and honourable Prince in full purpose to keep and observe the seid Convention and concord for his party trusting verily that the seid Usurper Henry late called King Henry the sixth would have truly faithfully justly keped and observed for his party the same convention and concord inviolable as by Law reason Princely honour and duty he was bounden to doe and not have departed and varied from such convention made of so high and so great authority as it was made whereunto neither our seid Soveraign Lord ne the seid noble Prince assented but without prejudice of the seid right and ritle as it is plainly specified in the sâ—id Act made upon the seid convencion and Concord and under protestation and condition that the seid Usurpour shuld kepe and perform without fraude or male ingyne all things therein contained for his seid party declared openly by their mouths in the presens and heryng of the said Lords in the seid Parliament and therein enacted of Record at the grete instaunce and prayer of the same Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth And at the solempne request of all the seid Lords for the tender and special zele love and affection that he bare to the rest of the seid Realm and to the Commyn wele and policy thereof toke his viage of good blessed and vertuous intent and disposition toward the North parties of the said Realm to repress and subdue certain riots rebellions insurrections and commotions there begun And the premises notwithstanding the seid Henry Usurpour late called King Henry the sixth continuing in his old rancour malice using the fraud and malicious disceit and dissimulation agenst trouth and conscience that accord not with the honour of eny cristen Prince to th entent that the said Agrement concord and Act shuld take no due effect And into the frustacion of the same in the matiers and things above reherced that is to say that neither the seid Richard Duke shuld have ne enjoy the same Castells Manoirs lands and tenements name title reverence and worship above reherced neither he ne his sons and heirs succeed in the seid Corones Royal estate dignity lordship after the tenure fourm and effect of the said agreement concord and Act with all subtil imaginacions and disceitful ways and means to him possible intended and covertely laboured excited and procured the final destruction murdre and death of the said Richard Duke and of his Sons that is to sey of our seid new Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth then Earl of March and of the noble Lord Edmund Earl of Ruthlande And for the execution of his dampnable and malicious purpose by writing and other messages moeved excited and stirred thereunto the Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords being then in the North parties of this Realm whereupon at Wakefeld in the Shire of York the seid Duke of Somerset falsely and traiterously the same Noble Prince Duke of York on Teiusday the 30 day of Decemb. last passed horribly cruelly traiterously murdered And also the worthy and good Lords Edmund Earl of Ruthland Brother of our seid Soveraign Lord and Richard Earl of Salesbury And not therwith content of their insatiable malice after that they were dede made them to beheaded with abhomynable cruelte and horrible despite agenst all humanite and nature of Nobles And after that the same Henry Usurpour gretely and wonderfuly joying the seid dolorous and piteous murder of the same noble Prince and worthy Lords to the Realm an heavy and a lamentable sorrow and lost forthwith and oftentimes after openly declared to divers Lords of the same Realm That he would not in any wise kepe the seid Convencioun and accord ne the act thereof made and to the infraccion and violatiation of the said convention and concord not only sent Letters made under his prive Seal unto certain Knights and Squiers commaunding and charging them by the same to spoil and disseise our seid Soveraign Lord by the name of Earl of March of his possession of the seid Earldom and Citee of Chester whereof he was lawfully possessed and seased by vertue and reason of the seid Convencion and Concord but also of extreme violence utter and final breche of his party of the seid convencions and concord sent out writs under his Seal to the Mayer Aldermen and Commonalte of the Citee of London bering date the 22 day of Feverere last past and other like
Writs to divers Officers Governours and Ministers of divers other Citees and to many Shires and Burroughs of the seid Realm to make fals untrue and injust proclamations against our seid Soveraign and Liege Lord K. Ed. the 4th by the name of Ed. late E. of March to provoke and excite his destruction And also by his Letters signed with his hand directed unto the seid Dukes of Excester and Somerset and other Lords refused and denied to keep and observe the seid accord convention and agreement and by the same writing falsifying his promise departed from the same Convention and accord afore either the same our Soveraign Lord or the seid noble Prince his Fader any thing did or attempted to the contrary of the same convention and concord for their partie Be it declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite the premises considered that the seid Usurper Henry late called Henry the sixth agenst good faith troth conscience and his honour brake the seid Convention and concord and departed therefrom of wilfull malice long afore the seid fourth day of March as by the matters afore declared it appeareth sufficiently And that the breche thereof on his partie discharged our seid Soveraign Lord of all things that should or might charge him to the keeping thereof in any Article or point after the seid breche And that he was then at his freedom and liberty to use his said right and title of the seid Crownes and to enter into the exercise thereof and of the Royal power dignite and preheminence longing thereunto as he lawfully did in manere and fourm above specified the seid convention and concord and the Acte thereupon made or any thing therein conteined notwithstanding And over this it be declared and juged by the seid advis assent and authorite that the seid agreement concord and Act in all things which been in any wise repugnant or contrary to the seid right title entree state seasen and possession of our Soveraign Lord King Edward the fourth in and to the Crown Royal estate dignite and Lordship above said be void and of no force ne effect And that it be Ordeyned and stablished by the seid assent advis and authorite that every person having any parcel of the seid Castles Manors Lands Honours tenements rents services possessions or hereditaments aboveseid the which were given in exchange or in recompence of or for any other Manors Castles lands tenements rents advowsons fee-farms reversions or any other possessions or enheritaments given to the seid Henry late Earl of Derby to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the fifth or to the seid Henry his son late called King Henry the sixth or to any other person or persones to or for their or any of their use at their or any of their desire or to perform execute their or any of their wille mowe entre And that they and their heirs and successors entre into the same Manors Castles Lands tenements rents services possessions advowsons or hereditaments so given And them have hold keep joy occupy and inherit of like estate as the giver or givers thereof had them at the time of the gift thereof made though it be so that in any of the Letters Patents or gifts made of any of the premises no mention be made of any recompence or eschange Qua quidem petitione in Parliamento praedicto lecta audita plenius intellecta de avisamento assensu Dominorum Spiritualium Temporalium in eodem Parliam existen ad requisitionem Communitatis praedictae respondebatur eidem modo forma hic Inferius annotatis The King by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in this present Parliament assembled at the request of the Commyns being in the same agreeth and assenteth to this Petition and it accepteth with certain moderations provisions and exceptions by his Highness thereupon made and in schedules written and in the same Parliament delivered the tenours of which hereunder follow c. Convenit cum Recordo This Judgement censure repeal in full Parliament of the deposition and proceeding against King Richard the 2. upon the Commons own Petition by this Act never yet reversed as most wicked treasonable unrighteous against Gods Laws and Mans crying for vengeance in Gods hearing in heaven and exemplarily punished upon the whole kingdom Nation and Henry the 4. his posterity on earth with the sad intestine warres miseries that attended it are sufficient arguments of its unlawfulness detestableness against all those who deem it just or allege it for a president to justifie their extravagances of a more execrable and transcendent Nature 16ly It is very observable that Roger Mortimer Earl of March who had the chief hand in deposing murthering King Edward the 2. after he was deposed was in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. condemned and executed for it as a Traytor without any legal trial all his lands confiscated and Queen Isabel her self who concurred with him like to be questioned for her life and abridged in her maintenance Moreover King Richard the 2. Granchild and next heir to King Edward the 3. who imprisoned deposed and invaded his Fathers throne though somewhat against his will was imprisoned deposed proceeded against in the self same manner as Edw. the 2. was by his very president and soon after murdered like as Edw. the 2. was by King Henry the 4. After which king Henry the 4. his Granchild Henry the 6. was also in the self same manner imprisoned deposed attainted of high Treason with his Queen and Adherents in the Parliament of 1 Edw. 4. n. 8. to 33. and at last murdered by Edw. the 4. his procurement to secure the Crown to himself and his Posterity Yet no sooner was King Edw. the 4. dead but his own Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester who by his instigation murdered King Henry the 6. with his own hands procuring himselâ— to be Protector of his son King Edw. the 5. then young getting his Brother and him into his custody by treachery perjury and hypocrisie caused them both to be barbarously murdered to set the Crown on his own head which he most ambitiously aspired after yet seemed unwilling to embrace till enforced to accept it by a Petition and Declaration drawn up by his own Instruments presented to him in the name of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Realm of England wherein he branded his Brother king Edw. the fourth his marriage as illegal and his issue as illegitimate aspersed his Life and Government as one by whom the Laws of God of Gods Church of the Land and of nature and also the laudable Customs and Liberties of England wherein every English man is inheritor were broken subverted contemned against all reason and justice So that the Land was ruled by self-will and pleasure fear and dread all manner of Equity and Law laid apart and despised so that no man was sure of
or men but a just lawfull commendable heroick righteous and meritorious action to kill destroy dethrone or wage warr against a professed Tyrant especially such a one who invades his lawfull Soveraigns Throne Crown by perjury treason force regicide expulsion deposition or assassination of his rightfull undoubted Soveraign against his duty and allegiance without any colour of just Title to the Crown And this they hold unquestionable when done either by command or commission from the King de jureâ— or his rightfull heir or successor though out of actual possession or out of meer loyalty and duty to restore them to the just possession of their Thrones or to free their Native Country from the miseries oppressions wars murders bloudsheds and apparent destruction occasioned by his Usurpation of the Crown which is warranted by the presidents of Athaliah 2 Kings 11. 2 Chron. 23. and of Zimri 1 Kings 16.8 to 23. recorded in Scripture with hundreds of examples in other Histories of all antient and modern Empires kingdomâ— Besides when the usurping King de facto is removed dead destroyed and the king de jure or his right heir restored by way of remitter to the actual possession of the Crown in disaffirmance of the usurpers right and possession they are in the selfsame plight and condition in Law as if they had never been usurped upon or dispossessed of the Throne Therefore the King de jure can neither in Law nor Justice when remitted punish any such attempt against the king de facto as Treason it being no Treason in it self and the Usurper no lawfull king at all but the very worst and greatest of Traytors whiles a Usurper So that 9 E. 4. f. 1. b. can be no Law at all but a most gross absurdity 7ly It is a Principle in Law that no Disseisor Trespassor or Wrong-doer shall apportion or take advantage of his own wrong in the case of a common person much less then shall the Usurper of the actual possession of his lawfull Soveraigns Crown being the highest Offender Traytor Wrong-doer take advantage to secure himself or his adherents by his wrongfull trayterous possession against the Statute of 25. E. 3. or the ax of Justice The rather because this Statute was made and the Treasons therein specified declared and enacted to be Treason by King Edward the 3. and most of of those Lords who in the Parliament of 4 E. 3. but 21. years before at this Kings request and by his assent declared adjudged condemned executed Roger Mortimer and his Complices as Traytors guilty of HIGH TREASON for murdering King Edward the 2. his father after he was deposed in Parliament because he was still king de jure though not de facto Therefore they most undoubtedly resolved the king de jure though not regnant to be a King within that Act not the king de facto without right or title as Sir Edward Cooke erroniously asserts 8ly If the imagining or compassing the death or deposing or imprisoning of the King declared by overt act or rearing war against him or adhering to his enemies by any ambitious Usurper be High Treason within this Act for which he and his adherents shall lose their lives lands estates and suffer as Traytors though he never actually kill depose imprison or dispossess the King of his actual Regal power as the Council of Calchuth An. 787. cap. 3. The Council of Aenham An. 1009. cap. 26. with all our antient Laws Lawbooks Lawyers cited by Sir Edw Cook in his 3. Instit c. 1 2. the Statutes of 25 E. 3. all our other Acts concerning Treason and the forecited Judgements Presidents in Parliament with others in Queen Elizabeths reign abundantly evidence Then it is much more High Treason in the highest degree within the letter intention of all these Laws actually to usurp and get possession of the Crown by levying warr against and imprisoning degrading expelling banishing or murdering the lawful King himself and depriving him or his right heir of the possession of the Crown there being a complication of all the highest Treasons involved in an actual usurpation and a greater damage prejudice to the King kingdom than in a successless attempt alone which proves abortive and is quickly ended And if so then such an Arch-Traytors actual usurpation of the Crown must by consequence be so far from indemnifying him or mitigating or expiating his Treasons that it doth aggravate them to the highest pitch and expose him and his adherents to the highest penalties though king de facto and that both by the Law of God himself as is evident by the cases of Athaliah and of Baasha who conspiring against and slaying his Soveraign Nadab son of Jeroboam and then reigning in his stead smote all the House of Jeroboam not leaving to him any that breathed according to the saying of the Lord yet because he provoked God to aâ—ger with the works of his hands in being like the House of Jeroboam and BECAUSE HE KILLED HIM his son Elah who reigned in his stead two years was by Gods retaliating Justice slain by Zimri who reigning in his stead assoon as he sat on the Throne slew all the house of Baasha so that he left him not one that pissed against the wall neither of his kinsfolks nor of his Friends according to the word of the Lord which he spake against Baasha by Jehu the prophet When Zimri had thus reigned by Usurpation bloudshed but 7. days all the people of Israel that were incamped against Gibethon hearing that Zimri had conspired and also slain the King made Omri Captain of the host king over Israel that day in the camp who presently all marched from Gibethon to Tirzah besieged Zimri in it where he was burnt with fire in the Kings house and died for his sins and THE TREASON which he wrought All these Usurpers though kings de facto and Gods special instruments to punish and cut off other evil Kings and their families who usurped the Crown of Israel and kept the 10. revolting Tribes from the house of David to whom God had annexed them at first till rent from it by Jeroboams rebellion for Solomons sin were yet Traytors still in Gods and mens account and thus exemplarily slain and punished as such The like Examples we find in the Gothish and Spanish Histories every such actual Invader of the Crown qui regem nece attractaverit aut potestate Regni exuerit aut praesumptione tyrannica regni fastigium usurpaverit being condemned and for ever accursed excommunicated with the highest Anathema that can be inflicted by the 4. Council of Toledo can 74. and also by the 5. Can. 2 3 4 5 6. The like presidents we find in the Histories of the Roman Emperors of the kings of Denmark Poland France Scotland and other Realmes where Usurpers of the Crown though in actual possession have been oft times slain and executed as the archest Traytors by the
Exod. 40. Numb 1 3 4. 1 Chron. c. 23. c. 25.25 26. Numb 25.13 Heb. 5.4 * Mar. ◠†Isa 61 1. c. 65.1 Ioâ— 20 21. Heb. 5.4 5. * Mar. 10. Lu. 9.10 Mar. 28.19 20. Iohn 20.21 1 Cor. 1.17 Gal 1 1. Acts 8. â— 14 15. [c] Case Polit l. 3. c. 2. Bodin de Repub l. 2. c. 2 3. Joan. Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1 c. 3 4. [d] See M. Seldens Titles of Honor. * See Mar. 2.2 Rom. 13.1.2 Exod. 18.25 26. Num. 1.4 to 20. c. 7.2 c. 10.4 c. 23.6 c. 27.2 c. 32.2 Iosh 9.15.19 1 Sam. 23.3 4.9 2 Sam. 10.3 1 Chron. 13.1 c. c. 23.2 c. 28.1 2 Chro. 1 2 3. c. 5.3 4. c. 23.1 c. 20. c. 29 30. c. 30.1 2 c. c. 32.3 c. 34.29 [e] Arist Polit. l. 1. Bodin de Repub. l. 1. c. 2 3 4 5. Dr. Field of the Church l. 1. c. 1 2. Seldens Titles of Honour l. 1. c. 1. sect 3. Gen. 23.6 c. 10.9 10.31 32. Exod 21.15 17. Deut. 21.18 19. * Psal 47.2.6 7.8 Psalm 29.10 Psalm 95.3 to 8. Isay 4â— 15 Ierem. 10.7 Ephes 4.6 Heb 12.9 * 2 Kings 17.20 21 22. * Cook 4 Instit c. 1. p. 1. c. Seldens titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. Cambd. Brit. * see 38 H. 6. n. 35. * Num. 32.1 to 38. Josh 22.23 to 31. Esth 9.27 28.31 32. 1 Sam. 20.42 Jer. 35.2 to the end 2 Sam. 21.7 Prov. 22.28 c. 23.10 1 Sam. 30.24 25. Deut 19.14 c. 27.17 Josh c. 13. to ch 23. See Littleton Fitz-Herbert Brook Ashe Tit. Warranty Obligation Covenant c. †Josh 9.15 to the end 2 Sam 21.1 to 15. Gen. 50.25 c. 13.19 Iosh 24 32. 1 Sam. 20.42 2 Sam. 21.7 (l) See M. Edwards his Gangraena part 3. p. 142. to 162. * Lambardi Archaion Bromton Spelman * Hist c. 1. * In August 1647. sundry Months following much more then since most of them secured and secluded by the Army in Decem. 1648. ever since together with the whole House of Lords (g) 31 H. 8. c. 10. See Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour Cassanaeus Catalogus Gloriae Mundi Alanso Lopez in Nobiliario and others who write of Nobility Cambd. Britan. of the Nobility and Courts of Justice in England and the texts of Scripture p. 6. * 8 H. 6. c. 7. 10 H. 6. c. 2. 32 H. 6. c. 15. Cromptons Iurisd p. 1 2.3 Cook 4 Instit c. 1. (h) Cook 4 Instit c. 1. p 1.10 Modus tenendi Parliamentum Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts tit Parliament Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour par 2. c. 5. See the Abridgement of the Records of the Tower (i) 33 H. 6.16 Br. Parliam 4. 39 E. 3.7.35 11 H. 7.27 Br. Parl. 107. 4 H. 7.18 7 H. 7.14 Cromptons Jurisd f. 9. Cook 4 Instit p. 15.35 Fortesc f. 20. Dyer 92. Judge Huttons Argument of Mr. Hamdens case p. 22 23. * Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. ch 5. p. 717. * 4 Instit p. 12. (i) Spelman Concil p. 194. (l) Spelman Ibid. p. 219. (m) Spelman p. 318. (n) Hist p. 870 (o) 1 Instit f. 168. (p) Titles of Honor part 2 c. 5. sec 3. p 614 â—15 c. (q) Titles of Honor part 2 c. 5. sec 2 3 4 5. (r) Glossarium tit Comites Comitatus * Truth triumphing over Falshood An Historical Collection of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England 2 3 Part of a Legal and Historical Vindication c. * King Johns Magna Charta in Mat. Paris p. 247. * Proeme ch 2 14.1â—.37.38 (Å¿) Mar. Paris An. 1255 p. 884 885. Daniel p. 172. (t) Mr. St. Johns Speech concerning Shipmony p. 33. 1 H. 4. n. 21.22 25 30. (u) Chron. p. 389 390. * An Exact Collection part 1. p. 36. to 56. 5. * See Cook 4 Instit p. 12. for the Antiquity for the Authority of this treatise which in truth is meerly spurious See Seldens titles of Honour p. 613.738 to 743. (1) An. 1132. (2) An. 1134. p. 400. (3) His Catalogue of Bishops of Carlisle (4) Graftons Stows Catalogues of the Maiors of London * Graftons chroh p. 348.350 * That in the Modus Tenendi Parl. touching the Kings absence from the Parliament was grounded on this passage therefore writ after (b) Mat. Paris p. 96 67. Mat. Westm an 1164 Hoved. annal pars poster p. 499. Chron. Gervasii col 1385 1386. Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 122. Radulf de Dicero Imagines Hist col 536. Fabian Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel (c) Chronica Gervasii col 1433. (d) Annal. pars posterior p. 518. (e) Roger de Hoveden Annal pars post p. 544. (f) Hoveden p. 546. Antiq. Ecclesias Brit. p. 94 95. (g) Hoveden Annal. pars post p. 548. (h) Hoveden P. 551. (i) Hoveden annal pars poster p. 561. to 566. Mat. Paris p. 127. [k] Hoveden p. 560. [l] Chronica Gervasii col 1522. Hoveden p. 642. [m] Hoveden p. 641.556.653 [n] Annal. p. 643. * Ch. 1. Sect. 2. p. 8 9. * Ch. 3. Sect. 3. * But no Commons of which he speaks not a word they having then no being or place in them * M. St. Johns Argument at Law at Straffords attainder Daltons Office of Sheriffs * Therefore their exclusion thence is Ex Abysso Nequitiâ— from the abyss of Injustice and Iniquity * Nota. (z) Judge Huttons Argumeâ— of Mr. Hampdens case p. 32 33. Daltons office of Sherifs Mr. St. Johns Argument at Law at Straffords Attainder published by the Commons special Order in which he at large asserts The Kings and Lords undoubted right to sit and judge in Parliament and that it is high Treason to exclude them by force of Arms. * 33 H. 6.17 Brooke Parliament 4 Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts f. 8. Mr. Hackwel of the manner of passing Blls in Parliament * Clause 49 H. 3. m. 10. dors in schedulâ— Cromptons jurisdiction of Courts f. 1. (b) Instit 4. p. 10. This is their only end and trust none other as the Writ and its retorn attest not to imprison destroy the King Realm Church and Parliament of England it self and those very Cities Burroughs which elected them under pretext of a new Government and more equal representative the very Jesuits plot and Levellers design * Clause 4 E. 3. m. 41.32.27.19 dors 5. E. 3. part 1. m. 25.7 6 E. 3. Dors claus part 2. m. 36.4 Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts f. 1. †See the Freeholders grand Inquest and my Historical Collection where this is largely proved * Dyer 61 62. Cook 5. Report f. 90 91 94.120 121.1 Rep. f. 111.173 19 H. 8 9. Br. executors 3.15.11.7.12 * See my legal Vindication against illegal Taxes p. 3.4.44 to 51. And this Lilburn himself expresly asserts in part in his Letter or Epistle to the Speaker Mr. Lenthal June 8. 1658. p. 34.39 to 59. * Cook 4. Instit c. 1 * See my Irenarch redivivus * Exact Collection p. 508.