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A40689 The sovereigns prerogative and the subjects priviledge discussed betwixt courtiers and patriots in Parliament, the third and fourth yeares of the reign of King Charles : together with the grand mysteries of state then in agitation. England and Wales. Parliament.; Fuller, Thomas, 1608-1661. 1657 (1657) Wing F2467; ESTC R16084 264,989 306

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arrest by speciall command or otherwise and the answer was that the assent of the Lords established and ordained that the said Charter and other Statutes should be put in execution according to the petitition and that is without any disturbance by arrest by speciall command or otherwise for it was granted as it was petitioned In the same year for they were very carefull of this matter and it was necessary it should be so for it was then an usuall thing to take men by writs quibusdam de causis and many of these words caused many Acts of Parliament and it may be some of these writs may be shewn and I say in the same year they complained that men were imprisoned by speciall command and without indictment or other legall course of Law and they desired that thing may not be done upon men by speciall command against the great Charter The King makes answer that he is well pleased therewith that was the first answer and for the future he hath added farther if any man be grieved let him complain and right shall be done unto him This my Lord is an explanation of the great Charter as also the Statute of 37 Ed. 3. ch 18. is a commentary upon it that men should not be committed upon suggestion made to the King without due proofs of Law against them and so it is enacted twice in one year We find more printed Books as in Henry the sixth Minus de facts Fitz. 182. which is a strong case under favour in an action of Trespasse for cutting down trees the defendant saith that the place where the trees are cut is parcell of the Manor of B whereof the King is seised in fee and that the King did command him to cut them and the opinion of the Court was that this was no good plea without shewing the specialty of the command and they said if the King command me to arrest a man and I arrest him he shall have an action of false imprisonment against me altough it were done in the Kings presence In 1 Ioh. cap. 7. fol. 46. it is in print and there we leave it Hussey Chief Justice saith that Sir Iohn Markham told King Edward the fourth that he could not arrest a man upon suspition of felony or treason as any of his Subjects might because if he should wrong a man by such arrest the parties could have no remedy against him if any man shall stand upon it here is a signification of the Kings pleasure nor to have the cause of the commitment examined he hath here another signification of his pleasure by writ whereby the party is brought hither ad subjiciendum recipiendum that he hath made your Lordship Judge of that that should be objected against this Gentleman and either to punish him or to deliver him and if here be no cause shewn it is to be intended that the party is to be delivered and that it is the Kings pleasure it should be so and the writ is a sufficient warrant for the doing of it there being no cause shewn of the imprisonment and now my Lord I will speak a word to the writ of de homine replegiando and no other writ for that was the common writ and the four causes expressed in that Statue to wit the death of a man the command of the King or his Justices or Forrest were excepted in that writ before that Statute made as appears Bracton 133. so that the writ was at the Common Law before that Statute And it appears by our Books that if a man be brought hither by an Habeas corpus though he were imprisoned De morte hominis as in the 21 of Edward the fourth 7. Winkfield was bailed here this Court bailed him for he was brought hither ad subjiciendum recipiendum and not to lie in prison God knows how long and if the Statute should be expounded otherwise there were no bailing men outlawed or breakers of prisons for they are not within this Statute and yet this Court doth it at pleasure But plainly by the Statute it self it appears that it meant only to the common writ for the preamble recites that the Sheriffs and other have taken and kept in prison persons detected of felony and let out to plevin such as were not reprisable to grieve the one party and to the gain of the other and forasmuch as before this time it was not determined what prisoners were reprisable which not but onely in certain cases were expressed therefore it is ordained c. Now this is no more but for direction of the keepers of the prisons for it leaves the matter to the discretion of the Judges whether bailable or no not of the Judges for when the Statute hath declared who are repleviable who are not as men outlawed have abjured the Realm Proves such as be taken in the manner breakers of prisons burners of houses makers of false money counterfeiting of the Kings Seal and the like it is then ordained that if the Sheriff or any other let any go at large by surety that is not reprisable if he be Sheriff Constable or any other that hath the keeping of prisons and thereof be attainted he shall lose his office and fee for ever so that it extends to the common Goalers and keepers of prisons to direct them in what cases they shall let men to bail and in what cases not and that they shall not be Judges to whom to let to replevin and whom to keep in prison but it extends not to the Judges for if the makers of the Statute had meant them in it they should have put a pain upon them also So then I conclude upon these under your Lordships favour that as this case is there should have been a cause of the commitment expressed for these Gentlemen are brought hither by writ ad subjiciendum if they be charged and ad recipiendum if they be not charged and therefore in regard there is no charge against them whereupon they should be detained in prison any longer we desire that they may be bailed or discharged by your Lordship The Argument of Master Selden upon the Habeas corpus My Lords I am of Councell with Sir Edmond Hampden his case is the same with the other two Gentlemen I cannot hope to say much after that that hath been said yet if it shall please your Lordship I shall remember you of so much as is befallen my lot Sir Edmond Hampden is brought hither by a writ of Habeas corpus and the keeper of the Gate-house hath returned upon the writ that Sir Edmond Hampden is detained in prison per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Warrantum duorum Privati Concilii dicti domini Regis and then he recites the warrants of the Lords of the Councell which is that they do will and require him to detain this Gentleman still in prison letting him know that his first imprisonment c. May it
examination and deliberation taken by them And it was observed to the Lords also that their confidence herein was of another nature and far greater weight then any confidence that could be expressed by M r. Attorney or whomsoever else being of his Majesties Councel learned To which purpose the Lords were desired to take into their Memory the difference between the present quality of the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons and of the Kings learned Councel in their speaking there howsoever accidentally they were both men of the same profession For the Kings Councel spake as Councel perpetually retained by Fee and if they made glosses and and what advantagious Interpretations soever for their own part they did but what belonged to their place and quality as M r. Attorney had done But the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons came there bound on the one side by the trust reposed in them by their Countrey that sent them and on the other bound also by an Oath taken by every of them before they sit in the House to maintain and defend the rights and prerogatives of the Crown So that even in the point of confidence alone that of them that spake as retained Councel by perpetual Fee and might by their place being permitted to speak say what they would and that of them that spake as bound to nothing but truth but by such a trust and such an Oath were no way to be so compared or Counterpoised as if the one of them were of no more weight then the other And then the Objections before mentioned were also answered For that of the resolution of all the Judges of England in 34. Eliz. It was shewed plainly it agreed with the resolution of the House of Commons For although indeed it might have been expressed with more perspicuity yet the words of it as they are sufficiently shew that the meaning of it is no otherwise To that purpose besides the words of the whole frame of this resolution of the Judges as it is in the Coppy transcribed out of the Lord Chief Justice Andersons book written in his own hand which book was there offered to be shewed also in behalf of the House of Commons It was observed that the Records of the first part of it shew plainly that all the Judges of England then resolved that the Prisoners spoken of in the first part of their resolution were onely Prisoners committed with cause shewed for they onely said they might not be delivered by any of the Courts without due Trial by Law and Judgement of acquital had which shews plainly that they meant that by trial and acquital they might be delivered but it is clear that no trial or acquital can be had where is not some cause laid to their charge for which they ought to stand committed Therefore in that part of the resolution such Prisoners are onely meant as are committed without cause shewed which also the Judges in that resolution expresly thought necessary as appears in the second part of the resolution wherein they have these words If upon Return of the Habeas Corpus the cause of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be c. by which words they shew plainly that every return of a commitment is insufficient that hath not a cause shewed of it And to that which M r. Attorney said as if the cause were sufficiently expressed in generality if the Kings Command or the Councels were expressed in it and as if that were meant in the resolution for a sufficient general cause it was answered That it was never heard of in Law that the power or Person that committed the Prisoner was understood for the Causa captionis or Causa detentionis but onely the reason why that Power or Person committed the Prisoner as also in common speech if a man ask why and for what cause a man stands committed the answer is not that such a one committed him but his offence or some other cause is understood in the question and is to be shewed in the Answer But to say that such an one committed the Prisoner is an answer to the question who committed him and not why or for what cause he stands committed Then for that of the Coppy of the Report of 13. Iac. shewed forth by Mr. Attorney it was answered That the Report it self which had been before seen and perused among many other things at a Committee made by the House was of sleight or no Authority for that it was taken by one that was at that time a young Student onely and was a Reporter in the Kings-bench and there was not any other Report to be found that agreed with it Secondly although the Reports of young Students when they take the words of Judges as they fall from their mouth at the Bench and in the Person and form as they are spoken may be of good credit Yet in this Case there was not one word so reported but in truth there being three Cases a time in the Kings-bench one Ruswell and one Allen and one Saltonstall every of which had something of like nature in it the Student having been present in the Court made up the form of one Report or Case out of all those three in his own words and so put it into his book so that there is not a word in the Report but is framed according to the Students fancie as it is written and nothing is expressed in it as it came from the mouth of the Judges otherwise then his fancie directed him Thirdly there are in the Report plain falshoods of Matter of Fact which are to be attributed either to the Judges or to the Reporter It is most likely by all reason that they proceeded from the Reporters fault but however those Matters of falshood shew sufficiently that the credit of the rest is of slight value for the purpose It is said in the Report that Harecourt being committed by the Councel was bayled in 40. Eliz. upon a privy Seal or a Letter where as there was no such thing in truth And it is said there that no such kinde of Letters are filed there in any case whatsoever That resolution of the Judges in 34. is miscited there and in 36. of Queen Eliz. and it is said there that by that resolution a Prisoner returned to be committed by the command of the Councel might not at all be delivered by the Court whereas no such thing is comprehended in in that resolution But that which is of most moment is that howsoever the truth of the report were yet the opinion of the Judges being sudden without any debate had of the case is of sleight moment For in difficult points especially the gravest and most learned men living may on the sudden let fall and that without disparragement to them such opinions as they may well and ought to change upon further enquiry and examination and full debate had
conteined but particuler Rights of the Subject and nothing at all concerning his Majesties Prerogative Secondly that answer was to give his Majectie satisfaction of all our proceedings in general and no man can assign any particuler in which we have broken it and this Petition justifies it self that in it we have not offended against the protestation and I know no reason but that this declaration should be added to all our Laws we shall agree on this Parliament as well as to this Petition The last reason given was that we have varied in our Petition from the words of Magna Charta and therefore it was well necessary that a saving should be added to the Petition I answer that in the Statute 5. E. 3. 25. E. 3. 28. E. 3. and other Statutes with which Magna Charta is confirmed the words of the Statute of explanation differ from the words of Magna Charta it self the words of some of the Statutes of explanation being that no man ought to be apprehended unless by indictment or due process of Law the other statutes differing from the words of Magna Charta in many other particulars and yet there is no saving in those Statutes much less should there be any in a Petition of Right these are the answers I have conceived to the reasons of their Lordships and the exposition I apprehend must be made of the proposed words being added to our Petition And therefore I conclude that in my opinion we may not consent to this addition which I submit to better Judgements The Reasons of the Commons House delivered by M r. GLANUILE why they cannot admit of the Propositions tendered unto them by the Lords May it please your Lordships I Am commanded by the House of Commons to deliver unto your Lordships their reasons why they cannot admit of the Proposition tendered unto them by you but for an introduction into the busines please you to remember that a Petition of Right was shewed to your Lordships wherein we desired you would joyn with us a Petition my Lords fitting for these times grounded upon Law and seeking no more then the Subjects just Liberty The Petition consisted of 4. parts The first touching Loan Aids and Taxes The second touching imprisonment of mens Persons The third touching Billeting of Souldiers The fourth touching Commissions issued for Martial Law and put in execution upon several Persons Groaning under the burthen of these we desired remedy and wish your Lordships would joyn with us which you having taken into consideration we must confess have dealt nobly and freely with us not to conclude any thing till you hear our just reasons for which we thank your Lordships and hope your Lordships will value those reasons which we shall now offer unto your Lordships The work of this day will make a happy issue if your Lordships please to relinquish this as we formerly upon conference with your Lordships have done some other things For the Proposition my Lords we have debated it throughly in our House and I am commanded to deliver unto you the reasons why we cannot insert this clause Neither your Lordships nor we desire to debate Liberty beyond the due bounds or to incroach upon the Kings Prerogative and lessen the bounds thereof The first reason I am to lay down is touching Soveraign power which I beseech you not to accept as my own being but a weak Member of that strong body but as the reasons of the whole House upon great and grave considerations First my Lords the words Soveraign power hath either reference or no reference to the Petition if no reference then superfluous if a reference then dangerous and operative upon the Petition and we think your Lordships purposes is not to offer unto us any thing that may be vain or to the hinderance of any thing wherein you have already joyned with us The Petition declareth the Right of the Subject which yet may be broken by the word Soveraign power and so the virtue of the Petition taken away The end of the Petition is not to enlarge the bounds of Law but their Liberties being infringed to reduce them to their ancient bounds and shall we by admitting of these words Soveraign power instead of cureing the wound launch it and cut it deeper The next point is the word trust a word of large latitude and deep sence we know that there is a trust in the Crown and King but regulated by Law we acknowledge in penal Statutes the King may grant another power to dispense with the Law but Magna Charta inflicting no penalty leaveth no trust but claimeth his own right therefore the word trust would confound this distinction Our next reason is we think it absolutely repugnant to any course of Parliament to put saving to the Petition In former times the course of petitioning the King was this The Lords and the Speaker either by words or writing preferred their Petition to the King this then was called the Bill of the Commons which being received by the King part he received and part he put out part he retified for as it came from him it was drawn into a Law But this course in 2. H. 5. was found prejudicial to the Subject and since in no such cases they have petitioned by Petition of Right as we now do who come to declare what we demaund of the King For if we should tell him what we should not demaund we should then proceed not in a Parliamentary course Now for that which is alleadged by your Lordships de articulis sup Chartas that my Lords is not like this that is saving upon particulars But this Petition consisting consisting on particulers would be destroyed by a general saving The saving de articulis sup Chartas are of three aids for Ransomming the Kings Person for Knighting the Kings eldest Son and once for Marrying the Kings eldest Daughter These by the form of the Petition shew that they came not in upon the Kings answer but upon the Petition First then followed the savings which under favour we think are no reasons to make us accept of this saving being not pertinent to the Petition These 23. Statutes 34. E. 1. were made to confirm Magna Charta so that there are in all 30. Acts to set Magna Charta in its purity and if some subsequent Statute have laid some blemish upon it shall we now then make the subject in worse case by laying more weight upon it God forbid In the next place your Lordships reason thus that this which you wish we would admit of is no more then what we formerly did profess when we sent the King word we had no purpose at all to trench upon his prerogatives It is true my Lords we did so but this was not annexed to any Petition for in that manner we should never have done it And here I am commanded with your favours to deliver unto you what a Learned Member of the House delivered unto our House
Throne sit the Lights of Justice your grave Iudges and Sages of the Law learned and just as many Ages have known and learning justice by your example Our Lawes as excellent as they are I am sure no humane Lawes excell them nor could so well suite with the constitution of this People were they in the power of corrupt or ignorant men I know not which were worse for one will perhaps oftner erre then the other bribe Justice could never keep her right chanel nor runne cleare as in your Majestie 's reigne it ever hath I must not forget the other Lights the Knights Citizens and Burgesses the Representative of their Estate who although they move lower and at more distance from your royall Person yet I am confident will ever be found constant to the Poles of Love and Loyaltie 'T is a gracious Favour of your Majestie and our former Kings I have often thought on that when both these Houses are humble suitors for any thing they are never denyed Le Roy s'aviserà The King will advise of it is the greatest denyall And I assure my self your Majestie shall finde all your Subjects so full of dutie to your Crown and of true and loyall affection to your royall Person that you shall never have cause to think your gracious Favours ill bestowed on them The Union of Hearts Sir is a greatnesse beyond that of the Kingdome to which you are Heire Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos it is a Name of advantage to this Island if the Division be not amongst our selves which the God of Unitie for his mercies sake forbid and so knit our Hearts in love one to another and all of us in duty and loyalty to your most excellent Majestie that this renowned Island perish not by our Distractions but may ever flourish and be like Ierusalem the Citie of God where his Name may be for ever honoured Great and glorious have been the Actions of your royal Predecessours yet greater remaine for your Majestie and most of theirs attend you for their perfection The first Christian King of Europe the first that abated the swelling pride of Rome by banishing his usurped power and God's true Vice-gerent the first that established the true Religion now profest were all Kings of England and the last a young one Queen Elizabeth was a woman yet Spaine hath cause to remember her the Protestants of France and the Low-Countries will never forget her And were Henry the Great alive he would say That in requitall of the love of this Kingdome shewed him he hath sent us one of his owne Loynes your royall Consort our most gracious Queen to propagate these blessings to us and our posteritie for ever Your royall Father of ever blessed and famous memorie had a Reigne like Solomon's for Religion no man knew more a lustre or advantage to him this Age shall deliver it to the next and all Ages shall see it in his Kingly Workes But while under his glorious Reigne we abode in peace and plenty our hands had forgot to warre and our fingers to fight till at last by your Princely mediation upon the humble suite of both these Houses the two Treaties were dissolved and a foundation laid for your Majestie to restore us to our antient and Military honour which I doubt not will quickly be Eritis sicut Dii was the Serpent's Counsell and ruined Mankinde nor is it fit for private men much lesse for me to search into the Counsells or Actions of Kings Onely Sir give me leave from an heart full of zeale to your glorie and greatnesse to say to your Majestie the Times require you Religion calls upon you to goe on with that Kingly Courage you have begune till the state of Christendome be settled in the right Balance again We see how the Eagle spreads his wings in Germany reaching with his talons as farre as the Sound and Baltick sea Denmark and Sweden in danger of utter ruine by seizing the Electorates the choice of the Empire invested in a manner solely in the House of Austria Our Religion in France and every where never so neare a period And we know who it is for whom all this works he of whom the boast is made Allà qui Monarqui nasciendo d'el monendo who by the ruine of us and our Religion will make a new Zodiack and draw an Ecliptick line through the East and West Indies But he that sits on high will in his good time laugh them to scorne and as that wife Woman said to King David God will make to my Lord the King a sure house if my Lord shall continue to fight the battels of Iehovah and let all England say Amen I have presumed too farre upon your royall Patience and therefore I will conclude with a few words for them that sent me who are humble suitours to your excellent Majestie First for our better attending the publick and important services that our selves and our necessary Attendants may be free both in our persons and goods from all arrests and troubles according to our ancient priviledge and immunities Next that since that in all great Councells where difference of opinion is truth is best discovered by free debates your Majestie according to our like ancient use and priviledge will be graciously pleased to allow us liberty and freedome of speech and I assure my self we shall not passe the latitude of duty and discretion That upon all occurrences of moment fit for resort to your owne person your Majestie upon humble suit at your best leisure will vouchsafe us accesse to your royall person And lastly that all our proceedings being lodged in your royall heart with belief of our zeal and loyalty we may reap the fruits of it by your Majestie 's gracious and favourable interpretation One word more I humbly begg for myself That though it be the beginning of a Parliament I may now and ever enjoy your Majestie 's most gracious and generall free Pardon The Lord Keeper Coventry's second Reply M r. Speaker HIs Majestie with no lesse content then attention hath heard your learned Discourse he observes your beginning with his gracious incouragement and advice not forsaking your humble modestie but adding to it thankfulnesse alacrity and joy of heart a just and right temper He observes you derive these aright first from the Throne in heaven he lookes thither with you and joynes in prayer that both you and all this Assemblie by that Divine hand and power be moulded and procured for the honour safety and good of the Church and Kingdome Next you apply your self to the Throne on earth his Majestie doth graciously accept your protestations of the truth of your heart the fulnesse of your zeale and duty to his Majestie and the Publick he believes it and that not in you alone but in all this Assembly so that you are secure not onely from wilfull and pregnant errours but from doubt of sinister interpretation My Lord the
this Land And when according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm redresse hath been sought for in a legall way by demanding Habeas Corpus from the Judges and a discharge or triall according to the Law of the Land successe hath failed which hath now inforced the Commons in this present Parliament assembled to examine by Acts of Parliaments Presidents and Reasons the truth of English Subjects Liberties which I shall leave to learned Gentlemen whose weightie Arguments I hope will leave no place in your Lordships memories for the errours and infirmities of your humblest Servant that doth thankfully acknowledge the great favour of your most honourable and patient attention The Argument made by M r Littleton at the command of the House of Commons out of Acts of Parliament and Authorities of Law expounding the same at the first Conference with the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Person of every Free-man My Lords UPon the occasions delivered by the Gentleman that last spake your Lordships have heard the Commons have taken into their serious Consideration the matter of Personall Libertie and after long debate thereof on divers dayes as well by solemn Arguments as single propositions of doubts and answers to the end no scruple might remaine in any mans breast unsatisfied they have upon a full search and cleer understanding of all things pertinent to the Question unanimously declared That no Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King or the Privie Councell or any other unlesse some cause of the commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained And they have sent me with some other of their Members to represent unto your Lordships the true grounds of such their resolutions and have charged me particularly leaving the reasons of Law and Presidents for others to give your Lordships satisfaction that this Libertie is established and confirmed by the whole State the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons by severall Acts of Parliament The authority whereof is so great that it can receive no answer save by interpretation or repeal by future Statutes And these that I shall mind your Lordships of are so direct to the point that they can bear no other exposition at all and sure I am they are still in force The first of them is the Grand Charter of the Liberties of England first granted in the 17 yeare of King Iohn and renewed in the 9 yeare of King Hen. 3. and since confirmed in Parliament above 30 times Cap. 29. the words are these Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur aut diseisietur de libero tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis aut utlagetur aut exuletur aut aliquo modo destruatur nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem terrae These words Nullus liber homo c. are expresse enough yet it is remarkable that Matthew Paris an Authour of speciall credit doth observe fo 432. that the Charter of the 9. H. 3. was the very same as that of the 17. of King Iohn in nullo dissimiles are his words and that of King Iohn he setteth down verbatim fol. 342. and there the words are directlie Nec eum in carcerem mittemus and such a corruption as is now in the print might easily happen 'twixt 9. H. 3. and 28. E. 1. when this Charter was first exemplified But certainly there is sufficient left in that which is extant to decide this question for the words are That no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres which is by Jury Peeres for Pares ordinary Jurours for others who are their Peeres or by the Law of the Land Which words Law of the Land must of necessity be understood in this Nation to be by due processe of Law and not the Law of the Land generally otherwise it would comprehend Bond-men whom we call Villains which are excluded by the word liber for the generall Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Free-men in respect of their persons who cannot be imprisoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of those words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And although the words of this Grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are to be understood of Suites betwixt partie and partie at least not of them alone but even of the Kings Suites against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences betwixt those Kings and their people and therefore properlie to be applyed to their power over them and not to ordinarie questions 'twixt Subject and Subject The words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately precedeing the other per legem terrae are meant of trialls at the Kings Suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suit of the King upon any Indictment of Murther he shall be tried by his Peeres that is Nobles But if he be appealed of Murther by a Subject his triall shall be by an ordinarie Jury of 12 Free-holders as appeareth in 10. Edw. 4. It is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings Suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. E. 2. Rot. Parliam num 7. there is a Petition that a Writ made under the Privie Seal went to the Guardians of the Great Seal to cause lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chauncery to the Exchequer to seize against the forme of the Grand Charter That the King or his Ministers shall out-law no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement And the partie was restored to his land Which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personall liberty till the time of King Edw. the 3. which was soon restrained by the Subject For in the 5. E. 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor forejudged of life or limbe nor his lands tenements goods nor cattells seized into the Kings hands against the forme of the great Charter And the Law of the Land 25. E. 3. cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the Grand Charter and it is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England That no Free-man be imprisoned or put out of his Free-hold nor of
est habet Literas Vicecancellario quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam si ea occasione c. Teste Rege apud Cestr. vicessimo octavo die Iunii Radulphus Cosyn captus detentus in Gaola Regis Lanc. pro morte Will. filius Simonis Le Porter unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vic. Lanc. quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primum Assisam si ea occasione c. Teste Rege apud Shene tertio die Iunii M. 7. Iohannes de Githerd captus detentus in prisona Regis Eborac pro morte Matth. Sampson de Eborac unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis vicecomiti Ebor. quod traditur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam dat apud Langele quinto die Aprilis Clauss anno tertio Edw. 2. M. 3. Adam le Pepper captus detentus in Gaola Regis Ebor. pro morte Henrici Le Sumer de Estricke Deponend in ballium unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Ebor. quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam Teste Rege apud Westm. septimo die Februarii N. 14. Margaret uxor Willielmi Calbot capta detenta in Gaola Regis Norwici pro morte Agnet filiae Willielmi Calbot Maltidae sororis ejusdem Agnetis unde rectata est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Norfolciae quod ponatur per ballium T. Rege apud Shene 22. die Ianuarii N. 16. Iohannes Frere captus detentus in Goala Regis Exon. pro morte Ade de Egolegh unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Devon quod ponatur per ballium Teste Rege apud Westm. septimo die Decembris Clauss anno 4. E. 2. M. 7. Robertus Sheren captus detentus in Gaola Regis de Colchester pro morte Roberti Le Maigne unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Essex quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam dat 22 die Maii. M. 8. Willielmus filius Roberti Le Fishere de Shirbourne captus detentus in Goala Regis Ebor. pro morte Roberti Le Monnez de Norton unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Ebor quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam dat 25 die Aprilis Clauss anno 4. Edw. 2. N. 22. Thomas Ellis de Stamford captus detentus in prisona Regis Lincoln pro morte Mich. filii Willielmi de Foddering unde rectatus est habet Literas Regis Vicecomiti Lincoln quod ponatur per ballium usque ad primam Assisam Teste rege apud novum Monasterium octavo die Septembris The Argument which by command of the House of Commons was made at their first conference with the Lords touching the Liberty of the person of every Free-man out of Presidents of Record and Resolutions of Judges in former times by M r Selden My Lords YOur Lordships have heard from the Gentleman that last spake a great part of the grounds upon which the House of Commons after mature deliberation proceeded to that cleer resolution touching the right of Liberty of their persons The many Acts of Parliament which are the written Lawes of the Land and are expresly in the point have been read and opened and such objections as have been by some made to them and some other objections also made out of other Acts of Parliament have been cleerly answered It may seem now perhaps my Lords that little remaines needfull to be further added for the enforcement and maintenance of so fundamentall and established a right and liberty belonging to every Freeman of the Kingdome But in the examination of Questions of Law or Right besides the Lawes or Acts of Parliament that ought chiefly to regulate and direct every mans judgement whatsoever hath been put in practise to the contrarie there are commonly also used former Judgements or Presidents and they indeed have been so used sometimes that the weight of Reason of Law and Acts of Parliament hath been laid by and resolutions have been made and that in this very point only upon the interpretation and apprehension of Presidents But Presidents my Lords are good media or proofs of illustration or confirmation when they agree with the expresse Law but they can never be proof enough to overthrow any one Law much lesse seven severall Acts of Parliament as the number of them is for this point The House of Commons therefore taking into consideration that in this Question being of so high a nature that never any exceeded it in any Court of Justice whatsoever all the severall wayes of just examination of the truth should be used have also most carefully informed themselves of all former Judgements or Presidents concerning this great point either way and have been no lesse carefull of the due preservation of his Majesties just Prerogative then of their own Rights The Presidents here are of two kinds either meerly matter of Record or else the former resolutions of Judges after solemn debate in the point This part that concernes the Presidents the House of Commons have commanded me to present to your Lordships which I shall as briefly as I may so I shall do it also faithfully and perspicuously To that end my Lords before I come to the particulars of any of these Presidents I shall first remember to your Lordships that which serves as a generall key for the opening and true apprehension of all them of Record without which key no man unlesse he be verst in the Entries and Court of the King's Bench can possibly understand them In all cases my Lords where any right or Liberty belongs to the Subject by any positive Law written or unwritten if there were not also a remedy by Law for the enjoying or regaining of this right or Libertie when it is violated or taken from him the positive Law were in vain and to no purpose were it for any man to have right in any land or other Inheritance if there were not a known remedy that is an Action or Writ by which in so me court of ordinary Justice he might recover it And in this case of right of Liberty of the Person if there were not a remedy in the Law for regaining it when it is restrained it were to no purpose to speak of Lawes that ordain it should not be restrained Therefore in this case also I shall first observe the remedy that every Free-man is to use for the regaining of his Liberty when he is against Law imprisoned that so upon the legall course and form to be held in using that remedy the Presidents or Judgements upon it for all Presidents of Record rise out of this Remedy may be easily understood There are in the the Law divers remedies for enlargement of a Freeman imprisoned as the Writs of odio atia and of homine replegiando besides the common and most known Writ of habeas Corpus or Corpus cum causa
is true he was so But the Return and this Commitment mentioned in it have no reference to any such offence nor hath the Bailment of him relation to any thing but to the absolute Commitment by the Privie Councell So that the answer to the like objection made against Overton's Case satisfies this also The sixth of these is of Q. Elizabeth's dayes It is Mich. 9. Eliz Rot. 35. the Case of Thomas Lawrence This Lawrence came in by habeas Corpus returned by the Sheriffs of London to be detained in prison per mandatum Concilii Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Marescallo c. super hoc traditur in ballium An Objection hath been invented against this also It hath been said that this man was pardoned and indeed it appeares so in the margent of the Roll where the word pardonatur is entred But cleerly his enlargement by Baile was upon the Bodie of the Return only unto which that Note of Pardon in the Margent of the Roll hath no relation at all And can any man think that a man pardoned for what offence soever it be might not as well be committed for some Arcanum or matter of State as one that is pardoned The seventh of these is in the same yeare and of Easter Terme following It is Pasche 9. Eliz. Rot. 68. Robert Constable's Case He was brought by habeas Corpus out of the Tower and in the Return it appeared he was committed per mandatum privati Concilii dict Dominae Regina Qui committitur Marr. postea isto codem Termino traditur in ballium The like Objection hath been made to this as to that before of Lawrence but the self same Answer cleerly satisfies for both of them The eighth is of the same Queens time in Pasche 20. Eliz. Rot. 72. Iohn Browning's Case This Browning came by habeas Corpus out of the Tower whether he had been committed was returned to have been committed per privatum Concilium Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Maresc Et postea isto codem Termino traditur in ballium To this it hath been said That it was done at the chief Justice Wraye's Chamber and not in Court and thus the authoritie of the President hath been lessened and sleighted If it had been at his Chamber it would have proved at least thus much That S r Christopher Wraye then chief Justice of the King's Bench being a grave learned and upright Judge knowing the Law to be so did baile this Browning and so enlarge him And even so farre were the President of value enough But it is plain that though the habeas Corpus were returnable indeed as it appeares in the Record it self at his Chamber in Serjeant's Inne yet he only committed him to the Kings Bench presently and referred the consideration of enlarging him to the Court who afterwards did it For the Record saith Et postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium which cannot be intended of an enlargement at the chief Justice his Chamber The ninth of this first kind is in Hill 40. Eliz. Rot. 62. Edward Harecourts Case He was imprisoned in the Gate-house and that per Dominos de privato Concilio Dominae Reginae pro certis causis eos moventibus et ei ignotis and upon his habeas Corpus was returned to be therefore only detained Qui committitur Marr. c. Et postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium To this never any colour of answer hath been yet offered The tenth is Catesbies Case in the Vacation after Hillary Terme 43. E. Rot. 37. Robert Catesby was committed to the Fleet per warrant diversorum prenobilium virorum de privato Concilio Dominae Reginae He was brought before Justice Fennor one of the Judges of the Kings Bench by habeas Corpus at Winchester House in Southwark commissus fuit Marr. per praefat Edw. Fennor statim traditur in ballium The eleventh is Richard Beckwith's Case which was in Hillary 12. of King Iames R. 153. He was returned upon his habeas Corpus to have been committed to the Gate-house by divers Lords of the Privy Councell Qui committitur Marr. postea isto Termino traditur in ballium To this it hath been said by some that Beckwith was bailed upon a Letter written by the Lords of the Councell to that purpose to the Judges But it appeares not that there was ever any letter written to them to that purpose which though it had been would have proved nothing against the authority of the Record For it was never before heard of that Judges were to be directed in point of Law by letters from the Lords of the Councell although it cannot be doubted but that by such letters sometimes they have been moved to baile men that would not or did not ask their enlargement without such letters as in some examples that I shall shew your Lordships among the Presidents of the second kind The twelfth and last of these is that of S r Thomas Mounson's It is Mich. 14. Iacobi Rot. 147. He was committed to the Tower per warrantum à diversis Dominis de privato Concilio Domini Regis Locum-tenenti directum and was returned by the Lieutenant to be therefore detained in prison Qui committitur Marr. super hoc traditur in ballium To this it hath been answered That every body knew by common fame that this Gentleman was committed for suspicion of the death of S r Thomas Overbury and that he was therefore bailable A most strange interpretation as if the Body of the Return and the Warrant of the Privie Councell should be understood and adjudged out of fame only Was there not as much a fame why the Gentlemen that were remanded in the late Judgement were committed and might not the self-same reason have served to enlarge them their offence if any were being I think much lesse then that for which this Gentleman was suspected And thus I have faithfully opened the number of twelve Presidents most expresse in the very point in question and cleered the Objections that have been made against them And of such Presidents of Record as are of the first kind or prove plainly the practise of former Ages and Judgements of the Court of the Kings Bench in the very point in behalf of the Subjects my Lords hitherto I come next those of the second kind or such as have been pretended to prove that persons so committed are not to be enlarged by the Judges upon the habeas Corpus but ought to remain in Prison still at the pl●asure of the King or of the Privie Councell These are of two natures The first are those wherein some assent of the King or the Privie Councell appeares upon the enlargement of a Prisoner so committed as if that because their assent appeares therefore the enlargement could not have been without such assent The second of this kind are those which have been used as expresse Testimonies of the Judges denying
Baile And in such cases I shall open this also to your Lordships which being done it will most cleerly appeare that there is nothing at all in any of these that make any thing against the Resolution of the House of Commons touching this point Nay they are so farre from making any thing against it that some of them adde good weight also to the proof of that Resolution For those of the first nature of this second kind of Presidents they begin in the time of H. 7. Thomas Brugge and divers others were imprisoned in the Kings Bench ad mandatum Domini Regis They never sought remedy by habeas Corpus or otherwise for ought appeares but the Roll sayes Dominus Rex relaxavit mandatum and so they were bailed But can any man think that this is an Argument either in Law or common Reason that therefore they could not have been bailed without such assent It is common in the Cases of common persons that one being in Prison for surety of the peace or the like at the Suit of another is bailed upon the release of the party plaintiff Can it follow that therefore he could not have been bailed without such a release Nothing is more plain then the contrary It were the same thing to say that if it appear that a plantiffe be non-suit therefore unlesse he had been non-suit he could not have been barred in the Suit The Case last cited is M. 7. H. 7. Rot. 6. The very like is in the same year Hill 7. H. 7. Rot. 13. the Case of William Bartholmew Williams Case and divers others And the self-same answer that is given to the other cleeres this So in the same year Pasche 7. H. 7. Rot. 18. Iohn Beaumond's Case is the same in substance with those other two and the self same answer also satisfies that cleeres them The next is Mich. 12. H. 7. Rot. 18. Thomas Yewe's Case He was committed ad securitatem pacis for surety of the Peace at the suit of one Freeman and besides ad mandatum Domini Regis And first Freeman relaxavit securitatem pacis and then S r Iames Hubbard the then Kings Attorney generall relaxavit Domini Regis mandatum and hereupon he is bailed The release of the Kings Attorney no more proves that he could not have been enlarged without such release or assent then that he could not have been bailed without the release of surety of the Peace by Freeman The very like is in Hill 9. H. 7. Rot. 14. the Case of Humphry Batch which proves no more here then the rest of this kind already cited Then for this part also Broome's Case of Queen Elizabeth's time hath been cited The Case is thus Ter. 39. Eliz. Rot. 118. Lawrence Broom was committed to the Gate-house per mandatum Dominorum Concilii Dominae Reginae and being returned so upon the habeas Corpus is first committed to the Marshalsey as the course is and then bailed by the Court. Which indeed is an expresse President that perhaps might well have been added to the first twelve which so plainly shews the practise of enlarging prisoners in this case by Judgement of the Court upon the habeas Corpus But it is true that in the Scrolls of that yeare where the Bailes are entred but not the Record of the habeas Corpus there is a note that this Broom was bailed per mandatum privati Concilii super habeas Corpus But plainly this is no kind of Argument that therefore in Law he ought not to have been otherwise bailed The self same is to be said of another of this kind in Mich. 40. Eliz. Rot. 37. Wenden's Case Thomas Wenden was committed to the Gate-house by the Queen and Lords of the Councell pro certis causis generally he is brought by habeas Corpus into the Kings Bench and bailed by the Court. But it is said that in the Scrolls of that yeare it appeares that this enlargement was per consensum Dominorum privati Concilii And it is true that the Queene's Majesties Attorney did tell the Court that the Lords of the Councell did assent to it Followes in therefore that this might not have been by Law done if the parties themselves had desired it So in Trinit primo Iacobi Rot. 30. S r Iohn Brocket being committed to the Gate-house is by habeas Corpus returned to stand committed per mandatum privati Concilii And he is enlarged virtute warranti à Concilio praedicto But the same answer that satisfies for the rest before cited serves for this also The last of these is Reyner's Case in Mich. 12. Iacob Rot. 119. He was committed to the Gate-house by the Lords of the Councell being brought into the Kings Bench by habeas Corpus is enlarged upon Baile But this they say was upon a letter written by the Lords of the Councell to the Judges It is true that such a letter was written but the answer to the former Presidents of this nature are sufficient to cleer this also And in all these observe First That it appeares not the party ever desired to be enlarged by the Court or was denyed it Secondly Letters either of the Councell or from the King cannot alter the Law in any case So that hitherto nothing that hath been brought for the contrarie part hath any force or colour of Reason in it We come now my Lords to those Presidents of the other nature cited against this Liberty of the Subject that is such as have been used to justify that persons so committed may not be enlarged by the Court. They are in number eight but there is not one of them all proves any such thing as your Lordships will plainly see upon the opening of them The first foure of them are exactly in the same words saving that the names of the Persons and the Prisons differ I shall therefore cite them all one after another and then cleer them together The first is Richard Everard's Case Hill 7. H. 7. Rot. 18. He and others were committed to the Marshalsey of the Houshold per mandatum Domini Regis and so returned upon an habeas Corpus in the Kings Bench. whereupon the Entrie is only Qui committitur Narescallo c. The second is Hill 8. H. 7. Rot. 12. Richard Cherrye's Case He was committed to the Major of Windsor per mandatum Domini Regis and so returned upon an habeas Corpus and the Entrie is only Qui committitur Maresc c. The third is Hill 9. H. 7. Rot. 14. Christopher Burton's Case who was committed to the Marshalsey of the Houshold per mandatum Domini Regis and so returned upon his habeas Corpus and the Entrie is likewise Qui committitur Marescallo c. The fourth is George Vrsmick's Case Pasche 19. H. 7. Rot. 23. He was committed to the Sheriffs of London per mandatum Domini Regis and returned so upon the habeas Corpus Qui committitur Maresc These 4 have been used principally as
these is the Case of S r Samuel Saltonstall It is Hill 12. Iacob He was committed to the Fleet per mandatum Domini Regis and besides by the Court of Chauncery for disobeying an order of that Court and is returned upon his habeas Corpus to be therefore detained And it is true that a remittitur is entred in the Roll but it is only a remittitur prisonae predict without quousque secundum legem deliberatus fuerit And in truth it appeares in the Record that the Court gave the Warden of the Fleet 3 severall dayes at severall times to amend his Return and in the interim remittitur prisonae predict still Certainly if the Court had thought that the Return had been good they would not have given so many severall dayes to have amended it For if that mandatum Domini Regis had been sufficient in the Case why needed it to have been amended The ninth and last of these is Trinit 13. Iacob Rot. 71. the Case of the said S r Samuel Saltonstall He is returned by the Warden of the Fleet as in the Case before and generally remittitur as in the Roll which proves nothing at all that therefore the Court thought he might not by Law be enlarged and besides in both Cases he stood committed also for disobeying an order in Chauncery These are all that have been pretended to the contrary in this great point and upon the view of them thus opened to your Lordships it is plain that there is not one not so much as one at all that proveth any such thing as that persons committed by the Command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell without cause shewed might not be enlarged but indeed the most of them expresly prove rather the contrary Now my Lords having thus gone through the Presidents of Record that concern this point of either side before I come to the other kind of Presidents which are the solemn resolution of Judges in former times I shall as I am commanded by the House of Commons represent unto your Lordships somewhat else that they have thought very considerable with which they have met while they were in a most carefull enquirie of whatsoever concerned them in this great Question It is my Lords a draught of an Entry of a Judgement in that great Case lately adjudged in the Court of Kings Bench when divers Gentlemen imprisoned per speciale mandat Domini Regis were by the Award and Judgement of the Court after solemn debate sent back to Prison because it was expresly said that they could not in Justice deliver them though they prayed to be bailed The case is famous and well known to your Lordships therefore I need not further mention it And as yet indeed there is no Judgement entred upon the Roll but there is room enough for any kind of Judgement to be entred But my Lords there is a form of a Judgement a most unusuall one such a one as never was in any such Case before used for indeed there was never before any Case so adjudged and this drawn up by a chief Clark of that Court by direction of M r Attorney Generall as the House was informed by the Clark in which the reason of the Judgement and the remanding of those Gentlemen is expressed in such sort as if it should be declared upon Record for ever that the Law were that no man could be enlarged from imprisonment that stood committed by any such absolute command The draught is only in S r Iohn Henningham's Case being one of the Gentlemen that was remanded and it was made for a form for all the rest The words of it are after the usuall Entrie of a Curia advisur vult for a time that visis return predict nec non diversis antiquis Recordis in Curia hic remanent consimiles casus concernentibus maturaque deliberatione inde prius habita eo quod nulla specialis causa captionis five detentionis predict Johannis exprimitur sed generaliter quod detentus est in prisona predict per speciale mandatum Domini Regis ideo predictus Johannes remittitur perfato Custodi Marr. hospitii predict salvo custodiend quousque c. that is quousque secundum legem deliberatus fuerit And if that Court which is the highest for ordinary Justice cannot deliver him secundum legem what Law is there I beseech you my Lords that can be sought for in any other inferiour Court to deliver him Now my Lords because this draught if it were entred in the Roll as it was prepared for no other purpose would be a great declaration contrary to the many Acts of Parliament already cited contrary to all Presidents of former times and to all reason of Law to the utter subversion of the chiefest Liberty and Right belonging to every Free-man of the Kingdome and for that especially also it supposeth that divers ancient Records had been looked into by the Court in like Cases by which Records their Judgements were directed whereas in truth there is not one Record at all extant that with any colour not so much indeed as with any colour warrants the Judgement therefore the House of Commons thought fit also that I should with the rest that hath been said shew this draught also to your Lordships I come now to the other kind of Presidents that is solemn Resolutions of Judges which being not of Record remain only in authentick Copies But of this kind there is but one in this Case that is a resolution of all the Judges in England in the time of Queen Elizabeth It was in the foure and thirtieth yeare of her reign when divers persons had been committed by absolute command and delivered by the Justices of one Bench or the other whereupon it was desired that the Judges would declare in what Cases persons committed by such Command were to be enlarged by them The resolution hath been variously cited and variously apprehended The House of Commons therefore desiring with all care to enforme themselves as fully of the truth of it as possibly they might got into their hands from a member of their House a book of selected Cases collected by a learned and reverend Chief Justice of the Common Pleas that was one of them that gave the Resolution which is entred at large in that book I mean the Lord Chief Justice Anderson It is written in that book in his own hand as the rest of the book is And however it hath been cited and was cited in that great Judgement given upon the habeas Corpus in the King's Bench as if it had been that upon such commitments the Judges might not baile the prisoners yet it is most plain that in the resolution it self no such thing is contained but rather expresly the contrary I shall better represent it to your Lordships by reading it then by opening it Then it was read If this Resolution doth resolve any thing it doth indeed upon the matter resolve fully the
also to the Nobles and their honourable Progenies to the Bishops and Clergie and their successours to all persons of what condition or sex or age soever to all Judges Officers c. whose attendance are necessary c. without exception of any person Fifth generall reason The fifth is drawn from the indefinitnesse of time the pretended power being limited to no time may be perpetuall during life Sixth generall reason The sixth à damno dedecore from the losse and dishonour of the English Nation in 2 respects First for their valour and prowesse so famous through the whole world Secondly for their industry for who indeavours to apply himself in any profession either of warre liberall science or merchandise c. if he be but Tennant at will of his Liberty And no Tennant at will will support or improve any thing because he hath no certain estate And thus it should be both dedecus and damnum to the English Nation and it should be no honour to the King to be King of slaves Seventh generall reason The seventh is drawn ab utili inutili for that it appeareth by the statute of 36. E. 3. That the execution of the statute of Magna Charta 5. E. 3.25 E. 3. are adjudged in Parliament to be for the profit of the King and of his people Rot. Parl. 36. E. 3. num 9. 20. And therefore this pretended power being against the profit of the King and of his people can be no more part of this prerogative Eighth generall reason The eighth generall reason is drawn à tuto for it is safe for the King to expresse the cause of the commitment 1. E. 2. de frang prison stat unt pasche 18. E. 3. rot 33. coram Rege Bildestons case rot Parl. 28 H. 6. nu 16. Acts Apost cap. 25. v. the last and dangerous for him to omit it for if any be committed without expressing the cause though he escape albeit the truth be it were for treason or felony yet the escape is neither felony nor treason But if the cause be expressed to be for suspition of treason or felony then the escape albeit he be innocent is treason or felony Ninth generall reason The ninth generall reason is drawn from the authorities 16. H. 6. tit Monstrans defaits 182. by the whole Court the King in his presence cannot command one to be arrested but an action of false imprisonment lieth against him that arresteth 22. H. 6.46 Newton 1. H. 7.4 the opinion of Markham Chief Justice to E 4. and the reason because the party hath no remedy Fortescue cap. 18. proprio ore nullus Regum usus est c. to commit any man c. 4. Eliz. Plowd Com. 236. the common Common Law hath so admeasured the Kings prerogative as he cannot prejudice any man in his inheritance and the greatest inheritance a man hath is the Liberty of his person for all other are necessary to it Major haereditas venit unicuique nostrum à jure legibus quam à parentibus 25. E. 1. ca. 2. Confirm Cart. all judgements given against Magna Charta are void Objections Upon Conference with the Lords the objections were made by the Kings Attorney First object That these resolutions of the House were incompatible with a Monarchy that must govern by the state Bracton Answ. Whereunto it was answered that nihiltam proprium est imperii quam legibus vivere And again Attribuat Rex legi quodlex attribuat c. viz. dominationem imperium quia sine lege non potest esse Rex It can be no more prejudice to the King by reason of matter of state for if it be for suspition of treason misprision of treason or felony it may be by generall words expressed viz. pro suspitione proditionis 2 object To blind those that are committed one cause must be pretended and another intended especially when it toucheth matter of state Answ. Whereunto it was answered that all dissimulation especially in the course of Justice was to be avoided and soundnesse of truth to take place and therefore David that was both a King and a Prophet prayed to Almighty God against dissimulation in these words Lord send me a sound heart in thy statutes that I be not ashamed where sound in the originall signifieth upright without dissimulation and shame followeth dissimulation when the truth is known Third object If a Rebell be attainted in Ireland and his children for safety and for matter of state be kept in the Tower what shall be returned upon the Habeas Corpus Whereunto It was answered First that their imprisonment might be justified if they could not find good sureties for their good behaviour Secondly It was charity to find them meat drink and apparell that by the Attainder of their father had nothing Fourth object Though his Majesty expresseth no cause yet it must be intended that there was a just cause Answ. De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem ratio Fifth object First The King in stead of gold or silver may make money currant of any base metall Secondly He may make warres at his pleasure Thirdly He may pardon whom he will Fourthly He may make denizens as many as he will and these were said to be greater priviledges then this in question Answ. To the first it is denyed that the King may make money currant of base metal but it ought to be gold or silver Secondly It was answered admitting the King might do it his losse and charge was more then of his Subjects both in the case of money and in the case of warre The pardon was private out of grace and no man had dammage or loss by it so of the making of denizens the King was only the looser viz. to have single custome where he had double Thirdly it was a non sequitur The King may do these things ergo he may imprison at will Your Lordships are advised by them that cannot be daunted by fear nor misled by affection reward or hope of preferment that is of the dead By ancient and many Acts of Parliament in the point besides Magna Charta which hath been 30 times confirmed and commanded to be put in execution wherein the Kings of England have thirty times given their Royall assent Secondly Judiciall Presidents per vividas rationes manifest and apparant reasons we in the house of Commons have upon great studie and serious consideration made a grand manifesto unanimously nullo contradicente concerning this great Liberty of the subject and have vindicated and recovered the body of this fundamentall Liberty both of your Lordships of our selves from shadowes which some time of the day are long sometimes short and sometimes long again and therefore no Judges are to be led by them Your Lordships are involved in the same danger and therefore ex congruo condigno we desire a conference to the end your Lordships might make the like declaration as we
please your Lordship I shall humbly move you that this Gentleman may also be bailed for under favour my Lord there is no cause in the return why he should be any farther imprisoned and restrained of his liberty My Lord I shall say something to the form of the writ and of the return but very little to them both because there is a very little left for me to say My Lord to the form I say it expresseth nothing of the first caption and therefore it is insufficient I will adde one reason as hath been said the Habeas Corpus hath onely these words quod habeas corpus ejus una cum causa detensionis non captionis But my Lord because in all imprisonment there is a cause of caption and detention the caption is to be answered as well as the detention I have seen many writs of this nature and on them the caption is returned that they might see the time of the caption and thereby know whether the party should be delivered or no and that in regard of the length of his imprisonment The next exception I took to the form is that there is much incertainty in it so that no man can tell when the writ came to the keeper of the prison whether before the return or after for it appears not when the Kings command was for the commitment or the signification of the Councell came to him It is true that it appears that the warant was dated the seventh of November but when it came to the keeper of the prison that appears not at all and therefore as for want of mentioning the same time of the caption so for not expressing the same time when this warrant came I think the return is faulty in form and void And for apparent contradiction also the return is insufficient for that part of the return which is before the warrant it is said quod detentus est per speciale mandatum domini Regis the warrant of the Lords of the Councel the very syllables of that warrant are that the Lords of the Councell do will and require him still to detain him which is contrary to the first part of the return Besides my Lord the Lords themselves say in another place and passage of the warrant that the King commanded them to commit him and so it is their commitment so that upon the whole matter there appears to be a clear contradiction in the return and there being a contradiction in the return it is void Now my Lord I will speak a word or two to the matter of the return and that is touching the imprisonment per speciale mandatum domini Regis by the Lords of the Councell without any cause expressed and admitting of any or either of both of these to be the return I think that by the constant and settled Laws of this kingdome without which we have nothing no man can be justly imprisoned be either of them without a cause of the commitment expressed in the return My Lord in both the last Arguments the statutes have been mentioned and fully expressed yet I will adde a little to that which hath been said The statute of Magna Charta cap. 29. that statute if it were fully executed as it ought to be every man would enjoy his liberty better then he doth The Law saith expresly no Free-man shall be imprisoned without due processe of the Law out of the very body of this Act of Parliament besides the explanation of other statutes it appears Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae My Lord I know these words legem terrae do leave the question where it was if the interpretation of the Statute were not But I think under your Lordships favour there it must be intended by due course of Law to be either by presentment or by indictment My Lords if the meaning of these words Per legem terrae were but as we use to say according to the lawes which leaves the matter very uncertain and per speciale mandatum c. be within the meaning of these words according to the law then this Act had done nothing The Act is No Free-man shall be imprisoned but by the law of the land if you will understand these words per legem terrae in the first sense this statute will extend to Villains as well as to Free-men for if I imprison another man Villain the Villain may have an action of false imprisonment But the Lords and the King for then they both had Villains might imprison them and the Villain could have no remedy but these words in the statute per legem terrae were to the Free-man which ought not to be imprisoned but by due processe of law and unlesse the interpretation shall be this the Free-man shall have no priviledge above the Villain So that I conceive my Lord these words per legem terrae must be here so interpreted as in 42 Eliz. the Bill is worth the observing it reciteth that divers persons without any writ or presentment were cast into prison c that it might be enacted that it should not be so done hereafter the answere there is that this is an Article of the great Charter this should be granted so that it seemes the statute is not taken to be an explanation of that of Magna Charta but the very words of the statute of Magna Charta I will conclude with a little observation upon these words nec super eum mittimus which words of themselves signifie not so much a man cannot finde any fit sense for them But my Lord in the seventh year of King Iohn there was a great Charter by which this statute in the ninth of Henry the third whereby we are now regulated was framed and there the words are nec eum in Carcerem mittimus we will not commit him to prison that is the King himself will not and to justifie this there is a story of that time in Matthew Paris and in that Book this Charter of King Iohn is set down at large which Book is very authentique and there it is entred and in the ninth of Henry the third he saith that the statute was renewed in the same words with the Charter of King Iohn and my Lord he might know it better then others for he was the Kings Chronologer in those times and therefore my Lord since there be so many reasons and so many presidents and so many statutes which declare that no Free-man whatsoever ought to be imprisoned but according to the laws of the land and that the liberty of the subject is the highest inheritance that he hath my humble request is that according to the ancient laws and priviledges of this Realm this Gentleman my Client may be bailed The Argument of Master Calthrop upon the Habeas corpus Sir Iohn Corbet being brought to the Kings Bench Bar with Sir Edmond Hampden Sir Walter Earl and Sir Iohn Henningham who were also
and Acts of Parliament came onely to the Presidents used in the Argument before delivered and so endeavoured to weaken the strength of them that had been brought in behalf of the subjects to shew that some other were directly contrary to the Law comprehended in the Resolutions of the house of Commons touching the bailing of Prisoners returned upon the writ of Habeas Corpus to be committed by the special command of the King or the Councel without any cause shewed for which by Law they ought to be committed And the course which was taken it pleased the Committee of both houses to allow of was that M r. Attorney should make his Objections to every particuler President and that the Gentlemen appointed and trusted herein by the house of Commons by several Replies should satisfie the Lords touching the Objections made by him against or upon every particuler as the order of the Presidents should lead them he began with the first 12. Presidents that were used by the house of Commons at the conference delivered by them to prove that Prisoners returned to stand so Committed were delivered upon bail by the Court of Kings Bench The first was that of Bildstones case in the 18. Edw. 3. Rot. 33. Rex To this he Objected First that in the return of him into the Court it did not appear that this Bildstone was committed by the Kings command and Secondly that in the Record it did appear also that he had been committed for suspicion of counterfaiting the great Seal and so by consequence was bailable by the Law in regard there appeared a Cause why he was committed in which case it was granted by him as indeed it was plain and agreed of all hands that the Prisoner is bailable though committed by Command of the King and he said that this part of the Record by which it appeared he had been committed for suspicion of treason was not observed to the Lords in the Argument before used and he said also to the Lords that there were three several kinds of Records by which the full truth of every award or bailing upon a Habeas Corpus is known First the remembrance Roll wherein the award is given Secondly the file of the writt and the return and Thirdly the Scruect or Scruet finium wherein the baile is entered and that onely the remembrance Roll of this Case was to be found and that if the other two of it were extant he doubted not but that it would appear also that upon the return it self the Cause of the Commitment had been expressed and so he concluded that this proved not for the house of Commons touching the Matter of bail where a Prisoner was committed by the Kings special command without Cause shewed To this Objection the reply was First that it was plain that Bildstone was committed by the Kings express Command For so the very words of the Writt are to the Constable of the Tower quod eum tenendum Custodiae facias c. then which nothing can more fully express a Commitment by the Kings command Secondly how ever it be true that in the latter part of the Record it doth appear that Bildstone had been Committed for suspicion of Treason yet if the times of the proceeding expressed in the Record were observed it would be plain that the Objection was of no force for this one ground both in this Case and all the rest is infallible and never to be doubted of in the Law Nota. That Justices of every Court adjudge of the force and strength of a return out of the body of it self onely and as therein it appears Now in Easter term in the 18. Edward 3. he was returned and brought before them as Committed onely by the Writt wherein noe Cause is expressed and the Leivetenant the Constable of the Tower that brought him into the Court saies that he had no other warrant to detain him Nisi breve predictum wherein there was no mention of any Cause the Court thereupon adjudged that breve predictum for that speciall command was not sufficient causa to detain him in prison and thereupon he is by judgment of the Court in Easter term let to Mainprize But that part of the Record wherein it appears that he had indeed been committed for suspicion of Treason is of Trinity term following when the King after the letting of him to Mainprize sent to the Judges that they should discharge his Mainprize because no man prosecuted him And at that time it appears but not before that he had been in for suspicion of Treason so that he was returned to stand committed by the Kings special command onely without Cause shewed in Easter term And then by judgment of the Court let to Mainprize which to this purpose is but the same with bail though otherwise it differ And in the term following upon another occasion the Court knew that he had been committed for suspicion of Treason which hath no relation at all to the letting of him to Mainprize nor to the judgement of the Court then given when they did not nor could possible know any Cause for which the King had committed him And it was said in behalf of the house of Commons that they had not indeed in the Argument expresly used this latter part of Bildstones Case because it being onely of Trinity term following could not concern the reason of an Award given by the Court in Easter term next before yet notwithstanding that they had most faithfully at the time of their Argument delivered into the Lords as indeed they had a perfect coppy at large of the whole Record of this Case as they had done also of all other presidents whatsoever cited by them in so much as in truth there was not one president of Record of either side the coppy whereof they had not delivered in likewise nor did Mr. Attorney mention any one besides those that were so delivered in by them And as touching those 3. kinds of Records the remembrance Roll the return and file of the Writt and the Scruets it was answered by the gentlemen imployed by the house of Commons that it was true that the Scruect and return of this Case of Bildstone was not to be found but that did not lessen the weight of the president because always in the Award or Judgment drawn up in the remembrance Roll the Cause whatsoever it be when any is shewed upon the return is always expressed as it appears clearly by the constant Entries of the Kings-Bench Court so that if any Cause had appeared plainly in that part of the Roll which belongs to Easter term wherein the Judgment was given but the return of the commitment by the Kings command without Cause shewed and the Judgment of the Court that the Prisoner was to be let to Mainprize appears therein onely and so notwithstanding any Objection made by Mr. Attorney the Cause was maintained to be a clear proof among many others
before them and mature deliberation taken by them Now plainly in that case of the 13. Iacob there is not so much as pretence of any debate at Bar or Bench. All that is reported to have been is reported as spoken upon the sudden and can any man take such a sudden opinion to be of value against solemne debates and mature deliberation since had of the point and all circumstances belonging to it which have within this half year been so fully examined and searched into that it may well be affirm'd that the learned'st man whatsoever that hath now considered of it hath within that time or might have learned more reason of satisfaction in it then ever before he met with Therefore the sudden opinions of any Judge to the contrary is of no value here Which also is to be said of that opinion obviously delivered in the Commons House 18. Iac. as M r. Attorney objected out of the Journal book of the House But besides neither was the truth of that report of that opinion in the Journal any way acknowledged For it was said in behalf of the House of Commons that their Journals were for matter of order and resolutions of the House of such Authority as that they were as their Records but for any particular Mans opinion noted in any of them it was so far from being of any Authority with them that in truth no particular opinion is at all to be entered in them and that their Clerks offend when ever they do the contrary And to conclude no such opinion whatsoever can be sufficient to weaken the clear Law comprehended in these resolutions of the House of Commons grounded upon so many Acts of Parliament so much reason of Common Law and so many Presidents of Record and the resolution of all the Judges of England and against which no Law written not one President not one reason hath been brought that makes any thing to the contrary And thus to this purpose ended the next day of the Conference desired by the Lords and had by a Committee of both Houses The Proceedings against the Earle of SUFFOLK 14. April 1628. MR. Kerton acquainted the House how that the Earle of Suffolk had said to some Gentlemen that M r. Selden had razed a Record and deserved to be hanged for going about to set division betwixt the King and his Subjects And being demanded to whom the words were spoken he was unwilling to name any till by question it was resolved he should nominate him He then named S r. Iohn Strangwaies who was unwilling to speak what he had heard from the Earle but being commanded by the House and resolved by question he confessed That upon Saturday last he being in the Committee Chamber of the Lords the Earle of Suffolk called him unto him and said Sir Iohn will you not hang Selden To whom he said for what The Earle replied By God he hath razed a Record and deserves to be hanged This the House took as a great injury done to the whole House M r. Selden being imployed by them in the conference with the Lords in the great cause concerning the Liberty of the Persons of the Subjects The House presently sent S r. Robert Philips with a message to the Lords to this effect He expressed the great care the Commons had upon all occasions to maintain all mutual respect and correspondency betwixt both Houses Then he informed them of a great injury done by the Earle of Suffolk to the whole house and to M r. Selden a particuler Member thereof who by their Command had been imployed in the late conference with their Lordships That the House was very sensible thereof and according to former Presidents made them truly acquainted with it and demaunded Justice against the Earle of Suffolk he read the words saying they were spoken to Sir Iohn Strangwayes a Member of their House After a short stay the Lords called for the Messenger to whom the Lord Keeper gave this Answer He signified the great desire and care of their Lordships to maintain and increase the correspondencies betwixt both Houses and as a Testimony thereof they had partly taken into consideration the charge That the Earle of Suffolk being a Man of great place and Honour had voluntarily protested upon his Honour and Soul that there passed no such words as those from him to Sr. Iohn Strangwayes And the Lord Keeper wished that their Lordships speedy proceedings in this business might testifie their love and good will to the Commons House The next day being the 15. of April Sr. Iohn Strangwayes made a Protestation openly in the House wherein he avowed that notwithstanding the Earls denial he did speak those words positively unto him and would maintain it any way fitting a Member of that House or a Gentleman of Honour They ordered that this Protestation should be entered into the Journal book and that a Committee should take into consideration what was fit for the House to proceed to for the justification of S r. Iohn Strangwayes and what was fitting to be done in this Case and to examine Witness of the proof of the words Upon the 17. day S r. Iohn Elliot reported what the Committee had done That they had sent for and examined Sr. Christopher Nevill who related that upon Saturday being in the Lords Committee Chamber the Earle of Suffolk said thus to him Mr. Attorney hath cleared the business and hath made the cause plain on the Kings side and further said M r. Selden hath razed a Record and hath deserved to be hanged and the Lower House should do well to joyn with the Higher in a Petition to the King to hang him and added as a reason For Mr. Selden went about and took a course to divide the King from his people or words to that effect And being asked whether he conceived that those words of dividing the King from his people had relation to the whole and general action of M r. Selden before the Lords or to the particuler of razing a Record he conceived they were referred to the general action They had examined one M r. Littleton who confessed he heard the Earle of Suffolk speak to a Gentleman whom he knew not words to this affect viz. That he would not be in M r. Seldens Coat for 10000 l. and that M r. Selden deserved to be hanged The second part of this Report concerned the particuler of S r. Iohn Strangwayes wherein though the Committee found no Witness to prove the words spoken to S r. Iohn Srangwayes yet there were many circumstances which perswaded them of the truth thereof 1. That the same words in the same syllables were spoken to Sr. Christopher Nevill and that the Earle as he called to him S r. Iohn Strangwayes so he called to him Sr. Christopher Nevill 2. That the Earle of Suffolk called S r. Iohn Strangwayes to him and spake to him was proved by S r. George Fane and S r. Alexander S r. Iohn
till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquainted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfnll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. No. 9. and another in the same year No. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliae but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For Mr. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel they have been delivered upon Habeas Corpus and that constantly It is true that some Presidents were brought on the Kings part that when some of these persons desired to be delivered by Habeas Corpus the King or his Councel signified his Majesties pleasure that they should be delivered or the Kings Attorney hath come into the Court and related the Kings Command but this seems to make for the Subject For that being in his Majesties power to deliver them who by his special Command were imprisoned May not we well think that his Majesty would rather at that time have stayed their deliverance by Law then furthered it with his Letters and made the Prisoners rather beholding to him for his grace and mercy then to the Judges for Justice had not his Majesty known that at that time they ought to have been delivered by Law I think no man would imagine a wise King would have suffered his Grace and Prerogative if any such Prerogative were to be so continually questioned and his Majesty and his Councel so far from commanding the Judges not to proceed to deliver the Prisoner by them committed without Cause shewn as that on the other side which is all the force of these Presidents the King and the Councel signified to the Judges that they should proceed to deliver the parties certainly if the King had challenged any such Prerogative that a Person committed without any cause shewn ought not to be delivered by the Judges without his consent it would have appeared by one President or other amonst all that have been produced that his Majesty would have made some claim to such a Prerogative But it appears to the contrary that in many of these cases the King or his Councel did never interpose and where they did it was alwayes in affirmation and incouragement to that Court to proceed And besides the writing of Letters from his Majesty to the Judges to do Justice to his Majesties Subjects may with as good reason be interpreted that without those Letters they might not do Justice also the King signified his willingness that such such Persons which were committed by him should be delivered therefore they could not be delivered without it which is a strange reason So that findeing the Laws so full so many and so plain in the point and findeing that when ever any were committed without cause shewn brought their Habeas Corpus they were delivered and no Command ever given to the contrary or claim made on the Kings part to any such Prerogative I may safely conclude as the House of Commons have done and if any one President or two of late can be shewn that the Judges have not delivered the Prisoners so committed I think it is their fault and to be enquired of but contrary it seems to me to be an undoubted Liberty of the Subject that if he be committed without cause or without cause shewn yet he may have some speedy course to bring himself to Trial either to justifie his own innocencie or to receive punishment according to his fault for God forbid that an innocent man by the Laws of England should be put in worse case then the most grievous Malefactors are which must needs be if this should be that if a cause be shewed he may have his Trial but if none he must lie and pine in Prison during pleasure
then by giving a confirmation upon this occasion we have bettered our Case very much Thirdly have not the Judges in the Kings-bench in open Parliament upon our complaint disclaimed to have given any Judgement in the point which generally before by the Parliament was otherwise conceived for now they say it was but an Award and no Judgement Will such a Notorious Act upon so important an occasion in so publick a place be quickly forgotten Nay will not the memorie of it for ever remain upon Records is not our Case then much better then when we came hither Fourthly will not the resolution of this House and all our Arguments and reasons against imprisonment without a Cause expressed which no doubt by the course we have taken will be transferred to posterity be a great means to stay any Judge hereafter for declaring any Judgement to the contrary especially if there be likelyhood of a Parliament is not our Case in this very much amended Lastly have we not received Propositions from the Lords wherein amongst other things they declared that they are not out of love with our proceedings is not this a great strenghtning to it but after so long debate amongst them about it they cannot take any just exception to it and doth not this also much amend our Case From all these reasons I conclude that the second Objection that by a confirmation we are in no better case then when we came together is also a weak Objection Now for reasons to move us to proceed in this course of accepting a confirmation First we have his Majesties gracious promise to yield to a confirmation of the old Laws from which we may rest most assured he will not depart If we tender him with all our Proposition to be enacted we have cause to doubt that we shall loose both the one and the other Secondly we are no less assured of the Lords joyning with us for in their Propositions sent to us they have delivered themselves to that purpose This is then a secure way of getting somewhat of great advantage to us as we have great hopes and in a manner assurance on this side So on the other side we have great doubts and fears that by offering our resolution to be enacted we shall loose all For first we have had already experience of the Lords that they are not very foreward to joyn with us in a Declaration of our Proposition to be Law If they stumble at a Declaration much more will they in yielding to make Law in the same point And have we not much more cause to doubt that his Majesty will not yield unto it seeing it toucheth him so near Is it not the notice of his pleasure that hath wrought thus with the Lords If we should clog our Bill with our Proposition and it should be rejected by the Lords or by the King is not our resolution much weakned by it And are we not then in far worse case then before we made it Our resolution for the rejecting of our Proposition will tend to a Justification of all that hath been done against us in this great point of our Liberty Let us then like wise-men conform our desire to our hopes and guide our hopes by probabilities other desires and other hopes are but vain This is my poor opinion in this weighty business Secretary COKES Message 1. May 1628. Mr. Speaker I Have a very short message to deliver from his Majesty that shews both his Royal care to be rightly understood of this House and no less care to understand us in the best part and to shew clearly it shall not be his fault if this be not a happy Parliament His Majesty hath commanded me to desire this House clearly to let him know whether they will rest upon his Royal word and promise made at several times and especially by my Lord Keepers Speech made in his own presence which if they do he doth assure you that it shall be royally and really performed After speaking of himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty he proceeded in these words GIve me leave freely to tell you that I know by experience that by the place I hold under his Majesty if I will discharge the duty of my place and the Oath I have taken to his Majesty I must commit and neither express the cause to the Jaylor nor to the Judges nor to any Councellour in England but to the King himself yet do not think I go without ground of reason or take this power committed to me to be unlimmitted Yea rather it is to me a charge burthen and danger for if I by this power shall commit the poorest porter if I do it not upon a just cause if it may appear the burthen will fall upon me heavier then the Law can inflict for I shall loose my credit with his Majesty and my place And I beseech you consider whether those that have been in the same place have not committed freely and not any doubt made of it nor any complaint made by the Subject Veneris 2. May 1628. A Report was this day made from the grand Committee for grievances concerning the cause of Nicholas Clegat Cittizen and Vintner of London imprisoned by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the said Citie for refusing to lend a certain summe of money assessed upon him by the Company of Vintners of London whereof he is free towards the proportion of money imposed upon the Company by an Act of Common-Councel of the said Citie in pursuance of a contract of Land with his Majesty By which report it appeared that the said grand Committee had unanimously agreed that the said Citie might make Acts of Councel so as they were consonant to Law and reason and for regulating and deciphering of trade agreeable to reason and the Law of the Realm and might leavy money of the Cittizens by Act of Common-Councel for building or repairing of their Walls Gates or making or cleansing of Sewers or other like causes tending to the general and publick good and welfare of the Citie or towards Triumphs or other like occasions tending to the Honour of the Citie in general but could not by such Act of Common-Councel tax or leavy money towards the purchasing of Lands or other like occasions forreign to the government of the Citie Whereupon it is resolved by the House of Commons super totam materiam that the said Commitment of the said Nicholas Clegat was unlawfull and that a Petition should go from the House to his Majesty for the inlargement of the said Nicholas Clegat his commitment by the Lord Major and Aldermen being since strengthned by special command Henry TOMPSON one of the Shrieffs and Robert HENISVVORTH Alderman of the Citie of YORK their submission for their indirect chusing of S r. Thomas SAVIL Knight I Henry Tompson one of the Shrieffs of the Citie of York do hereby acknowledge to have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty
shall or will at any time hereafter commit or command to Prison or otherwise restrain the Person of any for not lending money unto us or for any other cause which in our conscience doth not concern the State the publick good and safety of us and of our people we will not be drawn to pretend any cause which in our Judgements is not or is not expressed which base thought we hope no man will imagine can fall into our royal breast that in all cases of this nature which shall hereafter happen we shall upon the humble Petition of the party or access of our Judges to us readily and really express the cause of their commitment or restraint so soon as with conveniency and safety the same is fit to be disclosed and expressed That in all causes Criminal of ordinary Jurisdiction our Judges shall proceed to the deliverance and baylment of the Prisoner according to the known and ordinary rules of the Laws of this Land and according to the Statutes of Magna Charta and those other six Statutes insisted upon which we do take knowledge stand in force and which we intend not to abrogate against the true intention thereof Thus we have thought fit to signifie unto you the rather for shortning any long delayes of this question the season of the year so far advance and our great occasions of State not lending us many dayes for long continuance of this Session of Parliament Given under our Signet at our Pallace of Westminster the 12. of May in the fourth year of our Raign The KINGS Message by the Lord Keeper 21. May 1628. HIs Majestie commanded me to signifie to your Lordships that the business concerning your part presented by the Commons to the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Subject wholly depends upon your Lordships and because his affairs are pressing and that he is very suddenly to take a Journey to Portsmouth As also because his Majesty would have the business put in a good forwardness before his going thither his Majestie desires your Lordships this day to proceed to a resolution whether you will joyn with the House of Commons in the Petition or not M r. MASONS speech concerning the Addition propounded by the Lords to be added to the Petition of Right IN our Petition of Right to the Kings Majestie we mentioned the Laws and Statutes by which it appeared that no Tax Loan or the like ought to be levied by the King but by common assent in Parliament That no Freeman ought to be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land That no Freeman ought to be compelled to suffer Souldiers in his house In the Petition we have expressed the breach of these Laws and desire that we may not suffer the like all which we pray as our Rights and Liberties The Lords have proposed an addition to this Petition in these words We humbly present this Petition to your Majestie not onely with a care of our own Liberties but with a due regard to leave intyre that Soveraign power wherewith your Majesty is intrusted for the protection safety and happiness of your people and whether we shall consent unto this addition is the Subject of this dayes discourse And because my Lord Keeper at the last conference declared their Lordships had taken the words of the Petition apart The word leave in a Petition is of the same nature as saving in a grant or Act of Parliament when a Man grants but part of a thing he saves the rest when he Petitions to be restored but to part he leaveth the rest then in the end of our Petition the word leave will imply that something is to be left of that or at least with a Reverence to what we desire The word entyre is very considerable a Conquerour is bound by no Law but hath power dare leges his will is a Law and although William the Conquerour at first to make his way to the Crown of England the more easie and the possession of it the more sure claiming it by little but afterwards when there were no powerfull pretenders to the Crown The little of Conquest to introduce that absolute power of a Conquerour was claimed and that Statute of Magna Charta and other Statutes mentioned in our Petition do principally limmit that power I hope it is as Lawfull for me to cite a Jesuite as it is for Dr. Manwaring to falsifie him Suares in his first book de legibus cap. 17. delivered his opinion in these words amplitudo restrictio potestatis Regum circa ea quae per se mala vel injusta non sunt pendet ex arbitrio hominum ex ambigua convencione vel pacto inter Reges Regnum And the further expresseth his opinion that the King of Spain was so absolute a Monarch that he might Lawfully impose tribute without consent of his people untill about 200. years since when it was concluded between him and his people that without consent of his people by proxies he should not impose any Tribute And Suares opinion is that by that agreement the Kings of Spain are bound to impose no Tribute without consent And this agreement that Author calls a restraining of that Soveraign power the Statutes then mentioned in our Petition restraining that absolute power of a Conquerour if we recite those Statutes and say we have the Soveraign power intire we do not take away that restraint which is the virtue and strength of those Statutes and set at Liberty the claim of the Soveraign power of a Conquerour which is to be limitted and restrained by no Laws this may be the danger of the word entyre The next words delivered by the Lords as observable is the particle that because it was said that all Soveraign power is not mentioned to be left but onely that with which the King is trusted for our protection safety and happiness But I conceive this to be an exception of all Soveraign power for all Soveraign power in a King is for the protection safety and happiness of his people If all Soveraign power be excepted you may easily Judge the consequence all Loans and Taxes being imposed by colour of that Soveraign power The next word is trusted which is very ambiguous whether it be meant trusted by God onely as a Conquerour or by the people also as King which are to Govern also according to Laws ex pacto In this point I will not presume to adventure further onely I like it not by reason of the doubtfull exposition it admits I have likewise considered the proposition it self and therein I have fallen upon the dilemma that this addition shall be construed either to refer unto the Petition or not If it doth refer unto the Petition it is meerly useless and unnecessary and unbefitting the Judgement of this grave and great Assembly to add to a Petition of this weight If it hath reference unto it then it destroys not onely the virtue and strength of our
Petition of Right but our rights themselves for the addition being referred to each part of the Petition will necessarily receive this construction That none ought to be compelled to make any guift loan or such like charge without common consent or Act of Parliament unless it be by the Soveraign power with which the King is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of his people That none ought to be compelled to sojourn or billet Souldiers unless by the same Soveraign power and so of the rest of the Rights contained in the Petition And then the most favourable construction will be that the King hath an ordinary Prerogative and by that he cannot impose Taxes or Imprison That is he cannot impose Taxes at his will to imploy them as he pleaseth that he hath an extraordinary and transcendent Soveraign power for the protection and happiness of his people and for such purpose he may impose Taxes or billet Souldiers as he pleaseth and we may assure our selves that hereafter all Loans Taxes and billeting of Souldiers will be said to be for the protection safety and happiness of the people Certainly hereafter it will be conceived that an House of Parliament would not have made an unnecessary addition to this Petition of Right and therefore it will be resolved that the addition hath relation to the Petition which will have such operation as I have formerly declared and I the rather fear it because the late Loan and Billeting have been declared to have been by Soveraign power for the good of our selves and if it be doubtfull whether this proposition hath reverence to the Petition or not I know not who shall Judge whether Loans or Imprisonments hereafter be by that Soveraign power or not A Parliament which is made a body of several wits and may be dissolved by one Commission cannot be certain to decide this question We cannot resolve that that the Judges shall determine the words of the Kings Letter read in this House expressing the cause of Commitment may be such that the Judges have not capacity of Judicature no rules of Law to direct guide their Judgements in cases of that transcendent nature the Judges then and the Judgements are easily conjectured It hath been confessed by the Kings Councel that the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King and his Soveraign power cannot be divided from himself If then the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King it bindes his Soveraign power if to the Petition these words be added the exposition then must be that the Statute of Magna Charta binds the Kings Soveraign power Saving the Kings Soveraign power I shall endevour to give some answer to the reasons given by the Lords The first is that it is the intention of both Houses to maintain the just Liberty of the Subject and not to diminish the just power of the King and therefore the expression of that intention in this Petition cannot prejudice us which I answer First that our intention was and is as we then professed and no man can assign any particuler in which we have done to the contrary Neither have we any way transgressed in that kinde in this Petition and if we make this addition to the Petition it would give some intimution that we have given cause or colour of offence therein which we deny and which if any man conceive so that he would assign the particuler that we may give an answer thereunto By our Petition we onely desire our particuler Rights and Liberties to be confirmed to us and therefore it is not proper for us in it to mention Soveraign power in general being altogether impertinent to the matter in the Petition There is a great difference between the words of the addition and the words proposed therein for reason viz. between just power which may be conceived to be limmitted by Laws and Soveraign power which is supposed to be transcendent and boundless The second reason delivered by their Lordships was that the King is Soveraign That as he is Soveraign he hath power and that that Soveraign power is to left for my part I would leave it so as not to mention it but if it should be expressed to be left in this Petition as it is proposed it must admit something to be left in the King of what we pray or at least admit some Soveraign power in his Majestie in these Priviledges which we claim to be our Right which would frustrate our Petition and destroy our Right as I have formerly shewed The third reason given from this addition was that in the statute Articuli super Chartas there is a saving of the right and seigniory of the Crown To which I give these answers That Magna Charta was confirmed above 30 times and a general saving was in none of these Acts of confirmation but in this onely and I see no cause we should follow one ill and not 30 good Presidents and the rather because that saving produced ill effects that are well known That saving was by Acts of Parliament The conclusion of which Act is that in all those Cases the King did will and all those that were at the making of that Ordinance did intend that the Right and Seigniory of the Crown should be saved By which it appears that the saving was not in the Petition of the Commons but added by the King for in the Petition the Kings will is no expressed In that Act the King did grant and depart with to his people divers Rights belonging to his prerogative as in the first Chapter he granted that the people might choose three Men which might have power to hear and determine complaints made against those that offended in any point of Magna Charta though they were the Kings officers and to fine and ransome them and in the 8.12 and 19. Chapter of that Statute the King departed with other prerogatives and therefore there might be some reason of the adding of that Soveraign by the Kings Councel But in this Petition we desire nothing of the Kings Prerogative but pray the enjoying of our propper and undoubted Rights and Priviledges and therefore there is no cause to add any words which may imply a saving of that which concerns not the matter in the Petition The 4. reason given by their Lordships was that by the mouth of our Speaker we have this Parliament declared that it was far from our intention to incroach upon his Majesties Prerogative and that therefore it could not prejudice us to mention the same resolution in an addition to this Petition To which I answer that that declaration was a general answer to a Message from his Majestie to us by which his Majestie expressed that he would not have his Prerogative streitned by any new explanation of Magna Charta or the rest of the Statutes and therefore that expression of our Speakers was then propper to make it have reference to this Petition there being nothing therein
no meaning of barring you from what hath been your Right but in the manner to avoid all scandals on his Councel and actions past his Ministers might not be nor himself under their names taxed for their Councels and that no such particulers should be taken in hand as would ask a longer time of consideration then what he hath already prefixed and still resolves to hold that so for this time Christendom might have notice of a sweet parting between him and his people which if it falls out his Majesty will not be long from another meeting when such grievances if there be any at their leasure and convenience may be considered The KINGS speech 7 June THe answer I have already given you was made with so good deliberation and approved by the judgement of so many wise men that I could not have imagined but it should have given you full satisfaction But to avoid all ambiguous interpretations and to shew you that there is no doubleness in my meaning I am willing to please you in words as well as in substance Read your Petition and you shall have an answer I am sure will please you Then the Petition of Right was read and again the whole PARLIAMENT spake MAy it please your most Excellent Majesty The Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons in Parliament Assembled taking into their considerations that the good intelligence between your Majesty and your people doth much depend upon your Majesties answer unto their Petition of Right formerly presented with an unanimous consent unto your Majesty Do most humbly beseech your Majesty that you will be gratiously pleased to give a satisfactory answer thereunto in full Parliament Soit droit fait come est desire par le Petition Let right be done as is desired by the Petition The KING again THis I am sure is full yet no more then I granted you in my first answer for the meaning of that was to confirm all your Liberties knowing according to your own protestations that you neither mean nor can hurt my Prerogative And I assure you my Maxim is that the peoples Liberties strengthen the Kings Prerogative and the Kings Prerogative is to defend the peoples Liberties You see now how ready I have shewn my self to satisfie your demands so that I have done my part wherefore if this Parliament hath not a happy conclusion the sin is yours I am free of it The Motions of the Lower-house to the Higher 7. June 1628. THat the new granted subsedies might be expended especially upon three or four of the most necessary of those Propositions propounded by his Majesty That they thought the most necessary imployments for the subsedies were first the repairing of our new impaired Navy Royal and the decayed Sea munition Secondly the re-edifying of the breaches made in our Forts and Haven Towns Thirdly by a supply and speedy aid and assistance for Denmark And whether in these they have judged rightly or not the eminent and incroaching dangers of the present times might be a guide Also they made Declaration of the late Suits and Petitions of our Marriners having lately received from them a Bill of grievances against the Duke for defect of payment and that not of some few but the whole Company And that if herein they had not sudden redress they must be forced to right themselves upon him as they shall finde opportunity Herein the Commons did declare that they thought themselves bound in Conscience as helping the oppressed and in pollicie in preventing all such combustions to patronize and cherish them Also they thought it expedient that all such books as have been questioned in Parliament and since tollerated might after the dissolving thereof by the virtue of the former Protection pass uncontroulable and the Authors thereof without molestation In the interim that this latter Proposition was debating upon just occasion being offered S r. THOMAS WENTVVORTH delivered himself thus RIght wise Right worthy how many instigations importune the sequel of my words 1. The equity of your proceedings 2. The honnesty of my request for I behold all your intendments grounded upon discretion and goodness and your constitutions steered as well by charity as the extreamity of Justice This order I say and method of your proceedings together with the opportunity offered of the subject in hand have imboldned me to sollicit for an extention of the late granted Protections in general The Lawfulness and honnesty of the Proposition depends upon these particulers 1. The present troubles of the parties protected having run themselves into further and almost irrecoverable hazard by presuming upon and feeding themselves with the hopes of a long continuing Parliament let the second be this consequence That which is prejudicial to the most ought to administer matter of advantage to the rest Sith then our interpellations and disturbations amongst our selves are unpleasing to all most all if any benefit may be collected let it fall upon these for I think the breach of our Sessions can befriend none but such nor such neither but by means of this grant before hand And because it is profitable that his Majesty may cause a remeeting the next Michalmass let thither also reach there prescribed time for Liberty and that till then there protections shall remain in as full virtue and Authority as if the Parliament were actually sitting This Speech at the first bred some distaste but afterwards seriously weighing the premises they easily and at last generally condiscended and so it is this day preferred to the Higher House The KINGS Message to the Lower House by S r. HUMFREY MAY 10. of June 1628. HIs Majesty is well pleased that your return of Right and his answer be not onely recorded in both Houses of Parliament but also in all the Courts of Westminster And that his pleasure is it be put in print for his Honour and the content and satisfaction of his people and that you proceed cheerfully to settle businesses for the good and reformation of the Common-wealth Eeight particulars all voted in the House of Commons 11. June 1628. THe excessive power of the Duke of Buckingham and the abuse thereof is the chief and principal Cause of all the mischiefs that have happened to the King and Kingdom 1. Innovation of Religion 2. Innovation of Government 3. Disasters of designs abroad 4. Not guarding of the Narrow Seas 5. Not guarding the Forts 6. The decay of Trade 7. The decay of Shipping 8. The want of Munition The first Remonstrance Most dread Soveraign AS with all Humble thankfulness we your dutifull Commons now in Parliament Assembled do acknowledge the great comfort we have had in the assurance of your Majesties pious and gracious disposition So we think it our most necessary duty being called by your Majesty to consult and advise of the great and urgent affairs of this Church and Common-wealth And findeing them at this time in apparent danger of ruine and destruction faithfully and dutifully to enform your
the Pardons were all drawn by Mr. Attorney before there was any Warrant Mr. Cromwell saith he had by relation from one Doctor Beard that Beard said Doctor Allablaster had preached flat Poperie at Pauls Cross the Bishop of Winchester commanded him as he was his Diocesan that he should preach nothing to the contrarie Sir Robert Philips saith One Doctor Marshall will relate as much said to him by the Bishop of Winchester as the Bishop said to Doctor Moor. Mr. Kirton That Doctor Marshall and Doctor Beard may be sent for This Bishop though he hath leapt through many Bishopricks yet he hath left Poperie behind him That Cosens frequenting the Printing-house hath caused the Book of Common-Prayer to be new printed and hath changed the word Minister into Priest and hath put out in another place the word Elect thus Cosens and his Lord go hand in hand Sir Miles Fleetwood saith We are to give Mountague his Charge and by his books charge him with Schisme in error of Doctrine Faction in point of State Thirdly matter of Aggravation Sir Walter Earl QUi color albus erat nunc est contrarius albo saith Doctor White hath sold his Orthodox books and bought Jesuiticall books moves that Bishop White may go arm in arm with Mountague Ordered a select Committee to be named to digest these things that have been alreadie agitated concerning the Innovation of Religion the Cause of the Innovation and the Remedie Thursday 12. THe Sheriff of London upon his submission at the Barre is released his imprisonment in the Tower Sir Iohn Elliot made the Report for the Committee in the examination of the complaint of Merchants and delivered the Orders and Injunctions into the Exchequer At a great Committee for Tonnage and Poundage Mr. SHERVIL in the Chair MAster Waller delivered a Petition from Chambers Felke and Gilborn in complaint of an information against them in the Star-chamber about Tonnage and Poundage that by the restraint of their goods they are like to be undone Sir Iohn Elliot THe Merchants are not onely kept from their goods by Customers but by a pretended Justice in a Court of Justice as the Exchequer I conceive if the Judges of that Court had their understanding enlightened of their error by this House they would reform the same and thereby the Merchants suddenly come to their goods Mr. Transtort conceiveth this to be a difficult way for us to go Mr. Corington Let it be done which way the House shall think fit but I conceive the Merchants shall have their goods before we can think of the Bill Kings ought not by the Law of God thus to oppress their Subjects I know we have a good King and this is the advice of his wicked Ministers but there is nothing can be more dishonorable unto him Mr. Stroud That it may be Voted That the Merchants may have their goods before we enter on the Bill Chancellor of the Dutchie I shall speak my opinion because I know not whether I shall have libertie to speak or you to hear any more All the proceedings of the King and his Ministers was to keep the Question safe untill this House should meet and you shall find the proceedings of the Chequer were Legal and thus much not knowing whether I shall have a days libertie to speak any more here again Mr. Thesaurer There is none here but would think it a hard thing that a Possession should be taken from us without any order for Sequestration that therefore it was not to be suffered that these few men should so unjustly disturb the Government of the State Desires there may be no interruption but that we may proceed to settle the Tonnage Mr. Corington I hope we may speak here as I hope we may speak in heaven and do our duties and let no fear divert us Mr. Waller It is not so few as 500 Merchants are threatened in this Sir Robert Phillips moveth we may go to the King and satisfie him of these interruptions Mr. Noy We cannot safely give unless we be in possession and proceedings in the Exchequer nullified and information in the Star-chamber and the Annexion to the Petition of Right and other Records I will not give my voice to this untill these things be made void for it will not be a Guift but a Confirmation Neither will I give unless these interruptions be removed and a Declaration in the Bill That the King hath no Right but by our free guift If it will not be accepted as is fit for us to give it we cannot help it If it be the Kings alreadie as by these new Records then we need not to give it Mr. Selden secondeth the Motion of sending a Message to the Exchequer declareth a President of a Message sent into the Chancerie for stay of proceedings in a Cause and it was obtained and whatsoever the Judges return it cannot prejudice us the Law speaks by Record and if these Records remain it will to posteritie explain the Law Mr. Littleton For the Right there is no Lawyer so ignorant to conceive it nor any Judge in the Land to affirm it is against giving to the King or going on the Bill In this case by the Law a man cannot be put to a Petition of Right but shall recover without Right Ordered that a Message shall be sent to the Court of the Exchequer That whereas certain goods of the Merchants have been stayed by Injunction from that Court by a false Affidavit and that the Customers that made the Affidavit have upon examination of this House confessed that the goods were stayed onely for duties contained in the book of Rates that therefore that Court would make void the orders and Affidavits in this business Friday 13. A Petition against one Burges a Priest who was here complained of the last Session some new Articles complained against him that he could not get a Copie of his Articles out of the house untill he was fain to get one counterfeit himself a Puritan to get the same and other new misdemeanors He is Ordered to be sent for Sir Iohn Elliot A Motion for Priviledge of Merchants Order is That any man having a Complaint depending here in the mean time intimation shall be given to my Lord Keeper That no Attachment shall go forth against the Merchants Chancellor of the Dutchie reported the Message to the Chequer Court that the Treasurer and the Barons will forthwith take the same into consideration and return answer It is Ordered Mr. Secretarie Cook shall take care that intimation shall be given to the Citie about the Fast. Doctor More called in saith he was referred to the Bishop of Winchester to be censured for preaching a Sermon the Bishop said he had heard him preach and deliver many prettie passages against the Papists which pleased King Iames but he must not do so now That you have a brother that preacheth against Bowing at the high Altar or at the name of Iesus and that