begunne the yeare before Pope Leo decimus sent Card. Caëtan for his Legat thither for both causes Luth. at Augusta 151â—â— For albeit he had cited Luther to Rome before vpon relation of his new opiuions yet by intercession of Frederick Duke of Saxony desyring the Iudges might be appoynted to heare the cause inâ—â—ermany he had committed the hearing yf the said cause vnto the said Card. to whom Luther came by force and not of free wil as our K â— fayneth neyther had he yet safe conduct of the Emperor but only the letters of his patron Duke Frederick in his commendation to the sayd Card. Legat requesting that he might returne safe Wherfore he being afrayd what the Card. would decree of him The dissimâ—lation of Martyn Luther vvith Card. Caâ—tan gaue him the fayrest words in the world and the first day being vrged to recaÌ„t his opinions desyred space only to deliberate and the second day comming to him agayne and finding foure of the Emperors counsel with him to dissemble the more gaue vp this protestation in wryting Ego frater Martinus Luthers first protestation an 1512. c. I Fryar Martyn Luther of the order of S. Augustine do protest that I do reuerence and follow the holy Roman Churche in all my sayings and doings both present past and to come and that if any thing hath byn sayd by me or shal be said contrarie or otherwyse then this I do desyre that it should be esteemed and holden as not spoken And after this being vrged agayne by the Card Cochl Sur ibid. to reuoke his errors perticularly he desired that he might answer in wryting flattering the Card. with many prayses and fair words but yet so tempered he his style in answering as the Cardinal easely did see that he meant to proceed in the said errors stil and signified so much vnto him whervpon he being afrayd least the Card. would imprison him he procured by his frends a publyke safe coÌ„duct of the Emperors officers which assone as euer he had he appealed from the Legat to the Pope and put the appellation vpon the walles of the towne so stole away wryting first notwithstanding very fayre letters to the Card at his departure but vnto others very skoffingly and contemptuouslie of him This is the summe of that which the two foresaid Authors and others do write of the doings of Luther this yeare at Augusta let the reader iudge how worthelie S. F. doth vaunt of his chalenge and disputation and how many lyes there be in his words before set downe The second vaunt of Luthers disputation at Wormes before the new yong Emperor Charles the fifth Luther at VVormes 1521. before the Emperor and his parlament there gathered together three yeeres after to wit 1521. is much more vayne and vntrue For wheras S.F. sayth VVast Pag. Ibid. that before the Emperor himself and the whole states of the Empire he mayntayned his doctrine answered the aduersaries and with the Emperors fauour departed in safetie though ful sore against the mynds and wils of some Papists Yet the truth is this that ensueth for which I alleage my two Authors aforesaid one of them present at the act it selfe which he published soone after in print S. F. alleaging none at all for his vanities At the sayd diet or Parlament of Wormes when the most learned man Ieronimus Aliander the Popes Nuntius had propounded the great troubles and dissentions which had rysen the last three yeares since Luthers being at Augusta by continuance and increase of his heresies Cochl in vita Lutheri Sur. in hist anno 1521. and had recyted out of one of his books De captiuitate Babilonica lately come forth aboue 40. places which tended all to sedition perturbation of the common wealth Fredericus Duke of Saxony his Patron being much astonished to heare those things requested that he might haue safe conduct to be sent for and so he was by a Pursevaunt of the Emperors named Sturmius so that this tyme also his coming was not of free wil as S. F. wil haue yt but of necessitie nor came he to dispute but to answere for himselfe And the foresayd Authors do name his compagnions that came with him * Ionas Scurfus Ambsdorfius the sumptuous and delicate manner of his iorney the good chere and musick in his Innes Luthers behauiour in his iorney to the Emperour and how he himself being yet in a fryers weed played opeÌ„ly on a Lute as he rode in the Coache and other such things as Cochlaeus being present did see with his eyes and I let passe to recount yt in particular for breuities sake But for the principal matter in hand which is his braue disputing wherof S. F. braggeth I read of none at all For in his first comming before the Emperor and States the first day he was commaunded to harcken only Luthers ansvvers and behauiour the first day before the Emperour and to speak nothing that was not demaunded and then the Catalogue of his books going in his name before recyted publykely he was asked whether he acknowledged them for his or no which he saying that he could not deny but they were his being asked agayne whether he would recal them or noe he desyred most humbly to haue space of deliberation which with much a doe they graunted him vntil the next day at the same houre His ansvvere the second day which being come he appeared agayne when not answering simply but deuiding his books into three kynds sought only to draw out the tyme which they perceyuing he was so pressed by the Emperor and nobles present to say of or on that in the end he sayth he would do nothing against his conscience nor recal any book of his except he were conuicted first by the testimony of the Scripture and then he concludeth with these German words Got helf myr Amen that is God helpe me Amen shewing therby the feare that he was in Then foloweth the sentence of the Emperor some dayes after giuen against him written with his owne hand to the Lords and Princes of the Empire a noble sentence and worthy to be read by all Princes The determination of Charles the Emperor against Luther after he had heard him he being not past 20. yeates of age maketh such a ProtestatioÌ„ of his Catholyke fayth according to the belief of all his Ancestors as may be an example to all other Princes And towards the end of the said Parlament he published an Edict against Luther and all his followers by consent of the whole couÌ„cel affirming amoÌ„gst other things Lutherum non hominem sed diabolum esse sub humana specie That Luther was no man but a deuil vnder the shape of a man and this was the end of that combat of Luther But he wrote afterward these Actes of Wormes himselfe and sayth among other vayne adulations of himselfe that the people so much fauored
〈…〉 to agree about the poysoning of 〈…〉 wheras no one of them holdeth it 〈…〉 contrary as yow haue hard But how then commeth in this 〈…〉 cal story so much vrged and diligenâ—t thâ— forth by Iohn Fox in his lying acts and 〈…〉 Yow may read in Iohn Stow 〈◊〉 the place alleadged the first author therof for it was an author without a name whichâ— wrote about a hundred and seuentene yeares agoe and took vpon him to continew the fabulous story of Geffrey of Monmouth among infinite other fables telleth also this of King Iohns poysoning as he receyued it by some vulgar report The book was caused to be printed at the charges of one VVilliam Caxton and so comonly called Caxtons chronicle and in the prologue he wryteth thus In the yeare of our lord 1483. in the 22. yeare of the raigne of K. Edward the 4. at S. Albons so that all mâ—n may know the acts of our noble Kings of England are compiled in this book c. This went in the prologue and then in the end agayne he sayth thus Here endeth this present chronicle of England with the fruite of tymes compiled in a book and also printed by one sometyme scholmaister of S. Albons vpon whose soule God haue mercy Amen And newly imprinted in Fleetstreet at the signe of the Sunne by me VViâ—ken de word In the yeare of our Lord God 1515. 〈…〉 how this book was 〈…〉 withall many hundreds 〈…〉 in the book set downe after the 〈…〉 wyues tales naming no author 〈…〉 he had it for he liued almost 300. 〈…〉 the fact all the former authors 〈…〉 that liued with King Iohn or 〈…〉 to this mannes tyme excepting only 〈…〉 â—onicon that meÌ„tioneth it as a vulgar tale 〈…〉 polidore after him with like reiection all â—â—ners I say former wryters which best should know the truth not only made no meÌ„tion therof but set downe expressely other manner and causes of K. Ihons death as yow haue heard and yet would Fox of meere malice and against his owne conscience beleeue this author against all the rest and set it forth in print pagents and paintings as before hath byn sayd and all other English heretyks since haue followed him in the same impudency both in bookes sermons common speeches which sheweth that they do not follow reason nor seek truthe but only to hold the reader in error by any meanes of sleight or â—alshood whatsoeuer which ought to warne euery true Christian man who seeketh sincerely to know the verity of matters in controuersy and the saluation of his owne soule not to beleeue so easily these cosening people but to enter into better consideration of their doings especially of Iohn Fox the most fraudulent and perfidious wryter that euer put pen to paper in our language if I be not greatly deceyued who haue taken paynes 〈…〉 many others to examine the 〈…〉 wilful falshood of diuers of his 〈…〉 But to returne againe to Sir 〈…〉 Reader note one trick more of his 〈…〉 wing this story of K. Iohn to be as I 〈…〉 was not only content to vse Fox his frauâ—â—â—â— deceyue his Reader but would needs ad somâ— what of his owne deuise also For albeit thâ— former Chronicle of Caxâ—on if so it may be called do recount the summe of the matter most fondly as to the Reader may appeare yet doth he not tel that the monks name was Symon as S. Francis calleth him nor that his Abbot highly commended him for his zeale as Syr Francis addeth out of Fox his inuention who forgeth also that the monk alleaged for himself the prophesy of Cayphas Iohn 11. saying It is better that one dy then all the people perish and moreouer I am wel contented to loose my life and so become a martyr that I may vtterly destroy this tyrant and then with that the Abbot did weep for gladnes and much commended his feruent zeale c. All these speches and circumstances I say are added and much more by Iohn Fox and S. FraÌ„cis to the Story to make it vp more ful for that no such word is in the author CaxtoÌ„ but rather the contrary that both the monk and the abbot were very sorrowful And last of all it is most false which is the principal part of this Story for which it was brought in by Sir Francis that the Abbot gaue him absolution before hand for the committing of this 〈…〉 it had byn committed for 〈…〉 such matter at all in the story but 〈…〉 he asked to be shriuen and assoyled 〈…〉 of his sinnes but not that the 〈…〉 yeild ther-vnto and much lesse 〈…〉 was any mention on eyther part of 〈…〉 olution for the sinne to come but rather â—r his sinnes past as men are wont to doe when they go to warre or to lyke attempts where many sinnes are ordinarily comitted for which no man asketh absolution before hand as our two maysters heer wil needs haue the monk to haue done though in deed Sir Francis is the more impudent of the two for that Iohn Fox durst not to auouch this manifestly of absoluing aforehand for sinnes to come yet our knight blusheth not to affirme ytâ— without all warrant or witnesse in the world and so becommeth the disciple worse then his maister Fox setteth downe the words somewhat more cunningly and dexterously 〈◊〉 and Fox 〈◊〉 riue 〈…〉 hal 〈◊〉 most â—â—dulently to wit The monk being absolued of his Abbot a forehand went c. where yow see that he putteth downe the word a forehand with a parenthesis as added of himself if any would vrge him of falshood But S r. Francis taketh quite a way the parenthesis and affirmeth the matter absolutely saying He highly commended his zeale and gaue him absolution a forehand for committing of this wicked act c. And by this let the reader iudge of them both Maister and scholler doctor disciple and I haue byn the longer in diciphering their cosenage in this one example to the end that their malice and lack of coÌ„science being fully seene in few points may be held suspected in the rest For that most true it is that they who in matters of religion do falsifie and lye of purpose cannot possibly be thought to be true or religious in any thing nor to seek religion for religion but faction and self wil vnder the name of religioÌ„ let them say what they wil. And this shal suffise for this chapter where is nothing to be added about our minister O.E. for that he passeth ouer with vtter silence all that the knight hath handled in this place about the poysoning of king Iohn so as all the blame must light vpon himself his champioÌ„ not presuming to make any defence at all for him Now then let vs passe to that which ensueth THE SPEECH OF THE warder is defended wher he calleth the way of saluation by only faith the common Cart way of protestants the truthe of which doctrin is examined CAP.
posâ—tions some of them being driuen also to the hangâ—ng ward as wel as Catholykes by their brethren protestantes L. Martyn Marprelateâ— c. so as S. F. tale seemeth rather a râ—diculous iest then a serious narration But let vs go forward He cometh at length which perhaps he leueled at in his first wordes of this his epistle to censure my inteÌ„tion in pleading for toleratioÌ„ and especially for offering the vewe oâ— my book to the Lordes of her Ma â—â—e Counsel which offendeth him much and therfore he sayâ—h thus or me S F. Epist. Pag. 7. Notwithstandiâ—g all his fawning and crowching to the â—eâ—â—rable lor as in his â—emitter their wisdomes I doub not wil easily fynd out his subtyle Synoâ—s intentionâ— who sâ—ameth not with a brasen face to seek to bring in â—is brasen horse loaden wit armed calamityes for Englands ruine c. This whoâ—e matter is handled afterward both in the remitter it self and other places of the book where the K. besides this blast of brasen words hath no one argument in the world to reply or to prooue any calamity eyther armed or vnarmed to be likely to be brought in by this brasen horse as he wil needs tearme it of mittigatioÌ„ or toleration The imagined brasen horse nor answereth he any one letter or sillable to the many vtilityes and publike emoluments which there I shew to be pretended and intended therby nor doth he so much as go about to answere or remooue any one of the great hurts daungers damages and inconueniences which I declare in my first Encounter partly to haue byn receaued already partly dayly imminent by the course held of chaÌ„ge of religâ—on and rigorous maner of pursuing the same only the poore man sheweth to feare extreamly that yf any toleration of Catholike religion should be permitted then his Pandora as Irenaeus calleth heresy would fly or fal to the ground presently â—rem lib. 2. cap. 54 lib. 4 cap 2. Fear of toleration in the puritans Which feare of Sir Francis is notwithstanding most dishonorable to him and his sect and quite contrary to that which at the beginning they preached to the world affirming nothing to be more reasonable or coÌ„uenient then to suffer both religions to stand togeather as at this day in Germany France and other places where both sortes are found to be permitted for greater peace and concord of the common-wealthes And why then should our K. so much feare ruine therby to his religion in England except only for the causes before cyted Towards the end of his Epistle he hauing censured myne intention as before yow haue hard he setteth downe his owne very confidently in these words Being called as it were into the field by him Ibidem I haue aduentured vpon the height of his swelling pride and haue shaped him a plaine and sound answere to the material poyntes c. wherby I hope Christian Reader thow shalt fynd me cleared and free from the force and fury of his false imputations and byting blowes c. Heere for that he remitteth the matter to the Christian Reader I am very wel content to subscribe to the same remission who first of all must needes iudge for me condemne him in the very first words that he alleageth to wit that he was called into the field by me wheras his Watchword being the first chalenge that sounded the trompet of warre Manifest vntruthes impudently auoucâ—ed my answere but only a necessary ward thervnto as both the title subiect of my book declareth how can he so confidently tel so open and manifest an vntruth and withaâ—l remit the same to the iudgment of the Reader except he hold him without iudgment or conscience And heere I would aske how farre this is from impudency and yet according to the same sute do follow the rest that is to say of my swelling pride of his playne and sound answere shaped to all material poynts and that he is fully cleered from all imputations of falshood c. For yf my pride be no more swelling then his mishaped answere is sound and material I may thinke my selfe a very huÌ„ble man And yf in Westminster halle S. F. should be accused of treason or felony or other greiuous criminations as many Catholike Priests are vpon lesse occasion and should cleere and free himselfe no better therin then here he doth in this reply from imputations of falshood he might quickely expect both iudgment and execution and consequently himselfe be driueÌ„ to that hanging ward which heere he threateneth to driue vs vnto And lastly wheras he wryteth for the coÌ„clusion of his Epistle that this answere of his being ended and published which I held my selfe bound quoth he in duty to do for thy satisfyieng gentle Reader and my owne câ—edit his ful resoâ—utioÌ„ is not to toyle any more by contending with such rayling and wrangling spirites c. This resolution I say of the K. though it were neuer so ful and firme at that tyme as being weary perhaps of so difficult a worke yet I doubt that it wil be brokeÌ„ and he inforced to toyle yet further in the matter yf he wil satisfie the reader or mayntayne his owne credit which poore credit he wil find I beleeue so much crased in steed of amended by this his reply as yf it were somwhat shaken before by the Watchword it wil be quite ouerthrowne now by this his owne Wastword and the answere thervnto and yf before it were battered or beaten it wil now be vtterly broken and shiuered in peeces seing that much more falshood deceypt and other infirmityes are found discouered in this his supply then were in the first assault and yf he were troubled before in defending he wil be toyled now The proof wherof I leaue to the trial and combat following wherunto our K. sayth that he hasteneth like a corragious defendant taking his farewel of the Reader in these words To our God I commend thee gentle reader and wil now hasten to ioyne the combat with this proud Romanist The K. commendation and farevvel tâ—uching his Encounters seuerally Thus he saith and so endeth his Epistle And yf when he nameth our good God he meane the common God of heauen and earth and of other Christians his haste to the combat may chance to be more then his good speed seing that this God is God of truth and not of shifts and falshoods which are heare discouered and consequently is like to proue no great good God to S. F. cause that standeth theron as the sequeal of this combate yf I be not deceyued wil declare wherunto I also to meet the K. do make my repaire with no lesse haste though I hope with better speed then S â— F. Hastings OTHER OBSERVATIONS VPON THE PREFACE OF O. E. TO THE REAder conteyning a ful answere therunto AS I haue made before some annotations and obseruations vpon Sir FraÌ„cis Hastings Epistle to
somwhat yow may ghesse by that which here hath byn said VVherfore to draw to an end of this his preface to draw our doughtie Minister out of the dyke of imperrinent discourses after a litle ruffle of choler wherin he saith that the proud and presumptuous Iesuite calling himselfe N. D. had presented his vvard-vvord to her Maties Counsel he telleth vs what an heretical new enterprise he hath taken in hand A nevv â—raking chaleÌ„ge of O.E. to wit besyds the answering of the ward-word to make an other chalenge of his owne I haue sayth he to meet him at euery turne vvith my ansvvere to this noddy conioyned a briefe discourse and in certayne nevv Encounters dravving him into a nevv combat proued that Popish religion is neyther Catholique nor ancient nor true religion nor the true Church of Christ nor the Popes agents that haue byn executed for traytors true martyrs c. Thus he vaunteth what he would do as Goliath did 1. Reg. 17. Dabo carnes tuas volatilibus coeli c. but what he wil performe when he cometh into the feild where he and I must try who is the Noddy that we shal see after And I am content the reader be both looker on and Iudge yf the sturdie minister receyue more blowes then he expected and returne home beaten back and syde in this first combat about the Ward-word then may his frends bemone him if they list while other do laugh and then shal we haue litle need to enter into his new combat which he offreth after this but if he proue himselfe a man in the first then may he more be trusted in the second As for my presumptioÌ„ in presenting my defence and ward vnto the Lords of her Ma ties Counsel No presumption to haue offred the wards-VVards-vvord to the Lords of the Counsel I see no reason besyds this Ministers anger and disdayne why it should be so called or taken seing their honours are publique iudges vmpyres by office for all sorts of persons to haue refuge vnto And for so much as the iniuryes offered by the Watch-word as a famous libel as wel to great forrayne Princes and nations as to honorable worshipful and most honest subiects did touch the honour and publique weale of our kingdome and nation very neare to whom should I haue gone for remedy in this matter but only to their Lordships should I haue made my mone to the Puritanical and tyrannical Presbytery of S r Fâ— Ministers or to the rude rable of O. E. his pyratical compagnions we haue seene the issue of both these sorts of late and therby may we gather what equity we should fynd at their hands seing the Prince whom they most flattered hath found at their hands so egregious treachery and conspiracy To their Honours I appealed then with iust reason shal do now agayne in the end of this my book to cal these two defendants to account of the crymes of flattery forgery sycophaÌ„cy vsed by theÌ„ in this their writing to the end that if my seueral warnings which I am to geue them after all the Encounters do not worke some good in them yet at least wyse their honours authority and respect may make them blush and put them to silence Last of all the Ministers conclusion is this not vnlike to the premisses This sayth he I may boldly say that I haue not follovved the aduersaryes vayne in scurrilous scoffing nor his vanity in ruffinlike bragging Boldly yow may say it S. Minister but how truly your writing it self wiâ—-shew afterward and hath in part already And I doubt whether euer any of your coate yf yow haue any certayne coate to be knowne by and be not of euery coate haue so much exceeded in all these three poynts of scurrility vanity or rayling as yow haue done for which cause yow are forced also to put on the visard of O. E. for couering your shame It followeth further But vvhy shouâ—d I goe about say yow to excuse my selfe before the faultes be proued percase it is no fault to vvrite as I haue done Lo heere an other qualification of the matter before he denyed it now he putteth it in doubt and percase but heare yet further And vvere it a fault sayth he yet I trust thou vvilt beare vvith my vveaknes seing as the Apostle sayth O. E. calleth his rayling vveaknâ—s all of vs offend in many things Heere Io is the last refuge and excuse of all to wit by vveaknes that all do offend in many things To the first if it be weaknes of brayne and wit it is pardonable for that it is forcible but if it be weaknes of manners and honestly it is a fowle fault in a prelate and preaching deane that should strengthen others To the second though all offend in many things yet that it is no iust excuse in euery thing for yf this answere might be admitted at Newgate sessions when those good fellowes are brought foorth to be arraygned of their offences then fewe or none would go to Tyborne but as there in those kind of people many wickednesses are pardoned and some offences punished the one in mercy the other in iustice so it should be with this fellow also and may perhaps one day if he come to an indifferent session In the meane space I am content to conclude as he doth to the reader and in his owne words Read sayth he vvith indifferency and vveigh my allegations and compare deligentlie my defence vvith the Noddyes chalenge and then vse thy libertie in iudgement to discerne vvho is the Noddye THE FIRST ENCOVNTER ABOVT BLESSINGES AND CVRsinges brought in by change of Catholike Religion in England THE ARGVMENT This first Encounter about blessings and benefites cursinges and calamityes ensuing vpon the change of Catholyke religion in our Country or threatning to ensue vvas the first and principal matter taken out of S. Francis Hastinges Watch-word by the VVarder to be incountred vpon as an argument both of moment and vtility to be handled and vvel considered as sufficiently appeareth by the VVarders discourse therof vvhervnto both the knight and his aduocate O. E. hauing replyed N. D. maketh this reioynder diuiding the same for more perspicuityes sake into 19. Chapters vvhich follovv in order A BRIEFE SVMMARIE of all that before hath byn said or now is to be added about this first Encounter of Blessinges and cursinges by change of Catholike Religion CHAP. 1. TOVCHING the seueral argumentes of the Watch-word and Ward-word in general as also of this secoÌ„d reioyneder combat betwene Sir Francis and me in this his VVast-word and my Warn-word as in like maner the late arriual of O. E. his Wrangle-word sufficient hath byn said before in the preface to the whole worke as also in the epistle to O. E. himselfe and in the annotations vpon both their letters to the Reader so as now we are only to treat of the proper subiect of this first
treason And the like of her Maiesties deputy in Ireland or any other substitute that hath the Superiors authority fully and amply And albeit heretikes doe wrangle herein and seek to make the matter odious as they are wont by putting downe the bare propositioÌ„ of comparing the Pope with God without any explication at all VVrangling and cauelling of haeretikes yet are there so many restrictions mencioned euen in this place of Hostiensis yf they would consyder them as easely might answere all their cauillations For first where they compare the Pope with God both Panormitan and Hostiensis explicat the comparison of Christ not as he is God but as he is man that is to say betwene the head of the Churche and his Substitute Secondly the comparison is not in all things as in miracles holynes of lyfe nor power of excellency as haue byn sayd or the like but onely in the highest iurisdiction of Ecclesiastical matters deryued from Christ himself and gyuen by him as appeareth by the word consistorium vsed by Panormitan Thirdly euen in this also is added quasi which is a diminution in the excellency and generality of the thing it self Fourthly is put Excepto peccato which exception though Panormitan do affirme to be improper in Hostâ—ensis maner of speaking for that to be able to synne is no power but rather a defect of power Yet is it added here to signifie that the Pope maye synne or erre in matter of fact euen in the exercise of this power that he hath vnder Christ. Yf he vse it not wel for which respect is added also the last restriction of all euen in that very place by Panormitan where he saith Intellige tamen quod Papa omnia potest claue disâ—retionis non errante Panorm Ibi that the Pope can do all things of iurisdiction which Christ his Maister can VVhat is Claâ—is discretionis in the â—ope so long as the key of discretioÌ„ doth not erre which is asmuch as if he had sayd that the Pope is bound in conscience to vse discretion consultation inquisition due deliberation and other fyt meanes to informe himself in matters that he wil do or determyne which in points of faith we are most certayne that Gods holy Spirit promysed to his Churche wil euer direct him vnto and neuer suffer him to erre And so much of this scornful obiection guilfully cast out by heretiks to deceaue the symple and to terrify them by comparing God and the Pope without any exposition or explication as yow haue heard which fraud I passe ouer with diuers other such ridiculous speeches auouched out of other Canonistes in this place without cyting booke volume place or chapter and not woorth the answering and therfore I wil only mentyon our knights conclusion which is this And in a woord saith he the Canonists say roundly in the glosse Dominus noster Deus Papa our Lord God the Pope If the Canonists so roundly affirme it Syr F. taken in cyting Canonists why hath not Sir F. eyther roundly or squarely quoted vs the text Sure it is that I can not fynd it though muche I haue sought and hard yt is to beleeue that any suche text may be fownd which is muche confirmed by that S. F. Proctor comming after him to fil vp the gappes that he had left open and strayning himself muche about this point could not find any one text of Canonist or other that had those wordes and therfore was forced to Father them vpoÌ„ Aug. Steuchus with a notorious falsification as in the chapter following shal be shewed But yet heere to help out S.F. with some parte of his credit A deuise to helpe out Syr F. for very compassion I wil ad a coniecture of a frend of his how he might chance to haue byn deceaued about Dominus Deus noster Papa if he cite it vpon his owne reading for that perchance he might fynd it written thus D. noster D. Papa both D.D. signifying a double Dominus which some cauilling heretike espying iudging it inconuenient to repeat Dominus twyse would needs inforce the second D. to be set for Deus This is my coniecture confirmed somwhat by the similitude of a like fond chance wherof I haue heard as happened in the subscription of an English letter written from certayne Maryners to the Lord Admiral in these words To the right honorable our good L. the L. Admiral which secoÌ„d L. a simple fellow interpreted to signifie the lady Admiral saying that the first L. signifying the Lord himselfe the second L. must needs signifie also his lady If I misse in this coniecture or comparison S. F. is cause therof that cyted not the text therby to cleare all matters and to deliuer both vs of this doubt and himselfe of new suspition of imposture And albeit this were a sufficient answere to so foolish obiections without testimony or authority yet for that our K. wil needs seeme so learned a bible clarke as to terrifie the people with the name of God imparted to creatures Hovv a creature may be called God I wil aske him and his ministers in this place the meaning of a text or two out of scripture it selfe Exod. 7. v. 1. as first those wordes of God in Exodus dixitque Dominus ad Moysen ecce constitui te Deum Pharaonis and God sayd vnto Moyses behold I haue made thee the God of Pharao did God giue away his deity with this thinke yow And againe I would aske him the interpretation of those wordes of Christ wheÌ„ he sayth Nonne scriptum in lege vestra est Ego dixi Dij estis Io. 10. vers Psalm 81. vers 6. Is it not written in your law I sayd yow are Gods And then answereth to the question himselfe thus Si illos dixit Deos ad quos sermo Dei factus est noÌ„ potest solui scriptura If God called them Gods to whom the speach of God was directed and that this scripture cannot be answered or denyed c. These two questions I haue proposed from S. F. and his Ministers instruction not for that I do think any wryter to haue byn so simple as to calle the Pope expressely God though yet we see clearlie by these examples that the word Deus in some sense may be appyed Hierom. lib. 1. in Mat. also to creatures without iniury of the creator And S. Hierome waying and pondering the wordes of Christ vnto his disciples 6. mat Quem dicunt homines esse filium hominis c. And then agayne Vos autem quem me esse dicitis hath these words Prudens lector attende quod ex consequentibus textuque sermonis Apostoli nequaquaÌ„ homines sed Dij appellantur Marke prudent reader that it is euident by the consequence and illation of Christ his wordes that the Apostles are not called men heere but Gods Thus said S. Hierome who yet knew aswel what Idolatry meaneth as S.F. of whom I would
verity then in forrayne churches for this is the gay deuised title of this first benediction I could be content Vnity among forraine Protestants that our knight could shew vs yf not vnity in veâ—ity which is impossible yet vnity at least in falsity among his professors so as some name of vnity might be among them for in verity which is but one the Protestants cannot possibly be at vnity being so deuided and repugnant among themselues as presently I shal shew In falsytie also it is very hard for them to hould vnion Tertul. praeâ—script contra haeres for that as Tertullian sayth mendacâ—um mendacio difficulter cohaeret onely doth hardly stand with another ly in peace and concord for which cause he sheweth that all heresyes lightly haue fallen at bickering among themselues but in none more hath this byn obserued then in the newe gospel of our tyme brought in by Luther Zwinglius Oecolampadius Carolstadius Caâ—uyn Melanthon Beza and others the head doctors of Syr F. externe churches in Germany France Suizerland and other places which haue byn lightes and lanternes to ours of England and their first doctors and as it were Apostles who yet were no sooner knowen to the world but that they fel at mortal debate and dissention among themselues and so continued all their liues sealing it also wâ—th their deathes as by their owne workes testimonyes historyes appeareth For first who knoweth not that Luther begining his doctrine in the yeare of our Lord 1517. and going forward with adding â—leidaÌ„ Surius Lauater alij in hist. altering chopping and changing for 7. yeares togeather before it could be made any certaine body of doctryne Luthers beginning and going forvvards consisting in it selfe it fel out that with-in those 7. first yeares to wit an 1524. three of Luthers cheefest schollers Andreas Carolstadius Ioannes Oecolampadius and Vldericus Zuinglius the first and last of the number Apostate priests the second a frier as Luther also had byn began the new sect of Sacramentaries quite opposite to Luther and within two yeares immediatly following the three named doctors Sacramentaries their deuisions profited so wel in new diuisions also among themselues as by Luthers owne testimony publikely giuen in a sermon after printed they were deuided into six seueral sects Luth. ser. de sacra Haga 〈◊〉 habit anno 1527. Yea the Lutheran preachers of Brema wryting not long after that againe to VVestphalus a great Superintendent in Saxony do soleÌ„nly auouch Concionat Bremens Ep. de Eucharist ad VVestphalum that there was inâ—â—nita penè opinionum apud Sacramentarios varietas an infinite variety of opinioÌ„s amongst the SacrameÌ„taries that denyed the Real presence in the Sacrament And did this dissention euer end think yow amongst these fellowes Genebr Suâ—ius hoc an No truly but rather encreased dayly euen vnto their deathes and after also for out of Luthers doctryne besides these Sacramentaries there arose in like maner the Anabaptists Sectaries sprong from Luther Svvinglius and Caluin anno 1527. as themselues glory taking occasion by his Epistle ad VValdenses where he sayth That it is better to leaue of baptisme altogeather then to baptise children that haue no fayth Whervpon they left of baptisme of infants and went forward in the rest of their heresyes euen against Luther himselfe at the last After this there sprong vp also out of the same sect of Luther the potent diuision of molles and rigidi Lutherani which endure with open emnity to this day as their bookes do testifie Rigid and soft LutheraÌ„s VVestphalus Illiricus and others of highe Saxony being the heads of the rigid faction who resemble our puritans in EnglaÌ„d that would haue nothing but Caluins pure prescription as these men would Luthers but on the other side Melanchton and his folowers founders of the softer partie would folow Luther by discretion taking so much as â—â—rued for their purpose and no more where vnto also do draw neere our Parlament Protestants in England as yow know who receaue Caluin with the limitations and restrictions which they thinke best that is nothing at all of his ecclesiastical plot of gouernment nor diuers poynts of his doctrine And thus much of Luthers owne sect But out of that of Vldericus Zuinglius father of the Sacramentaries issued other children not much different from the former for their dissention and disobedience both to father and mother Caluin Seruetus Valent Gentils to wit Iohn Caluin and Theodore Beza and from these againe departed into another faction other good fellowes as Michel Seruetus Vid. lib. Caluini de Act. Seruet libel Geneuae editum de act Valentin Iohn Caluins coleage whome they afterward burned at Geneua for denying the blessed Trinity and Valentinus Gentilis a new Arrian whose followers yet remayne though himselfe was burned also by other Protestants at Argentine With these ioyned Ioannes Paulus Alciatus Gribaldus and others which made afterward the sect of new Arrians and Trinitarians that yet remayne in Germany Poland and especially in Transiluania as their bookes do shew All these and many others not only Sectaryes but Arch-heretikes and heades of new sectes haue sprong vp out of the new gospel with-in these fourskore yeares and haue framed Churches and conuenticles to themselues in diuers contreyes all opposite and repugnant one to another and themselues also deuided amoÌ„gst themselues though at the bâ—â—ginning all proceeded of one only diuision from Catholike vnion raysed by Luther So as we Catholikes may wel insult and rightly say of them as S. Augustine said to Parmenian Aug. contra Parm. lib. 1. cap 4. multa frusta de isto frasto per totam Africam facta sunt sic sic necesse est vt minutatim secti conscissique dispereant qui tumorem animositatis suae sanctissimo Catholicae pacis vinculo praetulerunt Many peeces are already made throughout Africa of this one peece or diuision wherwith yow began so so is it necessary that they should perish by diuision and renting into most smal peeces who haue preferred the pride or swelling of their owne animosity before the most holy band of Catholike peace and vnitie Thus saith this holy Father neither is there any hope or meane to reconcile these parties togeather as in the Ward-word I affirmed here wil prooue for that the scriptures which are the only pretented meanes admitted by them No meanes of vnion amongst Protestantes see of this morâ— infra cap. 14. 15. euery party pleadeth for himselfe with such obstinacy in his owne sense as no iudge being acknowledged it is vnpossible to come to any determination And as for Synodes councels wheron old fathers rested much for decision of controuersies these men laugh at them thoughe yet at last pressed by necessity and much wearied with continual wrangling about scriptures diuers sects of our tymes for all it is impossible to draw togeather haue byn forced
all matters being by both their iudgments to be referred and all other iudges and trials left a side as they require they come to fal out presently about the sense and interpretation wherin it is affirmed by their owne wryters that so many men so many myndes and so many diuers interpretations among them-selues of the selfesame words of scripture are to be found as yow may see set downe at large in another book of the softer Caluinists set forth by the same publike authority as the former and intituled A suruey of the pretented holy Discipline imprinted at London An. 1593. especially in the 31. Chapter whose title is this How and with what disagreement they wrest and misconster the scriptures c. Where hauing shewed by many examples that fiue or six diuers interpretations are giuen sometymes vpon one and the selfe same sentence of scripture by these his puritane brethren He addeth further these wordes Suruey c. 31. Caterbraulis of ProtestaÌ„ts and PuritaÌ„s Vnto these Caterbraules and pitiful distractions which now I haue shewed I might ad a great heape of other confusions all proceeding from such intollerable presumption as is vsed by peruerting and false interpretation of the sacred Scriptures And agayne whosoeuer doth deale with the Scriptures in this sort as these fellowes do wel may he speake proud things exalt himselfe promise mountaynes brag of the Prophets Apostles but in the end all cometh to nothing c. Loe heere what this brother sayth of the rest of the caterbraules and pittiful distractions from them of their intollerable presumption in peruerting and false interpreting scriptures of their swelling pryde in bragging of hauing the prophets and Apostles on their syde when they haue nothing but vanitye yet these brags of scriptures prophets and Apostles must be good and currant proofe when they deale with vs against the authoritye of the vniuersal Churche as yow shal see by O.E. in the next Chapter and when we tel them of any diuision among themselues they wil deny it on all handes as Syr F. doth heere of the Puritanes and O. E. afterward though he hath written against them most spitefully and doggedly for he hath no other style as it seemeth and fynally let all men iudge but especially the reader whom it most importeth for his instruction with what truth and conscience Syr F. can say and wryte as he doth matters staÌ„ding as I haue shewed that not only the professors of their ghospel in England but all other Churches also in Christendome where the ghospel is imbraced are of one Iudgement and thervpon coÌ„clude with this hypocritical prayer to mock God withall And in this blessed vnitie grounded vpon veritie the Lord for euer keepe vs. Whervnto I say also amen so long as they remaine enemies to Gods Catholike Churche wherin only veritie and vnitie is to be found AN ANSVVERE TO three fond obiections or interrogations of Syr F. with an addition about O. E. who is called vp agayne to the stage to tell his opinion about this first blessing of vnitie in veritie CAP. VII AND this now might be sufficient for refutation of this first ridiculous blessing set downe by the knight were it not that I am forced to follow him yet a litle further into an other poynt which is that he forseing how albeit this first blessing of vnitie among them could be proued as it cannot yet might it not be alleaged for a peculiar blessing of his men except it could be shewed also that it were singular to them alone and not commoÌ„ also to Catholikes before they and their religion sprong vp for if we had vnitie also in fayth before them then cannot vnitie be accompted their blessing more then ours for which cause he endeauoureth to shewe that Catholikes had no vnitie of fayth before Luthers ghospel began which paradox he wil needs proue by three graue interrogations which I pray yow note and therby obserue the mans singular wit and learning Yow vaunt sayth he of a general vnitie before alteration of religion Pag. 13. but how worshipped yow one God when yow worshipped so many Idols To this I answere that if we worshipped Idols Three foâ—d interrogatioÌ„s â—f the K. and so were Idolators this error was so vniuersally receyued among vs as euen in this poynt also we had vnitie which protestants cannot shew in their errors and falsityes as before hath byn declared And so this question is both ydle and easy to answere for the consequent but for the antecedent it is most false for we deny that any Idols were among Catholikes August de vtilitate ieiunij tomo 9. â—ub finem S. Hier. in c. 6. Amos in c. â—2 Ose. S. Augustines and S. Hieroms sentence is cleare and sound as before hath ben noted that heretikes are the Idolaters of the new Testament for adoring their own fansies Secondly he asketh agayne how we could haue vnitye when as we were so miserably rent into innumerable sectes of fryers and monkes To which I answere that all these professed one fayth without any difference in any one article of beliefe And consequently this question is more simple then the former for that difference of habytes or particular manner of lyfe breaketh not vnity of religion Thirdly he asketh and vrgeth yet more sharpely how caÌ„ yow haue one head of your Churche vnles yow reiect Christ that is the onely head To this I wil answere out of his owne wordes that we can haue one external and ministerial head vnder Christ by the same reason that himselfe in the same place sayth that English Protestants haue one head of their Churche which is Christ the Lord and his substitute annoynted their Soueraigne Q. vnder him So that yf it do not exclude Christ among the Protestants to haue a womaÌ„ head of their Churche vnder Christ much lesse doth it exclude Christ among vs to haue a man head a Priest head of this reason I am content to make any man iudge And with this I wil end my treatise of the first benediction of vnitie in veritie which is as truly and fitly applyed to Protestants as if a man should assigne it for a special blessing of Greeks and Germanes aboue other nations neuer to exceed in drinking or of those of Guinea neuer to fal out or fight among themselues who neuer lightly are occupyed in other things And lastly I wil close vp all with the sentence and prophesy of no worse a man then Martyn Luther himselfe Luthers prophesye of Protestants coment in Psalm 5. who wryteth thus Certè non alia ratione confligit Deus cum haereticis quam vt inter illos existat factiosus quidam dissensionis spiritus ex â—llorum enim discordia interitus quoque perditio consequitur Trulie God doth not fight by any other meanes with heretikes then by permitting among them a certayne seditious spirite of dissentioÌ„ by which their ouerthrow also and perdition doth ensue Thus