valiant and couragious enterprizes and that their resolutions are more often taken perforce then by their wils Chap. 29. fol. 71 That he committeth a great error who reposeth trust in him to whom he hath done some former iniurie Chap. 30. f. 73 That it is not a deede worthie of blame by subtiltie and policie to draw vnto him a certaine kinde of pernicious men to the end to punish them for faults committed or to hinder and let them so as they commit no more Chap. 31. f. 80. That a man be hee neuer so wicked doth not alwaies all the ill which is in his power no although hee haue a will and a desire to doe the same Chap. 32. f. 82 That enterprizes put in execution by the perswasion of Rebels and banished men are dangerous and seldome come to good end Chap. 33. f. 84 That the faults committed by the familiars and kinsmen of Princes are oftentimes punished in the persons of those Princes which haue tolerated those faults and not on those friends and familiars which committed the same Chap. 34. f. 86 That it is a thing very dangerous for a Prince or Common wealth not to reuenge an iniurie done to the state Chap. 35. f 88 That hee who is in prosperitie ought not to reproch him who is fallen into aduersitie for that hee little knoweth what may happen to himselfe Chap. 36. f. 90 That mightie Common-wealths and excellent personages ought not to be blamed although they giue place to some great force and be oppressed by fortune Chap. 37. f. 92 That he who of an enemie will become a friend ought not onely to forget all iniuries past but also to put from him all such things as may reduce the same to memorie Chap. 38. f. 101 A man ought not to giue credit to an error which he seeth committed by his enemy but rather to beleeue that he doth such a fault to some purpose and that vnder the same lieth hidden some deceit or ambush Chap. 39. f. 103 A Captaine in time of warre ought in all times and places to be so vigilant and in such readines that he may auoide the blame to haue warred preposterously and not to haue thoroughly done his endeuour Chap. 40. f. 106 When a man hath newes and is aduertised of a victorie it is better to pursue and assure the same then to triumph and make good cheere for ioy Chap. 41. f. 108 That enterprise seldome faileth which is noysome and hurtfull to the enemie and whereof a man knoweth that hee standeth in feare Chap. 42. fol. 111 To iniure the statues images and pictures of Princes in their life time is a poore reuenge and oftentimes bringeth great harme to him who doth the same Chap. 43. f. 112 A Prince or Common-wealth which hath to deale with a mightie and well armed enemie ought not to refuse any honest and reasonable composition and agreement by reason that the hope of preuailing is doubtfull and incertaine Chap. 44. f. 115 It is a great fault in confederates to be slow in succouring and helping one another in time of daunger and losse and dammage that riseth thereof Chap 45. f. 118 When succour sent to a friend or confederate is insufficient to rid and free him out of daunger and trouble through being too weake it bringeth danger losse and dishonour Chap. 46. 120 An Ambassadour ought not to regard to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deale prouided that he satisfie his own Prince in that which he desireth Chap. 47. f. 122 What manner of men they ought to bee who are sent in ambassade and office to other Princes Chap. 48. f. 123 That an enemie be alwaies accounted of and held in reputation for who so regardeth him not despiseth him often to his owne losse and dammage Chap. 49. f. 125 Vertuous and worthie deeds are alwaies more requited with ingratitude and reproch then with commendation and reward Chap. 50. f. 128 Princes ought to giue eare to such as complaine of their gouernours and officers for it is a dangerous thing not to regard them Chap. 51. f. 131 Publike officers and ministers of Princes being found guiltie in hauing done any vniust thing ought to be punished for example Chap. 52. f. 133 To execute crueltie is often hurtfull to him that vseth it Chap. 53. fol. 136 Let no man giue credit to the promises and safegard or assurance of a cruell man desirous to raigne and gouerne Chap. 54. f. 138 It is a pernicious thing to a Prince to haue two Captaines generall in the warres which striue for preheminence or betweene whom is enuie and emulation Chap. 55. f. 140 No man ought to giue credit to the words and promises of fugitiues and runnawaies for who so reposeth trust in them without being first well ascertained of them committeth a great error Chap. 56. f. 143 One onelie worde beeing misunderstoode may breede great hurt Chap. 57. fol. 145 Who so will impart vnto his seruant any thing which may concerne his life or honour must resolue with himselfe neuer after to displease him Chap. 58. fol. 146 It hath alwaies bin held for a thing blame worthie to vaunt and boast by word or writing and he greatly erreth who promiseth to himselfe any certaintie of a doubtfull enemie Chap. 59. f. 149 Which may be considered and learned here by the Lords of Venice who would not suffer a gentleman of theirs to kill Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan Chap. 60. fol. 152 In time of warre it is not good to resolue to hold places ill and hard to be kept and to stop passages Chap. 61. f. 154 How much it auaileth for a Captaine to know in what state his enemie is in Chap. 62. f. 156 Spies are necessarie for Princes and Captaines of Armies and in what sort a man ought to carrie himselfe with them Chap. 63. f. 159 Sundrie Captaines haue obtained very great victories in the warres with very little losse of their troupes and souldiers Chap. 64. f. 162 Words vttered without consideration haue beene the occasion of much euill as well to them who spoke them as to others Chap. 65. f. 165 Who so doth euill or offendeth another in secret thinking that it shall not bee knowne he is often deceiued and feeleth the paine thereof Chap. 66. fol. 169 It ill beseemeth a Prince or great Captaine to say In trueth I had not thought it and that enterprizes put in execution ought not be grounded vpon vaine and deceiuing hopes Chap. 67. fol. 173 To denie some requests to him to whom a man in some sort is bound doth not therefore yeeld a man ingratefull although by the aide and assistance of the demaunder hee hath attained vnto some great dignitie Chap. 68. fol. 175 A good counsell tending to the profit of the Prince or Common-wealth ought not to bee concealed for feare that it bee not put in execution Chap. 69. f. 177 Promises voluntarily made ought to bee held and perfourmed
whatsoeuer followed requesting him to send him the keyes of certaine Fortresses and places whereby he was to passe Guicciar li. 10 wherefore the Marques being taken vpon the suddaine and hauing no leasure to consult or thinke vpon the demand of the Lord of Foix who was alreadie entred and come within his Countrey of Mantoua he sent him the keyes of the Fortresses which peraduenture he would not haue done if the Lord of Foix had vsed but the ordinarie meanes with the Marques which men vse which desire peaceablie to passe through other Princes Countreyes because that then the Marques had had leasure to thinke of the matter and in denying him to serue his turne with such meanes as he had but considering the necessitie of the Lord of Foix who required to passe and the daunger wherein the Marques was at an instant if he denied his passage or deferred to graunt the same he resolued to let him passe without bringing himselfe with his estate into trouble and danger CHAP. 28. Princes and great Lords ought not to despise those which desire audience of them and especially such as may rise to some degree of honour ONe of the fairest conditions that may be in a Prince or great Lord in my opinion is this to be gentle and readie to giue audience to such as desire to speake to him and principallie to strangers which come to him about affaires for besides that he getteth and winneth to himselfe the loue and good will of his Subiects he may easilie rid and deliuer himselfe from the trouble of the aboundance of busines which by giuing often audience is cut off either by meanes of grace or iustice according to the qualitie thereof And those which doe otherwise and doe not willingly giue audience purchase to themselues much blame and ill will and those which cannot be heard sometimes may so thinke thereof that concealing their discontent when occasion shall be offered they may be reuenged And no Lord ought to thinke himselfe so great Men happen oftentimes to haue neede of those men which in former time they despised but that he may haue need of another man Wherefore let him disdaine no man for fortune as often it happeneth may change and a man may peraduenture be brought to so lowe an ebbe that from him of whom in former time he hath made small account he may chaunce to receiue a displeasure as it happened to Peter de Medicis who as our author affirmeth to haue heard by persons worthie to be beleeued was not assisted by Duke Valentine to returne againe to Florence in reuenging of an iniurie receiued of him refusing to giue him audience when he was in meaner estate The words of Guicciardin are these Valentin had no desire to restore Peter de Medicis to his Countrey Guicciar lib. neither to doe any thing for him seeing that the greatnes of the houses of the Orsini and of Vitellozo vnto which he well knew that Peter de Medicis after his returne would be very firmelie conioyned and moreouer I haue heard by men of credit that in his heart was ingrauen the remembrance of an ancient olde grudge conceiued against him when the Archbishop of Pampeluna before he was promoted to the Sea apostolike studied the Canon Lawe in the Vniuersitie at Pisa for that comming one day to Florence to speake with him in a criminall cause of a friend of his after he had many houres in vaine waited to haue audience of him being busied either in affaires or pleasures without speaking with him he returned to Pisa holding himselfe scorned and therewith much offended So farre Guicciardin whereof may be collected that Princes ought sometimes to giue ouer their sports and pleasures to dispatch an honourable Gentleman which desireth to speake with them and a little to let rest the course of their affaires to gratifie a Gentleman with a word or two for such persons may in time and place remember pleasures and displeasures receiued I remember that vpon a time I was in a Lords chamber with certaine others his friends entred into a pleasant although nothing profitable discourse wherein this Lord tooke so great pleasure that notwithstanding that the Porters gaue him to vnderstand that there was a Gentleman without who desired to speake with him about matters of importance and that we which were within did intreate him to heare and dispatch the Gentleman yet was it not possible for vs with all our prayers and intreaties to cause him to giue him audience wherewith this Gentleman much offended after he had attended a long space returned and would rather misse of that which he desired then returne any more vnto him and was also a man that might in time and place remember this discourtesie and disdaine for that by the laughing which he heard within he might well know that the matters in handling were neither serious nor of importance Let Lords then be more gracious and courteous to heare those which would speake with them for by the hundreth part of an houres audience a man may be so well contented as to holde himselfe perpetuallie beholding for that fauour and in time and place to acknowledge the same in a greater matter than a few words CHAP. 29. Those estates which are not mightie and of power are not to attempt great and hardie enterprises and their resolutions are more often taken of force than of their owne free wils GVicciardin speaketh of two aduentures happened in the Common-wealth of Florence whereby the Florentines shewed that they wanted heart and courage to vndertake any hardie and valorous enterprise and that they were of small iudgement for the issue of their resolutions made it apparant that they knew not how to make choyse and applie themselues to better parties and that the end of their resolutions was contrarie to that which they pretended One of these cases chaunced in the yeare 1500. when the Florentines with the ayde of Lewes the 12. King of France went to Pisa hoping with those forces to take it King Lewes the 12. desired to render Pisa to the Florentines for that they were bound to pay vnto him fiftie thousand Duckats vpon the taking and deliuerie thereof and to this purpose the King sent thither his armie vnder the leading of the Lord of Beaumont who although he were a French man borne yet was such a one as the Florentines greatly trusted This Generall marched forwards and encamped himselfe between Cascina and Pisa to the end to batter the wals and make a breach where he marshalled his troupes to giue the assault and standing in that manner those of Pisa sent Ambassadours to the Lord of Beaumont offering to deliuer the Towne vnto the French and to receiue the French armie into the Towne vpon this condition that the King would giue his word that he would not deliuer the Towne into the Florentines hands vntil that foure moneths were past and fully expired The Generall propounded this question and condition
vnto him afterwards but ought to entertaine him in shew and giuing him some honest pension or prouision to hold him farre from him for when noble harts are grieued they neuer forget the wrong and although that for the present they haue not the power to be reuenged yet neuerthelesse they still retaine the desire to doe it and faile not to put it in execution when they haue oportunitie In the time of our ancestors Charles Duke of Burgundie incurred the same error who being in a councell of warre with his Captaines gaue a blow to Nicolas Campo Bachio an Italian Earle who was in that councell who imprinting the iniurie in his memorie made shew many yeers that he regarded it not attending time and place to be reuenged Nicholas Campo-Bachio an Italian Earle to be reuenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundie and withdrew himselfe to Lewes King of France which at length came to passe for being entertained by the Duke of Burgundie in his wars against Rene Duke of Lorraine the said Earle Nicholas at the battaile at Nansci gaue Duke Rene warning that he should make no difficultie to encounter the Duke of Burgundie with the Swissers for that he would come to his aide with his men at armes The Duke of Lorraine gaue battaile to the Duke of Burgundie and the Earle Nicholas would not once vouchsafe to boudge with his Cauallerie but turning his Cornet towards France hee went to the seruice of King Lewes reuenging himselfe by the death and ouerthrow of his Master of the blow and iniurie which he had receiued Charles then committed a great fault to hold in his campe for chiefe of his men at armes him whom he had so grieuously offended through follie in choler and although that the Earle bare the name of disloyall and a traytor yet neuerthelesse hee gaue an example to Princes and by this fact doth aduise them to take heede how they grieue their subiects especially such as are men of spirit and of qualitie for euer trusting them any more The Lord Peter Strozzi a Captaine of great worth in our time Guicciar lib. 5 in the defence which he wrote to shew the occasion wherefore he was in battaile ouercome and put to flight by the Marquesse of Marignan where some Captaines forsooke him produceth many reasons but he concealeth the iniuries done vnto some which he afterwards tooke with him to the warres to which hee gaue the charge to garde certaine holds and to commaund certaine men at Armes for which fault he was publikelie blamed For there are some men which care not by a publike losse to reuenge a priuate iniurie and so as they may effect their purpose they care not what becommeth of the affayres wherein they are employed And although that they which forsooke and abandoned him ought principallie to haue considered that they were in the pay of the French King and not of Strozza yet they cared not for that prouided that he who had offended them might lose his credit and reputation and whosoeuer shall reade his apologie shall see though he expresly say it not yet he noteth and meaneth it when he silentlie saith It is a thing neither honest nor honourable Jt is dishonorable for a man to abandon his friend in time of neede for any occasion vvhatsoeuer for any to abandon their masters and friends in their greatest neede notwithstanding there had been some occasion giuen And to speake vprightly I say that he is much to be blamed that wrongeth another but after that he perceiueth that he hath done him wrong humane wisdome doth then will and require him to take heede that he trust him no more whom he hath once offended and if of necessitie he must reteine him neere about him or that he haue neede of his seruice he ought so well to looke to his affayres that the euill managing of them may not greatly hurt him or else he ought to holde him farre off from him with some charge that may be of greater apparance in shew than of effect or importance doing as Alphonse King of Naples did by Iacques Piccinino the sonne of Nicholas whom he wisely ayded and relieued as a friend but kept himselfe as well from him as from an enemie CHAP. 31. He is not to be blamed who by policie or industrie draweth vnto him pernicious and wicked persons to the end to punish them for offences alreadie committed and to stop them from proceeding further in their wickednes THere are sometimes such men borne into world which seeme to be borne to no other end than to the ruine of mankinde and are so full of mischiefe and so grounded in all kinde of villanie that when they dye and leaue this world a man may iustly say that the world is deliuered and purged of a dangerous plague These men or rather monsters than men no sooner haue power and authoritie ioyned to their inclination and desire to doe ill but they fall into infinit cruelties disordinate desires and monstrous actions And for that they are nousled vp and accustomed to do ill they liue in great vnquietnes without rest when they cannot exercise their malice alwaies carefully seek occasion to make themselues knowne what they are willingly offering themselues with great readines to execute the wicked resolutions and counsels of others when they cannot effect their owne purposes hauing by some accident lost the meanes and power to doe ill of themselues When the many misdeeds of such pernicious persons deserue punishment When assurance and safegard giuen to a and by a Prince is to be maintained and when not all policie and cunning meanes to intrap them is to be vsed and it is but well done to faile and breake the doubtfull promises and assurances made vnto them so as they may be punished for the euils which they haue cōmitted or at the least hindred and kept from committing any more And although that faith and promise ought to be held yea euen with a mans enemies and that it is the part of a good and iust Prince to hold his word neuerthelesse that is to be vnderstood when the cases are alike for when faith is expressely giuen and that safegard is granted vpon the word of a King or Prince I say that such faith is to be maintained and kept euen with traytors But when the words which are vsed and the promise made is equiuocent and may be diuersly construed and haue sundry meanings and interpretations I say that then it is not ill done for a man to serue his turne to his best aduauntage vpon such persons for that those are a kinde of people which are abstract and as a man might say diuided and separated from the essence and being of men and doe participate more with the brutall than with the humane and so ought to be handled and dealt withall rather as beasts than men Gonsaluo Fernandez surnamed the great Captaine knowing the most wicked inclination of Valentine
greatnes in his gouernment than he had done A man cannot retaine that greatnes of courage in aduersitie which they shewed in the beginning of their prosperitie But afterwards when the same Iohn Bentiuogli in the time of Pope Iulius the second began to proue ill and contrarie fortune which depriueth men of their wits and iudgement and that the Pope chased him out of his estate he knew then that men in contrarie accidents and misfortunes cannot reteyne that greatnes of courage which they had in time of their prosperitie and then perceiue that when they were fortunate they did wrongfullie reprehend others of feare and ill gouernment For the Lord of Boulogna seeing himselfe inuaded by the Pope with a mightie armie and seeing the Lord of Chaumont Generall of the French armie in his ayde to driue him out of the estate hauing lost both courage and counsell without so much as vnsheathing his sword and without shedding one drop of blood hee went out of Boulogna with his Wife and Children to Milan leauing Boulogna free to the Pope and to the Church of Rome So he seemed not to remember the reproach which he had vsed to Peter de Medicis neither had he that greatnes of courage and force in himselfe which he desired to haue been in another and left for example that no man should mocke nor reproue him which is fallen from prosperitie to aduersitie for that no man knoweth what may happen to himselfe neither knoweth whether in his troubles and aduersities he shall reteine that force of courage which he would haue seene in another CHAP. 37. That mightie Common-wealths and excellent personages ought not to be blamed although they giue place to the force and oppression of fortune FOrasmuch as I know well that many haue blamed the Lords of Venice because that in the yeare 1508. they were vanquished and put to flight at Vaila and were in a manner at a point to haue yeelded vnto the Empyre all the maine land I haue thought it a matter not altogether vnprofitable to consider a little and by peecemeale to examine the manner of their carriage and proceeding in that case and to shew that they were not so blameworthie as many would make them Amongst all them which blame them the most sharpe and vehement is the Authour of the discourse vpon Titus Liuius an Authour trulie both graue and honourable who by words a little too large and vehement tearmeth them weake base minded insolent and of small iudgement for this cause I will endeuour my selfe to shew without offence to this Authour that the Lords of Venice haue not deserued in their doings to bee so much blamed and mocked by him and whosoeuer shall proceede as they haue done bee it a Prince or Common-wealth cannot iustlie be tearmed weake insufficient nor lesse excellent then before This Authour in the beginning shewing the basenesse and negligence of the Venetians maketh this conclusion That excellent men and mightie Common-wealths retayne in all fortunes the same courage and the same dignitie And to strengthen his conclusion with examples hee alleadgeth one in particular in the person of Furius Camillus and another vniuersall of the Romane Common-wealth and saith that although that fortune change and is variable yet neuerthelesse their courage altereth nor changeth not and they beare themselues in such sort in their accustomed manner of liuing that it seemeth that fortune cannot surmount them or predominate ouer them and repeateth the words which Titus Liuius maketh Camillus to speake Nec mihi dictatura animos fecit nec exilium ademit Which is to say The Dictatorship hath not giuen me courage or made me proude neither hath my banishment taken it from me and made me base and a coward The greatnes of courage of the Romane Common-wealth The example of the Common-wealth consisteth in this that after the losse of the battaile of Cannas which was the third the Romanes were not out of heart nor discouraged neither would they ransome their prisoners nor send Ambassadours to Hanniball but put another armie into the fields Behold what hee saith of excellent men and mightie Common-wealths and then turning to weake men and weake Common-wealths hee saith that they which are of small heart and little courage are otherwise gouerned for through their vanitie they are proude and insolent in prosperitie and so make themselues odious to their neighbours and when fortune turneth her backe and changeth countenance they become so base and abiect that they doe nothing worthie their greatnes and so concludeth that the vertue of retaining courage is seene in the Romanes and that the vice of basenes and to become abiect was seene in the Venetians and with many words continueth blaming them and noteth al that they did after that battaile calling them base and cowards seeing that hauing but halfe lost a battaile at Vaila they yeelded to the Pope his townes and countrie and to the King of Spaine his ports and Hauens and to the Emperour his townes declaring themselues his Tributaries offering to pay 50000. Ducats yeerely vnto his Maiestie This author setteth downe all this in the 31. discourse of his third booke But whosoeuer shall well examine the doings of the Venetians shall see that they therein did deserue more praise then blame and that they rather shewed a greatnes of minde then any feare or basenes And to set it downe in order it ought to bee considered that when a man speaketh of two men or of two Common-wealths and that he maketh betweene them comparison of their actions it is requisit that all things therein bee alike for when there is neither equalitie nor proportion a man can neither blame nor praise their doings The proportion and comparison consisteth in this that the disgraces and misfortunes be equall and alike and the strange accidents of the same And to come to the particular I would gladly aske of this author whether the disgrace of the exile of Camillus might be compared with the misfortune of Hanniball of Carthage when hee fought with Scipio at Carthage and whether Hanniball might bee said and reputed to bee base and abiect when seeing his countrie oppressed by ill fortune he went to entreate a peace with Scipio I doe not thinke that Hanniball can be said to be of a base courage in comparison of Camillus the disgraces being vnlike And a man may say as much of the Common-wealths Let a man make comparison betweene the disgraces and ill fortunes of the ouerthrow at Cannas and the warre which the Venetians had in the yeere 1508. and he shall see whether Rome may be termed a mightie Common-wealth and Venice a weake Common-wealth But to come neere to the particular and to shew that the Common-wealth of Venice hath not deserued so great blame I will aske of the author of this discourse certaine questions by the which it shall appeare that the Lords of Venice dealt wisely and not like fooles and ill aduised and grounded vpon
their walles then the enemies armies abroad vpon this accident which might happen the Fathers and Senatours vsed great consideration And although that Guicciardin doe note them of a little feare and of a too sudden despaire I say neuerthelesse that it more auaileth to be wisely fearfull then rash and foolishly hardy for sometimes the faining of feare hath serued mens turnes in many occasions and occurrences Moreouer the author of the said discourses in the fourteenth of his second booke speaking of the rendring any thing through feare which appertaineth to another man saith ☞ That when a man hath to deale with one man alone the yeelding vp of any thing through pusillanimitie will not appease him but that he will haue more but when a man is to answere to many enemies when thou shalt restore to some one that which appertaineth vnto him thereby to winne him to thee and to disunite and separate him from the rest of the confederates against thee although that the warre were alreadie open this plot and counsell is good see what he saith Resting my selfe vpon this his foundation I say that the Lords of Venice hauing to deale with many enemies vnited togethers and the warre being alreadie open did wisely to giue to some one of them that which belonged vnto him to disunite him from the rest of the allies and confederates and therefore they deserued not to be blamed seeing they followed this counsel so much approued by the author of this discourse And further in the 11. discourse of his third booke he saith That the Venetians in the yeere 1508. were ruinated for that they had no valorous armies nor meanes to temporize neither time nor oportunitie to separate nor disunite the confederates and addeth further that they might haue giuen part to saue the rest and if they had made restitution in season it would not haue seemed to haue beene done through necessitie and if before the rumour of the warre it had been a wise and prudent aduice but in the time of the warre it was scandalous and of little profit Grounding my selfe vpon these words I say that the Venetians did wisely to proceede in this manner And that the author of this discourse noting want of wit in whosoeuer shall proceede as they did ought to remember what hee hath written and prescribed for a rule of estate in the second booke the 14. discourse which is this That oftentimes men are deceiued which thinke by humilitie to ouercome arrogancie and his words are such as follow Proude men are hardly appeased by humilitie No Prince ought to omit any part of his degree neither ought to leaue or giue vp any thing by composition if he will honorablie leaue it except it be when hee is able or thinketh himselfe able to hold it for it is better to suffer it to be taken perforce the busines being brought to such termes that it cannot be left in the manner aforesaid then to leaue it for feare of forces For if thou leaue it for feare and thou doest so to the end to deliuer thee from warre most commonly thou gettest nothing thereby and for that that hee to whom through apparant feare thou hast yeelded ought will not bee contented but will haue yet more and will bee inflamed against thee and lesse esteeme thee and thou shalt finde forrein aide very weake but hauing discouered thy aduersaries drift if thou put thy selfe in order and preparest thy forces although they be lesse then his forces are hee will begin to regard and make account of thee From these words a man may draw many conclusions to proue that the proceeding of the Lords of Venice in this great oppression and disaster of fortune was not base but wise and well aduised and the conclusions are these that humilitie vanquisheth not arrogancie and that a man ought to giue nothing to the enemie before the warre and that it auaileth more to lose by force then through the feare of force and that whosoeuer doth yeeld or restore that which belongeth to another thereby to disunite enemies confederated and in league together doth wisely The first reason then is this and may be framed in this manner Pride and arrogancie cannot bee surmounted by humilitie the Venetians rendring that which belonged to others had shewed themselues humble and abiect and so consequently had not abated the pride of those Princes and hauing granted that which they required they would not haue been contented but would haue had more A man may frame the second in this manner Thou saist that the Venetians made no restitution at such time as they should haue done it I demaund at what time they should haue made restitution By thy rule they ought not to haue rendred before the warre was moued for feare to make shew of feare neither vpon the taking of armes for that were a matter scandalous it shall then bee well done to make restitution vpon the experience of the warre But the Venetians made no restitution before the warre neither vpon the point thereof they did well then to parle and treate of restitution after the battaile A man may thus frame the third It is better to suffer a thing to bee taken away by force then to abandon it for feare of force the Venetians suffered that which belonged to others to be taken from them by force and did not abandō it for feare of force they did better then in proceeding in this manner then to haue made restitution before the triall of armes The fourth is framed thus Whosoeuer doth render that which belongeth to another thereby to separate him from his confederates doth wisely The Venetians made restitution to the end to separate the Princes vnited against them they gouerned themselues wisely and their manner of proceeding was aduised not weake being wisely fearefull As for the matter where the author aforesaid saith that the Venetians are insolent in their prosperitie and that they called the French King the sonne of S. Marke they made no account of the Church neither could they hold themselues in quiet in all Italie I say that it is an ordinary vice among men and that they can hardly containe themselues within the bounds of modestie in fortunate and happie times and it is more possible to make no shew of melancholie in an ill time then not to be ioyfull in good times Joy cannot be hidden for it is more easie to conceale sorrow then ioy the which being vnable to be contained within a mans breast of force will shew it selfe in some one manner or other A man might also say that there is no heede to be taken to the speeches of the common people the which naturally is of custome insolent and to vse ill and vnsauourie speeches chiefly in a free Citie as Venice is neither ought a man to regard or make any reckoning of the speeches and discourses of young gentlemen which yet haue not had any experience in the affaires of
sufficient for the defence thereof or for some other such like reason which yeeld him iust cause of feare and when a man hath euident tokens or certaine aduertisements of such feare the enterprise so attempted seldome faileth In the yeere 1512. after the memorable iourney of Rauenna where the French had so bloody a victorie that it was hard to iudge whether partie had the worse either the victour or the vanquished being impossible to conclude and accord any agreement betweene the Pope and the King of France the Swissers came to serue the Pope of whose valour and power the French stood much in feare The Swissers hauing taken the way towards Trent to ioyne with the Venetian armie came downe into the countrie of Verona and the French not knowing what course they would take Guicciar li. 10 were before gone to Pontoglio to stop their passage but the Swissers hauing taken another way the Lord de la Palisse the French Kings Lieutenant in Italie being in doubt whether they would goe towards Ferrara or towards Milan wrote a letter to the gouernour Generall of Normandie being at Milan giuing him to vnderstand of the state of the French Kings affaires in Italie in what termes they stood aduertising him further that it would be very hard to resist the forces of the Swissers and the armie of the confederates if they should togethers attempt that state This letter by misfortune fell into the hands of the aduenturers which serued the Venetians who hauing read it and consulted thereof in the presence of the Cardinall of Sedun and others the chiefe of the armie it was concluded to charge the state of Milan by the reason as I afore recited that that enterprise seldome faileth which is doubted feared by the enemie as in this case Wherefore the confederates laying their foundation vpon this letter and vpon this iust feare charged the estate of Milan and chased away the Frenchmen CHAP. 43. To wrong the statues images and pictures of Princes in their life time is a poore reuenge and oftentimes the cause of great hurt to him which doth the same NEuer man found good by doing wrong and if it be ill done to bee outragious towards liuing men which may remember the iniuries a man shall doe much worse by doing iniurie to those which are senselesse and can not reuenge it And here hence it commeth that they are much blamed which commit cruelties vpon dead bodies which ought to be left in peace and respected as those which cannot answere for their faults For which cause Homer blamed the Greekes who wounded the dead bodie of Hector after he was slaine by Achilles and noted them with this scoffe That the very Hares would aduenture to charge the Lion when hee was dead And although it seemeth that they which commit such outrages Those vvhich doe vvrong and shew crueltie to the dead are worthie of eternall shame and dishonur receiue some contentment by glutting their rage yet it cannot be said but that such doings are rather brute and sauage than humane The iniuries which are done to statues and images of Princes in their life time resembleth this iniurie and if it be done for reuenge because they cannot doe it to himselfe being aliue a man satisfieth his rage against the stone or the wood which representeth him I say that this is a poore reuenge fitting the furie of the common people which in it selfe hath no reason or iudgement And if such iniurie be done to charge the person represented in this image I say that it is a thing very dangerous because that the Prince or some friend of his will peraduenture thinke of this wrong which shall be so done reputing the offence as done to himselfe in person and will punish it no more nor lesse then as if he himself in person had bin grieued mocked and ill vsed in what manner soeuer Wee haue an example in the Boulognois in the time of Pope Iulius the second who hauing driuen the Bentiuogli out of Boulogne did many pleasures to the Boulognois granting them many priuiledges dignities and exemptions which the Boulognois ill acknowledged when the Bentiuogli by meanes of the French King againe returned into the citie for then they tooke a statue of his made of brasse which was erected vnto him as a benefactor which statue they threw downe in disdaine and derision the people was induced to this iniurie either by the guard and followers of the Bentiuogli or otherwise being tired with the troubles of the warre they would discharge their choler and furie according to their custome vpō the image which represented him whom they deemed to haue put them to all that paine and trouble The Pope was highly displeased with this iniurie Gucciar li. 10. and when Boulogne returned againe vnder the command of the Church after the French were driuen out of Italie if he had not beene preuented by death as the report went whether it were true or false he had determined in reuenge of that iniurie to haue destroyed the citie of Boulogne and to haue reduced the inhabitants into the citie of Cento and alreadie began to stay the chusing of Magistrates and not to commit them in any place of any honour or gouernment yea and by meanes of his rude and seuere officers hee drew a great summe of money from those citizens which claue to the faction of the Bentiuogli and if death had not interrupted his conceits he was a man very likely to haue effected what hee had proiected in his mind And so the Boulognois for hauing outraged the statue of a Prince then liuing were in daunger to haue lost their countrie The Florentines likewise were so ill affected to the house of Medicis that when the people rose against that house in the yeere 1524. certaine young gentlemen of noble houses went to the Church of the Annunciation where were the statues of Pope Leo the tenth and Clement the seuenth which were great and made to the life and hauing throwne them downe brake them in peeces vsing them very ill this iniurie among others was the cause of the warres of Florence After the which the gouernment being returned into the hands of the de Medicis those which committed this wrong and outraged those Images were seuerely punished the Florentines were made to know that Princes know how to reuenge the wrongs done to their statues as well as if they had bin done to themselues in person Charles Duke of Burgundie seuerely punished the Citie of Nantes Charles the last Duke of Burgundie vsed so great and memorable a reuenge against the towne of Nantes for no other cause but onely for that the Nantois made his statue and the statues of certaine others his friends and hanged them by the neck vpon a gibbet Such iniuries then done through choler or malice are base and vile reuenges which bring with them great danger when Princes are able to punish them When a
findeth after the common saying an ill Merchant which giueth him no contentment and he which sendeth is in danger to haue disgrace and peraduenture losse in those which he hath sent Wherefore it is better freely to deny than coldly to graunt and this is sayd for that there are some Princes which dare not absolutely to deny the succours required and yet will not giue such as may ease and deliuer their friend from trouble and so come to resolue vpon a mediocritie which consisteth in sending so small a number of men at armes that he which receiueth the succours is neuer the better for them but in shew and hee which sendeth sendeth as into a manifest daunger whereof ensueth dishonour to the sender and to recouer his honour and blot out this shame of force he must send new succours which may ease his friend deliuer him from trouble by meanes whereof a man wisely doth that in the end which he should with consideration and prudence haue done in the beginning It commeth also often to passe that they which receiue succours through the discontentmēt which they haue by reason of the small aide and forces thereof practise and by some meanes conclude a peace with the enemie without the knowledge of the confederate as it hath often happened in time past or else that by some stratagem or other meanes the succour sent commeth to an euill end to the end that the Prince which sent the same may haue cause to complaine of his losse receiued and to bee auenged thereof to send so great a number of men as may suffice to recouer his lost reputation and cleerely to free and deliuer his friend from trouble The like part was plaied with King Manfredi by the Gibelins of Florence which desiring his helpe against the Guelphes which had thrust them out of the towne he sent to them for succours onely one companie of Germane men at armes with his owne Ensigne or Cornet The Florentines which were fled to Sienna were discontent with this small succour and by the counsell of M. Farinata of the Vberti chiefe of this faction it was deuised that the Almaines should either win or lose the victorie alone or should remaine for pledges to the end that being ouercome dispatched out of the way K. Manfredi should send them some greater aide There was a faire banket made for them furnished with much good meate and excellent good wine and at the end of the feast when they were well filled vpon a sudden an alarme was giuen wherefore the Almaines no lesse warmed and chafed with the wine then the sound of the Drumme Leonar Arch. lib. 1. sallied out of Sienna and with great furie charging the enemie made a most faire proofe of themselues The Germanes were defeated by the Guelfes before Siena but in the end were all cut in peeces and the Kings Ensigne taken Wherfore K. Manfredi wroth and moued with this disgrace sent to the Gibelins such succors as they therewith ouercame their enemies and returned to their countrie which if King Manfredi had done in the beginning his Ensigne had not receiued that shame neither had his people bin ouerthrowne CHAP. 47. An Ambassadour ought not to care to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deale prouided that he satisfie his owne Prince in that which he desireth THe charge of an Ambassadour is full of great care and trouble and he which dischargeth the same with his honour may be placed in the ranke of honourable personages and worthie of reputation and this charge is by so much the greater by how much the more a man hath to handle and manage matters of importance or to negotiate with Princes which being obstinate in their opinions are not induced by the liuely reasons which are alleaged neither answere to the points and conditions which are propounded When a man then knoweth the nature of the Prince with whom hee hath to deale to be according to the common saying maried to his owne opinion it shall be good to attempt by some reasons to diuert him and to alleage many reasons vnto him to the end that it may appeare that the coldnes of the Ambassador hath not broken off the affaires But that the naturall inclination of the Prince An Ambassadour ought not to care for an ill word from the Prince with whom be hath to deale hath been the cause why the businesse hath not taken wished effect and when a man commeth to the point of that which he desireth if the Lord with whom he hath to deale wearied with his instance and importunitie shew himselfe in word displeased yet ought he not to be discontent for his Prince will take his importunate sollicitation for industrie and diligence although to the other it seeme to be too farre pressing and importunitie In the yeere 1513. the King of Spaine sent to the Emperour Maximilian for his Ambassadour Peter Diurea Guicci lib. 12. to perswade him to resigne Verona to the Venetians to the end that they should not ally themselues to the King of France and there went with him Iohn Baptista Spinello Earle of Carriati Ambassadour for the same King to Venice and there being a forbearance of armes betweene the Emperour and the Venetians these Ambassadours arriued in Germanic at the Emperours Court who had alreadie resolued with himselfe not to render Verona to the Venetians vpon any condition whatsoeuer because hee would not wholy dispossesse himselfe of one port to enter into Italie The Ambassadours began to treate of the restitution of the said towne shewing for a reason that by meanes of the money which the Lords of Venice would giue him recompence which amounted to a great summe and by meane of the Spanish armie which their King would giue him hee might make warre in Burgundie and with this reason they alleaged many other But Caesar continued still firme in his resolution and would not be turned what conditions soeuer were offered to his aduantage And because the Spanish Ambassadours were very earnest with him Caesar displeased with their replies and importunities and principally with those of Counte Carriati he said vnto him that by the meanes of his inclination to the Venetians A check giuen by Maximilian the Emperour to the Spanish Ambassadours hee ought rather to be called a Venetian than a Spanish Ambassadour The Earle cared not for that nip knowing that his Kings desire was that he should pursue the restitution and loued better to be accounted importune by Caesar then negligent by his Master CHAP. 48. VVhat manner men they ought to be which are sent Ambassadours and officers to other Princes PRinces ought to be very well aduised in making choise of such men as they will send abroad to other Princes vnder the name of Ambassadours or other title for when a Prince sendeth persons which carrie not with them a grauitie and reputation there is no great account made of the Prince which
Temple about but while as he walked with her to view the place most fit to giue the assault and saw where he might most easilie enter surprised with a great religious feare being in a sacred place he returned trembling by the same way that hee came and as hee went downe the wall he fell and brake one of his thighes by which accident he was constrained to returne and bring backe home againe the fleete loden with shame and losse in liew of golde which he so boldly had promised and shewed to the world how vaine a thing it is to promise such things in the execution whereof there may happen and growe a thousand impeachments and misfortunes and which may haue an end cleane contrarie to that which a man hath promised And although that many times a man vse all diligence and doe all that is requisite to attaine to the desired end yet neuerthelesse seeing that accidents are infinite and not posibly to be foreseene a man ought to be aduised what he saith and how he promise the euent of things as a wise man and with the circumstances which may in all occasions make him reputed rather somewhat infortunate than ouer rash and presumptuous Terentius Varro as Titus Liuius writeth fell into this error of boasting Titus Liuius in the sâ—coâ—â— boo◠〈…〉 third Dâ—â—â—â—â—â— who being Consul and chiefe of the Romane armie against Hanniball at the same day an houre wherein he receiued the Militarie Ensignes of the Senate and of the Romane people very rashly said that the first day wherein he did display those Colours against the Carthagenians he would end the warre blaming Fabius Maximus for his slacknes and foreslowing it by delaies But the successe of the matter made him to know that it had more auailed to haue spoken lesse for he had no sooner displaied the Romane Ensignes against the Carthagenians but he saw himself miserably ouercome and put to flight in that notable and memorable battaile of Cannas In the yeere 1513. Terentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians the Lord of Tremouille being sent by Lewes the 12. King of France to the enterprise of Milan against Maximilian Sforce the sonne of Lewes More fell into this error This man seeing that the Duke was retired to Nouarra and that the Swissers had vndertaken to defend him he wrote to the King of France very inconsideratly and with great presumption that hee would deliuer the sonne prisoner as he had alreadie done the father But the issue shewed afterwards that it had been better for his reputation that he had written more modestly for hee was constrained to retire from Nouarra without doing ought for the Swissers sallied forth with a resolution to charge the French Campe being but a few The French ouerthrowne by the Swissers without horse or Artillerie they came to blowes and in this assault with a marueilous bold hardines they tooke from the French 22. peeces of Artillerie put them to flight and slew many although that of the Swissers were slaine about fifteene hundred men And so the issue of the battaile shewed to the Lord of Tremouille how vaine a thing it is to promise that which is in the hand of God as hee who onely may grant it or not And although that he which would defend the Lord of Tremouille might say that hee wrote those words to note the couetousnesse of the Swissers which for money had alreadie deliuered Lewes Duke of Milan into the hands of the French and that hee meant to follow the same rule to make Maximilian also his prisoner A young Florentine in the yeere 1527. esteemed very braue and valiant in armes but a great prater and boaster being to fight with another young man who because hee was melancholike and spake little was called Forchebene going in companie with many others towards the place where they were to fight which was the walking place for fooles without the Port of Saint Gal and being come to the Port a Customer his friend went to him and sayd God giue you the victorie and the proude young man adding blasphemie to his temeritie answered How shall he but giue it me They came to vse their weapons and after many blowes giuen and taken by the one and the other Forchebene being become as the Minister and instrument of God gaue him a thrust in the mouth with such force that hauing fastened his tongue to the pole of his necke where the sword went through aboue the length of a palme and more he made him fall downe dead the sword remaining in his mouth to the end that the tongue which so grieuouslie had offended God being thrust through should also in this world indure punishment for so horrible a sinne It is then a dishonest thing in a Captaine and in euery man to vaunt and boast of that which may be and not be to doe and to be silent is more to be esteemed than to babble or vainely to write and be reputed a man full of winde and vaine-glorie CHAP. 60. VVhich may be considered and learned by the Lords of Venice who would not suffer a Gentleman of theirs to kill Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan THe Lords of Venice and Lewes Sforce entred into league against Charles the eyght King of France and held the Towne of Nouarra streightly besieged wherein was the Duke of Orleance brother to the King who to deliuer the Duke his brother came to a peace with Lewes Sforce and the peace being made the Venetian Armie being to returne was constrained to passe through the estate of Milan but Lewes which bare them no good will commaunded his Captaines that in all places where the Venetians should passe Bembo in his booke of the historie of Venice they should shew themselues in Armes and so at all passages of Riuers and in all places where was any daunger to passe he made the boates to be taken away which Lewes did to the end that the Venetian Souldiers should not saue themselues and goe out of his Countrey without his leaue and permission or against his will and to say the trueth they were inclosed and must in a manner debate by force at euery passage which greatly displeased the Lords and they much blamed the disloyaltie of Lewes In the Venetian Armie Bernard Contarini purposed to haue slaine the Duke of Milan was Bernard Contarini Collonell of the Albanois horsemen a man of a high minde resolute and valorous He gaue the chiefe commaunders to vnderstand that if they would giue him leaue he would finde a meane to passe and to cut off all lets which was to kill Lewes while as he were talking with him in his Chamber shewing by liuely reasons that there was no cause of feare for neither the Citie nor the estate of Milan would rise by reason of his death The Purueyours and chiefe commaunders of the Armie would not graunt this leaue to Contarini but they tolde him that they would giue the Senate
as no reckoning was made thereof but of one man onely which was Iohn de Cardine Earle of Colisan who was slaine with a shot in the head which was in the yeere 1522. But before that Pope Eugenius being then liuing who was created in the yeere 1431. Boulogna being reuolted and rebelling against the Church through the occasion of Canedoli the armies of the Pope the Venetians and the Florentines being confederates enforced themselues to get and recouer it againe Nicholas de Tolentin was Captaine of the League and Picinino was chiefe of the enemies they came to giue battaile in the countrie of Imote Tolentin was put to flight and there taken prisoner with fiue principall Colonels and 3500. men at armes Sabellicus and a thousand souldiers besides the dead and in the armie of Picinino died but foure and thirtie were wounded yet neuerthelesse Artillerie and small shot were then vsed although not with such perfection as now we see The hardines of the Swissers at Nouarra was admirable but the battailes and victories repeated were no lesse memorable in which may be seene that the wisedome and discretion of the Captains hath had great part yet neuerthelesse through the valour of the souldiers accompanied with the good counsell and direction of the Captaines happy victories are to be hoped for CHAP. 65. Speeches vsed without consideration haue been the occasion of much euill as well to them which vsed them as to others IN consideration in all things is euill To speake to no purpose is hurtfull but worse in speaking and to babble and prate is a vice blame-worthie in all men but most pernicious and hurtfull to those which haue publike charge and as to speake in time and place is a part of wisedome euen so to speake to no purpose is a principal part of follie I haue euer esteemed more of them which first consider with reason and speake afterward and therefore the Shepheard of Archadia said wisely E pria chio parli le parole mastico Which is to say And before I speake I chew my words This vice besides the blame which it deserueth bringeth with it much danger and oftentimes one only word hath caused the death of him which spake it or hath brought into danger and trouble some other person who by a fit conuenient silence had auoyded it I speake not now of words proceeding frō a passionate man and in choler but of those which through want of wit and iudgement are vttered of persons of whom it had been good to haue beene silent and principally when they manage affaires of importance When as Dionysius was Lord in Siracusa there were certaine young men which went to his Barbers shop to wash or to discourse as the manner is in such shops whither idle persons resort to talke and to heare newes and these young men beginning to talke freely of the gouernment of the Tyrant and to say that it was impossible to bee able to change their Lord because that hee euer had a good guard and that his gouernment might be rightly called Diamantin being impossible to bee broken whereto his Barber without consideration said Wherefore is it impossible to kill him seeing that I euery day haue this Rasour at his throte These words were noted and by his espials reported to Dionysius who made this Barber to be apprehended and quartered This inconsidered word vttered without reason was cause of his death and did aduise Dionysius to trust himselfe no more in the hands of a Barber for he made his daughters to burne the haire of his head and beard with coales because he would haue no more iron come about his head The same Dionysius put a gentleman his very familiar to death for a word by him foolishly spoken who being in companie with certaine gentlemen his friends said Wot you what I dreamed to night that I had cut Dionysius his throte These words were reported to the Tyrant who notwithstanding the great familiaritie betweene them made him to dye saying If he had not first thought it in the day time he had neuer dreamed thereof at night But a man may say that these were common persons which are not worthie to bee alleaged for example therefore I will shew that there haue beene also men of great authoritie which haue fallen into this inconsideration Demaratus which should haue succeeded in the kingdome of the Lacedemonians was depriued of that kingdome by Ariston his father for one onely word vttered without consideration in the Senate which was that newes being brought vnto him that he had a sonne borne he counted vpon his fingers how long his wife had been with him and seeing that there were no more but seuen moneths and that vsually women are deliuered at nine hee said It is not possible that hee should be my sonne This word turned to the great dammage of Demaratus for after the death of Ariston his father the Lacedemonians refused to giue him the kingdome Herodot lib. 6 because the Ephores bare record that Ariston had said that it was not possible that Demaratus borne at seuen moneths end should be his sonne which he confirmed with an oth When Pope Iulius the second attempted to deliuer Italie from the Oltramontani hee sent an Italian Ambassadour to the King of England to perswade him to take armes in his behalfe against the King of France and the Ambassadour hauing deliuered all that he had in charge to say answere was giuen him in the behalfe of the King that he was most readie and willing to defend the Pope but that an Armie was not so soone to be made readie for that the English by reason of their long peace had in a manner lost the vse of armes and becausethey were to goe against a King who was no lesse mightie and puissant then warlike as was the King of France there ought to be a time to make necessarie prouision for a warre of so great importance The Ambassadour presently to no purpose or reason added these words Anchio hodetto piu volte questo medesimo a sua sanctita which is to say And I haue oftentimes said the same to his holines These words which shewed the will of the Ambassadour to be different from that of his Prince The Ambassadour of Pope Iulius was taken for a Spie by the King of England gaue great doubt and suspition to the Kings Counsell and they began to doubt that the Ambassadour was rather inclined to fauour the King of France then the Pope his Master and setting secret Spies about him to take notice of his behauiour it was perceiued that by night hee spake secretly with the French Ambassadour by which meanes he was vndone and if he had fallen into the hands of the Pope he had peraduenture put him to death And so by his answere which was not to the purpose of his charge he wronged himselfe and was the occasion that the King of England was constrained to begin the warre
follow the contrarie for by so much more his aduice and counsell shall be held and reputed for wife by how much the issue of the matter shall be more correspondent with the counfell which he gaue The issue and end of an enterprise manisteth the wisedome of the counsell giuen Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians saw that the whole Councell of Sparta was inclined to take armes against the Athenians in the behalfe of the Corinthians which were recommended vnto them and as confederates had required their aide in the warre which the Athenians waged against them and knew well that his aduice should not bee accepted notwithstanding this hee would not faile to speake his opinion and by many liuely reasons to shew that they ought not to stirre against the Athenians nor to breake the truce which they had with them Archidamus got nothing by propounding this counsell but the aduice of Stenelaides an Ephore was followed who seeing the hearts of the Lacedemonians disposed to make warre against the Athenians caused them to resolue to make it suddenly But the issue of the matter made it manifest how much the counsell of Archidamus had been more profitable then the resolution of Stenelaides Mercurie Gattinara a Piemontois great Chauncellor of the kingdome of Spaine knowing the heart of the Emperour Charles the fift to be disposed to come to agreement with Francis the first of that name King of France and his prisoner and to deliuer him he knew the will of the Viceroy of Naples and other Lords of the Counsell of Spaine tending to the same hee knew finally the conditions of the agreement and the qualitie of the Articles thereof and was well assured that his counsell should not bee receiued nor accepted neuerthelesse he would not faile to speake what hee thought and rather to crie it out then dispute and by reasons to debate and disswade this accord the which reasons are well deliuered with grauitie of speech by Guicciardin in the oration of the said Gattinara whose aduice was not allowed nor approued but theirs was followed which perswaded the agreement and Mercurie was so constant in his opinion that the accord should not bee accepted nor obserued that he would not signe the Articles but that the Emperour all angrie must signe them himselfe But the issue made it knowne that the counsell of Gattinara was much better then that of the rest for that the Articles were not obserued and after that the King was at libertie all vanished away in smoke Then let no good Counsellor of a Prince leaue to speake his aduice neither let him leaue to giue good counsell for feare that it shall not be regarded or that it shall be despised for in the end the goodnesse of sage deliberations and prudent counsels is knowne in the goodnes of issue and good successe CHAP. 70. Promises voluntarily made are to be held and performed and the euill which ensueth through default thereof IT is a thing altogether infamous and dishonest to faile and breake promise but it is most dishonest in a Prince or Common-wealth for it cannot be said that such persons failed through inaduertence or want of discretion as of particular men A man ought to be well aduised how he promise any thing if they were not carried away by affection or apparance of good A man ought to bee well aduised touching his promise and ought not to make it but that first he weigh and consider well what is required and demaunded for whosoeuer shall doe otherwise shall euer commit some fault because that promises made with small iudgement haue this custome either to the displeasure of those to whom they were made to be refused and denied or otherwise they are performed to the great griefe and repentance of those which made them It is true that some are made without consideration and it were better to breake them then dishonestly to put them in effect as that which was made by Herod to his daughter in law which daunced before him at a banket and this promise to giue to her what she should demaund was made without consideration and sinfully and wickedly performed whereby he purchased perpetuall infamie and the iust man vniustly lost his life Some there are also which promise dishonest and reprochfull things and more shamefully performe them and to these men ordinarily commeth that which Cicero speaketh of that wicked promises hurt him which made them and him also which receiueth them whereof the examples are daily so manifest in robberies murthers and such other Riots that it is needles to produce them But speaking of promises which are made not through necessitie but free and voluntarily if they be of honest matters I say they must be performed for to faile in them there happen grow many euils and inconueniences as was the promise of Robert Gescard made to Roger his naturall brother This Robert in the diuision of the Norman Empire promised to his brother Roger the halfe of Calabria and all Sicilie but when it came to sharing and diuiding Robert would giue him nothing in Calabria Meto and Squillacci but Meto and Squillacci and bad him to purchase the Realme which he alreadie began to possesse meaning Sicilie and in the end resolued according to Alexanders words to Darius that as the world could not endure two Sunnes so one Realme could not endure two soueraigne Lords Roger being much displeased herewith made warre against him and after many aduentures hauing taken him prisoner in a Castle where Robert vnwisely was entred in the habit of a paisant to bring it to his owne deuotion King Robert taken prisoner afterwards graciously deliuered by his brother Roger Roger of a brotherly pitie saued his life and restored him to his estate which by right of warre and being prisoner hee had lost So Roberts failing of his word was the cause that he entred into such disorder so as if hee had had to deale with any other then his brother hee had peraduenture learned to his losse or to his perpetuall dishonour how great a fault it is not to performe and keep those promises which no man constrained him to make CHAP. 71. Jn what case promises exacted perforce ought to bee performed ALthough that some haue said and left in writing that promises made by constraint ought not to be performed alleaging the example of the Romanes when they made agreement with the Samnites I say neuerthelesse that that ought not to bee taken for a law or a generall rule for that it is not a thing secure for all men to faile in their promise notwithstanding that it were made by force I say then that he which is constrained to make some promise to graunt perforce and signe the Articles of agreement with all solemnitie may in two manners consider after that hee is at libertie and out of his power to whom he made the promise to wit whether hee be in point or state to surpasse or
manner proofes would binde himselfe to manifest that which hee saith to bee true although that it were most false and malitiously forged let him then I say that is accused stand so on his guard that hee suffer not himselfe to bee brought to make such proofes and experiences as to vndertake the combat seeing that by the combat a man cannot come to the knowledge of the trueth but may remaine dishonoured being neuerthelesse most innocent and wrongfully accused And to the end that it may be the better vnderstood I will propound this example happened in the citie of Spoletta There was in that Citie a yong man who was robbed of a good summe of money and imagining and firmely beleeuing that another young man had robbed him began to accuse him and call him theefe and because he could not make proofe of his speeches he spread a report abroad that he would iustifie it with his sword in his hand seeing that there was no other meane that hee had robbed him and that that which he said was true The young man accused of the theft and innocent of the fact was aduertised of what the other reported of him and how that hee auouched that hee would prooue it vpon him with his sword that hee was a theefe beeing mooued with despite and with the interest and preiudice of his honour and reputation hee accepted to prooue his innocencie which hee held for most certaine in his owne conscience with his sword in his hand which was an vncertaine meane to make triall wherein a man might as soone lose as win Wherefore they came to blowes in their shirts with their rapiers and poyniards in their hands and in this combat the innocent man was slaine and dishonoured and the accuser remaining victorious was held to haue said the truth Some space after the trueth of the matter was discouered and the theefe was found so as it was knowne and did appeare that that man tooke a rash and an vnaduised resolution who would shew his innocencie by the triall of a combat for in such fights and combats is found neither reason nor iudgement seeing that choler valour fortune and wit haue therein the rule And I say that Ariosto if it be lawfull to mixe graue matters with fables hath very elegantly depainted this furious and rash iudgement in the person of Mandricard when hee vniustly accuseth King Gradasse to haue stolen Rolands sword Wherefore let euery man be well aduised how he too rashly put himselfe vpon vncertaine proofes where hee may as well receiue dishonour as discharge of the crime imputed vnto him For although that in his owne conscience hee be cleere and innocent yet with some men hee cannot escape without a blot who may beleeue what they list and as their phantasie leadeth them CHAP. 92. Jn ward familiars and Secretaries of Princes may commit many errors by meanes whereof they are in danger to lose their fauour or their owne liues THe great familiaritie and fauour of Princes in apparance is much esteemed and desired but whosoeuer shall ripely consider it shall finde that it is a golden shackle and a bitter sweete for it is conioyned with so many discommodities and daungers that most commonly a simple seruitour and ordinarie Courtier hath better daies and greater libertie then hee which with the Prince is most familiar The discommodities which such men finde are very many for those being insufficient which the wearisome life and miserable seruitude of the Court bring with them they must also experiment those which they by constraint must beare for the contentment and secret pleasure or fantasie of their Masters From hence proceed their long watchings their sudden iourneyes and voyages their broken sleepes the execution of affaires of importance and sometime little for honest credit and finally a man may call them rather honourable parrasites then vertuous gentlemen Afterwards they thrust themselues into infinit dangers principally when they become so familiar that their Princes impart vnto them the secrets of their thoughts for that the least suspition notwithstanding that it bee vaine and imagined a signe a discourse yea euen the least word may suffice to suppresse bring them wholy to ruine For this cause I cannot but much commend the resolution of the Poet Philippides The wittie answere of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus who being demaunded by King Lysimachus what great fauour hee might doe him to let him know how much he loued him who answered That you neuer impart vnto me any of your secrets But when that fortune hath aduanced them so farre forwards that they haue purchased their Lords fauour I say that I finde it expedient that they conserue and keepe it and that they be most vigilant and take heed that the ouer great familiaritie cause not contempt in them of the honor and profit of the Prince for as much as it would violate the faith which the Prince reposeth in his seruant and familiar which were a meane to no purpose to put their life in daunger and how much the more such familiars haue honourable places and charges in Court by so much the more they ought to be aduised for besides their paines which are most wearisome and tedious they are also the first tormented and the first suspected and sometimes their owne Masters put them to death for the doubt they haue of their fidelitie As it happened vnto Garcia Nicosio Secretarie to Alaim Sicilian Lord of Ficaire in the time of Peter of Arragon King of Sicilie for King Peter being called into Sicilie by the Sicilian Lords and Barons and King Charles being driuen out they repenting afterwards to haue called him by reason of his prosperitie against King Charles conspired against him and amongst the rest of the Lords was this Alaim who made his Secretarie to write certaine letters to K. Charles promising to render Sicilia into his hands if hee would send him twelue galleyes These letters were intercepted and deliuered vnto King Peter Wherefore Alaim fearing that his Secretarie would reueale the conspiracie hee slew him and threw his head into the sea and buried the bodie in his house I said here before Garsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition that such persons ought principally to be carefull and aduised that the ouer great familiaritie and fauour which they haue with their Princes breede not in them a contempt of their Lord so as they make no very great account to offend him in these foure things whereof a Prince is commonly very iealous which are his estate his honour his life and his loue for this is a most notable fault into the which in the yeere 1566. fell a gentleman of Perusa which I name not being one of the most priuate of the chamber of one of the most noble Princes of Italie which for honors sake I likewise name not This man being so familiar and fauoured of his Prince that hee could not imagine any greater securitie or libertie then