Selected quad for the lemma: lord_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
lord_n word_n worldly_a worthy_a 25 3 5.9921 4 false
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A43506 Keimēlia 'ekklēsiastika, The historical and miscellaneous tracts of the Reverend and learned Peter Heylyn, D.D. now collected into one volume ... : and an account of the life of the author, never before published : with an exact table to the whole. Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662.; Vernon, George, 1637-1720. 1681 (1681) Wing H1680; ESTC R7550 1,379,496 836

There are 70 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

we must not take the words of Gregory to be so exclusive as to shut out the words of Institution or any of those Prayers or Benedictions which our Saviour used or the Apostles guided by the Lords example might think fit to imitate To think that willingly or rather wilfully they should omit the words of their Lord and Master which were so Operative and Energetical would prove too great a scandal to those blessed spirits And therefore Ambrose when he puts the question touching the Consecration of the Elements Ambr. de Sacramentis l. 4. c. 4. Consecratio igitur quibus verbis est cujus sermonibus by what words and by whose it is made or celebrated makes answer Domini JESV by the words of the Lord Jesus And if the Elements are to be Consecrated by no other words as the continual practice of the Church of Christ seems to say they may not there is no question to be made but that the Apostles used those words of Consecration which they had heard before delivered from our blessed Saviour We could not say they did hoc facere according to the Lords injunction if it had been otherwise And no less probable it is that in a work of so great consequence they fell not presently upon the words of Institution making a bare recital of them and no more than so and used not some preparatory Prayers to set an edge on the devotions of Gods people according as the Lord had done before who blessed the Bread before be brake it and therefore of necessity before he gave it Certain I am Rabanus Maurus de Institut Cler. l. 32. that so it is affirmed by Rabanus Maurus Cum benedictione gratiarum actione primum Dominus corporis sanguinis sui sacramenta dedicavit Apostolis tradidit quod exinde Apostoli imitati fecere successores suos facere docuerunt quod nunc per totum orbem terrarum generaliter tota custodit Ecclesia The Lord saith he first dedicated or ordained the Sacrament of his Body and Blood with Benediction and Thanksgiving and gave the same to his Apostles which the Apostles after imitating did both do themselves and taught their successors to do it also so that it is now generally practised by the Church throughout the world Here then we take it pro confesso that in the Celebration of the blessed Sacrament besides the words of Consecration which our Saviour used the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And we conceive it to be probable that they used certain Prayers and Benedictions by way of preparation to so great a business of which more anon For further proof whereof that such preparatory Prayers and Benedictions were used originally in the Celebration of this Sacrament we will first see what ground is laid by the Apostles and after look upon the building which hath been raised on the same by the holy Fathers First the Apostle layeth this ground 1 Tim. 2.1 2 3. I exhort therefore that firstof all Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men for Kings and for all that are in Authority that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godliness and honesty for this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour Which words are generally understood not of private Prayers but those which are made publickly in the Congregation Calv. Estius in 1. ad Tim. c. 2. Calvin doth so expound it for the Protestant Writers and so doth Estius for the Pontificians as is elsewhere noted And that the Western Church may not stand alone Theophylact and Oecumenius do both expound the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the daily service Theophyl Oecumen in 1. ad Tim. which from the first beginning had been Celebrated in the Church of God This I premise as granted without more adoe Which being so premised and granted and the ground thus layed we are to look upon the building as before was said raised by the Fathers on the place And here we will begin with S. Austin first as one that hath more punctually observed the place and traversed the whole ground and each part thereof than any one that went before him who writing to Paulinus doth thus build upon it August ad Panlinum Epist 59. Multa hinc quippe dici possunt quae improbanda non sunt sed eligo in his verbis hoc intelligere quo omnis vel paene omnis frequentat Ecclesia ut precationes accipiamus dictas quas facimus in celebratione Sacramentorum antequam illud quod est in mensa Domini incipiat benedici Orationes cum benedicitur sanctificatur ad distribuendum comminuitur quam tot am petitionem fere omnis Ecclesia DOMINICA ORATIONE concludit Interpellationes autem five ut nostri codices habent postulationes fiunt cum populus benedicitur tunc enim Antistites velut advocati susceptos suos per manus impositionem misericordissimae offerunt potestati Quibus peractis participato tanto sacramento Gratiarum actio cuncta concludit quam in his etiam verbis ultimam commendavit Apostolus I have put down the words at large because they are so full an Exposition of the several words used by the Apostles and not an Exposition only but an Application according to the several parts of the publick Liturgies The sense and meaning of them is as followeth Many things may be hence inferred saith he not to be distliked but I choose raher so to understand the same according unto that which I find observed in every or at least every Church almost that is to say that here by Supplications we mean those Petitions which we make in Celebration of the Sacraments before we come unto the consecration of the Elements by Prayers the sanctifying and blessing of the Bread and Wine when it is put into a readiness to be distributed unto the people which action or Petition every Church almost concludeth with the Lords Prayer Where by the way we may observe what place the Lords Prayer had of old in the Celebration The Intercessions are made then when the people do partake of the publick blessing for then the Prelates of the Church like Advocates or Sureties do by the laying on of hands present them to the merciful protection of the Lord their God Which ended and the people being made partakers of so great a Sacrament all is concluded or shut up with giving thanks which therefore is last spoken of by the Apostle So far the words of Austin and it is worthy the noting that Venerable Bede making a Commentary on S. Paul's Epistles collected out of several passages of this Fathers works puts down these words at large as before recited Ven. Beda Comment in 1. ad Tim. c. 2. for the full meaning of the place And if S. Austin was not out in his Exposition as I have heard of none that do charge him with it we have
Alij quotidie communicant corperi sanguini dominico alij certis diebus accipiunt alibi Sabbato tantum dominico alibi tantum dominico as he then informs us As for those works ascribed unto him which either are not his or at least are questionable they inform us thus The tract de rectitudine Cathol conversationis adviseth us to be attent and silent all the time of Divine Service not telling tales nor falling into jarrs and quarrels as being to answer such of us as offend therein for a double fault Dum nec ipse verbum Dei audit nec alios audire permittit as neither hearkening to the Word of God our selves nor permitting others In the 251. Sermon inscribed De tempore we are commanded to lay aside all worldly businesses in solennitatibus sanctorum maxime in dominicis diebus upon the Festivals of the Saints but the Lords day specially that we may be the readier for divine imployments Where note that whosoever made the Sermon it was his purpose that on the Saints days men were to forbear all worldly businesses and not upon the Lords day only though on that especially And in the same it is affirmed that the Lords day was instituted by the Doctors of the Church Apostles and Apostolical men the honours of the Jewish Sabbath being by them transferred unto it Sancti ecclesiae Doctores omnem Judaici Sabbatismi gloriam in illam transferre decreverunt It seems some used to hunt on the Lords day then for there it is prohibited as a devilish exercise Nullus in die dominico in venatione se occeupet diabolico mancipetur officio with command enough Nay in the 244. of those de tempore it is enjoyned above all things with an ante omnia that no man meddle with his Wife either upon the Lords day or the other holy-days Ante omnia quoties dies dominicus aut aliae festivitates veniunt uxorem suam nullus agnoscat which I the rather note though not worth the noting that those who are possessed with so poor a fancy and some such there be would please to be as careful of the Holy-days as of the Sundays being alike expressed in the Prohibition One may conjecture easily both by the stile and by the state of things then being in the Christian Church that neither of these Sermons not to say any thing of the rest which concern us not could be writ by Austin the latter every thing therein considered by no man of Wisdom I say as things then were in the Christian Church that Sermon was not likely to be Saint Austins It had been too much rashness to prohibit hunting being in it self a lawful sport when such as in themselves were extreamly evil and an occasion of much sin were not yet put down The Cirque and Theatre were frequented hitherto as well upon the Lords day as on any other and they were first to be removed before it could be seasonable to inhibit a lawful pleasure Somewhat to this effect was done in the Age before the Emperors Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius having made a Law that no man should exhibit any publick shew upon the Sunday as before we noted But this prevailed not at the first And thereupon the Fathers of the Council of Carthage in the first year of this fifth Century did then and there decree by publick order to make Petition to the Emperor then being Vt spectacula theatrorum coeterorumque ludorum die dominiea vel cateris religionis Christianae diebus solennibus amoveantur c. Their suit was double first that the Shews exhibited on the Theaters and other places then used might no more be suffered on the Lords day or any other Festival of the Christian Church especially on the Octaves of the Feast of Easter what time the People used to go in greater numbers unto the Cirque or Shew-place than the House of God Then that for other days no man might be compelled to repair unto them as they had been formerly as being absolutely repugnant unto Gods Commandments but that all people should be left at liberty to go or not to go as they would themselves Nee oportere quenquam christianorum ad hac spectacula cogi c. Sed uti oportet homo in libera voluntate subsistat sibi divinitus concessa so the Canon The Emperour Theodosius thereupon Enacted that on the Lords day on the Feast of Christs Nativity and after to the Epiphany or Twelfth-day as we call it commonly as also on the Feast of Easter and from thence to Whitsontide the Cirques and Theaters in all places should be shut up that so all faithful Christian People might wholly bend themselves to the service of God Dominice qui totius septimanae primus est dies Cod. Theodos Natale atque Epiphaniorum Christi Paschae etiam Quinquagesima diebus c. Omni theatorum atque Circensium voluptate per universas urbes earundem populis denegata totae Christianorum fideliune mentes dei eultibus eccupentur So far the letter of the law which was Enacted at Constantinople the first of February Anno 425. Theodosius the second time and Valentinian being that year Consuls Where still observe how equally the principal Festivities and the Lords day were matched together that being held unlawful for the one which was conceived so of the other And so it stood until the Emperour Leo by two several Edicts advanced the Lords day higher than before it was and made it singular above other Festivals as in some other things of which more anon so in this particular For in an Edict by him sent unto Amasius at that time Captain of his Guard or Prafectus praetorio he enacts it thus First generally Dies festos Cod. l. 3. tit 12. de seriis dies altissimae majestati dedicatos nullis volumus voluptatibus occupari that he would have holy days which had been dedicated to the supream Majesty not to be taken up with pleasures What would he have no pleasures used at all on the holy days No he saith not so but only that they should not wholly be taken up with sports and pleasures no time being spared for pious and religious duties nor doth he bar all pleasures on the Sunday neither as we shall see anon in the Law it self but only base obscene and voluptuous pleasures Then more particularly for the Lords day thus in reference to the point in hand that neither Theater nor Cirque-sight nor Combatings with Wild Beasts should be used thereon and if the Birth day or Inauguration of the Emperour fell upon the same that the Solemnities thereof should be referred to another day no less a penalty than loss of dignity and confiscation of estate being laid on them that should offend against his pleasure But for the better satisfaction take so much of the Law it self as concerns this business Nihil eadem die vendicet scena theatralis aut Circense certamen aut
ministration were accomplished he departed to his own House And in the Epistle to the Hebrews S. Paul alluding to the Ministeries of the Jewish Temple calleth our Saviour Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Minister of the Holies Heb. 8.2 or of the Sanctuary Thus also in allusion to the Ministeries of the Church of Jewry the Ministry of the Gospel is in the Scripture called by the self-same name Act. 13.2 Chrysost in Act. Apud Bezam in Annot. in Act. 13. the Holy Ghost affirming of the Prophets which were in Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they ministred unto the Lord i.e. as Chrysostom expounds the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they Preached the Gospel or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they made their Prayers unto the Lord as the Syriack Translation hath it Indeed both glosses on the word as well that of the Syriack Interpreters as of S. Chrysostom do yield a fuller meaning of it according as it is now used in the Church of Christ than either of them taken severally the publick Liturgies of the Church consisting both of Prayers and Preaching taking the word Preaching as before I did for the publick notifying of the will and pleasure of Almighty God touching mans salvation In which respect as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken many times by the Ancient Fathers for a Priest or Bishop to whom the executing or performance of divine Offices in publick did belong especially as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ministers of God of the Holy Altar of the New Testament in Basil Nazianzen and others So that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 came to be appropriated to the performance of those Offices which they were to execute or rather to the rule and order by which they were to be performed And so the word is used in the Law Imperial in which it is expresly ordered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Justin Novel 131. de Eccles that no man should presume to execute the publick Liturgy or to officiate the divine Service of the Church in his private house In which acceptation of the word as it is to be taken and no otherwise in our present business we do define the same with the Learned Casaubon to be descriptio quaedam ordinis servandi in sacris celebrandis Casaubon Exercit 16. §. 41. a regulated form or order to be observed in the officiating of divine Service such as the Latines call sometimes Officium and sometimes Agenda and the Greek Writers many times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And to this definition I assent the rather because I find the same approved by the adverse party particularly by the Altar of Damascus Altare Damascen p. 612. the total sum of all that had been contributed in the former times to the disturbance of this Church This business being thus past over we will prepare our selves for the following search beginning with the Patriarchs before the Law though not within the compass of my undertaking Where if we find not any foot-steps of set forms of Prayer it was because the Sacrifices and devotions of Gods people in those elder times were for the most part occasional only there being neither place appointed nor set time prescribed for the performance of the same that we can meet with until the giving of the Law by Moses Of those the first we have upon Record is that of Cain and Abel in Gen. 4. where we are told how that in process of time it came to pass that Cain brought of the fruit of the ground an offering to the Lord and Abel also brought of the Firstlings of his Flock and of the fat thereof In which it is to be observed that this is said to have been done post multos dies as the Vulgar or in process of time as our English reads it Gen. 4.3 4. but as it is in others more near the Hebrew in fine dierum or at the end of days as Aynsworth hath it If we demand what time this was Musculus will inform you that it was post messem at the end of Harvest as being the most proper time to offer the fruits of the Earth which was Cain's Oblation And hereto Aynsworth doth agree Musculus in Gen. 4. a man well versed amongst the Rabbins affirming thus that at the years end men were wont in most solemn manner to Sacrifice unto God with thanks for his Blessings having gathered in their fruits which he observeth to be the custom of the Gentiles also Aynsw Anno. in Gen. 4. according to a place of Aristotle which is therein cited So that the Sacrifice of Cain and Abel was occasional meerly as unto the time And for the place although the Scriptures tell us nothing of it as a thing unnecessary to be spoken of Yet by the Rabbins we are told that it was there where after Abraham purposed to have offered Isaac For as they say It is a tradition by the hand of all that the place wherein David and Solomon built an Altar in the floor of Araunah Id. ibid. was the place where Abraham built an Altar and bound Isaac upon it and that was the place where Noah builded after he came out of the Ark and that was the Altar whereon Cain and Abel offered and on it Adam the first man offered an offering after he was created c. But this being of no greater certainty than the tradition of the Rabbins and such as hath no ground to stand on we may conclude that in these early days there was no set place put apart for Gods publick service no greater constat to be found of that than of a set and prescribed time for the doing of it Touching the Priest indeed by whom the Offering was presented to Almighty God there is more assurance that office being executed by their Father Adam to whom as to the Father of his Family it of right belonged Bilson perpetual Government cap. 1. Exod. 19.22 as it did afterwards under the First-born to those that had the priviledge of Primogeniture until the Priesthood was by God established in the Tribe of Levi. For howsoever it be said by Paraeus in illa hominum paucitate quisque ut spiritualis sacerdos offerebat that in those early times when there were so few men in the world Paraeus in Gen. cap. 4. every one as a spiritual Priest might tender and present his own oblation yet it is only said not proved and doth not only contradict most approved Writers but seemeth also to run cross to the holy Scripture And though we find not in Gods Book that in the celebration of this offering brought by Cain and Abel there were either Prayers or Praises intermingled with it Calvin in Gen. Yet I am very apt to think with Calvin non inanibus ceremoniis illusisse patres that the Oblations offered both by Cain and Abel as afterwards by other of
but also after they were setled in the Land of Canaan though many times it changed its seat there as occasion was even till the building of the Temple by the hand of Salomon And for the Priests who were to minister unto the Lord in his Congregation no sooner were the times determined and the place designed but the Lord gave command to Moses saying Take thou unto thee Aaron thy Brother and his Sons with him from amongst the Children of Israel Exod. 28.1 that he may minister unto me in the Priests office Unto which office as they were designed by these words of God so were they after consecrated thereunto in a solemn form by the hand of Moses the state and manner of the which is upon record in the viii Chapter of Leviticus And now and not till now were the Tribes of Israel established in a Constituted Church by the Lord their God But as once Isaac said to Abraham Behold the fire and the wood but where is the Lamb for a Burnt-offering Gen. 22.7 So here we have the Sabbath and the solemn Festivals the Tabernacle and the Priests but where are the Sacrifices all this while where the forms of worship That now comes after in its course and that we will consider in its full extent either as legal or as moral First for the legal part thereof it was all prescribed nothing left arbitrary to the people either for the matter or the manner God knew full well that as they had been much infected with the Idolatries of Egypt where they lived before witness the Golden Calf which they made in Horeb so they were apt to be intangled in the Idolatries of those Nations which they were to neighbour and therefore thought it fittest for them to be tyed up and limited in all acts of worship by his prescriptions Which that we may the better see I shall present a brief Synopsis of those rites and ceremonies which were to be observed in these legal Sacrifices together with the Creatures to be Sacrificed according as I find them in Josephus who hath reduced into a lesser compass that which is laid down more at large in the holy Scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Joseph Antiq. Judaic l. 3. c. 10. c. The Sacrifices are of two sorts the one of them is made for a private person the other for the people in general and these are made in two manners for in the one all is consumed which is upon the Altar which for that cause is called an Holocaust or an whole Burnt-offering the other is Eucharistical or of thanksgiving and they are made with Feasts by those that Sacrifice The particular person that offered a Burnt-offering killed an Oxe a Lamb or a Goat of an year old yet it was lawful to kill an Oxe of greater age being all Males And after their Throats are cut the Priests besprinkle the Altar round about with the blood then they dress the Beast and cut it in pieces and season it with salt and lay it on the Altar ready prepared with wood and fire and having well cleansed the feet and entrails they lay them with the rest and the Priest taketh the skins They that offer the Sacrifice of Thanksgiving kill likewise such sorts of Beasts without spot and more than a year old both Male and Female and after they have cut the throats they sprinkle the blood on the Altar then they take the reins the caul and the fat with the caul about the liver and the rump and lay it on the Altar but the breast and the left leg is left unto the Priests and as touching the rest of the flesh the Priests feast therewith for the space of two days and if then there remain any thing thereof it is burned The same is also observed in the Sin-offering but those that are not of ability to make these greater offerings do bring unto the Offerings a pair of Pigeons or two young Turtles the one of which the Priests have to feast withal the other is consumed with sire He that hath sinned upon Ignorance offereth a Lamb and a she Goat at the same time and the Priest besprinkleth the Altar with the blood thereof not in the same manner as before but the horns only of the Altar and on the Altar they offer the kidneys with the rest of the fat and the caul of the liver the Priests carrying away the skins and eating the flesh within the Tabernacle the very same day because the Law permitteth not to reserve any thing until the next He that hath sinned none but himself being privie to it offereth a Lamb according as the Law commandeth the flesh whereof is eaten in like sort by the Priests the same very day But if the Princes of the People offer for their sins they do in like sort as others do save that they bring a Bull or a Male-kid The Law also ordaineth that in all Sacrifices both private and common there should be a certain quantity of fine flower brought viz. for a Lamb one Assar An Assar as I take it is the tenth part of an Ephah or three pints and an half of Ale-measure An Hin contained three quarts of our measure for a Ram two for a Bull three which is first of all mingled and wrought with oyle and then set upon the Altar to be sanctified They that Sacrifice do likewise bring oyle the balf part of an Hin for a Bull for a Ram the third part for a Lamb the fourth They brought also the like measure of wine as of oyle and poured the wine near to the Altar And if any without Sacrificing offer up fine flower he putteth the first fruits upon the Altar that is to say one handful of it and the rest is taken by the Priests either fryed for it is kneaded with oyl or in loaves made thereof But whatsoever the Priest offereth that must all be hurnt The Law likewise forbiddeth to offer any Beast whatever the same day it is born or to kill it with its Dam or in any other sort before it hath fed twelve days There are also other Sacrifices made for deliverance from sickness or for other causes in which Sacrifices they imploy wine or liquor with that which is offered of which liquors it is not lawful to reserve any thing till the next day when the Priests have taken that portion which belongeth to them So far Josephus The rest that followeth of this Argument is a recital of those Sacrifices which were appointed for the Sabbath and the other Festivals in all which every thing was prescribed and limited by the Law of God And if such care was taken by the Lord our God in the prescribing of these Sacrifices and all the Rites and Ceremonies which belonged to them being the legal part only of this publick worship there is no question to be made but that the Church took care to prescribe forms of Prayers and Praises to be used in
drank The form of Blessing which he used was this Benedictus es Domine Deus noster Rex seculi qui sanctificasti nos mandatis tuis praeceptum dedisti super hoc pane Azymo Blessed art thou O Lord our God King of all the world which hast sanctified us with thy holy precepts and given us this Commandement about the eating of unleavened bread And at the giving of the bread this form Iste est panis aerumnae quem comederunt patres nostri in terra Aegypti Quisquis esurit accedat paschatizet This is the bread of sorrow which our Fathers eat when they were in Egypt Whosoever is an hungred let him come and eat this Passeover The formal words used at the blessing of the Cup were these Benedictus es Domine qui fructum vitis creasti Blessed art thou O Lord which hast Created the fruit of the Vine And this is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Cup of Praise because whilst it was passing round about the Table they sung an Hymn of Praise to the Lord their God Finally Supper being done and all the Ceremonies ended they sung the cxiii Psalm and so dismissed the Assembly So far the great and famous Scaliger This last affirmed also by Paulus Brugensis who addeth that this Psalm being the cxii in his accompt with the five that follow are by the Hebrews made into one Hymn and called Allelujah magnum Paulus Brugens in Psal 112. and that they use to sing the same not only at the conclusion of the Passeover as it is observed by Joseph Scaliger but also in the New Moons and the three great Feasts in tribus praecipuis festis in neomeniis those viz. of Pentecost the Trumpets and the feasts of Tabernacles and finally that Christ our Saviour conforming to the forms established Post comestionem agni Paschalis hymnum praedictum cum Apostolis recitavit did after the eating of the Paschal Lamb sing the said Hymn with his Apostles This though it make it clear and evident that at the Celebrating of the Passeover the Jews had their prescribed forms of Prayer and Praise and Benediction yet for the more validity thereof we will relate the same out of Beza also whose words we will lay down at large without alteration Sciendum saith he agitata fuisse haec convivia in privatis aedibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beza Annot. in Mat. 26. i.e. per contubernia non paucorum quam denum virorum interdum etiam vicenum qui nisi pedibus de more lotis totos etiam nonnulli corporibus non sedebant sed discumbebant Agno illo solido cum panibus Azymis vescentes Hac autem coena peracta consurgentes altera pedum ablutione facta rursum discumbentes ad secundas mensas sese comparabant In has vero secundas mensas pro bellariis inferebantur in triblio Acetarium ex intybis lactucis agrestibus quarum amaritudinem adhibito quodam embammate temperabant Tum vero Paterfamilias panem Azymum integrum in duas partes dividens sic uni benedicebat Benedictus es Domine Deus noster Rex universi in esu panis Azymi Alteram autem partem sub mappa reconditam ad finem convivii servabat quo peracto idem Paterfamilias alteram illam partem depremens in tot frusta fractam quot erant in illo contubernio convivatores primus ipse sumebat reliqua vero frusta sigillatim ordine discumbentibus caeteris porrigebat cum his verbis Iste est panis aerumnae quem comederunt majores nostri in terra Aegypti Quisquis esurit accedat paschatizet cuicunque opus est accedat paschatizet Denique poculum acceptum degustatum praeeunte hac benedictione Benedictus es Domine qui fructum vitis creasti idem Paterfamilias proxime tradebat ille secundo donec poculum per totum convivium circumferretur His autem omnibus absolutis Psalmus cxiii cum quinque aliis proxime sequentibus canebatur quem solennem hymnum adhuc hodie magnum Hallelujah vocant neque post hoc poculum quod propterea poculum hymni five laudationis dicebatur comedere quicquam illa nocte fas erat The English of this Latine as to the sum and substance of it we have seen before in that of Scaliger and shall see more at large in that which followeth In the mean time without all peradventure we have found a Liturgy an order of Celebrating that holy Sacrament consisting both of Rules and Rubricks for the performing of the service as also of those forms of Prayer and Praise and Benediction wherewith that service was performed And lest perhaps it may be said that these were some of the traditions of the Scribes and Pharisees devised in the declining and corrupted Ages of the Jewish Church Beza assures us it is no such matter but that these rites and forms had been used amongst them à primo in Chananitidem ingressu from their first entrance into the Land of Canaan which was assoon directly Id. Ibid. as they were a Church To make the matter surer yet we will observe the form and order of the Jewish Passeover according as it is described at large by Aynsworth out of the writings of the Rabbins I will here shew saith he the order which the Jews in the Ages following Aynsworth Annot. in Exod. 12. kept at the Passeover as themselves have recorded it First a cup of Wine is filled for every one and he blesseth for it him that Created the fruit of the Vine c. and drinketh it After that he blesseth for the washing of hands and washeth his hands Then is brought in a Table furnished and upon it bitter herbs and unleavened bread and the sawce and the body of the Paschal Lamb and the flesh of the Chagigah or Feast-offering which is for the fourteenth day of the moneth Then he beginneth to bless God which Created the fruit of the earth and takes an herb and dippeth it in the sawce and eateth it he and all that lie at the Table every one none eateth less than the quantity of an Olive Afterward the Table is taken away from before him only that maketh the declaration of their deliverance out of Egypt as is commanded Exod. xiii xii 17. Then they fill the second Cup and the Son asketh what is meant by this service according to Exod. xii 26. and he that maketh the declaration saith How different is this night from all other nights For all other nights we wash but once but this night twice All other nights we eat leavened bread or unleavened but this night unleavened bread only All other nights we eat flesh roasted baked or boiled but this night roasted only all other nights we eat of any other herbs but this night bitter herbs All other nights we eat either sitting or lying but this night lying only Then the Table is brought again before him and be saith This Passeover which we eat
is in respect that the Lord passed over the Houses of our Fathers in Egypt Then holdeth be up the bitter herbs in his hand and saith These bitter herbs which we eat are in respect that the Egyptians made the lives of our Fathers bitter in Egypt Then he holdeth up the unleavened bread in his hand and saith This unleavened bread which we eat is in respect that the dough of our Fathers had not time to be leavened when the Lord appeared unto them and redeemed them out of the hand of the Enemy and they baked unleavened Cakes of the dough which they brought out of Egypt Then be saith Therefore are we bound to Confess to Praise to Laud to Celebrate to Glorifie to Honour to Extol to Magnifie and to Ascribe Victory unto him that did unfreedom from sorrow to joy from darkness to great light and we say before him Hallelujah Hallelujab Praise O ye Servants of the Lord c. unto the end of the cxiv Psalm Then they bless the Lord which redeemed them and their Fathers out of Egypt and hath brought them unto that night to eat unleavened bread therein and bitter herbs And he blesseth God who Created the fruit of the Vine and drinketh the second Cup. After this he blesseth for the washing of hands and washeth his hands the second time and taketh two Cakes parteth one of them c. and blesseth God that bringeth bread out of the Earth Because it is said the Bread of Affliction or of Poverty Deut. xvi 3. As it is the manner of the Poor to have broken meat so here is a broken part Afterwards he wrappeth up of the unleavened bread and of the bitter herbs together and dippeth them in the sawce and blesseth God which commanded to eat unleavened bread and bitter herbs and they eat Then he blesseth God which commanded the eating of the Sacrifice and he eateth the flesh of the Feast-offering and again blesseth God which commanded the eating of the Passeover and then he eateth of the body of the Passeover After this they sit long at Supper and eat every one so much as he will and drink as much as they will drink Afterward he eateth of the flesh of the Passeover though it be but so much as an Olive and tasteth nothing at all after it that it may be the end of his supper and that the taste of the flesh of the Passeover may remain in his mouth After this he lifteth up his bands and blesseth for the third cup of Wine and drinketh it Then filleth he the fourth cup and accomplisheth for it the Praise or hymn and saith for it the blessing of the song which is All thy works praise thee O Lord c. Psal cxlv 10. and blesseth God that Created the fruit of the Vine and tasteth nothing at all after it all the night except water And he may fill the fifth cup saying for it is the great Hymn viz. Confess ye to the Lord for he is good for his mercy endureth for ever Psal cxxxvi unto the end of that Psalm But he is not bound they say to that cup as to the four farmer cups For this he citeth Rabbi Maymoni and after addeth from the said Author but from another work of his That at the breaking and delivering of the unleavened bread they do use these words This is the Bread of Affliction which our Fathers did eat in the Land of Egypt Whosoever is hungry let him come and eat whosoever hath need let him come and keep the Passeover c. Compare the words which follow after viz. These observations of the Jews whilst their Common-wealth stood c. with those of Beza formerly remembred à primo in Chananitidem ingressu and then we have an Answer to the doubt which might be raised from the first words of Aynsworth in these observations which seem to intimate that this Order was not used by the Jews till the Ages following The Prayers the Praises and the Benedictions which are the points which Beza speaks of might be and were used by them at their first entrance on the Land of Canaan their frequent washings and reiterating of the Cup so often might not be introduced till the Ages following Here then we have set forms of Prayer and Praise and Benediction used at the Celebrating of the Jewish Sacrifices the Song of Moses made a part of the Jewish Liturgy the several rites and prescribed duties observed in the solemnity of the Jewish Passover and all of very great Antiquity even from the time of Moses saith the old Samaritan Chronicle à primo in Chananitidemingressu from their first entrance into the Promised Land as it is in Beza And for the instituting of these forms besides the power that God hath given unto his Church on the like occasions they had the president and example of the Lord himself who had prescribed in one kind binding the Priests unto a certain form of Benediction when he blessed the people and in a second place of Moses who had tied himself unto a certain form of words as often as he setled or removed the Ark. For we are told in holy Scripture that whensoever the Ark set forwards Moses said Rise up Lord and let thine Enemies he scattered and let them that hate thee flee before thee And when it rested he said Return O Lord unto the many thousands of Israel Numb 10.35 And for the blessing of the people we find the form thereof prescribed by the Lord himself saying unto Aaron and his Sons On this wise shall ye bless the Children of Israel saying unto them The Lord bless thee and keep thee the Lord make his Face to shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee the Lord lift up his Countenance upon thee and give thee peace Numb 10.23 24 25 26. And to this form the Priests were so precifely tied that they durst not vary from the same the Hebrew Doctors understanding the word thus or in this wise to imply both the matter and the manner as viz. Thus shall ye bless i.e. standing thus with the lifting up of hands thus in the holy tongue thus with your faces towards the faces of the people thus with an high voice thus by Gods expressed Name JEHOVAH if ye bless in the Sanctuary So that it was not lawful to the Priest in any place to add any blessing unto these three verses as to say like that of Deut. 1.11 The Lord God of your Fathers make you a thousand times so many more as you are or any the like Maymoni cited by Aynsw in Numb 6. Now for the manner wherewithal the Priests performed this office it was briefly thus The Priests went up unto the bank or stage after that they had finished the daily morning Service and lifted up their hands on high above their heads and their fingers spread abroad except the High-Priest who might not lift his hands higher than the Plate whereof see Exod. xxviii 36. and
one pronounced the blessing word by word till the three verses were ended And the people answered not after every verse but they made it in the Sanctuary one blessing And when they had finished all the people answered Blessed be the Lord God the God of Israel for ever and ever Id. Ibid. By which we may preceive most clearly first that the Priests were tyed precisely to a form of blessing prescribed by the Lord himself And secondly that to this form of blessing thus prescribed by God the Church did after add of her own Authority not only several external and significant rites but a whole clause to be subjoyned by the people after the Priest had done his part Now as the Priests were limited by Almighty God unto a set and prescribed form wherewith they were to bless the people in the Name of God So did he also set a form unto the People in which they were to pay their Tithes and First-fruits to the Lord their God towards the maintenance of the Priests First for the form used at the oblation of the First-fruits it was this that followeth the words being spoke unto the Priest I profess this day unto the Lord thy God that I am come unto the Countrey which the Lord sware unto our Fathers to give us Which said and the Oblation being placed by the Priest before the Altar the party which brought it was to say A Syrian ready to perish was my Father and he went down into Egypt and sojourned there with a few and became there a Nation great mighty and populous And the Egyptians evil intreated us and afflicted us and laid upon us hard bondage And when we cryed unto the Lord God of our Fathers the Lord beard our voice and looked on our affliction and our labour and our oppression And the Lord brought us forth of Egypt with a mighty hand and with an out-stretched arm and with great terribleness and with signs and with wonders And he hath brought us into this place and hath given us this Land even a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey And now behold I have brought the First-fruits of the Land which thou O Lord hast given unto me Then for the tendry of the Tithe of the third year which only was payable to the Priest those of the other two years being due to the Levites in the Countrey it was to be brought unto Hierusalem and tendred in these following words viz. I have brought away the hallowed thing out of mine House and also have given them unto the Levite and unto the Stranger to the Fatherless and to the Widow according to all thy Commandments which thou hast commanded me I have not transgressed thy Commandments neither have I forgotten them I have not eaten thereof in my journeying neither have I taken away ought thereof for any unclean use nor given ought thereof for the dead but I have bearkened to the voice of the Lord my God and have done according to all that thou hast commanded me Look down from thy holy habitation from Heaven and bless thy people Israel and the Land which thou hast given us as thou swarest to our Fathers a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey Of this see Deut. 26. from the 1 verse to the 16. Led by these precedents and guided by the Wisdom of the Spirit of God the Church in the succeeding times prescribed a set form to be used in burning their leaven which after they had searched for with such care and diligence that a Mouse-hole was not left unransacked they threw it in the fire with this solemn form of execration viz. Let all that Leaven or whatsoever leavened thing is in my power whether it were seen of me or not seen whether cleansed by me or not cleansed let all that be scattered destroyed and accounted of as the dust of the Earth A prescribed form they also had in a constant practice for the confession of their sins to the Throne of God The ground thereof they took indeed from the holy Scripture where the Lord God commanded saying And Aaron shall lay both his hands upon the head of the live Goat and confess over him all the Iniquities of the Children of Israel and all their Transgressions in all their sins putting them upon the head of the Goat c. Lev. 16.21 Ask Lyra what kind of Confession is there meant and he will tell you that it was a general Confession of the peoples sins made by the mouth of the Priest for and in their names sicut facimus in Confessione in principio Missae as we the Priests are wont to make in the beginning of the Mass The Learned Morney comes more home and informs us thus Lyr. in Levit. cap. 18.21 Confessio olim in sacrificio solennis Ejus praeterquam in lege vestigia in Prophetis formulam habemus In ipsis Judaeorum libris verba tanquam concepta extant quae sacerdos pronunciare solitus Of old they had a solemn or set manner of Confession Mornaeus de Missal 1. cap. 5. whereof besides those footsteps of it which are remaining in the Law the form is extant in the Prophets And in the Jewish Liturgy the express words are to be seen which were pronounced by the Priest Now if we ask of Paulus Phagius than whom none more acquainted with the Jewish Liturgies what the precise form was which the Priest did use he will thus inform us Forma confessionis qua tum usus est summus Pontifex secundum Hebraeorum relationem haec fuit c. The form saith he used then by the High Priest in Confessing the peoples sins as the Hebrew Doctors have recorded was as followeth P. Phagius in Chaldaea Paraphr in cap. 16. Levit. O Lord thy People of the House of Israel have sinned they have done wickedly they have grievously transgressed before thee O Lord make Atonement now for the Sins and for the Iniquities and for the Trespasses that thy People the House of Israel have sinned and unrighteously done and trespassed before thee as it is written in the Law of Moses thy Servant that in this day he shall make Atonement for you This for the people on the Scape-goat And there were two other Confessions made by the Priest also as the Rabbins testifie one for himself Maymoni apud Aynsw in cap. 16. Levit. the other for himself with the other Priests both on the Bullock of the Sin-offering mentioned v. 6. each of which also had their certain and prescribed forms For when he offered the Bullock for a Sin-offering for himself he said O Lord I have sinned and done wickedly and have grievously transgressed I beseech thee now O Lord be merciful unto those sins and iniquities and grievous transgressions wherein I have sinned P. Phagius loco supr citato done wickedly and transgressed against thee And when he offered for himself and the rest of the Priests then he used these words saying
in the general that after Absaloms rebelling was suppressed Joseph Antiq. Jud. l. 7. cap. 10. and the Kingdom setled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he composed Odes and Hymns to the praise of God as also that he made divers kinds of Instruments and that he taught the Levites to praise Gods Name upon the same both on the Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and on other the appointed Festivals And this we may observe also in the holy Scripture by the style and title of those Psalms which were then made by him for that end and purpose For if we look upon the xcii Psalm we find it styled A Song or Psalm for the Sabbath day i. e. as it is generally expounded a Song made to be sung on the Sabbath day Docet inscriptio Sabbatis praecipuè cantatum fuisse hunc Psalmum Ap. Marlorat in Psalm 92. saith Mart. Bucer Which Calvin seconds and approves To the same purpose also Lyra save that he makes the Author of it to be Moses Lyr. in Psal following therein the old tradition of the Hebrew Secundum Hebraeos Moyses feeit hunc Psalmum decantandum in die Sabbati as he notes it there Of the same nature are those Psalms which in S. Hieroms Bible and the Vulgar Latine are entituled Laus cantici Davidis in die ante Sabbatum Psalmus David quarta Sabbati being the 93 94 of our English Bibles Which what else were they but some Psalms by him intended to be sung in the Congregation upon the Wednesday and the Friday Besides it is observed by Junius that from the times of David forwards they sung the 22 Psalm ante alias omnes actiones sacras before they did begin the Morning Sacrifice and that they sung each day as they did the former and 136 Psalm at the conclusion of the Evening Service For which consult him in his Notes on Exod. xxix As for the fifteen Psalms called in the holy Scriptures Cantica graduum Psalms or Songs of degrees being the 120 Psalm and the fourteen following according to the Hebrew Calculation and the English Bibles they are conceived to be made for a perpetual and constant part of Gods daily Service For though I find amongst Interpreters no little difference about the reason of these titles yet that to me seems most agreeable to the truth thereof which is most generall agreed both by the Latine Writers and the Hebrew DOctors And amongst them secundum Doctores Hebraeos Latinos it is resolved saith Lyra that they were so called eo quod in ascensu Templi qui erat per quindecim gradus cantabantur à Sacerdotibus Levitis primus Psalmus in primo gradu secundus in secundo sic de aliis Lyr. in Psal 91. because they were sung by the Priests and Levites upon the fifteen Stairs or degrees that went up to the Temple And this of Lyra is favoured by the Chaldee Paraphrase as is said by Aynsworth in his short notes upon the Psalms And here that divers of the Psalms are such as seem to b e composed of purpose for stirring up the affections of the Congregation as viz. Psal xxxiv O magnifie the Lord with me and let us exalt his Name together And Psal xcv Venite Adoremus O come let us worship and fall down and kneel before the Lord our Maker And Psal cxlix O sing unto the Lord a new song and his praise in the Congregation of the Saints with many others of that stamp and then I doubt not but it will appear to any apprehensive Reader that those and divers of the rest were made of purpose to be sung daily in the Celebrating of Gods publick Service and so by consequence to be a principal and constant part of the publick Liturgy And it was usual with the Jews Christ Synag l. 1. c. 6. §. 6. when they carried their first fruits to Hierusalem to sing upon the way the 122 Psalm when they came into the Sanctuary with every mans Basket on his shoulder to sing the last in all the book and when they were in the Court-yard to sing the 30. So that it seems they had set Psalms for every duty which was to be discharged in publick and more than so set parts and parcels of some Psalms for the beginning and conclusion of all publick offices For for the Introduction to their Prayers they used always this O Lord open our lips and our mouth shall shew forth thy praise Psal li. 15. and for the close thereof this clause Let the words of my mouth and the meditations of my heart be always acceptable in thy sight O Lord my strength and my Redeemer Psal xix ult Now unto these collections from the holy Scripture it will not be amiss to add from the Jewish Rabbins the form and manner in which Gods publick Service was performed after the setling and establishing of the same by David Maim ap Aynsw in the end of his notes upon the Psalms The Priests and Levites say the Rabbins do sing the song over all the Burnt-offerings of the Congregation which they were bound to offer and over all the Peace-offerings of the solemn Assembly at the time when the wine i. e. the Drink-offering was poured out But over the voluntary Burnt-offerings which the Congregation offered and the drink-offerings which were brought for them they said not the song A Levite that mourned might not serve nor sing and there might not be fewer than twelve Levites standing on the bank or stage everyday to say the song over the Sacrifice but they might always have as many as they would And they said not the song but by mouth without Instrument for the foundation of the Musick is that it be a Service by mouth And there were others standing there playing with Instruments of Musick and they played on Pipes and Psalteries and Harps and Trumpets and Cymbals There might not be fewer than two Psalteries nor more than six nor fewer than two Pipes or Flutes nor more than twelve nor fewer than two Trumpets or more than an hundred and twenty nor fewer than nine Harps but as many as they would and one Cymbal only In all the days of the solemn Feasts and at the new Maons there were Priests blowing with Trumpets at the hour of the Sacrifice Numb x. 10. and the Levites said the song The Trumpets were of silver and it was not lawful to have them of other metal The Pipes which they played on were of Cane or Reed the Psaltery was an Instrument like a Bottle and they played thereon Twelve days in the year they played on the Pipe or Flute before the Altar viz. at the killing of the first Passeover and at the killing of the second Passeover and in the first good day of the Passeover and in the first good day of Pentecost and in the eight days of the Feast of Tabernacles No Service almost celebrated without Songs or Musick and that ordained after
Christ Synag l. 6. c. 6. Which if it were so as I have no reason to suspect the Author it was not without good cause affirmed by the Historian if one should look no further than those outward circumstances Novos illic ritus caeteris mortalibus contrarios Tacit. hist l. 5. the very same with that which is affirmed of them in the book of Hester viz. their Laws are diverse from all people Finally Hester 3.8 at the ending of their prayers the people which were present used to say Amen which word from thence hath been derived and incorporated into all the Languages which make profession of the faith Only observe that they had several Amens amongst them Christ Synag l. 1. c. 6. § 5. The first of which they called Pupillum when one understandeth not what he answers the second Surreptum when he saith Amen before the prayer be fully ended the third is Otiosum when a man thinks of something else and so saith it idly the fourth Justorum of the just when a mans mind is set on his devotions and thinks upon no other thing And so much of the Rites and Gestures which they used in prayer But it is well observed by Aynsworth that as the Lamps mention whereof is made in the 30th of Exodus do signifie the light of Gods Word and Incense the Sacrifice of prayers Aynsw Annot. in Exod. 30. so the doing of both these at one time the Incense being to be offered when the Lamps were either dressed or lighted as before was said did signifie the joyning of the word with prayer We must look therefore in the next place what room there was or whether any room at all for reading of the Law in Gods holy Temples And first for that of Solomon taking the Temple in the largest and most ample sense not only for the House but the Courts and Out-works it was ordained by Moses in the book of Deuteronomy that there the Law should publickly be read at the end of every seven years to the Congregation At the end of every seven years saith he in the solemnity of the year of release at the feast of Tabernacles when all Israel is come to appear before the Lord their God in the place that he shall choose thou shalt read this Law before all Israel Deut. 31.11 in their hearing But then withal we must take notice that such a reading as is there commanded could not be taken as a part of the publick Liturgy For by the order and prescript of Moses the Law was to be read publickly before the people in the seventh year only in the year of release because then Servants being manumitted from their bondage and Debtors from the danger of their Creditors they might attend the hearing of the Law with the greater chearfulness And in the feast of Tabernacles because it lasted longer than the other Festivals and so it might be read with the greater leisure and then it was but this Law too the book of Deuteronomy This as it was to be performed in that place alone in which the Lord should choose to place his Tabernacle and afterwards to build his Temple so makes it little if at all unto the frequent reading of the Law in the House of God It 's true that Philo tells us in a book not extant that Moses did ordain the publick reading of the Law every Sabbath day Philo. ap Euseb de Praepar Evang. l. 8. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. What then did Moses order to be dene on the Sabbath day He did appoint saith he that we should meet all in some place together and there sit down with modesty and a general filence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hear the Law that none plead ignorance thereof Which custom we continue still saith he breakning with wonderful silence to the Word of God unless perhaps we give some joyful acclamation on the bearing of it some of the Priests if any present or otherwise some of the Elders reading the Law and then expounding it till the night came on But hereof by the leave of Philo we must make some doubt This was indeed the custom in our Saviours time and when Philo lived and he was willing as it seems to setch the pedigree thereof as high as might be So Salianus tells him on the like occasion Videtur Philo Judaeorum morem in Synogogis disserendi antiquitate donare voluisse quem à Christe Apostolis observatum legimus Salian Annal. anno m. 25 46. n. 10. And we must make the same Answer to Josephus also who tells us of their Law-maker that he appointed not that they should only hear the Law once or twice a year no oftner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Joseph contr Apion l. 2. but that once every week we should come together to hear the Law that so we might become the more perfect in it Which thing saith he all other Law givers did omit And so did Moses too by Josephus's leave For besides that no such order or command is to be found in the books of Moses there were not then nor long time after any set places destinate to religious Uses but the holy Tabernacle And how the people being planted all about the Countrey could be assembled every week before the Tabernacle or afterwards unto the Temple weekly let Philo and Josephus judge And this appears more plainly by the Book of God where we are told that K. Jehosaphat sent abroad his Visitors who carried the Book of the Law of the Lord with them 2 Chron. 17.7 9. and went through all the Cities of Judaea and taught the people A needless Office had it been as those Authors tell us if all the people met together weekly to be taught the Law But that which follows of Josiah is more full than this Of whom it is recorded that when Hilkiah the High Priest in looking over the decays and ruins of the Temple had found a book of the Law which lay hidden there and brought the same unto the King how the good Prince upon the hearing of the words of the Law rent his Garments 2 King 22.11 23.1 2. and not so only but gathered together all the Elders of Judah and Hierusalem and read in their ears all the words of the Book and joyned together in a Covenant with the Lord their God Had it been formerly the custom to read the law each Sabbath every week once at least unto all the people neither had that religious Prince been so ignorant of it nor had the finding of the book been counted for so strange an accident nor could it be to any purpose to call the People altogether from their several dwellings only to hear the Law read to them and go home again if it were read amongst them weekly on the Sabbath days and that of ordinary course So that whatever Philo and Josephus say there was no weekly reading
as he makes very ancient Joseph Scaliger de emendat Temp. 1.7 cujus cultus institutio vetustissima est as his own words are grounding the same upon the reading of the Law in the time of Ezra So I conceive their form of worship on the same was no less ancient than those times For whereas Ezra is confessed by those who approve not Liturgies to be the Author of those 18 Benedictions Smectymn Vindicat. p. 26. so much in Use amongst the Jews of the second Temple some of those Benedictions seem to me to be composed for the Meridian of this feast though they might elso serve at other times as occasion was Of which take this as most agreeable to the intention of the festival Cited by H. Thorndike c. 10 of his Religious Assembl Blessed art thou O Lord our God the King of the world that hast sanctified us with thy Precepts and given us command concerning the matters of the Law And sweeten O Lord the words of the Law in our mouths and in the mouth of thy people the house of Israel and make us all and our Children and our Childrens Children knowers of thy Name and learners of thy Law for it self Blessed art thou O Lord which teachest thy people Israel the Law So far the very words of the Benediction a Benediction made by the self same Author who as it is conceived by Scaliger did ordain the Festival The like Authority was exercised by the Jewish Church in Instituting set and appointed Fasts for the chastising of the body and the afflicting of the soul that so Gods worship might go forward with the greater fervour Of these we find some mentioned in the Prophecy of the Prophet Zachary as viz. the Fasts of the fifth and seventh moneth cap. vii v. 5. The Fasts of the fourth and tenth moneths cap. viii v. 19. The several occasions of the which you may see elsewhere Besides which Annual Fasts they used to fast upon the Monday and the Thursday Jejuno his in Sabbato said the Vain-glorious Pharisee in S. Lukes Gospel and many times they did impose upon themselves a seven days Fast the better to profess their sorrow and bewail their sins Luk. 18.12 For which consult 1 Sam. xxxi 13. 1 Chron. x. 12. 2 Esdras v. 13 20. And we have reason to believe that there were certain and determinate forms of publick worship for all the residue because we find them on those last What was the course observed in reading of the Law upon the second and fifth days of the week we have seen before and shall add only this at present that they Assembled in those days in their several Synagogues not only in the greater Towns but the smaller Villages Maimon in Megillah c. 1. n. 6. ap H. Thorndike as the Rabbins tell us But for the seven days Fast the form and order of the same according as it was performed by those which dwelt in Hierusalem was this as followeth When they prayed after this order in Hierusalem they went into the Mountain of the Temple against the East gate And when the Apostle of the Congregation the same who in S. Luke is called the Minister cap. iv 20. was come unto the prayer which began with this He that heard Abraham c. and ended with these words viz. Blessed be thou O Lord God our God the God of Israel from generation to generation The People answered Blessed be the name of his glorious Kingdom to all generations and for evermore Then said the Officer of the Synagogue unto the Priests which blew the Trumpets Sound ye the Sons of Aaron sound and then prayed again And though it seemeth by the Rabbin Id. in Tanaioth c. 4. n. 14. cited by Mr. Thorndike cap. of his Religious Assemblies c. that this prescribed form was fitted only to the Meridian of Hierusalem yet there is little question to be made but that it served also for all the Synagogues about Judaea there being no imaginable reason why a prescript form of publick worship conceive me in the moral parts thereof which was observed in the Temple should not be used in the Synagogues which in performance of Gods service was to take pattern from the Temple Only some difference there was in the present case but such a difference as is a matter of meer nicety not of any moment For when this form was used in the Synagogue the People answered Amen at the end of the Prayer But when they used it in the Mountain of the Temple that is within the outmost compass of it their Answer was Blessed be the name of his glorious Kingdom c. as before was said it being not usual with the People as the Rabbins note cited ibid. c. 7. to answer Amen within the Mountain of the Temple So punctual were they in their forms as not to vary in a word or title from that which was prescribed in their publick Liturgies And finally that they had a prescribed form of words for their solemn and occasional Feasts is evident by that of Abel cap. ii 17. where the words occur But to look back upon the Celebration of the daily Sacrifices besides the testimonies of the Rabbins and that of the Samaritan Chronicle produced before we have it thus described by Jesus the Son of Syrac an Author of unquestionable credit to the point in hand Speaking of Simon the Son of Onias who was the High Priest at the time and his officiating at the Altar he proceeds as followeth Ecclus. 50.14 And finishing the Service at the Altar that he might adorn the Offering of the most high Almighty he stretched out his hand to the Cup wherewith the Drink-offering was to be made and poured of the blood of the Grape he poured out at the foot of the Altar a sweet smelling savour unto the most high King of all Then shouted the Sons of Aaron and sounded the silver Trumpets and made a great noise to be heard for a remembrance before the most High Then all the People hasted together and fell down to the Earth upon their faces towards the Lord God Almighty the most High The Singers also sung praises with their voices with great variety of sounds was there made sweet melody And the People besought the Lord most High by prayer before him that is merciful till the Solemnity of the Lord was ended and they had finished his Service Then went he down and lifted up his hands over the whole Congregation of the Children of Israel to give the blessing of the Lord with his lips and to rejoyce in his Name And they bowed themselves down to worship the second time that they might receive a blessing from the most High So far the Author of Ecclesiasticus who lived in the latter end of Ptolemy Euergetes King of Egypt as himself tells us in his Preface Now in these words of his if we mark them well we find particularly all the parts
deceat The meaning in both passages is no more than this that Christ obliged not his Disciples to the very words but only shewed them how they were to pray and what to pray for if they would order them aright and did desire to have them acceptable in the sight of God To this doth Musculus agree besides many others whom here indeed I had not named but that he doth translate the Text in a different manner from all the rest which I have met with For whereas Beza Calvin Erasmus Castalio Paraeus and indeed who not do read it sic orate as the Vulgar doth Musculus to decline the easier all set Forms of prayer Musculus in Mat. c. 6. doth translate it thus ad hunc ergo modum orate pray according to this manner and thereupon infers non dicit hanc ergo orationem vel haec verba proferte c. Christ doth not say saith he repeat this Prayer or use these words which you hear me speak but let your Prayers be made by this rule and pattern which is laid before you In which if they intend no more than this that Christ our Saviour did not so confine his followers to those very words but that they might express their minds and represent their Prayers unto the Lord in such other Forms as might be serviceable to that end and purpose for which Prayers are made they shall take me with them I know not any sober-minded man who will gain-say them in this matter if they mean no otherwise S. Augustin did so state it many years agone Liberum quidem est saith he aliis atque aliis verbis eadem tamen quae haec oratio continet in orando dicere sed non est liberum alia diversa contraria dicere Augustin in epist 121. ad Probam But if they mean that this celestial Form was made for imitation only not at all for use I mean not to be used precisely in our saviours words I must needs crave their pardon if I leave them there For when it is affirmed by Musculus non dicit hanc ergo orationem vel haec verba proferte when it is said by Calvin non jubet Christus suos conceptis verbis orare when it is thought to be so hard a task to prove from Scripture Vindicat. p. 23. that the Disciples were tyed to the use of this Form and that the often reiterating thereof in our publick Liturgy is judged a matter so impertinent as to be reckoned for a stumbling block before the feet of many Smectymn p. 12. I cannot sec but that their meaning is to exclude the use of this divine and Heavenly Prayer from Gods publick Worship if not from the devotions also of Gods Saints in private This if it be their mind and meaning as by the practice of some men it may seem to be I must there leave them to themselves Our Saviours dicite delivered plainly and expresly in his holy Gospel is no idle word who being required by his Disciples to teach them what and how to pray tells them in plain terms Dicite say Our Father which art in Heaven with the rest that followeth And this as is affirmed by good interpreters and very faintly if at all gain-said by Calvin in his hac ale re cum nemine pugnare volo was at a different time and on a different occasion from that which by S. Matthew was before related Though sic or ad hunc modum as it is in Musculus may serve exceeding well for imitation yet Dicite of it self without either of them will not be denied to serve as strongly for the use And sure the Fathers so conceived it Of whom thus Cyprian Qui enim fecit vivere docuit orare ut dum prece oratione quam filius docuit apud patrem loquimur facilius exaudiamur He Cyprian de Oratione Dominica saith the holy Martyr who made us to live hath also taught us to pray that while we speak unto the Father in that prayer and orizon which the Son hath taught us we may be heard with more facility And not long after Agnoscat pater filii verba cum precem facimus Let the Almighty Father hear the words of hsi blessed Son when we make our prayers The like to which we have in Chrysostom if not hence derived Opus imperfect in Mat. Homil. 14. Cognoscit Pater filii sui sensus verba that the Heavenly Father knows right well the words and meanin gof his Son And what else doth Tertullian mean when he informs us that this most excellent prayer being then animated by the spirit when it proceeded from the divine mouth of our Lord and Saviour Suo privilegio ascendit in coelum commendans Patri quae filius docuit doth by a special priviledge ascend to Heaven Tertul. de Oratione commending to the Father those devotions which were taught and dictated by the Son Add here the care that hath been taken in the times of old that Children should be taught this Prayer in their tender years for which consult S. Austin Serm. 1. Mat. 2. in Dominica 10. de Christiano nomine Concil Rhemens cap. 2. and then I doubt not but it will appear to indifferent men that this most excellent Form of Prayer was prescribed for use and not laid down only for our imitation and no more than so So then we have a Form of Prayer prescribed by Christ to his Disciples to be used by them on occasions at the least in private When it became a part of the publick Liturgy and by whose Authority we shall shortly see In the mean time the next thing here to be considered is the institution of the Sacraments in both of which our Lord prescribed not the matter only but the Form and words wherewith the one is to be ministred and the other celebrated But you must understand me of that Form those words which are essential to the Sacraments and not of those which have been added by the Chuch for the procuring of a greater reverence to those Acts of Worship and the exciting of devotion in all those that attend the Service The Form of Baptism so determined in those words of Christ go ye and teach all Nations Baptizing them in the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost Mat. 28.19 That when the Arrians were suspected not to use the same but rather to Baptize in nomine patris per filium in Sp. sancto as 't is said they did it was decreed in the Council of Arles that if upon examination it did so appear Nicephorus hist Eccl. l. 13. c. 35. Concil Arelatons Can. 8. those who had been Baptized in so void a Form should be a new admitted to that holy Sacrament And for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist so far forth as the Rites and Form of Celebration used by Christ our Saviour are declared in
Scripture there is no question made amongst Learned men but they were Obligatory to the Church for succeeding Ages The blessing of the Bread the breaking of it and the distributing thereof unto his Apostles the blessing of the Cup and the communicating of the same to all the Company those formal Energetical words Take eat this is my Body and drink ye all of this this is the Cup c. and all this to be done in remembrance of me Are rites and actions so determined words so prescribed and so precisely to be used that it is not in the Churches power unless she mean to set up a Religion of her own devising for to change the same And this I take it is agreed on by all Learned Protestants Certain I am it was so in the Churches practice from the first beginning as may appear to any one who will take the pains to compare the Rites and Form of administration used by S. Paul and his Associates in the Church of Corinth 1 Cor. 11.24.25 with that which was both done and prescribed by Christ according as it is related in the holy Gospel A further proof hereof we shall e're long Nor find I any difference considerable amongst moderate men touching the Priest or Minister ordained by Christ for the perpetuating of this Sacrament for the commemoratingof his death and passion until his coming unto judgement The publick exercises of Religion would be but ill performed without a Priesthood and that would soon be brought to nothing at least reduced unto contempt and scorn if every one that listeth might invade the Office Our Saviour therefore when he did institute this Sacrament or as the Fathers called it without offence in those pious times the Sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist Cum novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem Prenaeus cont hares l. 4. c. 32. to use the words of Irenaeus give an hoc facite unto his Apostles a faculty to them and their successors in the Evangelical Priesthood to do as he had done before that is to take the Bread to bless to break it and to distribute it amongst the Faithful to sanctifie the Cup and then to give it to the Congregation Men of on Orders in the Church may edere bibere as the Lord appointed and happy 't is they are permitted to enjoy such sweet refection But for hoc facere that 's the Priests peculiar And take they heed who do usurp upon the Office lest the Lord strike them with a fouler Leprosie than he did Vzzah 2 Chron. 26.20 when he usurped upon the Priesthood and would needs offer Incense in the House of God These points are little controverted amongst sober men The matter most in question which concerns this business is whether our Redeemer used any other either Prayers or Blessings when he did institute this blessed Sacrament than what were formerly in use amongst the Jews when they did celebrate their Passeover and if he did then whether he commended them unto his Apostles or left them to themselves to compose such Prayers as the necessities of the Church required and might seem best to them and the Holy Ghost This we shall best discover by the following practice in which it will appear on a careful search that the Apostles in their times and the Church afterwards by their example did use and institute such Forms of Prayer and Praise and Benedictions in the Solemnities of the blessed Sacrament of which there is no constat in the Book of God that they were used at that time by our Saviour Christ And if they kept themselves to a prescript Form in celebration of the Eucharist as we shall shortly see they did then we may easily believe it was not long before they did the like in all the acts of publick Worship according as the Church increased and the Believers were disposed of into Congregations And first beginning with the Apostles it is delivered by the Ancients that in the Consecration of the Sacrament of Christs Body and Blood they used to say the Lords Prayer Hierom. adv Pelagium l. 3. There is a place in Hierome which may seem to intimate that this was done by Christs appointment Sic docuit Apostolos suos saith that Reverend Father ut quotidie in corporis illius sacrificio credentes audeant loqui Pater noster c. Whether his words will bear that meaning I can hardly say Certain I am they are alledged to this purpose by a late Learned writer Steph. Durantes de ritibus Ecelesiae Cathol l. 2. c. 46. who saying first Eam i. e. orationem Dominicam in Missae sacro dicendam Christus ipse Apostolos docuit that Christ instructed his Apostles to say the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of that Sacrament or in the Sacrifice of the Mass as he calls it there doth for the proof thereof vouch these words of Hierome But whether it were so or not most sure it is that the Apostles are reported to have used that Prayer as often as they Celebrated the Communion Mos fuit Apostolorum saith S. Gregory ut ad ipsam solummodo orationem Dominicam oblationis hostiam consecrarent It was Gregor M. Epist l. 7. Ep. 54. V. Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 19. Durand Ration divinorum l. 4. saith he the use or custom of the Apostles to Consecrate the Host or Sacrament with reciting only the Lords Prayer Which passage if he took from that of Hierome as some think he did the one may not unfitly serve to explain the other The like saith Durand in his Rationale The Lord saith he did institute the Sacrament with no other words than those of Consecration only Quibus Apostoli adjecerunt orationem Dominicam to which the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And in this wise did Peter first say Mass you must understand him of the Sacrament in the Eastern parts Platina in vita Sixti Platina saith the like as to S. PETER Eum ubi consecraverit oratione Pater noster usum esse That in the Consecration of the Sacrament he used to say the Lords Prayer or the Pater noster See to this purpose Antonius tit 5. cap. 2. § 1. Martinus Polonus in his Chronicon and some later Writers By which as it is clear and evident that the Apostles used the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of the holy Mysteries which is a most strong argument that it was given them to be used or said not to be imitated only So it may seem by Gregories solummodo that they used the Lords Prayer and nothing else And therefore that of Gregory must be understood either that they used no other Prayer in the very act of Consecration or that they closed the Form of Consecration with that Prayer of Christs which may well be without excluding of the words of Consecration which our Saviour used or such preparatory Prayers as were devised by the Apostles for that great solemnity For certainly
next It is meet and right so to do And then the Bishop It is meet right and our bounden duty above all things to praise thee the true God who wast from all eternity before the foundation of the world was laid Finally this being done let the Bishop give unto the people the blessing of peace Id. l. 2. c. 57. And as Moses did command the Priests to bless the people in these words The Lord bless thee and keep thee the Lord make his Face to shine upon thee and grant thee peace So shall the Bishop use this Form Conserva Domine populum tuum incolumen c. Preserve O Lord thy people in safety and bless thine inheritance which thou possessest and hast purchased with the Blood of Christ and callest a Royal Priesthood and holy Nation Afterwards let him go to the Consecration all the people standing and praying softly to themselves and the Oblation being made let every one severally receive the Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour coming in order thereunto and with fear and reverence the Women being also veiled or covered as becomes their Sex And whilst that this is doing let the doors of the Church be shut that neither any Infidel or Vnbaptized person be present at it So far and to this purpose Clemens or whosoever was the Author of the Constitutions which how it doth agree with the publick Forms still extant on record in the works and monuments of such Ancient Writers of whom there is no question amongst Learned men we shall see anon One thing must first be taken into consideration and that is whether in the reading of the holy Scripture the Minister was left to his own Election although not for the number of the Sections or Chapters as we call them now yet to read what and where he would without appointment of the Church A point which hath already been resolved by the Church of England declaring The Preface to the Book of Common Prayer How it was so ordered by the ancient Fathers that all the whole Bible or the greatest part thereof should be read over once every year intending thereby that the Clergy and especially such as were Ministers of the Congregation should by often reading and meditation of Gods words be stirred up to godliness themselves and be more ale to exhort others by wholesome Doctrine and to confute them that were Adversaries to the truth And further that the people by daily hearing of holy Scripture read in the Church should copntinually profit more and more in the knowledge of God and be the more inflamed with the love of his true Religion And certainly it was a good and godly institution savouring most abundantly of the primitive wisdom though now I know not how it comes to pass it be made a matter of no moment sive biennio sive triennio absolvatur lectio sacrae Scripturae Altare Damasc c. 10. p. 633. whether the Scriptures be read over in two years or three so it be read at all in the Congregation So little thanks or commendations hath this unhappy Church of England for labouring to revive the ancient orders of the Primitive times and to bring the people of the Lord to be acquainted with his holy Word But it is said that in the Primitive times there was no such custom but all was left both for the choice and number of the Lessons arbitrio Ecclesiae * Id. Ibid. to the discretion of the Church that is to say for nothing else can be the meaning to the discretion of the Minister And this they prove from that of Justin Martyr produced before where it is said that they did read the writings of the Prophets and Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. as they translate it quoad tempus fert as the time would bear But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if translated rightly is indeed quantum licet as much as is lawful and permitted which quite destroyeth their meaning and confirms the Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concedo admitto Hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impersonaliter exponitur licet locus est facultas est in the common Lexicon * v. Stephant Thesaurum And this appears further by the best classick Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non licebat manere in Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam primum licuerit in Herodotus so in others also And that it was thus in the antient practice appeareth very plainly by that of Austin though of a later standing than the times we speak of where it is said that in the meeting or assembly for religious Worship scripturarum divinarum lecta sunt solennia † Augustin de civit Dei l. 22. cap. 8. the solemn and appointed Lessons out of holy Scripture were read unto the Congregation And if they were solennia then that is set out determined and appointed for times and seasons I cannot think thatthey were otherwise in these former days unless it were on extraordinary and great occasions in which that course might possibly be dispensed withal as in the times of persecution and the like extremities And so we come unto the third age of the Church and there we shall begin with Origen who grew into esteem and credit in the beginning of this Century and so continued till the midst By him it is observed and exceeding rightly in Ecclesiasticis observationibus nonnulla esse hujusmodi quae omnibus quidem facere necesse est nec tamen rationem eorum omnibus patere that in the usages of the Church there are many things which of necessary are to be done by every man although the reason of them be not known to all * Origen in Numer cap. 4. Homil 5. Which said in general he thus descends unto particulars Nam quod genua flectimus orantes quod ex omnibus coeli plagis ad solam Orientis partem conversi orationem fundimus non facile cuique puto ratione compertum Sed Eucharistiae sive percipiendae sive eo ritus quo geritur explicandae vel eorum quae geruntur in baptismo verborum gestorumque ordinum atuqe interrogationum ac responsionum quis facile explicet rationem Et tamen omnia haec operta relata portamus super humeros nostros cum ita implemus ea exequimur ut à magno Pontifice ab ejus filiis tradita commendata suscepimus For when we kneel saith he in the time of Prayer and that of all the points in Heaven we turn unto the East when we make our prayers I think the reason why we do so is not known to any Or who can readily assign a reason of those Rites and Ceremonies used both in the receiving of the Eucharist or at the consecrating of the same or of those many things which are done in baptism the words and gestures the order there observed the Interrogatories and the Answers And yet all these we undergo whether revealed
having made confession of thehir faith according as we saw before from the Constitutions they were thrice dipped into the water in memory of our Saviours lying in the grace three days the formal words of Baptism being therewithal pronounced though not here expressed Which done the party is again anointed on the forehead nostrils Id. Catech. 3. ears and breasts upon the reasons there declared 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cloathed in white garments Id. Catech. 4. which concludes the action But here it is to be observed that this last anointing was in the way of confirmation it being the custom of those times in the baptizing of all such as were Adulti or of riper years to minister both Baptism and Confirmation at the same time as our incomparable Hooke rightly noteth And note withal that in the anointing of the forehead in his later Unction Hooker Eccles Politic. l. 5. § 66. Cyril Catech. mystagog 4. Tertull. de resurrect carnis the party baptized was signed with the sign of the Cross 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Father there Which is no more than that so celebrated passage of Tertullian Caro signatur ut anims muniatur declares to be the antient and unquestionable practice of the Church of CHRIST Next for the celebration of the Eucharist he describes it thus Things being in readiness the Deacon bringeth water for the hands to the chief Minister Cyril Catechis mystagog 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to the Priests that stand about the Altar and then saith aloud Complectimini osculemini vos invicem embrace and kiss ye one another which is done accordingly and this in token of that Vnion both of hearts and souls which is and ought to be between them Then saith the Priests Sursum corda or Lift up your hearts the people answer We lift them up unto the Lord The Priest again Let us give thanks unto the Lord the people say Dignum justum est or It is meet and right so to do And by this place I note this only by the way we make up the breach in S. James his Liturgy being the antient Liturgy of the Church of Hierusalem as before was said which breach we shewed and touched at obiter in the former Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Then saith he we make mention of Heaven Earth and Sea and all the Creatures reasonable and unreasonable and also of the Angels and Archangels and the Powers of Heaven praising God and saying Sanctus sanctus sanctus Dominus Deus Sabbati By which celestial Hymns we do not only sanctifie our selves but beseech our good and gracious God that he would send his holy Spirit on the gifts presented that is to say the Bread and Wine that so the Bread may be made the Body of Christ and the Wine his Blood Then do we call upon the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the general peace of all the Churches the tranquillity of all the World for Princes and their Armies for our Friends and Brethren for all that be in need sickness or any other adversity and in a word for every one that wanteth help from the hands of God The rest that followeth as a part of this general Prayer upon the alteration of the Form and Person viz. from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We call upon the Lord in the third person unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the second person is most judiciously concluded by Dr. Rivet Rivet Critici sacri l. 3. c. 10. to be the fraud and forgery of some Impostor whose judgment in the same I heartily both applaud and follow But to proceed with that which is received for true and genuine and of unquestionble credit This general Prayer being thus concluded followe tht at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril Cateches mystagog 5. which Christ our Saviour gave unto his Disciples the Lords Prayer he means and meaning so shews plainly that the Church conceived how the Lords Prayer was given to be said and used not to be imitated only Then saith the Priest thus Sancta Sanctis unto the holy all things are holy or holy things are for holy persons the people answering Unus sanctus unus Dominus JESUS CHRISTUS That is to say there is but one Holy one Lord JESVS CHRIST Then sangt the Priest the divine Hymns exhorting you to the communion of the holy Mysteries and saying Gustate videte quam fuavis est Dominus O taste and see how good the Lord is This said they came to the Communion not with their hands spread out nor disjoyned singers but with the left hand placed under the right receiving the Lord's body in the palms of their hands lest any of the consecrated Bread should fall to the ground and therewith viz. to the Priests prayer when he gave the same each one said AMEN After they had received the Communion of the Body of CHRIST they received the Cup also of his Blood where still we have the whole Communion sub utraque specie what ever new Doctrines have been coyned at Rome not stretching out the hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but falling down as when Men are in the Act of Worship or Adoration they said AMEN as formerly at the receiving of the Bread 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Last of all tarrying for the parting or concluding Prayers they gave thanks to God who had vouchsafed to make them worthy of his holy Mysteries This was the course and these the footsteps of the Forms observed of old times in the Mother Church the holy City of Hierusalem And if we may conjecture ex pede Herculem what the dimensions were of the body of Hercules by the proportion of his foot we may be well conjecture by these evident footsteps what the whole bodies were of the antient Liturgies From Cyril on unto St. Basil another famous Bishop of the Eastern Churches Who having made some Rules for the better order of those who did intend to lead a Monastick life and being accused that in the singing of the Psalms and regulating the manner of that Melody he had somewhat innovated contrary to the received custom of the Church was forced to make his own Apology and send it to the Clergy of Neo-Caesarea * Basil Ep. 63. Thus then saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Rites saith he which we observe amongst us are such as are agreeable and consonant to all the Churches of God Our people rising in the night do before day repair unto the Chappel or house of Prayer and having made confession of their sins to God in sorrow tears and great compunction of the Soul they rise at last from Prayer and take themselves unto the Psalms Being divided into two parts they sing as it were in turns one second another or Quire-wise as is used in our Cathedrals so taking time to meditate on the words of God and therewithal making our hearts and minds more attent thereto Then
one to whom that charge or Office appertained began some other Psalm or Hymn and all sung together after him by which variety of singing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some Prayers being interserted or mingled with it they past over the night and on the dawning of the day all of them joyned together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if they had but one heart and one mouth amongst them and sung unto God a Psalm of Confession most likely one of the seven penitential Psalms and after every one made in his own words a profession of his penitence and so all returned Where note that howsoever this Form of Service was fitted only for a company of private Men who had embraced the Monastick life and to be used only by them in their private Oratories yet the most part thereof was borrowed from the publick Forms at that time extant in the Church Of the which Rites or Forms retained amongst them were the beginning of their service with a confession of their sins then p rayers to God and then the singing of the Psalms That which was singular herein and needed the Apology was that they met together before day and spent more time upon the Psalmody than in reading or preaching of the Word or in Common-prayer or any of the other parts of publick Worship Basil could tell as well as any wherein the Form of Service used amongst his Monks agreed with that which was received and used in publick Churches and wherein it differed as having took the pains to compose a Liturgie or rather to compleat and polish and fit unto the publick use such as had formerly been extant And though that Copy of it which occurs in the Bibliotheca and in the writings of Cassander have some things in it which are found to be of a latter date yet we shall clear that doubt anon when we come to Chrysostom against whose Liturgy I find the like Objections Mean time take this of Basil for a pregnant Argument that in his time and long before it the Service of the Chruch was not only ordered by Rules and Rubricks but put into set Forms of Worship which we have noted in his Books De spiritu sancto and is this that followeth For speaking there touching those publick Usages which came into the Church from the tradition of the Apostles Easil de sancto spiritu c. 27. he instanceth in these particulars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The signing with the sign of the Cross all those who place their hopes in Christ what writing teacheth that in our prayers we should turn towards the East where is it taught us in the Scripture And then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those words of invocation wherewithal in the holy Eucharist we consecrate the Bread and Cup of Benediction which of those blessed Saints have left in writing For not content with those things which the Apostles or the Gospel have committed to us many things have been added since both in the way of preface and of conclusion which are derived from unwritten Tradition And not long after thus of Baptism having first spoke of consecrating the Water of the Chrism or Oyl and the three Dippings then in use Those other things saith he which are done in Baptism viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Abrenuntiation which is made to Satan and to all his Angels out of what Scripture is it brought Next for S. Cyrsostom the evidence we have from him is beyond exception 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Chrysost in 2. ad Corinth hom 18. It is no now saith he as in the old Testament wherein the Priests eat this and the people that it being unlawful for the people to eat those things which were permitted to the Priest It is now otherwise with us For unto all is the same Body and the same Cup presented And in our very prayers it is easily seen how much we attribute unto the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For both those who are possessed with the devil the Energumeni and those who yet are under penance both by the People and Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common Prayers are made and we say all one and the self same Prayer even that which is so full of mercy Where by the way though in the Greek it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they say all one Prayer yet in the Latin it runs thus omnes unam eandemque precem concipiunt which would make well for unpremeditated and extemporary Prayers if it were possible that all the Congregation both Priest and people should fall upon the same conception But to go on 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Again saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when we repell all such from the holy Rayls which cannot be partakers of the holy Table there is another Prayer to be said and we all lie alike upon the ground and all rise together Then when the Peace or sign of peace is mutually to be given and taken we do all equally salute or kiss each other Thus also in the celebration of the sacred Mysteries as the Priest prayeth for the people so do they for him these usual words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And with thy Spirit importing nothing else but this And finally Et cum spirtu tuo Gratlas agamus Deo that Prayer wherein we give thanks to the Lord our God is common unto both alike the Priest not only giving thanks to God but the whole Assembly For when he hath demanded their suffrage first and they acknowledg thereupon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dignum est justum that it is meet and right so to do then he begins the holy Eucharist Nor is it strange nor should it seem so unto any that the people should thus hold conference with the Priest o Minister considering that they sing those holy Hymns together with the Cherubins and the powers of Heaven So he And all this out of question Ideo cum Angelis Archangelis must needs be understood of prescribed Forms such as the people said by heart or could read in Books that either lay before them or were brought with them such as they were so throughly versed in as to make answer to the Minister upon all occasions For what else were those common Prayers those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he speaks of what else that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that one self-same Prayer that Prayer so full of mercy in which all did joyn were they not so determinate the prescribed that all could say them with the Minister And were not those returns and Answers so prescribed and set that all the people knew their Q. and were not ignorant of their turn when they were to speak Several other passages of the antient Liturgies might here and there be gathered from this Fathers writings if one would take the pains to seek them But I shall save that pains at present and indeed well may For what
they whose they will And with as little justice do they use S. Austin whose words they bring to prove that it was free for Christians to pray as their occasions did require Vindication p. 17. without being limited to prescribed prayers This they are brought to prove indeed they say well in that For they are thus brought in in another place viz. And to the same purpose that there were then no such stinted Liturgies S. Austin in his 121. Ep. Liberum est c. It is free to ask the same things which are in the Lords prayer Smectymn p. 7. aliis atque aliis verbis sometimes one way and sometimes another But doth this prove think they that in those times there were no stinted Liturgies which is the matter to be proved I cannot possibly believe they think so whatsoever they say The Father in that place as they know full well speaks of private prayer and sheweth that in addressing our desires to God we are not bound to use the very syllables and words of the Lords prayer only I trow none ever said we were Certain I am that there is no such doctrine preached by any of the Sons of the Church of England Besides if there were publick Liturgies in S. Austins times as they seem to grant because they say they will not peremptorily say there were not Vindication ibid. and we say they are peremptory enough when there is ground for it Then certainly whatever might be done in private it was not free nor lawful to ask the same thing in the publick service of the Church aliis atque aliis verbis in other words than were prescribed in those Liturgies And so the testimony out of Austin is neither so full unto the purpose as they did intend nor hath it proved the matter it was brought to prove Id. ibid. So far was that good Father from decrying either the benefit or use of publick Liturgies that as we saw before he derives their petigree not only from the Apostles times ab ipsts Apostolorum temporibus as his own words are but also from their words and warrant and therefore was not like to countenance so bold a freedom of praying in Gods publick worship with what words we listed or indeed any other than the prescribed Forms But this being only his opinion as a private man it may be some will take it to be more authentick if he delivered it in Synod and had therein the suffrage and consent of all the Fathers there Assembled And possible it is that it may be so For in the body of the Canons which as they stand in Balsamons collections are called the Canons of the Council of carthage and so they are in that of Zonaras but as collected by Justellus are called in general the Canons of the Church of Africa there is one runs thus entituled De precibus quae debent fieri ad Altare Touching the prayers to be made at the Altar Codex Can. Eccl. Africn c. 103. Hoc quoque placuit ut precationes quae in Synodo confirmatae sunt sive Praefationes sive Commendationes sive manus impositiones ab omnibus peragantur omnino aliae adversus fidem nunquam proferantur sed quae à sapientioribus colleciae sunt dicentur i. e. It seemeth good unto us say the Fathers that those prayers which have been approved of in the Synod whether that they be Prefaces or Commendations or laying on of hands that is in Ordination as I conceive and I will tell you why anon be performed by all that none which be against the faith be said in publick but only such as have been formerly composed by wise and understanding men This Canon if it were made in any time between the year 395. and 430. it is most likely that S. Austin had a hand in the making of it for so long he sate Bishop of the Church of Hippo. v. baron in Annal. eccl An. 395.430 Binius in editione Concil To. 1. For if it were decreed in the third of Carthage which seems to have a touch of something of it Can. 23. it must be then An. 397. as it is ranked by Baronius if in the Council of Milevis whither some refer it it falls into the year 416. by the same account at one of which S. Austin was and at both of them might be present for ought I know unto the contrary But the truth is the Canons of these African Councils are much disordered in all collections of them which I yet have seen This Canon in the collection made by zonaras being the 117th in that of Balsamon Can. 106. in the Code published by Justellus his 103. and amongst those ascribed to the Milevitan Council 't is in rank the 12th But howsoever it be placed in this rank or that it seems it was not made without good occasion For as it is observed by Balsamon Balsamon notae in Concil Carth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some Bishops then as since some Presbyters have done endeavoured to introduce new Forms of their own devising And yet it was not only the Bishops fault some of the Priests was no less active in the Innovation Zonaras in Concil Carthagin Can. 117. and unto them it is referred by Zonaras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he tells us there And this not only in the ministration of the daily prayers but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the very act of Ordination in which the Bishop laying hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the head of him that was to be ordained used certain prayers Fically he resolves that in all the several Acts of publick Worship before remembred the prayers confirmed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not first devised in that Synod should be only used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. and that no new ones brought into the Church by any one whosoever he was should be entertained The reason of the which as 't is touched before so is it more expresly manifested in that of the Milevitan Council if it were of that Ne forte aliquid contra sidem Concil Milevit Can. 12. vel per ignorantiam vel per minus studium sit compositum lest else perhaps either through ignorance or want of care something against the rule of Faith be composed and published So then this was no new restraint and much less the first whereby the liberty of Prayer or praying by a Form of ones own devising was prescribed and limited as some give it out Smectymn p. 7. but a Reviver only or a Confirmation of the antient Canons by which it had been limited and prescribed before As for the Canon of the third of Carthage in which it seems to be permitted to the Minister to use such Prayers in the officiating Gods divine Service concerning which cum fratribus instructioribus contulerit he had before conferred with the learned Brethren Id. Ibid. when they can prove that Canon to be made in
now come unto the Christians where we shall find that from their first having the use of Churches to assemble in the Dedications of those Churches were in use amongst them And first St. Cyril a right godly Bishop of Jerusalem speaks of a Church in that City called commonly the upper Church of the Apostles not called so because dedicated to them but because dedicated by them and therefore said by Beda to be Ecclesia ab Apostolis fundata of the foundation of the blessed Apostles because being given to them for the use of the Church it was by them dedicated and appropriated to Gods publick service Of this we have spoke more at large in the last Section of the fifth Chapter of this Narration and therefore shall not here repeat it In the next Century we find Pope Pius writing thus in an Epistle to Justus Viennensis a chief Friend of his in the Year 158. or thereabouts Plus P. ad Just Vienn Soror nostra Euprepeia sicut bene recordaris titulum domus suae pauperibus assignavit ubi nunc cum pauperibus nostris commorantes Missas agimus Our Sister Euprepeia hath turned her House into a Church remember what was said of this in the last Section of the sixth Chapter for the use of the poor servants of Christ where now abiding with our said poor Brethren we celebrate the Mass or Sacrament of the blessed Supper And in another Epistle to the same Justus thus Pastor Presbyter Titulum condidit digne in Domino obiit That is to say Pastor the Priest or Presbyter hath built a Church and so died worthily in the Lord. Why we have rendred Titulus by the word Church and how those places being at first but private Houses were turned into Churches for publick use we shall see anon in the mean time we may take notice that neither of these two Epistles have hitherto been questioned by our modern Criticks nor ranked amongst those counterfeit Decretals whose authority hath been so deservedly abrogated by the learned Protestants In the next Century after him lived Felix the first who entred on the See of Rome An. 272. and not long after him lived Marcellinus succeeding in the same See An. 296. of the first of which it is affirmed by Metaphrastes that he consecrated the House of Cecilia and of the second by Damasus that he consecrated the House of Lucina making them thereby Churches or places of Religious worship for the use of Christians But these being times of persecution afford us not so clear nor so frequent evidences as the Age next following in which the first glad sight which the Christians saw were the Encaenia the Dedication of those Churches which either had been taken from them and profaned by Idolatry or otherwise were laid waste and made unserviceable in those fiery times No Man more forward in this work than the Emperour Constantine who having founded the Temple of the holy Martyrs in Jerusalem prepared himself for the ENCAENIA or Dedication of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. as in the Title of the fourth Chapter de Land Constant Eusebius hath it De laud. Const l. 4. c. 40. Thus Athanasius writing unto the Emperour Constantius and speaking of a Church not consecrated prayeth that the Emperour might live to see it done and celebrate the Ceremonies of it Athan. Apol. ad Constant Tu tamen interim Deo dilectissime Auguste vivas multos annorum recursus solennia Dedicationis perficias as the Latin hath it Thus not to wander into more particulars in these Eastern Churches the Author of the Panegyrick in Eusebius telleth us once for all that never any King but Christ had filled all Countreys and Cities of the World with these Dedications Quis Rex c. omnem locum Regionem Civitatem Euseb l. 10. c 4. tam Graecum quam Barbaricum regalibus suis Palatiis divinorumque Templorum Consecrationibus adimplevit as the words there are A matter judged so necessary in those early times that the Arians charged it as a grievous crime on Athanasius that he had celebrated Divine Service in a Church not consecrated for which he thus Apologizeth to the angry Emperour Encaeniorum Festium non celebravimus religiosissime Auguste c. And so proceeds shewing the necessity which did enforce him to do namely the incapacity of all other Churches thereabouts to receive the multitudes then assembled the unresistable importunity of the people and such other impulsions The like clear evidence we have for the Western Churches there being a Sermon of St. Ambrose entituled De Dedicatione Basilicae Ambros Serm. 89. preached at the Dedication of a Church built by Vitalianus and Majanus the ground of his Discourse taken from the good Centurion of whom the Jews told our Saviour in St. Luke's Gospel Luke 7.5 That he loved their Nation and had built them a Synagogue Ambros Epist lib. 10. Ep. 85. The same Father writing to his Sister speaks of a Church which himself had consecrated Nam cum Basilicam Dedicassem c. And writing unto Felix Bishop of Como invites him to the consecration of a Church then newly built by one Bassianus requiring him not to fail of his being there in regard that he had promised for him Ne duos Sacerdotes redarguas te qui non affueris me qui tam facile promiserim Id. Epis 5. l. 1. The like authority we have from Paulinus also another Bishop of those times invited by Sulpitius Severus his especial Friend Ad Basilicam quae proxime in nomine Domini consummabitur Paulin. Nol. Epist 11. dedicandum To be present at the dedicating of a Church of his foundation as soon as it was finished and made fit for those sacred Ceremonies More of this Argument both in the East and Western Churches we shall see hereafter when we are come to the magnificent Feasts and great Solemnities used antiently by the Christians in these Consecrations In the mean time as well for the better understanding of somewhat which was said before and of some things that follow after there are two words that is to say the Titulus of the Romans and the Encaenia of the Greeks to be considered and explained The word Titulus in the former Section we have rendred Church according to the Ecclesiastical notion of it Churches being called Tituli by the Roman Christians of those times either because by their Dedication the name of Christ our Lord was as it were inscribed upon them as the manner then was to set the names or Titles of the Owners upon their Houses and possessions or because they gave a Title of Cure or Denomination to the Presbyters who officiated in them and to whose charge they were committed at that time as they do now unto the Cardinals in the Church of Rome Plat. in vit Evarist That he assigned unto the Presbyters or Priests of Rome their several Churches the
but stood thus also in the practice of our Predecessors though not so frequently in these last as the former times as shall be presently made good by Witnesses and Proofs of unquestioned credit Mean while the Canon and Injunctions being laid together there will be little difference found between them in sum and substance except that praying for the dead used in the latter times of King Henry the 8. and the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the 6. hath since been changed into praising God for their departure in the faith and Gospel of our Lord and Saviour and at all nothing in the Form or any circumstance considerable in the present business for if we look upon the prayer therein appointed we shall find these four things to be considered 1. The substance or matter of it being the heads therein recited viz. the Catholick Church the Kings Majesty the Qu. the Royal issue the L Ls. spiritual and temporal 2. The phrase or garb of speech wherein the matter is expressed in those words or in other to the same effect 3. The quantity of time which is allowed for those expressions as briefly as conveniently we may and last of all the Form thereof being the point that is most in question which plainly is to be by way of exhortation Ye shall pray and I require you most especially to pray and not by way of Invocation with an immediate address to Almighty God as Men use it now Therefore as in King Edward's and the Queens Injunctions it is called a Bidding of Prayers the Form of bidding prayers generally to be used after this uniform sort and the Form of bidding the Common Prayers The Form of bidding the Beads in King Henries Injunction So in the Canon it is called a Moving it being therein ordered that before all Sermons Lectures and Homilies Preachers and Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in prayer c. Bidding and Moving are two words but to one effect for when we bid the people pray we move them to it and in the Congregation we have no way to move the people but by that of bidding or exhorting Prayer as Saint Basil hath defined it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is requiring of some good from the hands of God and doth imply a punctual and immediate address unto him which is the peoples office to the Lord Almighty Bidding of prayer as the Injunctions or moving Men to pray as the Canon hath it is the Priests office to the people wherein he not only exhorts them to the performance of that Duty but layeth them down a Summary and brief recital of those things which they are to pray for as members of that one mystical Body whereof Christ Jesus is the Head Now where it is alledged by some who have turned Bidding into Praying that in the Canon it is not ordered precisely that Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in prayer in this Form that followeth but only in this Form or to this effect It 's true what they alledge as unto the words though not as to the use they make thereof For by these words to this effect the Church hath no intent or meaning to give Men liberty to devise new Forms of Prayer nor indeed could she if she would as before we noted or to desert as well the usage of those Men which had been most obedient to her publick Orders as the Injunctions on the which the said use was founded Wherefore these words to this effect must have no reference to the Form and manner of expression for it is called in the Canon a moving of the people to joyn in prayer but only to the words and phrase it being not the Churches purpose to bind her Ministers precisely to the words which are there laid down but that in that very Form of words or other words to that effect they should move the people to be mindful of those particular Heads for which they were to joyn with him at the close of all in the Lords prayer as appeareth plainly by that passage of the Prayer in Bishop Latimers spoken of before That this and none but this was the Churches meaning will be easily proved and made apparent by the practice of the chiefest and most eminent persons who are called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eth. l. 1. For those who have the best authority to interpret Canons I mean my LLs. the two Archbishops with the greater part of the Bishops have and do use no other Form than that of Bidding or of Moving And so do also many antient Doctors both in the Universities and Cathedral Churches who being originally accustomed to the Form of Bidding have not yet turned their stile to a Form of Praying But since to speak of those who are now alive may possibly be subject to misconstruction we will take Counsel with the dead whose actions of this kind may be our example and their proceeding in this point our warrant of these I will make instance of five alone though I could in more all of the Hierarchie all Men of high esteem in their several times and therefore such as may be followed with most safety in the present business Of these the last in course of time was the most Learned Bishop Andrews of whom to say no more we may say with safety that he was Canonum observantissimus who being as he was a practised Preacher long time before and after the making of the said Canon did use no other Form of Prayer than that of Bidding All those that heard him cannot but confess that so it was and in the body of his Sermons collected by my Lord of Canterbury that now is and my Lord of Ely that then was there are some Tracts and footsteps of it which make it evident unto those that heard him not For this consult his 3d Sermon in Lent Anno 1593. his sixth in Lent 1596. his sixth for Whitsuntide Anno 1613. More specially in his second of the holy Ghost Anno 1608. in which immediately upon the division of his Text as his custom was he thus moves the people or which both comes to one he thus bids the prayers But for that there is no speaking of the Spirit without the Spirit nor bearing neither to the end that hearing and speaking he may help our infirmities c. And in his ninth Sermon of the Fifth of November 1617. the division ended as before he thus proceeded That these be done and that they may be done and that those things which shall be spoken may tend to this that they may be done c. Which last two passages being preambles or introductions unto his form of bidding Prayers give us an hint of that which we may find laid down at large in his Latine Sermons extant in his opuscula collected by the same most Reverend Prelates particularly in that before his Sermon Preached pro forma when he went out Doctor and that at the
the Baise-maine which consists of Offerings Churchings Burials Diriges and such other casualties amounteth to as much per annum as their standing rents Upon which ground Sir Edwin Sandys computeth their Revenue at six millions yearly In Italy besides the temporal Estate of the Popes of Rome the Clergy are conceived to have in some places a third part of the whole but in most a moiety In Spain the certain rents of the Archbishoprick of Toledo are said to be no less than 300000 Crowns per annum which is far more than all the Bishops Deans and Prebendaries do possess in England In Germany the Bishops for the most part are powerful Princes and the Canons of some Churches of so fair an Intrado and of such estimation amongst the people that the Emperours have thought it no disparagement to them to have a Canons place in some of their Churches And as for the Parochial Clergy in these three last Countreys especially in Spain and Italy where the people are more superstitious than they be in Germany there is no question but that the Vailes and Casualties are as beneficial to them as the Baise-main is to the French But here perhaps it will be said that this is nothing unto us of the Realm of England who have shook off the superstitions of the Church of Rome and that our pains is spent but to little purpose unless we can make good our Thesis in the Churches Protestant We must therefore cast about again and first beginning with France as before we did we shall find that those of the Reformed party there not only pay their Tithes to the Beneficiary who is presented by the Patron to the Cure or Title or to the Church or Monastery to which the Tithes are settled by Appropriations but over and above do raise a yearly maintenance for those that minister amongst them Just as the Irish Papists pay their Tithes and duties unto the Protestant Incumbent and yet maintain their own Priests too by their gifts and offerings or as the people in some places with us in England do pay their Tithes unto the Parson or Vicar whom the Law sets over them and raise a contribution also for their Lecturer whom they set over themselves In other Countreys where the Supream Governours are Reformed or Protestant the case is somewhat better with the common people although not generally so easie as with us in England For there the Tithes are taken up by the Prince or State and yearly pensions assigned out of them to maintain the Ministers which for the most part are so small and so far short of a Competency though by that name they love to call it that the Subject having paid his Tithes to the Prince or State is fain to add something out of his purse towards the mending of the Stipend Besides there being for the most part in every Church two distinct sorts of Ministers that is to say a Pastor who hath Cure of souls and performs all Ministerial offices in his Congregation and a Doctor like our English Lecturers which took hint from hence who only medleth with the Word The Pastor only hath his Stipend from the publick treasury the Doctor being maintained wholly as I am credibly informed at the charge of the people and that not only by the bounty or benevolence of Landed men but in the way of Contribution from which no sort of people of what rank soever but such as live on Alms or the poor Mans box is to be exempted But this is only in the Churches of Calvins platform those of the Lutheran party in Denmark Swethland and high Germany having their Tithes and Glebe as they had before and so much more in Offerings than with us in England by how much they come nearer to the Church of Rome both in their practice and opinions especially in the point of the holy Sacrament than the English do And as for our dear Brethren of the Kirk of Scotland who cannot be so soon forgotten by a true born English man the Tithes being setled for the most part on Religious houses came in their fall unto the Crown and out of them a third was granted to maintain their Minister but also ill paid while the Tithes remained in the Crown and worse than alienated to the use of private Gentlemen that the greatest part of the burden for support of the Ministry lay in the way of contribution on the backs of the people And as one ill example doth beget another such Lords and Gentlemen as had right to present to Churches following the steps of those who held the Tithes from the Crown soon made Lay-fees of all the Tithes of their own demesnes and left the Presentee such a sorry pittance as made him burthensome to his Neighbours for his better maintenance How it stands with them now since these late alterations those who have took the National Covenant and I presume are well acquainted with the Discipline and estate of the Scottish Kirk which they have bound themselves to defend and keep are better able to resolve us And so much for the proof of the first proposition namely That never any Clergy in in the Church of God hath been or is maintained with less charge of the Subject than the established Clergy of the Church of England And yet the proof hereof will be more convincing if we can bring good evidence for the second also which is II. That there is no man in the Kingdom of England who payeth any thing of his own towards the maintenance and support of his Parish Minister but his Easter-Offering And that is a Paradox indeed will the Reader say Is it not visible to the eye that the Clergy have the tenth part of our Corn and Cattel and of other the increase and fruits of the Earth Do not the people give them the tenth part of their Estates saith one of my Pamphlets Have they not all their livelihoods out of our purses saith another of them Assuredly neither so nor so All that the Clergy doth receive from the purse of the Subject for all the pains he takes amongst them is two pence at Easter He claims no more than this as due unless the custom of the place as I think in some parts it is bring it up to six pence If any thing be given him over this by some bountiful hand he takes it for a favour and is thankful for it Such profits as come in by Marriages Churchings and Funeral-Sermons as they are generally small and but accidental so he is bound unto some special service and attendance for it His constant standing fee which properly may be said to come out of the Subjects Purse for the administration of the Word and Sacraments is nothing but the Easter-offering The Tithes are legally his own not given unto him by the Subject as is now pretended but paid unto him as a Rent-charge laid upon the Land and that before the Subject either Lord or Tenant
Evidence he may the better be enabled to give up his Verdict I close up this Address with these words in the Book of Judges cap. 19. v. 30. Consider of it take advice and then speak your minds THE HISTORY OF EPISCOPACY The First PART From the first Institution of it by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ until the death of St. John the Apostle CHAP. I. The Christian Church first founded by our Lord and Saviour in an Imparity of Ministers 1. The several Offices of Christ our Saviour in the Administration of his Church 2. The aggregation of Disciples to him 3. The calling of the Apostles and why twelve in number 4. Of the Name and Office of an Apostle 5. What things were specially required unto the making of an Apostle 6. All the Apostles equal amongst themselves 7. The calling and appointing of the Seventy Disciples 8. A reconciliation of some different opinions about the number 9. The twelve Apostles superiour to the Seventy by our Saviours Ordinance 10. What kind of superiority it was that Christ prohibited his Apostles 11. The several Powers and preheminences given to the Apostles by our Saviour Christ 12. That the Apostles were made Bishops by our Lord and Saviour averred by the ancient Fathers 13. And by the Text of holy Scripture OF all the Types in holy Scripture I find not any that did so fully represent the nature of our Saviours Kingdom as those of David Moses and Melchizedech David a Shepherd Psal 78.71 72. Gen. 14.18 and a King Moses a Legislator and a Prince Melchisedech both King of Salem and a Priest also of the living God as that Text hath stiled him Each of these was a type of our Saviour Christ according to his Regal Office he being like Melchisedech Heb. 7.2 Exod. a King of Peace and Righteousness leading his people as did Moses out of the darkness and Idolatries of Egypt to the land of Canaan 2 Sam. and conquering like David all those Enemies which before held them in subjection This Office as it is supreme so it is perpetual That God who tells us in the Psalms that he had set his King on Zion on his holy mountain Psalm 2. Luke 1.33 hath also told us by his Angel that he should reign over the House of Jacob for ever and of his Kingdom there should be no end But if we look upon him in his Sacerdotal and Pastoral Offices if we behold him as a Lawgiver to his Church and people we find him not fore-signified in any one of these but in all together Heb. 5.6 10. A Priest he was after the order of Melchisedech Heb. 3.2 faithful to him that did appoint him as also Moses was faithful in all his house ordering and disposing of the same according to his will and pleasure And as for the discharge of his Pastoral or Prophetical Office God likeneth him to David Ezek. 34.23 by his holy Prophet saying I will set up one Shepheard over them and he shall feed them even my servant David he shall feed them and he shall be their shepheard Which Offices although subordinate to the Regal power are perpetual also He was not made a Priest for a time or season but for ever Tu es Sacerdos in aeternum Heb. 5.6 Thou art a Priest for ever said the Lord unto him A Priest who as he once appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself Heb. 9.26 so by that one offering hath he perfected for ever all them that are sanctified Heb. 10.14 and sitting down at the right hand of God Heb. 7.25 he ever liveth and maketh intercession for them Of the same perpetuity also are those other Offices of Christ our Saviour before remembred He had not been sidelis sicut Moses Estius in Heb. 3. v. 2. faithful as Moses was in all his house i. e. as Estius well expounds it in administratione populi sibi credita in the well-ordering of the charge committed to him had he not constituted a set Form of Government and given the same unto his Church as a Rule for ever Nor had he faithfully discharged the part of David had he looked only to his flock whiles himself was present and took no care for the continual feeding of the same after he was returned to his heavenly glories And therefore Eph. 4.8 11 12 13. when he ascended up on high he gave gifts to men and gave some Apostles and some Prophets and some Evangelists and some Pastors and Teachers for the perfecting of the Saints for the work of the Ministry for the edifying of the body of Christ till we all come in the unity of faith and of the knowledg of the son of God unto a perfect man unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ He gave them then indeed after his Ascension when he ascended up on high because he then did furnish them with those gifts and graces wherewith they were endued by the Holy Ghost and thereby fitted for the execution of the trust committed to them by their Lord. For otherwise many of them had been given already not only in the way of choice and designation but of commission and employment Ite Matth. 28.19 docete omnes Gentes had been said before It was not long after our Saviours baptism by John in Jordan that some Disciples came unto him That testimony which came down from God the Father when the Heavens were opened and the Spirit of God descended on him like a Dove Matth. 3.16 was of it self sufficient to procure many followers The evidence which was given by John the Baptist added nought to this And yet that evidence prevailed so far John 1.37 that two of his Disciples when they heard him speak forsook their old Master and went after Jesus Nor did it satisfie them that they had found the Christ and had talked with him but they impart the same unto others also Thus Andrew brings in his own Brother Simon Philip invites his friend Nathancel John 1.42 46. One tells another the glad tidings that they had found him of whom Moses in the Law and all the Prophets did write and all of them desire to be his Disciples John 1.45 Afterward as his fame increased so his followers multiplyed and every Miracle that he wrought to confirm his Doctrine did add unto the number of his Proselytes So great his fame was and so great the conflux of all sorts of people that Johns Disciples presently complained I know not whether with more truth or envy John 3.26 Omnes ad eum veniunt that all men came unto him both to hear his preaching and receive his baptism And certainly it was no wonder that it should be so that all men should resort to him who was the way or seek for him who was the truth John 6.86 or follow after him who was the life Lord saith Saint Peter
Gentiles exercise Dominion over them and they that are great exercise auhtority upon them Vobis autem non sic Matth. 20.25 Luke 22.25 But so it shall not be amongst you Where plainly it appears both by the Text and context first that this strife and contestation was only amongst the twelve Apostles and therefore howsoever it may prove that there was to be a parity or equality amongst themselves yet it will never prove but that they were and might be still superiour unto the Seventy And secondly that Christ our Saviour doth not prohibit them the use and exercise of all authority on those who were inferiour and subordinate to them but only such authority as the Princes of the Gentiles and the great Lords and Ministers about them did exercise upon their Subjects The power and government of the Apostles in the Church of Christ was meerly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as a Father beareth unto his children but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Lordly and imperious Rule such as a Master exerciseth on his slaves and servants 1 Pet. 5.3 2 Cor. 2.24 Chrysost in oper imper in Mat. hom 35. Not as Lords over Gods inheritance but as the helpers of their joy say the two Apostles and herein stands the difference according unto that of Chrysostom Principes mundi ideo fiunt ut dominentur minoribus suis The Princes of the Earth were made to this end and purpose that they might Lord it over their inferiours and make them slaves and spoil them and devour them abasing them unto the death for their own profit and glory Principes autem Ecclesiae fiunt c. But the Governours or Princes of the Church were instituted to another end viz. To serve their inferiours and to minister unto them all such things as they have received from the Lord. This eminence and superiority over all the Church which was thus setled in the Apostles by our Lord and Saviour will appear more fully if we consult the several ministrations committed unto them and to them alone For unto them alone it was that Christ committed the whole power of preaching of his holy Word administring his blessed Sacraments retaining and forgiving sins ruling and ordering of his flock giving them also further power of instituting and ordaining such by whom these several Offices were to be performed till his second coming None but the Twelve were present with him when he ordained the blessed Sacrament of his body and blood Luke 22.19 and unto them alone was said Hoc facite do this i. e. take bread and break and bless it and distribute it in remembrance of me To the eleven alone it was that he gave commission to go into all the World and preach the Gospel to all creatures Matth. 28.19 baptizing them in the name of the Father Son and Holy Ghost They only had that powerful and immediate mission John 20.21 John 20.22 23. Sicut misit me Pater As my Father sent me so send I you and upon them alone he breathed saying Receive the Holy Ghost whose sins ye do remit they are remitted unto them and whose sins you do retain they are retained Finally they and none but they were trusted with the feeding and the governance of the Flock of Christ the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek doth imply them both for howsoever Pasce oves meas John 21.15 16. was in particular spoken to Saint Peter yet was that charge incumbent on them all as before we noted from Saint Austin By all which passages and Texts of Scripture it is clear and manifest that the Apostles were by Christ ordained to be the sole and ordinary Teachers Bishops and Pastors of the Church next and immediately under his most blessed self Heb. 13.20 1 Pet. 2.25 who still continueth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great Shepheard of the Sheep as Paul the Shepheard and Bishop of our Souls as Saint Peter calls him The Seventy had no part in this new Commission the dispensation of the Word and Sacraments but at second hand as they were afterwards intrusted with it by the holy Apostles either as Prophets Presbyters or Evangelists according to the measure of the Grace which was given unto them or specially designed to some part therein after the Ascension of our Lord and Saviour by the immediate designation of the Holy Ghost And when they were entrusted with a part thereof yet were they still secundi Ordinis Ministers of a second rank inferiour unto the Apostles both in place and power to whom all latitude of power was given Nay the Apostles took an hint from this different mission to institute two several sorts of Ministers in the Church of Christ the one subordinate unto the other as were the Seventy unto them And this by vertue of these words in their Commission Ita mitto vos i. e. as the Arch-Bishop of Spalato very well applyeth it De Repab Eccl. l. 2. c. 3. n. 7. Sicut ego à Patre habui potestatem eligendi Ministros etiam diversi ordinis ita vos pariter habeatis As I received power from my heavenly Father of instituting Ministers even of divers Orders so I give it you And therefore whatsoever the Apostles did therein they did it after Christs example and by his authority and consequently the imparity of Ministers by them ordained was founded on the Law of God and the original institution of our Saviour Christ by whom the power of Ordination was to them committed and by them unto their Successours in the Church for ever To bring this Chapter to an end our Saviour Christ having thus furnished his Apostles with those several powers faculties and preheminences which before we spake of he thought it best to recommend them to the blessings of Almighty God whose work they were to go about And therefore being to take his fare-well of them Luke 24.50 did in a very solemn manner bestow his benediction on them Elevatis manibus suis benedixit eis he lifted up his hands and blessed them as Saint Luke hath it Which benediction Saint Austin takes to be a consecrating of those holy men unto the power and dignity of Bishops Aug. quaest N. Test qu. 14. Ipse enim priusquam in caelos ascenderet imponens manum Apostolis ordinavit cos Episcopos as the Father hath it Which whether it were so or not I mean so done with such an outward Form and Ceremony and in that very point of time is perhaps uncertain But sure I am that for the thing it self which is here delivered the Fathers many of them do agree with Austin affirming passim in their writings that the Apostles were made Bishops by our blessed Lord. Saint Cyprian voucheth it expresly The Deacons ought to understand Cyp. lib. 3. Ep. 9. quoniam Apostolos i. e. Episcopos Praepositos Dominus elegit that the Lord Christ himself did chuse the Apostles that is the Bishops
and Rulers of the Church and that the Apostles after his ascension did ordain the Deacons to be the Ministers of their Episcopal function and the necessities of the Church Saint Ambrose doth affirm the same Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12. Caput it aque in Ecclesia Apostolos posuit c. Christ saith he made the Apostles the head or supreme Governours of his Church they being the Legats or Ambassadours of Christ according unto that of the Apostle 2 Cor. 5.20 And then he adds Ipsi sunt Episcopi that they were Bishops More plainly in his Comment on the Ephesians Apostoli Episcopi sunt Prophetae explanatores Scripturarum The Apostles saith he In Comment in Ephes 4. are Bishops and Prophets the Expositors of Scripture But because question hath been made whether indeed those Commentaries are the works of Ambrose or of some other ancient Writer he tells us in his Notes on the 43. Psalm that in those words of Christ Pasce oves meas Peter was made a Bishop by our Lord and Saviour De Repub. Eccles l. 2. c. 2. n. 4. Significat Ambrosius Petrum Sacerdotem hoc est Episcopum electum illis verbis Pasce oves meas as the place is cited by the Arch-Bishop of Spalato And thus Saint Chrysostom speaking of the election of the Seven saith plainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that then there were no Bishops in the Church Chrys hom 14. in Act 6. but only the Apostles But what need more be said in the present business than that which is delivered in the holy Scripture about the surrogation of some other in the place of Judas wherein the place or function of an Apostle is plainly called Episcopatus Acts 1.20 Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter let another take his Bishoprick as the English reads it His Bishoprick i. e. saith Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Principality his Priesthood Chrys hom 3. in Act. 1. the place of government that belonged unto him had he kept his station A Text most plain and pregnant as the Fathers thought to prove that the Episcopal dignity was vested in the persons of the Lords Apostles The Comment under the name of Ambrose which before we spake of having said Ipsi sunt Episcopi Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12 that the Apostles were Bishops adds for the proof thereof these words of Peter Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter And the true Ambrose saying of Judas Id. Serm. 50. that he was a Bishop Episcopus enim Judas fuit adds for the proof thereof the same very Text. Finally to conclude this matter Saint Cyprian shewing that Ordinations were not made without the privity of the people in the Jewish Church Nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia lib. 1. ep 4. adds that the same was afterwards observed by the holy Apostles Quando de ordinando in locum Judae Episcopo when Peter spake unto the people about the ordering of a Bishop in the place of Judas But for a further proof of this that the Apostles were ordained Bishops by our Lord and Saviour we shall see more hereafter in convenient place Vide chap. 6. n. 12. when we are come to shew that in the government of the Church the Bishops were the proper Successors of the Apostles and so esteemed to be by those who otherwise were no great friends unto Episcopacy In the mean time we may take notice of that impudent assertion of Jobannes de Turrecremata viz. Quod solus Petrus à Christo Episcopus est ordinatus Lib. 2. Summae de Eccl. c. 32. ap Bell. de Rom Pont. that Peter only Peter was made Bishop by our Saviour Christ and that the rest of the Apostles received from Peter their Episcopal consecration wherein I find him seconded by Dominicus Jacobatius lib. 10. de Concil Art 7. A Paradox so monstrous and absurd that howsoever Bellarmine doth reckon it amongst other the Prerogatives of that Apostle in his first Book de Romano Pontifice cap. 23. yet upon better thoughts he rejects it utterly in his 4th Book upon that argument Cap. 22. and so I leave it Thus having shewn in what estate the Church was founded by our Saviour and in what terms he left it unto his Apostles we must next see what course was taken by them to promote the same what use they made of that authority which was trusted to them CHAP. II. The foundation of the Church of Hierusalem under the Government of Saint James the Apostle and Simeon one of the Disciples the two first Bishops of the same 1. Matthias chosen into the place of Judas 2. The coming of the Holy Ghost and on whom it fell 3. The greatest measure of the Spirit fell on the Apostles and so by consequence the greatest power 4. The several Ministrations in the Church then given and that in ranking of the same the Bishops are intended in the name of Pastors 5. The sudden growth of the Church of Hierusalem and the making of Saint James the first Bishop there 6. The former point deduced from Scripture 7. And proved by the general consent of Fathers 8. Of the Episcopal Chair or Throne of Saint James and his Successors in Hierusalem 9. Simeon elected by the Apostles to succeed S. James 10. The meaning of the word Episcopus and from whence borrowed by the Church 11. The institution of the Presbyters 12. What interest they had in the common business of the Church whilst S. James was Bishop 13. The Council of Hierusalem and what the Presbyters had to do therein 14. The Institution of the Seven and to what Office they were called 15. The names of Ecclesiastical functions promiscuously used in holy Scripture OUR Saviour Christ having thus Authorized his Apostles to Preach the Gospel over all the World to every Creature and given them power as well of ministring the Sacraments as of retaining and remitting sins as before is said thought fit to leave them to themselves Luk. 24.49 only commanding them to tarry in the City of Hierusalem until they were indued with further power from on high whereby they might be fitted for so great a work Act. 1.9 And when he had spoken those things while they beheld he was taken up and a Cloud received him out of their sight No sooner was he gone to the Heavenly glories but the Apostles with the rest withdrew themselves unto Hierusalem as he had appointed where the first care they took was to fill up their number to surrogate some one or other of the Disciples in the place of Judas that so the Word of God might be fulfilled Psal 69.26 which he had spoken by the Psalmist Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter A business of no small importance and therefore fit to be imparted unto all the Brethren not so much that their suffrage and consent herein was necessary as that they might together joyn in prayer to Almighty God Act. 1.21
putting the question how James was made the Bishop of Hierusalem since Pasce oves meas was said to Peter returns this answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Christ made Peter not the Pastor of a particular place but of all the universe That James received his Bishoprick from Peter not one word saith Chrysostom 'T is true the Latin reads it as the Cardinal doth but such an undertaker as he was should have sought the fountains As for Saint Austin Cap. 37. he agrees herein with the other Fathers in his second book against Cresconius where speaking of the Church of Hierusalem he describes it thus quam primus Apostolus Jacobus Episcopatu suo rexit whereof S. James the Apostle was the first Bishop Add here the joynt consent and suffrage of 289 Prelates in the sixth General Council of Constantinople Concil Constant in Can. 32. affirming James the Lords Brother to be the first Bishop of Hierusalem not to say any thing of Oecumenius and Theophylact whom before we cited Never was point in issue tried by a fuller evidence And yet one other circumstance occurs to confirm the point which is that till Eusebius time Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 14. the Chair or Cathedra Episcopalis wherein S. James was said to be inthroned was very carefully preserved by his Successors as a sacred Monument and gladly shewed to all that desired to see it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Author hath it An evidence of no mean consideration as being vouched by an Author that lived before the superstitious reverence and esteem of Reliques had been introduced into the world or any Impostures of that kind put upon the people Unto which testimony of Eusebius Beda Martyrol Decemb. 28. we may add that of Beda also who in his Martyrologie doth place the memorial or commemoration of the Apostles inthronizing in that Chair or Throne upon the 27 of December wherein I dare not joyn with him as unto the day though I approve his observation of the fact or ceremony as being every way conform to the ancient custom of the Church One only thing I have to add and rectifie Hieron de Script Eccles which concerns S. James and is briefly thus S. Hierome tells us out of Egesippus huic soli licitum esse ingredi Sancta Sanctorum that it was only lawful to S. James to enter into the Holy of Holies whereas in truth it should not be huic soli licitum but huic solitum And this appears to be the true and ancient reading by comparing the translation of Sophronius with S. Hieroms Text wherein we have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that it was his custom so to do the Jews permitting him to enjoy that priviledge in the declining times of their State and Temple by reason of the holiness of his conversation Id. ibid. Finally to conclude with Hierom this blessed Man of God was Martyr'd in the 7 year of Nero An. Chr. 63. postquam triginta annos Hierosolymis rexerat Ecclesiam after he had been Bishop of Hierusalem 30 year that is to say 29 years compleat and the 30 currant By which account it must needs follow that the making of this James Bishop of Hierusalem was one of the first actions of the Apostles after they were endued with the Holy Ghost James being dead Simeon another of the Lords Disciples was made the Bishop of that Church Peter and Paul and John and many other of the Apostles being then alive and all concurring in this choice and consenting to it Eusebius Euseb hist Eccl. l. 3. c. 10. as he tells the story makes it a very solemn business scarce such another Precedent to be found in all antiquity And he relates it thus as followeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. After the Martyrdom of James and the taking of Hierusalem by the Romans it is affirmed that the Apostles and Disciples of our Lord and Saviour which were yet alive together with those of the Lords kindred after the flesh many of whom continued living till that time resorted thither Their business was to enter into consultation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom they should find most worthy to succeed in the place of James and having well considered of it they all with one accord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Author agreed on Simeon the Son of Cleophas one of our Saviours kindred also as fit and worthy to possess the Episcopal Throne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Ibid. and look unto the government of that Church or Diocess So that in this election there did not only meet together the Lords kindred who might perhaps desire to keep that holy honour in their own family not the Disciples only of the lower rank who might perhaps be easily induced to consent thereto to gratifie the kindred of their Lord and Master But there met also the Apostles men guided and directed by the Spirit of God and all of these coming from several parts and countries did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with one accord with one unanimous assent agree upon the choice of this worthy man to be the Bishop or chief Pastor of the mother City which place he held until the time of Trajan during whose Empire he received the Crown of Martyrdom Anno 109. Here then we have two Bishops of Hierusalem made by the general and joynt consent of the Apostles and those two Bishops not in name and title but in power and office according to the Ecclesiastical notion of the word and as the same is taken in the writings of the Fathers before alledged I know the word Episcopus in the primitive and proper notion doth signifie a Supervisor or Overseer as it is rendred in our last Translation Act. 20.4 Suidas in Episcopo Such were the Officers of the Athenians whom Suidas speaks of sent by that State to look into the Government of the Cities under their dominion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And these saith he were called Bishops and Guardians In this last sense the word is often used by Plutarch Plutarch in Numa as where he calleth Numa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishop or Guardian of the Vestal Virgins and their God Terminus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Overseer and preserver of peace and amity Thus do we read in Sophocles of certain Officers called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as took care about the dead of others in the civil Laws qui pani LL. Munerum caeteris rebus venalibus praesunt which had the oversight of the markets and those called Episcopi And thus doth Tully tell us of himself Cicero ad Atticum l. 7. Vult me Pompeius episcopum esse c. that Pompey had made him the Overseer or the Guardian of Campania and the whole Sea-coast This being the meaning of the word in its native sense it pleased the Holy Ghost to make choice thereof to signifie the Pastor or Superiour Minister to whom
attended by his Presbyters at the reception of Saint Paul Chrys in Act. 21. and they together joyning with him in the consultation then in hand the business being great and weighty And therefore Chrysostom observes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that James determined nothing in it as a Bishop of his sole authority but took Paul into counsel with him and that the Presbyters on the other side carried themselves with great respect and reverence towards him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giving him an account or reason of their following counsel The Bishop never fist in a firmer Chair than when his Chapter doth support it But that which is indeed the matter of the greatest moment is that which occurs in the 15. Chapter of the Acts touching the Council of Hierusalem wherein the Presbyters are so often mentioned as if without their presence and assistance the Apostles had been able to determine nothing Some would fain have it so perhaps but it will not be Saint Paul was so assured of the Doctrine by him delivered as not to put it to the trial of a mortal man and the Apostles of a spirit so infallible in the things of God as not to need the counsel and assistance of inferiour persons How many points of Doctrine did Saint Paul determine without repairing to the Apostles How many did the Apostles preach and publish without consulting with the Presbyters Somwhat there must be in it more than ordinary which did occasion this conjuncture and is briefly this Some of the Jews which had but newly been initiated in the faith of Christ and were yet very zealous of their ancient Ceremonies came from Hierusalem to Antiochia Acts 15.1 and there delivered Doctrines contrary unto those which Paul taught before It seems there were some Presbyters amongst them for it is said they taught the people and they pretended too that they did teach no other Doctrine than that which had been authorized by the Apostles The Doctrine was that except men would be circumcised after the manner of Moses they could not be saved Paul might have over-ruled this case by his own authority But partly for the satisfaction of the Antiochians and partly for the full conviction of these false Teachers he was content by Revelation of the Spirit Gal. 2.2 to put the matter over to the resolution of such of the Apostles as were then abiding in Hierusalem that by their general attestation they might confirm his doctrine to be sound and true As for the Presbyters it concerned them to be present also as well to clear themselves from authorizing any such false brethren to disturb the Church as to prevent the like disorders in the time to come This is the sum of the proceedings in this business And this doth no way interest the Presbyters in the determination of points of faith further than as they are concerned either in having been a means to pervert the same or for the clearing of themselves from the like suspicions And yet I cannot but affirm withal that pure and primitive antiquity did derive from hence the Form and manner of their Councils in which the Presbyters did oftentimes concur both for voice and hand I mean as well in giving of their suffrages as the subscription of their names Concil Tarracon Can. 13. Certain I am that in the Council held in Arragon Anno 490. or thereabouts it was provided among other things ut non solum à Cathedralibus verum etiam de Diocesanis that certain Presbyters should be chosen as well out of the Diocesan as the Cathedral Churches to attend that service and that the Metropolitan should send out his Letters unto that effect according as is still observed in holding of the Convocation of the Church of England Next to the constituting of the Presbyters in time and order was the election of the Seven and this the Apostles did put over to the people only not intermedling in the same at all further than in commending them to the grace of God that they might faithfully discharge the trust committed to them The Church was then in that condition that the Disciples lived in one place together and had all things common some of them selling their Estates Acts 4.32.34 35. and laying down the price thereof at the Apostles feet that by them it might be distributed as occasion was But being it fell out that some did think themselves neglected in the distribution the Apostles both to free themselves of so great a trouble Acts 6.1 as also to avoid suspicion of being partial in the business required them to make choice of such trusty men as they conceived most fit to be the Stewards of their goods Acts 6.3 and the dispensers of the common stock This was the charge the Seven were called to by the people which being no Ecclesiastical function but a Civil trust no dispensation of the Word and Sacraments but a dispository power of the common Treasure it was most consonant to the Rules of Reason that the election of them should be left to the people only I know these Seven are commonly both called and accounted Deacons but I find no such thing in the Texts or story Neither in that Chapter nor in all the Acts is the word Deacon to be found nor find I either Stephen or Philip of whom the Scripture is most copious to be so entituled Acts 21.8 Philip indeed is called unus de septem but no more one of the Seven but no such stile as Deacon added which makes me think their Office was not such as it is conceived And this I am the rather induced to think because I find Saint Chrysostom Hom. 14. in Act. 6. and others of the same opinion Saint Chrysostom putting it unto the question what dignity or Office these men had what Ordination they received and namely whether that of Deacons makes answer first that in his time the use was otherwise the Presbyters being there intrusted with the distribution of the Churches Treasure and then concludeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it appeared not in his opinion that they were either Presbyters or Deacons The Fathers of the sixth Council in Constantinople building upon those words of Chrysostom Concil in Trullo Can. 16. do affirm the same determining expresly that those Seven mentioned in the Acts were not ordained to any ministration at the Lords Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but only to the service and attendance of the Common Tables Hieron in epist ad Euagr. In which regard Saint Hierom looking back unto the Primitive institution doth call the Deacons of his time mensarum viduarum Ministros in his Epistle to Euagrius For howsoever I believe not on my former ground that the Seven spoken of in the Acts had either the Office or the name of Deacons as it was used afterwards in the Church of God yet I deny not but the Church took some hint from hence even in the
Craec in Martii 14. was by him ordained Bishop of Britain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the words there are a region full of fierce and savage people and that having there setled the Church and ordained Presbyters and Deacons in the same he did there also end his life The Reverend Primate of Armagh out of a fragment attributed to Heleca De Britannic Eccl. prim c. 1. sometimes Bishop of Saragossa in Spain doth recite a passage wherein it is affirmed of this Aristobulus missum in Angliam Episcopum that he was sent Bishop into England for so the Author calleth this Countrey according to the name it had when he writ the same But these things which relate to the British Churches I rather shall refer to our learned Antiquaries to be considered of more fully than affirm any thing my self But to look back on Timothy and Titus whom we left lately in their several Churches I hear it said that notwithstanding all those proofs before produced from the ancient yet being Evangelists as they were they could be no Bishops Smectymn p. 48. Bishops being tied to the particular care of that flock or Church over which God had made them Overseers but the Evangelists being Planetary sent up and down from place to place by the Apostles as the necessities of the Church required Besides that moving in an higher sphere than that of Bishops and being Co-partners with Saint Paul in his Apostleship or Apostolical function Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 36. it had been a devesting of themselves of their Apostolical jurisdiction and preheminence to become Bishops at the last and so descend from a superiour to an inferiour Office For answer whereunto we need say but this that the gift of being an Evangelist might and did fall on any rank of ordinary Ministers as might that also of the Prophet Philip one of the seven a Deacon as it is generally conceived but howsoever Ministring unto the Church in an inferiour place or Office was notwithstanding an Evangelist and Agabus though perhaps but a simple Presbyter one of the Seventy past all question was a Prophet too Philip as he was one of the Seven was tied to a particular employment and of necessity sometimes Acts 6.12 must leave the Word of God to serve Tables Yet the same Philip as he was furnished by the Lord with gifts and graces for gaining Souls to God Almighty and doing the work of an Evangelist must leave the serving of those Tables to preach the Word And Agabus Acts 11.27 28. 21.10 if he were a Presbyter whether of Hierusalem from whence he is twice said to come or of some other Church that I will not say might notwithstanding his employment in a particular Church repair to Antioch or Caesarea as the Spirit willed him there to discharge the Office of a Prophet So then both Timothy and Titus might be Bishops as to their ordinary place and calling though in relation unto their extraordinary gifts they were both Evangelists As for their falling from a higher to a lower function from an Evangelist unto a Bishop I cannot possibly perceive where the fall should be They that object this will not say but Timothy at the least was made a Presbyter for wherefore else did the Presbytery which they so much stand on lay hands upon him And certainly if it were no diminution from an Evangelist to become a I resbyter it was a preferment unto the Evangelist from being but a Presbyter to become a Bishop But for the Bishopping of Timothy and Titus as to the quod sit of it that so they were in the opinion of all ancient Writers we have said enough We will next look on the authority committed to them to see what further proof hereof may be brought for that CHAP. V. Of the Authority and Jurisdiction given by the Word of God to Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops 1. The Authority committed to Timothy and Titus was to be perpetual and not personal only 2. The power of Ordination intrusted only unto Bishops by the Word of God according to the judgments of the Fathers 3. Bishops alone both might and did Ordain without their Presbyters 4. That Presbyters might not Ordain without a Bishop proved by the memorable case of Coluthus and Ischyras 5. As by those also of Maximus and a Spanish Bishop 6. In what respects the joint assistance of the Presbyters was required herein 7. The case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas declared and qualified 8. The care of ordering Gods Divine Service a work peouliar to the Bishop 9. To whom the Ministration also of the Saoraments doth in chief belong 10. Bishops to have a care that Gods Word be preached and to encourage those that take pains that way 11. Bishops to silence and correct such Presbyters as preach other doctrines 12. As also to reprove and reject the Heretick 13. The censure and correction of inferiour Presbyters doth belong to Bishops 14. And of Lay-people also if they walk unworthy of their Christian calling 15. Conjectural proofs that the description of a Bishop in the first to Timothy is of a Bishop truly and properly so called THEY who object that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and so by consequence no Bishops Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 60 61 c. have also said and left in writing that the authority committed to them by Saint Paul did not belong to them at all as Bishops but Evangelists only But this if pondered as it ought hath no ground to stand on The calling of Evangelists as it was Extraordinary so it was but temporary to last no longer than the first planting of the Church for which so many signal gifts and graces of the Holy Spirit were at first poured on the Disciples I know not any Orthodox Writer who doth not in this point agree with Calvin Com. in 4. ad Eph. v. 11. who in his Comment on the Epistle to the Ephesians gives us this instruction Deum Apostolis Evangelistis Prophetis Ecclesiam suam non nisi ad tempus ornasse that God adorned his Church with Prophets Evangelists and Apostles for a season only having before observed that of all those holy ministrations there recited Postrema tantum duo perpetua esse the two last viz. Pastors and Teachers which he takes for two were to be perpetual But on the other side power to ordain fit Ministers of what sort soever as also to reprove and censure those that behaved themselves unworthily authority to convent and reject an Heretick to punish by the censures of the Church all such as give offence and scandal to the Congregation by their exhorbitant and unruly living this ought to be perpetual in the Church of Christ This the Apostle seems to intimate when he said to Timothy I charge thee in the sight of God 1 Tim. 6.14 and before Jesus Christ that thou keep this Commandment without spot
and shewing what perfections were in them required then adds Quos Successores relinquebant sunm ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes whom they did leave to be their Successors delivering unto them their own place of government Cypr. Epist 42. vel l. 2. ep 10. S. Cyprian next writing to Cornelius then Bishop of Rome exhorts him to endeavour to preserve that unity Per Apostolos nobis Successoribus traditam which was commended by the Apostles unto them their Successors So in another place speaking of the commission which our Saviour gave to his Apostles he adds that it was also given to those Praepositi Id. Epist 69. vel l 4. ep 10. rulers and governours of the Church Qui Apostolis Vicaria ordinatione succedunt which by their ordination have been substituted as Successors to them And lest we should mistake his meaning in the word Prupositi Firmilianut anothe ●i shop of those times Firmil ep Cy. Epist 79. in an Epistle unto Cyprian useth instead thereof the word Episcopi not varying in the rest from those very words which Cyprian had used before Hieron ad Marcell adv Mont. Hierom although conceived by some to be an adversary of the Bishops doth affirm as much Where speaking of Montanus and his faction he shews this difference betwixt them and the Church of God viz. that they had cast the Bishop downwards made him to be the third in order Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent but in the Catholick-Church of Christ the Bishops held the place or room of the Apostles The like he saith in his Epistle to Euagrius Id. ad Euagr. where speaking of the parity of Bishops amongst themselves that the eminency of their Churches did make no difference in their authority he gives this reason of the same Omnes Apostolorum successores sunt because they were all Successors to the Apostles So also in his Comments on the Book of Psalms writing upon those words Id. in Psal 44. Instead of thy Fathers thou shalt have Children he tells us that at first the Apostles were the Fathers of the Church but they being gon Habes pro his Episcopos filios the Church had Bishops in their stead which though they were her Children as begotten by her Sunt tamen patres tui yet they were also Fathers to her in that she was directed and guided by them August in Psal 44. S. Austin on the same words hath the like conceit the Fathers of the Church saith he were the Lords Apostles Pro Apostolis filii nati sunt tibi constituti sunt Episcopi instead of those Fathers the Church hath Children Bishops that be ordained in her such whom she calleth Fathers though her self begat them constituit in Sedibus patrum and placed them in the seats or thrones of those holy Fathers August Epist 42. The like the same Saint Austin in another place to the same effect The root saith he of Christian Religion is by the seats of the Apostles Successiones Episcoporum and the succession of the Bishops dispersed and propagated over all the world Grego Magn. hom 26. And so S. Gregory discoursing of the power of binding and loosing committed by the Lord unto his Apostles applies it thus Horum nunc in Ecclesiâ locum Episcopi tenent that now the Bishops hold their places in the Church of Christ Not that the Bishops do succeed them in their personal graces their mighty power of working Miracles speaking with tongues giving the Holy Ghost and others such as these which were meerly temporary but in their Pastoral charge and government as the chief Rulers of the Church the ordinary Pastors of the Flock of Christ Now that the Bishops are the ordinary Pastors of the Church and so conceived to be by the ancient Fathers will be made evident by as good authority as the point before Ignatius Ignat. Epist ad Antioch who conversed with most of the Apostles writing unto the Antiochians requireth them to call to mind Euodius who was his Predecessor in the See of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tertull. de fuga in persecut their most blessed Pastor Tertullian discoursing on those words of Christ The hireling seeth the Woolf coming and fleeth but that the good Shepherd layeth down his life for the Sheep Joh. 10. inferreth thereupon Praepositos Ecclesiae in persecutione fugere non oportere that the Prelates or Governours of the Church are not to fly in persecution By which it is most clear not to dispute the truth of his assertion that Pastor Praepositus Ecclesiae do come both to one Cypr. de Aleatore S. Cyprian in his tract de Aleatore is more plain and positive Nam ut constaret nos i. e. Episcopos Pastores esse ovium Spiritualium c. that it might evidently appear saith he that we the Bishops are the Pastors of the Flock of Christ He said to Peter feed my Sheep And in another place for fear the former Book may prove none of his expostulating with Pupianus Id. Epist 69. who charged him as it seemeth for some defect in his administration he thus drives the point Behold saith he for these six years Nec fraternitas babuerit Episcopum neither the Brother-hood hath had a Bishop nor the People a Praepositus or Ruler nor the Flock a Pastor nor the Church a Governour nor Christ a Prelate nor God a Priest Where plainly Pastor and Episcopus and so all the rest are made to be the same one function More clearly in another place of the same Epistle where he defineth a Church to be Plebs sacerdoti adunata Pastori suo grex adhaerens that is to say a People joyned or united rather to their Priest a Flock adhering to their Pastor Where by Sacerdos as before and in other Authors of the first times he meaneth no other than a Bishop as doth appear by that which followeth Vnde scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesia c. From whom thou oughtest to understand saith he the Bishop to be in the Church and the Church to be also in the Bishop and that whoever is not with the Bishop is not in the Church Optatus saith the same in brief Opta de schismate lib. 1. by whom Pastor sine grege Episcopus sine populo a Bishop without a Church or People and a Pastor without a Flock are joyned together as Synonyma S. Austin speaking of two sorts of Over-seers in the fold of Christ some of them being Children and the others hirelings then adds Praepositi autem qui filii sunt Pastores sunt Aug●st Tra●● 46. in Job the Rulers which are Children of the Church they are the Pastors And in another place not long since cited speaking of Episcopale judicium the condemnation that attends the Bishops sentence he presently subjoyns Pastoralis tamen necessitas Id de corr●pt grat c. 15. that yet the necessity
Eccles l. 4.21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Five books he writ as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom tell us touching the Acts and Monuments of the Church of God this last affirming of the work that it contained many things ad utilitatem legentium pertinentia exceeding profitable to the Reader De scriptor Eccles though written in a plain and familiar stile Some fragments of his cited by Eusebius we have seen before the body of his Works being eaten by the teeth of Time and one we are to look on now being the remainder of a most accurate and full confession of his Faith Euseb ut supra which he left behind him There he relates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in a Journey towards Rome he did confer with many Bishops and that he found amongst them all the same Form of Doctrine there being no City where he came no Episcopal succession wherein he found not all things so confirmed and setled as they were prescribed by the Word taught by the Prophets and Preached by our Lord and Saviour Particularly he tells us of the Church of Corinth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it continued constantly in the Orthodox Faith till the time that Primus was there Bishop with whom he had much conference as he sailed towards Rome staying with him many days at Corinth and being much delighted with his Conversation Of Rome he only doth inform us that he abode there till the time of Anicetus whose Deacon Eleutherus at that time was who not long after did succeed in his Pastors Chair Soter succeeding Anicetus Eleutherus succeeding Soter Where by the way De viris ill in Egesip I wonder how Saint Hierom came to place the coming of Egesippus unto Rome sub Aniceto when Anicetus was there Bishop considering that Egesippus tells us he was there before and that he there continued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 until the time of Anicetus as before was said Discoursing of the Errours of the Jews his Countrey-men he sheweth that after James the Just was martyred in defence of Christs Truth and Gospel Simeon the son of Cleophas and Uncle to our Saviour was erected Bishop all the Disciples giving their voices unto him as being of their Masters kindred He addeth that Hierusalem whereof he speaketh was called for long time the Virgin Church as being undefiled with the filth of Heresies and that Thebulis was the first who broached strange Doctrine in the same the man being discontented as it seemed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he was not made a Bishop So far the pieces of this Journal or Itinerary direct us in this present search as to discern how strong a bulwark the Episcopal succession hath been and been accounted also of Gods sacred Truths how strong a Pillar for support of that blessed building At the same time with Egesippus lived Dionysius the learned and renowned Bishop of the Church of Corinth Euseb Eccles hist l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De scriptor Ecc. successor to that Primus whom before we spoke of A man as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom say of such both industry and Eloquence ut non solum suae Civitatis Provinciae populos that he instructed not alone by his Epistles the people of his own City and Province but also those of other Churches One writ he saith Eusebius to the Lacedemonians at once confirming them in faith and love another unto the Athenians about the time that Publius their Bishop suffered Martyrdom exhorting them to live according to the prescript of Christs holy Gospel In that Epistle he makes mention of Quadratus also who succeeded Publius in that charge declaring also that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted by Saint Paul was made the first Bishop of that City Of which three Bishops of Athens Quadratus is much celebrated by Eusebius for an Apologie by him written Euseb l. 4. c. 3. and tendred unto Adrian the Emperour in the behalf of Christians being the first piece of that kind that was ever written in the World and written as it seems with such power and efficacy Id. ibid. c. 9. that shortly after Adrian desisted from his persecuting of the Church of God making a Law or Edict for their future safety But to go on with Dionysius A third he writ unto the Nicomedians opposing in the same the Heresies of Marcion a fourth unto the Gortynaeans in which he much commended their Bishop Philip in that the Church committed to his care and governance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been made famous by so many tryals both for faith and constancy He writ unto the Church of Amastris also and the rest in Pontus speaking by name of Palma the Bishop there as also to the Church of Gnossus in the Isle of Crete in which he did persuade Pintus Bishop of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to impose that grievous yoke of Chastity upon his brethren as a matter necessary but to consider rather the infirmity and weakness of them Finally there was extant in Eusebius's time another Epistle of this Dionysius to the Church of Rome wherein he magnifieth their abundant charity towards all the Brethren which were in want or persecution not only of their own but of other Cities highly commending Soter who was then their Bishop who did not only study to preserve them in so good a way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also did encourage them to improve their bounties So much remains of Dionysius and his publick Acts by which we may perceive that though the Bishops of those times as since had their particular Sees and Cities yet did their care extend unto others also maintaining a continual intercourse betwixt one another not only for their mutual comfort in those dangerous times but also for the better government of the Church it self the Unity whereof was then best preserved by that correspondence which the Bishops in the name of their several Churches had with one another For other Bishops of those times not to say any thing of Melito or Polycarpus whom before we spake of nor of the Bishops of the four Patriarchal Sees which we shall have occasion to remember shortly those of most fame were Papias and Apollinarius Euseb Hist l. 3. c 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops successively of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia Pothinus Bishop of Lyons in France Id. l. 4. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 5. c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. c. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea Cassius Bishop of Tyre Clarius Bishop of Ptolomais all three in Palestine Publius Julius Bishop of Debelto a Colony in Thrace with many others of great eminency whereof consult Euseb Hist Eccles 5. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By this that hath been said of Dionysius and other Bishops
Tertul. lib. de jejuniis c. 13. That Bishops use to impose Fasts upon the people is not done of purpose for lucre or the Alms then given but out of a regard of the Churches welfare or the sollicitousness which they have thereof Wherein as he removes a cavil which as it seems was cast upon the Church about the calling of those Fasts so plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop only according unto whose appointment in unum omnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agitabant they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So for disposing of the Churches Treasure for Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit Id. in Apol. c. every month the people used to bring their Offerings as we call them now every man as he would and could that also appertained unto the Bishop Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy for their present maintenance so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses as in relief of Widows and poor Virgins which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian Tertul. de Virg. veland cap. 9. in his book de Virginibus velandis where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of Widows he adds cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline and setting up so strange a Monster as a Virgin-Widow And this is that which after was confirmed in the Council of Antioch Conc. Antioch Can. 25. where it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things or goods that appertained unto the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need in the fear of God Finally for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God in the remitting of his sins Tertul. de pudicitia cap. 18. and bringing of him back to the fold again that in Tertullians time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also For speaking of Repentance after Faith received de poenitentia post fidem as he calls it he is content to give this efficacy thereunto though otherwise he held being then a Montanist that heinous Sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to Repentance I say he is content to give this efficacy thereunto that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop for greater and unpardonable from God alone But take his own words with you for the greater surety and his words are these viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest aut majoribus irremissibilibus à Deo solo Pamel Annot. praedict lib. 159. In which Pamelius seems to wonder at his moderation as being of a better temper in this point than was Montanus into whose Sect he now was fallen who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other than to God and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone And in another place of the same book also Tertul. lib. de Pudicit cap. 1. although he seem to jeer and deride the usage he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest fins upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoyned For thus he bringeth in the Bishop whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus and Episcopus Episcoporum proclaiming as it were a general Pardon to such as had performed their Penance Ego moechiae fornicationis delicta poenitenti functis dimitto that he remitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery Which words of his declare not more his Errour than the Bishops Power in this particular What interest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty business of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God we shall see hereafter when as the same began to be in practice and was by them put in execution Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted Truth that properly originally and in chief it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoyn Penance and admit the Penitent and not to the inferiour Presbyters but as they had authority by and under him Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random let us behold the manner of this Reconciliation as layed down by Sozomen Sozomen Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 16. not as relating to his own times but to the times whereof we speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. They stand saith he in an appointed place sorrowful and lamented and when the Eucharist is ended whereof they are not suffered to be partakers they cast themselves with grief and lamentation flat upon the ground 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishop then approaching towards him kneeleth also by him on the ground and all the multitude also do the like with great grief and ejulation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This done the Bishop riseth first and gently raiseth up the prostrate Penitent and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of Penance as much as he thinks fit and requisite they are dismissed for the present And being thus dismissed every man privately at home doth afflict himself either by fasting or by abstinence from Meats and Bathes for a certain time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as long as by the Bishop is enjoyned him Which time appointed being come and his Penance in this sort performed he is absolved from his sins sins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and joyned again unto the residue of the Congregation And this saith he hath been the custom of the Western Church and especially of the Church of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the very first beginning to this present time So that both in the City of Rome in which Tertullian sometimes lived and in the Western Church whereof he was a member being a Presbyter of Carthage and in the times in which he flourished for thus it was from the beginning the Bishop regularly had the power both of enjoyning Penance and reconciling of the Penitent as it still continueth Nor doth that passage in Tertullian any way cross the point delivered where speaking of the several acts of humiliation which were to be performed by the Penitent before he could be reconciled to the Church of God Tertul. lib. de Poenitent c. 9. he reckoneth these amongst the rest Presbyteris advolvi aris or caris Dei adgeniculari for whether of the two it is adbuc sub Judice omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere to cast themselves before the Presbyters to kneel before the Altars or the Saints of God to entreat the Prayers
we should have heard thereof in the holy Scriptures And finding nothing of it there it were but unadvisedly done to take it on the word and credit of a private man Non credimus quia non legimus was in some points Saint Hieroms rule and shall now be ours As little likelihood there is that the Angels did observe this day and sanctifie the same to the Lord their God yet some have been so venturous as to affirm it Sure I am Torniellus saith it Annal. d. 7. And though he seem to have some Authors upon whom to cast it yet his approving of it makes it his as well as theirs who first devised it Quidam non immerito existimarunt hoc ipso die in Coelis omnes Angelorum choros speciali quadam exultatione in Dei laudes prorupisse quod tam praeclarum admirabile opus absolvisset Nay he 38.4.6 and they whoever they were have a Scripture for it even Gods word to Job Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth when the morning stars sang together and all the Sons of God shouted for joy Who and from whence those Quidam were that so interpreted Gods words I could never find and yet have took some pains to seek it De Civit. Dei l. 11. c. 9. Sure I am Saint Austin makes a better use of them and comes home indeed unto the meaning Some men it seems affirmed that the Angels were not made till after the six days were finished in which all things had been created and he refers them to this Text for their confutation Which being repeated he concludes Jam ergo erant Angeli quando facta sunt sydera facta autem sunt sydera die quarto Therefore saith he the Angels were created before the Stars and on the fourth day were the Stars created Yet Zanchius and those Quidam be they who they will fell short a little of another conceit of Philos De vita Mosis lib. 3. who tells us that the Sabbath had a priviledge above other days not only from the first Creation of the World though that had been enough to set out the Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but even before the Heavens and all things visible were created If so it must be sanctified by the holy Trinity without the tongues of Men and Angels and God not having worked must rest and sanctifie a time when no time was But to return to Torniellus however those Quidam did mislead him and make him think that the first Sabbath had been sanctified by the holy Angels Annal. d. 7. yet he ingenuously confesseth that sanctifying of the Sabbath here upon the earth was not in use till very many Ages after not till the Law was given by Moses Veruntamen in terris ista Sabbati sanctificatio non nisi post multa secula in usum venisse creditur nimirum temporibus Mosis quando sub praecepto data est filiis Israel So Torniellus So Torniellus and so far unquestionable For that there was no Sabbath kept amongst us men till the times of Moses the Christian Fathers generally and some Rabbins also have agreed together Which that we may the better shew I shall first let you see what they say in general and after what they have delivered of particular men most eminent in the whole story of Gods Book until the giving of the Law And first that never any of the Patriarchs before Moses time did observe the Sabbath Justin the Martyr hath assured us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dial. cum Tryph. None of the righteous men saith he and such as walked before the Lord were either circumcised or kept the Sabbath until the several times of Abraham and Moses And where the Jews were scandalized in that the Christians did eat hot meats on the Sabbath days the Martyr makes reply that the said just and righteous men not taking heed of any such observances 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obtained a notable testimony of the Lord himself Adv. haeres l. 4. c. 30. So Irenaeus having first told us that Circumcision and the Sabbath were both given for signs and having spoken particularly of Abraham Noah Lot and Enoch that they were justified without them adds for the close of all that all the multitude of the faithful before Abraham were justified without the one Et Patriarcharum eorum qui ante Mosen fuerunt and all the Patriarchs which preceded Moses without the other Adv. Judaeos Tertullian next disputeth thus against the Jews that they which think the Sabbath must be still observed as necessary to salvation or Circumcision to be used upon pain of death Doceant in Praeteritum justos sabbatizasse aut circumcidisse sic amicos Dei effectos esse ought first of all saith he to prove That the Fathers of the former times were Circumcised or kept the Sabbath or that thereby they did obtain to be accounted the friends of God Then comes Eusebius the Historian and he makes it good Hist l. 1. c. 4. that the Religion of the Patriarchs before Moses Law was nothing different from the Christian And how proves he that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They were not Circumcised no more are we they kept not any Sabbath no more do we they were not bound to abstinence from sundry kinds of meats which are prohibited by Moses nor are we neither Which argument he also useth to the self-same purpose in his first book de demonstr Evang. and sixth Chapter And in his seventh de praeparatione he resolves it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cap. 6. c. The Hebrews which preceded Moses and were quite ignorant of his Law whereof he makes the Sabbath an especial part disposed their ways according to a voluntary kind of piety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 framing their lives and actions to the law of nature This argument is also used by Epiphanius Adv. haereses l. 1. n. 5. who speaking of the first Ages of the World informs us that as then there was no difference among men in matters of opinion no Judaism nor kind of Heresie whatsoever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but that the faith which doth now flourish in Gods Church was from the beginning If so no Sabbath was observed in the times of old because none in his I could enlarge my Catalogue but that some testimonies are to be reserved to another place when I shall come to shew you that the Commandment of the Sabbath was published to Gods People by Moses only See Ch. 4. and that to none but to the Jews After so many of the Fathers the modern Writers may perhaps seem unnecessary yet take one or two First Musculus 2 Edit p. 12. as Doctor Bound informs me for I take his word who tells us that it cannot be proved that the Sabbath was kept before the giving of the Law either from Adam to Noah or from the Flood to the times of Moses or
And if St. Austins note be true and the note be his Serm. de temp 154. that on the first day of the week transgressi sunt filii Israel mare rubrum siccis pedibus the Israelites went dry-foot over the Red-sea or Sea of Edom then must the day before if any be the Sabbath-day the next seventh day after the day of their departure But that day certainly was not kept as a Sabbath day For it was wholly spent in murmuring and complaints against God and Moses They cryed unto the Lord Exod. 14.11 12. and they said to Moses why hast thou brought us out of Egypt to die in the Wilderness Had it not been better far for us to serve the Egyptians Nothing in all these murmurings and seditious Clamours that may denote it for a Sabbath for an holy Festival Nor do we find that for the after-times they made any scruple of journying on that day till the Law was given unto the contrary in Mount Sinai which was the eleventh station after their escape from Egypt It was the fancy of Rabbi Solomon that the Sabbath was first given in Marah and that the sacrifice of the Red Cow mentioned in the nineteenth of Numbers Exod. 15.26 was instituted at that time also This fancy founded on those words in the Book of Exodus If thou wilt diligently hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God c. then will I bring none of those Diseases upon thee that I brought on the Egyptians But Torniellus and Tostatus and Lyra though himself a Jew count it no other than a Jewish and Rabbinical folly Sure I am that on the fifteenth day of the second month after their departure out of Egypt being that day seventhnight before the first Sabbath was discovered in the fall of Manna we find not any thing that implies either Rest or Worship We read indeed how all the Congregation murmured as they did before against Moses and against Aaron Exod. 16.2 wishing that they had died in the Land of Egypt where they had Bread their bellies full rather than be destroyed with Famine So eagerly they murmured that to content them God sent them Quailes that night and rained down Bread from Heaven next morning Was this think you the sanctifying of a Sabbath to the Lord their God Indeed the next seventh day that followed was by the Lord commended to them for a Sabbath and ratified by a great and signal miracle the day before wherein it pleased him to give them double what they used to gather on the former days that they might rest upon the seventh with the greater comfort This was a preamble or preparative to the following Sabbath for by this miracle this rest of God from raining Mannah on the seventh day the people came to know which was precisely the seventh day from the Worlds Creation whereof they were quite ignorant at that present time Philo assures us in his third Book de vita Mosis that the knowledg of that day on which God rested from his works had been quite forgotten 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reason of those many miseries which had befaln the World by fire and water and so continued till by this miracle the Lord revived again the remembrance of it And in another place De vita Mosis l. 1. when men had made a long enquiry after the birth-day of the World and were yet to seek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. God made it known to them by a special miracle which had so long been hidden from their Ancestors The falling of a double portion of Mannah on the sixth day and the not putrifying of it on the seventh was the first light that Moses had to descry the Sabbath which he accordingly commended unto all the people to be a day of rest unto them that as God ceased that day from sending so they should rest from looking after their daily Bread But what need Philo be produced when we have such an ample Testimony from the word it self For it is manifest in the story that when the people on the sixth day had gathered twice as much Mannah as they used to do Exod. 16.5 according as the Lord had directed by his servant Moses they understood not what they did at least why they did it The Rulers of the Congregation as the Text informs us Verse 22 came and told Moses of it and he as God before had taught him acquainted them Verse 23 that on the morrow should be the rest of the holy Sabbath unto the Lord and that they were to keep the over-plus until the morning Nay so far were the people from knowing any thing of the Sabbath or of Gods rest upon that day that though the Prophet had thus preached unto them of a Sabbaths rest the people gave small credit to him For it is said that some of the people went out to gather on the seventh day Verse 27 which was the seventh day after or the second Sabbath as some think notwithstanding all that had been spoken and that the Mannah stank not as on other days So that this resting of the people was the first sanctifying of the Sabbath mentioned in the Scriptures and Gods great care to make provision for his people on the day before the blessing he bestowed upon it And this is that which Solomon Iarchi tells us Ch. 1. n. 2. as before we noted Benedixit ei i.e. in Mannah quia omnibus diebus septimanae descendit Omer pro singulis sexto panis duplex sanctificavit eum i.e. in Mannah quia non descendit omnino Nay generally the Hebrew Doctors do affirm the same assuring us that the Commandment of the Sabbath is the foundation and ground of all the rest as being given before them all at the fall of Mannah Vnde dicunt Hebraei sabbatum fundamentum esse aliorum praeceptorum quod ante alia praecepta hoc datum sit De fest Judaeor c. 3. quando Mannah acceperunt So Hospinian tells us Therefore the Sabbath was not given before in their own confession This happened on the two and twentieth day of the second month after their coming out of Egypt and of the Worlds Creation Anno 2044. the people being then in the Wilderness of Sin which was their seventh station The seventh day after being the nine and twentieth of the second month is thought by some I know not upon what authority to be that day whereon some of the people distrusting all that Moses said went out to gather Mannah Numb 35. as on other days but whether they were then in the Wilderness of Sin or were incamped in Dophkath Alush or Rephidim which were their next removes that the Scriptures say not Most likely that they were in the last station considering the great businesses there performed the fight with Amalek and the new ordering of the Government by Jethroes Counsel and that upon the third day of the third moneth which
what is said before out of Theodoret and Sedulius Chap. 1. n. 6. Hesychius goes yet further and will not have the fourth Commandment to be any of the ten Etsi decem mandatis insertum sit non tamen ex iis esse In Levit. l. 6. c. 26. and howsoever it is placed amongst them yet it is not of them And therefore to make up the number divides the first Commandment into two as those of Rome have done the last to exclude the second But here Hesychius was deceived in taking this Commandment to be only Ceremonial whereas it is indeed of a mixt or middle nature for so the Schoolmen and other learned Authors in these later times grounding themselves upon the Fathers have resolved it generally Moral it is as to the Duty that there must be a time appointed for the service of God and Ceremonial as unto the Day to be one of seven and to continue that whole day and to surcease that day from all kind of work As moral placed amongst the ten Commandments extending unto all mankind and written naturally in our hearts by the hand of Nature as Ceremonial appertaining to the Law Levitical peculiar only to the Jews and to be reckoned with the rest of Moses Institutes Aquinas thus c. 2. 2ae qu. 122. art 4. resp ad primum Tostatus thus in Exod. 20. qu. 11. So Petr. Galatinus also lib. 11. cap. 9. and Bonaventure in his Sermon on the fourth Commandment And so divers others I say the fourth Commandment so far as it is Ceremonial in limiting the Sabbath day to be one of seven and to continue all that day and thereon to surcease from all kind of labour which three ingredients are required in the Law unto the making of a Sabbath is to be reckoned with the rest of Moses Institutes and proper only to the Jews For proof of this we have the Fathers very copious And first that it was one of Moses Institutes Justin the Martyr saith expresly Dial. eum Triphone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. As Circumcision began from Abraham and as the Sabbath Sacrifices Feasts and Offerings came in by Moses so were they all to have an end And in another place of the same discourse seeing there was no use of Circumcision until Abrahams time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor of the Sabbath until Moses by the same reason there is as little use now of them as had been before So doth Eusebius tell us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De praeparat l. 7. c. 6. c. That Moses was the first Law-giver amongst the Jews who did appoint them to observe a certain Sabbath in memory of Gods rest from the Worlds Creation as also divers anniversary Festivals together with the difference of clean and unclean Creatures and of other Ceremonies not a few Next Athanasius lets us know that in the Book of Exodus we have the Institution of the Passeover Synopsis sacrae Script the sweetning of the bitter waters of Marah the sending down of Quails and Mannah the waters issuing from the rock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what time the Sabbath took beginning and the Law was published by Moses on Mount Sinai Macarius a Contemporary of Athanasius doth affirm as much viz. that in the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hom. 35. which was given by Moses it was commanded as in a figure or a shadow that every man should rest on the Sabbath day from the works of labour In Ezech. 20. Saint Hierom also lets us know though he name not Moses that the observation of the Sabbath amongst other Ordinances was given by God unto his People in the Wilderness Haec praecepta justificationes observantiam Sabbati Dominus dedit in deserto which is as much as if he had expresly told us that it was given unto them by the hand of Moses Then Epiphanius God saith he rested on the seventh day from all his labours De Pond mensur n. 22. which day he blessed and sanctified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by his Angel made known the same to his servant Moses See more unto this purpose advers haeres l. 1. haer 6. n. 5. And lastly Damascen hath assured us De fide Orthod lib. 4. c. 24. that when there was no Law nor Scripture that then there was no Sabbath neither but when the Law was given by Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then was the Sabbath set apart for Gods publick worship Add here that Tacitus and Justin refer the Institution of the Sabbath unto Moses only of which more hereafter Next that the Sabbath was peculiar only to the Jews or those at least that were of the house of Israel the Fathers do affirm more fully than they did the other For so Saint Basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sabbath was given unto the Jews in his first Homily of Fasting Saint Austin so Sabbatum datum est priori populo in otio corporali Epistola 119. Sabbatum Judaeis fuisse praeceptum in umbra futuri de Gen. ad lit l. 4. c. 11. and in the 13. of the same Book unum diem observandum mandavit populo Hebraeo The like to which occurs Epist 86. ad Casulanum The Jews the Hebrews and the former People all these three are one and all do serve to shew that Saint Austin thought the Sabbath to be peculiar unto them only That it was given unto the Jews exclusively of all other Nations is the opinion and conceit also of the Jews themselves This Petrus Galatinus proves against them on the authority of their best Authors Ch. 16.29 Sic enim legitur apud eos in Glossa c. We read saith he in their Gloss on these words of Exodus The Lord hath given you the Sabbath What mean say they these words he hath given it you Quia vobis viz. Judaeis dedit non gentibus saeculi because it was given unto the Jews and not unto the Gentiles It is affirmed also saith he by R. Johannan that whatsoever statute God gave to Israel he gave it to them publickly except the Sabbath and that was given to them in secret according unto that of Exodus Exod. 31.17 Ainsworth in Exod. 13.9 It is a sign between me and the Children of Israel Quod si ita est non obligantur gentes ad sabbatum If so saith Galatinus the Gentiles were not bound to observe the Sabbath A sign between me and the Children of Israel It seems the Jews were all of the same opinion For where they used on other days to wear their Phylacteries on their arms or foreheads to be a sign or token to them as the Lord commanded they laid them by upon the Sabbaths because say they the Sabbath was it self a sign In Gen. 2. So truly said Procopius Gazaeus Its Judaeis imperavit supremum numen ut segregarent à caeteris deibus diem septimum c. God saith he did command the Jews
day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 once a month beginning their account with the New-moon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but that the Jews did keep every seventh day constantly It 's true that Philo tells us more than once or twice how that the Sabbath was become a general Festival but that was rather taken up in imitation of the Jess than practised out of any instinct or light of nature as we shall see hereafter in a place more proper Besides which days before remembred the second day was consecrate to the bonus Genius Hospin de orig Fest cap. 5. the third and fifteenth to Minerva the ninth unto the Sun the last to Pluto and every twentieth day kept holy by the Epicures Now as the Greeks did consecrate the New-moons and seventh day to Phoebus the fourth of every month to Mercury and the eighth to Neptune sic de caeteris So every ninth day in the year was by the Romans anciently kept sacred unto Jupiter the Flamines or Priests upon that day offering a Ram unto him for a Sacrifice Nundinas Jovis ferias esse ait Granius Licinius Saturnal l. 1. c. 16. siquidem Flaminica omnibus nundinis every ninth day in regia Jovi arietem solere immolare as in Macrobius So that we see the seventh day was no more in honour than either the first fourth or eighth and not so much as was the ninth this being as it were a weekly Festival and that a monthly A thing so clear and evident 2. Edit p. 65. that Dr. Bound could tell us that the memory of Weeks and Sabbaths was altogether suppressed and buried amongst the Gentiles And in the former page But how the memory of the seventh day was taken away amongst the Romans Ex veteri nundinarum instituto apparet saith Beroaldus And Satan did altogether take away from the Graecians the boly memory of the seventh day by obtruding on the wicked Rites of Superstition which on the eighth day they did keep in bonour of Neptune So that besides other holy days the one of them observed the eighth day and the other the ninth and neither of them both the seventh as the Church doth now and hath done always from the beginning It 's true Diogenes the Grammarian Sueton. in Tiber. c. 32. did hold his disputations constantly upon the Saturday or Sabbath and when Tiberius at an extraordinary time came to hear his exercises in diem septimum distulerat the Pedant put him off until the saturday next following A right Diogenes indeed and as rightly served For coming to attend upon Tiberius being then made Emperour he sent him word ut post annum septimum rediret that he would have him come again the seventh year after But then as true it is De illustrib Grammat which the same Suetonius tells us of Antonius Gnipho a Grammarian too that he taught Rhetorick every day declamaret vero non nisi nundinis but declaimed only on the ninth But then as true it is which Juvenal hath told us of the Roman Rhetoricians that they pronounced their Declamations on the sixth day chiefly Nil salit Arcadico juveni cujus mihi sextâ Sat. Quâque die miserum dirus caput Annibal implet As the Poet hath it All days it seems alike to them the first fourth sixth eighth ninth and indeed what not as much in honour as the seventh whether it were in civil or in sacred matters I am not ignorant that many goodly Epithets are by some ancient Poets amongst the Grecians appropriated to this day which we find gathered up together Clem. Strom. l. 5. Euseb Praepar l. 13. c. 12. by Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius but before either of them by one Aristobulus a learned Jew who lived about the time of Ptolomy Philometor King of Egypt both Hesiod and Homer as they there are cited give it the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an holy day and so it was esteemed amongst them as before is shewn but other days esteemed as holy From Homer they produce two Verses wherein the Poet seems to be acquainted with the Worlds Creation and the perfection of it on the seventh day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On the seventh day all things were fully done On that we left the waves of Acheron The like are cited out of Linus as related by Eusebius from the collections of Aristobulus before remembred but are by Clemens fathered on Callimachus another of the old Greek Poets who between them thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which put together may be thus Englished in the main though not verbatim On the seventh day all things were made compleat The birth-day of the World most good most great Seven brought forth all things in the starry Skie Keeping each year their courses constantly This Clemens makes an argument that not the Jews only but the Gentiles also knew that the seventh day had a priviledg yea and was hallowed above other days on which the World and all things in it were compleat and finished And so we grant they did but neither by the light of Nature nor any observation of that day amongst themselves more than any other Not by the light of Nature For Ariftobulus from whom Clemens probably might take his hint speaks plainly that the Poets had consulted with the holy Bible and from thence sucked this knowledg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that Author saith of Hesiod and Homer Which well might be Ap. Euseb considering that Homer who was the oldest of them flourished about five hundred years after Moses death Callimachus who was the latest above Seven hundred years after Homers time Nor did they speak it out of any observation of that day more than any other amongst themselves The general practice of the Gentiles before related hath throughly as we hope removed that scruple They that from these words can collect a Sabbath had need of as good eys as Clemens who out of Plato in his second de republ Strom. l. 5. conceives that he hath found a sufficient warrant for the observing of the Lords day above all the rest because it is there said by Plato That such as had for seven days solaced in the pleasant Meadows were to depart upon the eighth and not return till four days after As much a Lords day in the one as any Sabbath in the other Indeed the Argument is weak that some of those that thought it of especial weight have now deserted it as too light and trivial Ryvet by name who cites most of these Verses in his notes on Genesis to prove the Sabbath no less ancient than the Worlds Creation doth on the Decalogue think them utterly unable to
so many manners of work as that day they did However as it was our blessed Saviour did account these works of theirs to be a publick prophanation of the Sabbath day Read ye not in the Law saith he Math. 12.5 how that upon the Sabbath days the Priests in the Temple do prophane the Sabbath Yet he deelared withal that the Priests were blameless in that they did it by direction from the God of Heaven The Sabbath then was daily broken but the Priest excusable For Fathers that affirm the same see Justin Martyr dial qu. 27. ad Orthod Epiphan l. 1. haer 19. n. 5. Hierom. in Psal 92. Athanas de Sabb. Circumcis Aust in Qu. ex N. Test 61. Isidore Pelusiot Epl. 72. l. 1. and divers others These were the Offices of the Priest on the Sabbath day and questionless they were sufficient to take up the time Of any other Sabbath duties by them performed at this present time there is no Constat in the Scripture no nor of any place as yet designed for the performance of such other duties as some conceive to appertain unto the Levites That they were scattered and dispersed over all the Tribes is indeed most true The Curse of Jacob now was become ' a blessing to them Forty-eight Cities had they given them for their inheritance whereof thirteen were proper only to the Priests besides their several sorts of Tithes and what accrewed unto them from the publick sacrifices to an infinite value Yet was not this dispersion of the Tribe of Levi in reference to any Sabbath duties that so they might the better assist the People in the solemnities and sanctifying of that day The Scripture tells us no such matter The reasons manifested in the word were these two especially First that they might be near at hand to instruct the People Levit. 10.10 11. and teach them all the Statutes which the Lord had spoken by the hand of Moses as also to let them know the difference between the holy and unholy the unclean and clean Many particular things there were in the Law Levitical touching pollutions purifyings and the like legal Ordinances which were not necessary to be ordered by the Priests above those that attended at the Altar and were resorted to in most difficult cases Therefore both for the Peoples ease and that the Priests above might not be troubled every day in matters of inferiour moment the Priests and Levites were thus mingled amongst the Tribes A second reason was that there might be as well some nursery to train up the Levites until they were of Age fit for the service of the Tabernacle as also some retirement unto the which they might repair when by the Law they were dismissed from their attendance The number of the Tribe of Levi in the first general muster of them from a month old and upwards was 22000. just out of which number all from 30 years of age to 50. being in all 8580 persons were taken to attend the publick Ministery The residue with their Wives and Daughters were to be severally disposed of in the Cities allotted to them therein to rest themselves with their goods and cattel and do those other Offices above remembred Which Offices as they were the works of every day so if the People came unto them upon the Sabbaths or New-moons as they did on both to be instructed by them in particular cases of the Law 2 King 23. no doubt but they informed them answerably unto their knowledge But this was but occasional only no constant duty Indeed it is conceived by Master Samuel Purchas on the authority of Cornelius Bertram Pilg. almost as modern as himself That the forty-eight Cities of the Levites had their fit places for Assemblies and that thence the Synagogues had their beginnings Which were it so it would be no good argument that in those places of Assemblies the Priests and Levites publickly did expound the Law unto the People on the Sabbath days as after in the Synagogues For where those Cities were but four in every Tribe one with another the People must needs travel more than six furlongs which was a Sabbath days journey of the largest measure as before we noted or else that nice restriction was not then in use And were it that they took the pains to go up unto them yet were not those few Cities able to contain the multitudes When Joab not long after this did muster Israel at the command of david 2 Sam. 24. he found no fewer than thirteen hundred thousand fighting men Suppose we then that unto every one fighting man there were three old Men Women and Children fit to hear the Law as no doubt there were Put these together and it will amount in all to two and fifty hundred thousand Now out of these set by four hundred thousand for Hierusalem and the service there and then there will remain one hundred thousand just which must owe suit and service every Sabbath day to each several City of the Levites Too vast a number to be entertained in any of their Cities and much less in their synagogues had each house been one So that we may resolve for certain that the dispersion of the Levites over all the Tribes had no relation hitherto unto the reading of the Law or any publick Sabbath duties CHAP. VII Touching the keeping of the SABBATH from the time of David to the Maccabees 1. Particular necessities must give place to the Law of Nature 2. That Davids flight from Saul was upon the Sabbath 3. What David did being King of Israel in ordering things about the Sabbath 4. Elijahs flight upon the Sabbath and what else hapned on the Sabbath in Elijah's time 5. The limitation of a Sabbath days journey not known amongst the Jews when Elisha lived 6. The Lord become offended with the Jewish Sabbaths and on what occasion 7. The Sabbath entertained by the Samaritans and their strange niceties therein 8. Whether the Sabbaths were observed during the Captivity 9. The special care of Nehemiah to reform the Sabbath 10. The weekly reading of the Law on the Sabbath days begun by Ezra 11. No Synagogues nor weekly reading of the Law during the Government of the Kings 12. The Scribes and Doctors of the Law impose new rigours on the People about their Sabbaths THUS have we traced the Sabbath from the Mount to Silo the space of forty five years or thereabouts wherein it was observed sometimes and sometimes broken broken by publick order from the Lord himself and broken by the publick practice both of Priest and People No precept in the Decalogue so controuled and justled by the legal Ceremonies forced to give place to Circumcision because the younger and to the legal Sacrifices though it was their elders and all this while no blame or imputation to be laid on them that so prophaned it Men durst not thus have dallied with the other nine no nor with this neither had it
on the Sabbath day necessity inforcing them thereunto prevailed against them with a great and mighty slaughter Neither is he only one that so conceived it Peter Martyr saith as much and collects from hence Loci Coml l. 7.8 cl 2. die sabbati militaria munia obiisse eos that military matters were performed on the Sabbath day This Field was sought Anno Mundi 3135 and was eleven years after Elijabs flight Proceed we to Elisha next Of whom though nothing be recorded that concerns this business yet on occasion of his Piety and zeal to God there is a passage in the Scripture which gives light unto it 2. Kings 4. The Shunamite having received a Child at Elisha's hands and finding that it was deceased called to her husband and said send with me I pray thee one of the young Men and one of the Asses Verse 21. for I will haste to the man of God and come again And he said wherefore wilt thou go to him to day Verse 23. It is neither New-moon nor Sabbath day Had it been either of the two it seems she might have gone and sought out the Prophet and more than so she used to do it at those times else what need the question It was their custom as before we noted to travel on the Sabbhath days and the other Festivals to have some conference with the Levites if occasion were and to repair unto the Prophets at the same times also as well as any day whatever In illis diebus festivis Frequentius ibant ad prophetas ad audiendum verbum Dei as Lyra hath it on the place And this they did without regard unto that nicety of a Sabbath-days Journey which came not up till long after sure I am was not now in use Elisha at this time was retired to Carmel which from the Sbunamites City was ten miles at lest as is apparent both by Adrichomius Map of Issachar and all other Tables that I have met with And so the limitation of 2000 foot or 2000 Cubits or the six Furlongs at the most which some require to be allotted for the uttermost travel on the Sabbath is vanished suddenly into nothing Nay it is evident by the story that the Journey was not very short the Woman calling to her servant to drive on and go forwards and not to slack his riding unless she bid him Which needed not in case the Journey had not been above six Furlongs Neither New-moon nor Sabbath day It seems the times were both alike in this respect the Prophets to be sought unto and they to publish and make known the will of God as well at one time as the other In Num. 28. qu. 29. Quasi Sabbatum Calendae aequalis essent solennitatis as Tostatus hath it If so if the New-moons in this respect were as solemn as the weekly Sabbath no question but the Annual Sabbaths were as solemn also And not in this respect alone but in many others Markets prohibited in the New-moons as in the Sabbath When will the New-moon be gone that we may sell our Corn in the eighth of Amos the Sacrifices more in these than in the other of which last we have spoken already So when the Scriptures prophecy of those spiritual Feasts which should be celebrated by Gods Saints in the times to come they specifie the New-moons as particularly as they do the Sabbaths Esa 66.23 From one New-moon to another and from one Sabbath to another shall all flesh come to worship before me saith the Lord. See the like Prophecy in Ezech. Ch. 46. Verse 1.3 Upon which last St. Hierom tells us Quod privilegium habet dies septimus in habdomada In Ezech. 46. hoc haber privilegium mensis exordium the New-moons and the Sabbath have the like Prerogatives Nay when the Jews began to set at nought the Lord and to forget that God that brought them out of the Land of Egypt when they began to loath his Sabbaths and prophane his Festivals as they did too often the Lord expostulates the matter with them as well for one as for the other When they were weary of the New-moon Amos 8.5 and wished it gone that they might sell Corn and of the Sabbath because it went not fast enough away that they might set forth Wheat to sale the Lord objects against them both the one and the other by his Prophet Amos that they preferred their profit before his pleasure Et Dei solennitates turpis lucri gratia in sua verterent compendia In locum as Saint Hierom hath it When on the other side they did prophane his Sabbaths and the holy Festivals with excess and surfeiting carowsing Wine in Bowls Amos 6. stretching themselves upon their Couches and ointing of themselves with the chief Ointments the Lord made known unto them by his servant Isaiah how much he did dislike their courses Chap. 1.14 The New-moons and Sabbaths the calling of Assemblies I cannot away with it is iniquity even the solemn meeting It seems they had exceedingly forgot themselves when now their very Festivals were become a sin Nay God goes further yet Chap. 1.14 your New-moons and your appointed Feasts my soul hateth they are a trouble to me I am weary to bear them Your New-moons and your Feasts saith God are not mine Non enim mea sunt quae geritis they are no Feasts of mine which you so abuse Servo 12. How so Judaei enim neglectis spiritualibus negotiis quae pro animae salute agenda Deus praeceperat omnia legitima sabbati ad ocium luxuriamque contulere So said Gaudentius Brixianus They Jews saith he neglecting those spiritual Duties which God commanded on that day abused the Sabbaths rest unto ease and luxury For whereas being free from temporal cares Cwil in Amos 8. they ought to have employed that day to spiritual ufes and to have spent the same in modesty and temperance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in the repetition and commemoration of Gods holy Word they on the other side did the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wasting the day in gluttony and drunkenness and idle delicacies How far Sr. Augustine chargeth them with the self-same crimes we have seen before Thus did the house of Israel rebell against the Lord and prophane his Sabbaths And therefore God did threaten them by the Prophet Hosea Hos 2.11 that he would canse their mirth to cease their Feast days their New-moons and Sabbaths and their solemn Festivals that so they might be punished in the want of that which formerly they had abused And so indeed he did beginning first with those of the revolted Tribes whom he gave over to the hand of Salmanassar the Assyrian by whom they were led Captive unto parts unknown and never suffered to return Those which were planted in their places as they desired in tract of time to know the manner of the God of the Land so for the better
one other Reading of it publickly and before the people related in the thirteenth of Nehemiah when it was neither Feast of Tabernacles nor sabbatical year for ought we find in holy Scripture Therefore most like it is that it was the Sabbath which much about those times began to be ennobled with the constant reading of the Word in the Congregation First in Hierusalem and after by degrees in most places else as men could fit themselves with convenient Synagogues Houses selected for that purpose to hear the Word of God and observe the same Of which times and of none before those passages of Philo and Josephus before remembred Chap. 6. n. 4. touching the weekly reading of the Law and the behaviour of the people in the publick places of Assembles are to be understood and verified as there we noted For that there was no Synagogue nor weekly reading of the Law before these times besides what hath been said already we will now make manifest No Synagogue before these times for there is neither mention of them in all the body of the old Testament nor any use of them in those days wherein there were no Congregations in particular places And first there is no mention of them in the old Testament For where it is supposed by some that there were Synagogues in the time of David and for the proof thereof they produce these words Psal 74.8 they have burnt up all the Synagogues of God in the Land the supposition and the proof are alike infirm For not to quarrel the Translation which is directly different from the Greek and vulgar Latine and somewhat from the former English this Psalm if writ by David was not composed in reference to any present misery which fefell the Church There had been no such havock made thereof in all Davids time as is there complained of Therefore if David writ that Psalm he writ it as inspired with the spirit of Prophecy and in the spirit of Prophecy did reflect on those wretched times wherein Antiochus laid waste the Church of God and ransacked his inheritance To those most probably must it be referred the miseries which are there bemoaned not being so exactly true in any other time of trouble as it was in this Magis probabilis est conjectura ad tempus Antiochi referri has querimonias as Calvin notes it In Psal 74. And secondly there was no use of them before because no reading of the Law in the Congregation of ordinary course and on the Sabbath days For had the Law been read unto the people every Sabbath day we either should have found some Commandment for it or some practice of it but we meet with neither Rather we find strong arguments to persuade the contrary We read it of Jehosaphat 2 Chron. 17.7 that in the third year of his reign he sent his Princes Ben-hail and Obadiah and Zechariah and Nathaneel and Micaiah to teach in the Cities of Judah These were the principal in Commission and unto them he joyned nine Levites and two Priests to bear them company and to assist them It followeth And they taught in Judah Verse 9. and had the book of the Law of the Lord with them and they went about throughout all the Cities of Judah and taught the people And they taught in Judah and had the Book of the Law with them This must needs be a needless labour in case the people had been taught every Sabbath day or that the Book of the Law had as then been extant and extant must it be if it had been read in every Town and Village over all Judaea Therefore there was no Synagogue no reading of the Law every Sabbath day in Jehosaphats time But that which follows of Josiah is more full than this 2 Kings 12. That godly Prince intended to repair the Temple and in pursuit of that intendment Hilkiah the Priest to whom the ordering of the work had been committed found hidden an old Copy of the Law of God which had been given unto them by the hand of Moses This Book is brought unto the King and read unto him And when the King had heard the words of the Law he rent his cloths And not so only Verse 11. Chap. 23.1 2. but he gathered together all the Elders of Judah and Hierusalem and read in their ears all the words of the Book of the Covenant which was found in the house of the Lord. Had it been formerly the custom to read the Law each Sabbath unto all the people it is not to be thought that this good King Josiah could possibly have been such a stranger to the Law of God or that the finding of the Book had been related for so strange an accident when there was scarce a Town in Judah but was furnished with them Or what need such a sudden calling of all the Elders and on an extraordinary time to hear the Law if they had heard it every Sabbath and that of ordinary course Nay so far were they at this time from having the Law read amongst them every weekly Sabbath that as it seems it was not read amongst them in the sabbath of years as Moses had before appointed For if it had been read unto them once in seven years only that vertuous Prince had not so soon forgotten the contents thereof Therefore there was no Synagogue no weekly reading of the Law in Josiabs days And if not then and not before then not at all till Ezras time The finding of the Book of God before remembred is said to happen in the year 3412. of the Worlds Creation not forty years before the people were led Captives into Babylon in which short space the Princes being careless and the times distracted there could be nothing done that concern'd this business Now from this reading of the Law in the time of Ezra unto the Council holden in Hierusalem there passed 490 years or thereabouts Acts 15.21 Antiquity sufficient to give just cause to the Apostle there to affirm that Moses in old time in every City had them that preached him being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day So that we may conclude for certain that till these times wherein we are there was no reading of the Law unto the people on the Sabbath days and in these times when it was taken up amongst them it was by Ecclesiastical institution only no divine Authority But being taken up on what ground soever it did continue afterwards though perhaps sometimes interrupted until the final dissolution of that Church and State and therewithal grew up a liberty of interpretation of the holy words which did at last divide the people into sects and factions Petrus Cunaeus doth affirm that howsoever the Law was read amongst them in the former times either in publick or in private De repub l. 2. ca. 17. yet the bare Text was only read without gloss or descant Interpretatio magistrorum commentatio nulla But in
maximi eorum fanis jus Asyli manere c. neque cogi ad praestanda vadimonia sabbatis aut pridie sabbatorum post horam nonam in Parasceve Quod si quis contra decretum ausus fuerit gravi poena mulctabitur This Edict was set forth Anno 4045. and after many of that kind were published in several Provinces by Mar. Agrippa Provost General under Caesar Phil. legat ad Caium as also by Norbanus Flaceus and Julius Antonius Proconsuls at that time whereof see Josephus Nay when the Jews were grown so strict that it was thought unlawful either to give or take an Alms on the Sabbath day Augustus for his part was willing not to break them of it yet so to order and dispose his Bounties that they might be no losers by so fond a strictness For whereas he did use to distribute monthly a certain Donative either in Mony or in Corn this distribution sometimes happened on the Sabbath days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Philo hath it whereon the Jews might neither give nor take neither indeed do any thing that did tend to sustenance Therefore saith he it was provided that their proportion should be given them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the next day after that so they might be made partakers of the publick benefit Not give nor take an Alms on the Sabbath day Their superstition sure was now very vehement seeing it would not suffer men to do the works of mercy on the day of mercy And therefore it was more than time they should be sent to School again to learn this Lesson I will have mercy and not sacrifice And so indeed they were sent unto School to him who in himself was both the Teacher and the Truth For at this time our Saviour came into the World And had there been no other business for him to do this only might have seemed to require his presence viz. to rectifie those dangerous Errours which had been spread abroad in these latter times about the Sabbath The service of the Sabbath in the Congregation he found full enough The custom was to read a Section of the Law out of the Pentateuch or five Books of Moses and after to illustrate or confirm the same out of some parallel place amongst the Prophets That ended if occasion were and that the Rulers of the Synagogue did consent unto it there was a word of Exhortation made unto the people Chap. 13.15 conducing to obedience and the works of Piety So far it is apparent by that passage in the Acts of the Apostles touching Paul and Barnabas that being at Antioch in Pisidia on the Sabbath day after the reading of the Law and Prophets the Rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying Ye men and brethren if ye have any word of exhortation to speak unto the people dicite say on As for the Law I note this only by the way they had divided it into 54 Sections which they read over in the two and fifty sabbaths joyning two of the shortest twice together that so it might be all read over within the year beginning on the Sabbath which next followed the Feast of Tabernacles ending on that which came before it So far our Saviour found no fault but rather countenanced and confirmed the custom by his gracious presence and example But in these rigid Vanities and absurd Traditions by which the Scribes and Pharisees had abused the Sabbath and made it of an ease to become a drudgery in those he thought it requisite to detect their follies and ease the people of that bondage which they in their proud humours had imposed upon them The Pharisees had taught that it was unlawful on the sabbath day either to heal the impotent or relieve the sick or feed the hungry but he confutes them in them all both by his Acts and by his Disputations Whatever he maintain'd by Argument he made good by Practice Did they accuse his followers of gathering Corn upon the Sabbath being then an hungred he le ts them know what David did in the same extremity Their eating or their gathering on the Sabbath day take you which you will was not more blameable nay not so blameable by the Law as David's eating of the Shew-bread which plainly was not to be eaten by any but the Priest alone The Cures he did upon the Sabbath what were they more than which themselves did daily do in laying salves unto those Infants whom on the Sabbath day they had Circumcised His bidding of the impotent man to take up his Bed and get him gone which seemed so odious in their eyes was it so great a toyl as to walk round the walls of Hiericho and bear the Ark upon their shoulders or any greater burden to their idle backs than to lift up the Ox and set him free out of that dangerous Ditch into the which the hasty Beast might fall as well upon the Sabbath as the other days Should men take care of Oxen and not God of Man Not so The Sabbath was not made for a lazy Idol which all the Nations of the World should fall down and worship but for the ease and comfort of the labouring man that he might have some time to refresh his spirits Sabbatum propter hominem factum est The Sabbath saith our Saviour was made for man man was not made to serve the Sabbath Nor had God so irrevocably spoke the word touching the sanctifying of the Sabbath that he had left himself no power to repeal that Law in case he saw the purpose of the Law perverted the Son of man even he that was the Son both of God and Man being Lord also of the Sabbath Nay it is rightly marked by some that Christ our Saviour did more works of Charity on the Sabbath day than on all days else Zanchius observes it out of Irenaeus In Mandat 4. Saepius multo Christum in die Sabbati praestitisse opera charitatis quam in aliis diebus and his note is good Not that there was some urgent and extream necessity either the Cures to be performed that day or the man to perish For if we look into the story of our Saviours actions we find no such matter It 's true that the Centurions son and Peters mother-in-law were even sick to death and there might be some reason in it why he should haste unto their Cures on the Sabbath day But on the other side the man that had the withered Hand Matth. 13. and the Woman with her flux of Blood eighteen years together Luke 13. he that was troubled with the Dropsie Luke 14. and the poor wretch which was afflicted with the Palsie John 5. in none of these was found any such necessity but that the Cure might have been respited to another day What then Shall it be thought our Saviour came to destroy the Law No. God forbid Himself hath told us that he came to fulfil it rather He came to let them understand
Manich. l. 1. c. 22. contr Adimant ca. 2. Qu. in Exod. l. 2. qu. 173. And thirdly that it is not lawful for a Christian to observe the Sabbath Deiutil crecendi c. 3. For speaking of the Law how it was a Paedagogie to bring us unto the knowledg of Christ he adds that in those Institutes and Ordinances Quibus Christians uti fas non est quale est sabbatum circumcisio sacrificia c. which are not lawful to be used by any Christian such as are the Sabbath Circumcision Sacrifices and such other things many great Mysteries were contained And in another place Quisquis diem illum observat sicut litera sonat carnaliter sapit Sapere autem secundum carnem mors est He that doth literally keep the Sabbath favours of the flesh De Sp. lit c. 14. but to savour of the flesh is death Therefore no Sabbath to be kept by the sons of life No Sabbath to be kept at all We affirm not so We know there is a Christian Sabbath a Sabbath figured out unto us in the fourth Commandment which every Christian man must keep that doth desire to enter into the Rest of God This is that Sabbath which the Prophet Isaiah hath commended to us Blessed is the man that keepeth the sabbath from polluting it Quid autem sabbatum est quod praecipit observandum c. What Sabbath is it saith St. Hierom that is here commanded The following words saith he will inform us that keeping our hands from doing evil This is the Sabbath here commanded Si bona faciens quiescat à malis if doing what is good we do rest from sin Nor was this his conceit alone the later Writers so expound it The Prophet in this place saith Ryvet thus prophecies of the Church of Christ Blessed is the man that keepeth the sabbath from polluting it In Decalog and keepeth his hands from doing any evil Vbi custodire sabbatum in Ecclesia Christiana est custodire manus suas à malo And in these words saith he to keep a Sabbath in a Christian Church is only to preserve our hands from doing evil The like spiritual Sabbath doth the man of God prescribe unto us in the 58 Chapter of his Book Verse 13.14 If thou turn away thy foot from the sabbath from doing thy pleasure on my holy day not doing thine own way nor finding thine own pleasure nor sheapking thine own words then shalt thou delight thy self in the Lord and I will cause thee to ride upon the high plaes of the earth c. What saith Hierom unto this It must be understood saith he spiritually Alioquin si haec tantum prohibentur in sabbato ergo in aliis sex diebus tribuitur nobis libertas delinquendi In locum For otherwise if those things above remembred are prohibited only on the Sabbaths then were it lawful for us on the other days to follow our own finful courses speak our own idle words and pursue our own voluptuous pleasures which were most foolish to imagine And so saith Ryvet too for the modern Writers In Decalog Repetuum ab omnibus operibus nostris vitiosis cessationem c. That everlasting rest from all sinful works which is begun in this life here and finished in the life to come is signified and represented by those words of Isaiab ca. 58. They therefore much mistake these Texts and the meaning of them who grounding thereupon forbid all manner of REcreations and lawful pleasures on their supposed Sabbath day as being utterly prohibited by Gods holy Prophet The Jews did thus abuse this Scripture Maymon ap Ains in Ex. 20. in the times before and made it an unlawful matter for any man to walk into the Fields or to see his Gardens on the Sabbath day either to mark what things they wanted or how well they prospered because this was to do his own pleasure and so forbidden by the Prophet But those that understand the true Christian Sabbath apply them to a better purpose as was shewed before And for the Christian Sabbath what it is and in what things it doth consist besides what hath been said already we shall add something more from the ancient Fathers If any man Dial. cum Trypbon saith Justin Martyr that hath been formerly a perjured person a deceiver of his Neighbour an incontinent liver repentshim of his sins and amends his life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that man doth keep a true and holy Sabbath to the Lord his God See to this purpose also Clemens of Alexandria Strom. l. 4. So Origen Omnis qui vivit in Christo semper in sabbatis vivit That man Tract 19. in Math. whose life is hid with Christ in God keeps a daily Sabbath See to that purpose Hom. 23. in Numbers Macarius also tells us that the Sabbath given from God by Moses Hom. 35. was a Type only and a shadow of that real Sabbth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given by the Lord unto the soul More fully Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. What use saith he is there of a Sabbath to him whose Conscience is a continual feast to him whose conversation is in Heaven For now we feast it every day doing no manner of wickedness but keeping a spiritual rest holding our hands from covet ousness our Bodies from uncleanness What need we more The Law of righteousness contains ten Commandments The first to know one God the second to abstain from Idols the third not to prophane Gods Name the fourth Sabbatum celebrare spirituale Hom. 29. in Math. 24. to keep the true spiritual Sabbath c. So he that made the Opus imperfectum on Saint Matthews Gospel Saint Augustine finally makes the fourth Commandment so far as it concerns us Christians to be no more than requies cordis De conven 10 praec 10. plagarum tranquillitas mentis quam facit bona conscientia the quiet of the heart and the peace of mind occasioned by a good Conscience Of any other Sabbath to be looked for now the Fathers utterly are silent and therefore we may well resolve there is no such thing Yet notwithstanding this the Jews still dote upon their Sabbath and that more sottishly and with more superstition far than they ever did A view whereof I shall present and so conclude the first part of this present Argument And first for the Parasceves or their Eves Synag Jud. c. 10. Buxdorfius thus informs us of their vain behaviour Die Veneris singuli ungues de digitis abscindunt c. On Friday in the afternoon they pare their Nails and whet their Knives and lay their Holiday-cloaths in readiness for the reception of Queen Sabbath for so they call it and after lay the Cloth and set on their Meat that nothing be to be done upon the morrow About the evening goes the Sexton from door to door commanding all the people to abstain from work
on another Sabbath that in the Synagogue he beheld a man with a withered hand and called him forth and made him come into the midst and stretch out his hand and then restored it Hereupon Athanasius notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Christ reserved his greatest miracles for the Sabbath day and that he bade the man stand forth in defiance as it were of all their malice and informing humour His healing of the Woman which had been crooked 18. years and of the man that had the Dropsie one in the Synagogue the other in the house of a principal Pharisee Joh. 9. are proof sufficient that he feared not their accufations But that great cure he wrought on him that was born blind is most remarkable to this purpose First in relation to our Saviour who had before healed others with his Word alone but here he spit upon the ground and made clay thereof and anointed the eyes of the blind man with the clay L. 1. Haeres 30. n. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but to mould clay and make a Plaister was questionless a work so saith Epiphanius Next in relation to the Patient whom he commanded to go into the Pool of Siloam and then wash himself which certainly could not be done without bodily labour These words and actions of our Saviour at before we said gave the first hint to his Disciples for the abolishing of the Sabbath amongst other Ceremonies which were to have an end with our Saviours sufferings to be nailed with him to his Cross and buried with him in his Grave for ever Now where it was objected in S. Austins time why Christians did not keep the Sabbath since Christ affirms it of himself that he came not to destroy the Law but to fulfil it Cont. Faust l. 19. c. 9. the Father thereto makes reply that therefore they observed it not Quia quod ea figura profitebatur jam Christus implevit because our Saviour had fulfilled whatever was intended in that Law by calling us to a spiritual rest in his own great mercy For as it is most truly said by Epiphanius Lib. 1 haer 30. n. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He was the great and everlasting Sabbath whereof the less and temporal Sabbath was a type and figure which had continued till his coming by him commanded in the Law in him destroyed and yet by him fulfilled in the holy Gospel So Epiphanius Neither did he or his Disciples ordain another Sabbath in the place of this as if they had intended only to shift the day and to transfer this honour to some other time Their doctrine and their practice are directly contrary to so new a fancy It 's true that in some tract of time the Church in honour of his Resurrection did set apart that day on the which he rose to holy exercises but this upon their own authority and without warrant from above that we can hear of more than the general warrant which God gave his Church that all things in it be done decently and in comely order This is that which is told us by Athanasius Hom. de Semente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we honour the Lords day for the Resurrection So Maximus Taurinensis Dominicum diem ideo solennem esse Hom. 3. de Pentecost quia in eo salvatur velut sol oriens discussis infernorum tenebris luce resurrectionis emicuerit That the Lords day is therefore solemnly observed because thereon our Saviour like the rising Sun dispelled the clouds of hellish darkness by the light of his most glorious Resurrection The like S. Austin Dies Dominicus Christianis resurrectione Domini declaratus est ●p 119. ex illo cepit habere fostivitatem suam The Lords day was made known saith he unto us Christians by the Resurrection and from that began to be accounted holy See the like lib. 22. de Civit. Dei c. 30. serm 15. de Verbis Apostoli But then it is withal to be observed that this was only done on the authority of the Church and not by any precept of our Lord and Saviour or any one of his Apostles And first besides that there is no such precept extant at all in holy Scripture Socrates hath affirmed it in the general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Li. 5. c. 22. c. that the designs of the Apostles were not to busie themselves in prescribing Festival days but to instruct the People in the ways of godliness Now lest it should be said that Socrates being a Novatian was a profest Enemy to all the orders of the Church we have the same almost verbatim in Nicephorus li. 12. cap. 32. of his Ecclesiastical History De Sabb. Circumcis S. Athanasius saith as much for the particular of the Lords day that it was taken up by a voluntary usage in the Church of God without any commandment from above 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. As saith the Father it was commanded at the first that the Sabbath day should be observed in memory of the accomplishment of the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so do we celebrate the Lords day as a memorial of the beginning of a new Creation Where note the difference here delivered by that Reverend Prelate Of the Jews Sabbath it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was commanded to be kept but of the Lords day there is no Commandment only a positive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an honour voluntarily afforded it by consent of men Therefore whereas we find it in the Homily entituled De Semente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Christ transferred the Sabbath to the Lords day this must be understood not as if done by his commandment but on his occasion the Resurrection of our Lord upon that day being the principal motive which did induce his Church to make choice thereof for the assemblies of the People For otherwise it would plainly cross what formerly had been said by Athanasius in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not him only but the whole cloud of Witnesses all the Catholick Fathers in whom there is not any word which reflects that way but much in affirmation of the contrary For besides what is said before and elsewhere shall be said in its proper place The Council held at Paris An. 829. ascribes the keeping of the Lords Day at most to Apostolical tradition confirmed by the authority of the Church For so the Council Cap. 50. Christianorum religiosae devotionis quae ut creditur Apostolorum traditione immo Ecclesiae autoritate descendit mos inolevit ut Dominicum diem ob Dominicae resurrectionis memoriam honorabiliter colat And last of all Tostatus puts this difference between the Festivals that were to be observed in the Jewish Church in novo nulla festivitas à Christo legislatore determinata est sed in Ecclesia Praelati ista statuunt but in the new there were no Festivals at all prescribed by Christ as
said in holy Scripture that he was seen of them by the space of forty days as much on one as on another His first appearing after the night following his Resurrection which is particularly specified in the Book of God was when he shewed himself to Thomas who before was absent That the Text tells us John 20.26 was after eight days from the time before remembred which some conceive to be the eighth day after or the next first day of the week and thereupon conclude that day to be most proper for the Congregations or publick Meetings of the Church Diem octavum quo Christus Thomae apparuit In Joh. l. 17. cap. 18. Dominicum diem esse necesse est as Saint Cyril hath it Jure igitur sanctae congregationes die octavo in Ecclesia fiunt But where the Greek Text reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 post octo dies in the vulgar Latine after eight days according to our English Bibles that should be rather understood of the ninth or tenth than the eighth day after and therefore could not be upon the first day of the week as it is imagined Now as the premisses are untrue so the Conclusion is unfirm For if our Saviours apparition unto his Disciples were of it self sufficient to create a Sabbath then must that day whereon Saint Peter went on fishing John 21.3 be a Sabbath also and so must holy Thursday too it being most evident that Christ appeared on those days unto his Apostles So that as yet from our Redeemers Resurrection unto his Ascension we find not any word or Item of a new Christian Sabbath to be kept amongst them or any evidence for the Lords day in the four Evangelists either in precept or in practice The first particular passage which doth occur in holy Scripture touching the first day of the week is that upon that day the Holy Ghost did first come down on the Apostles and that upon the same Saint Peter Preached his first Sermon unto the Jews and Baptized such of them as believed there being added to the Church that day three thousand souls This hapned on the Feast of Pentecost which fell that year upon the Sunday or first day of the week as elsewhere the Scripture calls it but as it was a special and a casual thing so can it yield but little proof if it yield us any that the Lords Day was then observed or that the Holy Ghost did by selecting of that day for his descent on the Apostles intend to dignifie it for Sabbath For first it was a casual thing that Pentecost should fall that year upon the Sunday It was a moveable Feast as unto the day such as did change and shift it self according to the position of the Feast of Passeover the rule being this that on what day soever the second of the Passeover did fall upon that also fell the great Feast of Pentecost Emend Temp. l. 2. Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper eadem est feria quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Scaliger hath rightly noted So that as often as the Passeover did fall upon the Saturday or Sabbath as this year it did then Pentecost fell upon the Sunday But when the Passeover did chance to fall upon the Tuesday the Pentecost fell that year upon the Wednesday sic de caeteris And if the rule be true as I think it is that no sufficient argument can be drawn from a casual fact and that the falling of the Pentecost that year upon the first day of the week be meerly casual the coming of the Holy Ghost upon that day will be no argument nor authority to state the first day of the week in the place and honour of the Jewish Sabbath There may be other reasons given why God made choice of that time rather than of any other As first because about that very time before he had proclaimed the Law upon Mount Sinai And secondly that so he might the better conntenance and grace the Gospel in the sight of men and add the more authority unto the doctrine of the Apostles The Feast of Pentecost was a great and famous Festival at which the Jews all of them were to come unto Hierusalem there to appear before the Lord and amongst others those which had their hands in our Saviours blood And therefore as S. Chrysostom notes it did God send down the Holy Ghost at that time of Pentecost In Act. 2. because those men that did consent to our Saviours death might publickly receive rebuke for that bloody act and so bear record to the power of our Saviours Gospel before all the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that Father hath it So that the thing being casual as unto the day and special as unto the business then by God intended it will afford us little proof as before I said either that the Lords Day was as then observed or that the Holy Ghost did select that day for so great a work to dignifie it for a Sabbath As for Saint Peters Preaching upon that day and the Baptizing of so many as were converted to the faith upon the same it might have been some proof that now at least if nor before the first day of the week was set apart by the Apostles for religious exercises had they not honoured all days with the same performances But if we search the Scriptures we shall easily find that all days were alike to them in that respect no day in which they did not preach the word of life and administer the Sacraments of their Lord and Saviour to such as either wanted it or did desire it Or were it that the Scriptures had not told us of it yet natural reason would inform us that those who were imployed in so great a work as the Conversion of the World could not confine themselves unto times and seasons but must take all advantages whensoever they came But for the Scripture it is said in terms express first generally that the Lord added daily to the Church such as should be saved and therefore without doubt Acts 2.47 the means of their salvation were daily ministred unto them and in the fifth Chapter of the Acts Verse 42 and daily in the Temple and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ Acts 8. So for particulars when Philip did Baptize the Eunuch either he did it on a working day as we now distinguish them and not upon the first day of the week and so it was no Lords day duty or else it was not held unlawful to take a journey on that day as some think it is Saint Peters Preaching to Cornelius and his Baptizing of that house was a week-days work as may be gathered from Saint Hierom. That Father tells us that the day whereon the vision appeared to Peter was probably the Sabbath Advers Jovinian l. 2. or the Lords Day as we call it now fieri potuit ut
vel sabbatum esset vel dies Dominicus as the Father hath it and choose you which you will we shall find little in it for a Christian Sabbath In case it was on the Sabbath then Peter did not keep the Lords day holy as he should have done in case that day was then selected for Gods worship for the Text tells us that the next day he did begin his journey to Cornelius house Acts 10.24 In case it was upon the Lords day as we call it now then neither did Saint Peter sanctifie that day in the Congregation as he ought to do had that day then been made the Sabbath and his conversion of Cornelius being three days after must of necessity be done on the Wednesday following So that we find no Lords day Sabbath either of S. Peters keeping or of S. Philips or else the preaching of the Word and the administring the Sacraments were not affixed at all unto the first day of the week as the peculiar marks and characers thereof So for Saint Paul the Doctor of the Gentiles who laboured more abundantly than the other Apostles besides what shall be said particularly in the following section it may appear in general that he observed no Lords-day-sabbath but taught on all days travelled on all days and wrought according to his Trade upon all days too when he had no employment in the Congregation That he did teach on all days is not to be questioned by any that considers how great a work he had to do and how little time That he did travel upon all days is no less notorious to all that look upon his life which was still in motion And howsoever he might rest sometimes on the Lords day as questionless he did on others as often as upon that day he Preached the Gospel yet when he was a Prisoner in the hands of the Roman Souldiers there is no doubt but that he travelled as they did Lords days and Sabbaths In Dominieam 17. post Trinit all days equally many days together Of this see what Saint Luke hath written in the last Chapters of the Acts. Lastly for working at his Trade which was Tent-making on the Lords day as well as others Conradus Dietericus proves ●t out of Hierom that when he had none unto whom to preach in the Congregation he followed on the Lords day the works of his Occupation Hieronymus colligit ex Act. 18. vers 3. 4. quod die etiam Dominica quando quibus in publico conventu concionaretur non habebat manibus suis laboravit So Dietericus speaking of our Apostle Now what is proved of these Apostles and of S. Philip the Evangelist may be affirmed of all the rest whose lives and actions are not left upon record in holy Scripture Their Ministery being the same and their work as great no question but their liberty was correspondent and that they took all times to be alike in the advancing of the business which they went about and cherished all occasions presented to them on what day soever What further may be said hereof in reference to Saint John who lived longest of them and saw the Church established and her publick meetings in some order we shall see hereafter in his own place and time Mean while we may conclude for certain that in the planting of the Church he used all days equally kept none more holy than another and after when the Church was setled however he might keep this holy and honour it for the use which was made thereof yet he kept other days so used as holy but never any like a Sabbath Proceed we next unto Saint Paul in this particular of whom the Scripture tells us more than of all the rest and we shall find that he no sooner was converted but that forthwith he Preached in the Synagogues that Jesus was the Christ Acts 9.20 If in the Synagogues most likely that it was on the Jewish Sabbath the Synagogues being destinate especially to the Sabbath days So after he was called to the publick Ministery he came to Antiochia Acts 13.14 and went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day and there Preached the Word What was the issue of his Sermon That the Text informs us And when the Jews were gone out of the Synagogue the Gentiles besought that these words might be Preached again the next Sabbath Verse 42 Saint Paul assented thereunto and the next Sabbath day as the Text tells us Verse 44 came almost the whole City together to hear the Word of God It seems the Lords day was not grown as yet into any credit especially not into the repute of the Jewish Sabbath for if it had Saint Paul might easily have told these Gentiles that is such Gentiles as had been converted to the Jewish Church that the next day would be a more convenient time and indeed opus diei in die suo the doctrine of the Resurrection on the day thereof This hapned in the forty sixth year of Christs Nativity some twelve years after his Passion and Resurrection and often after this did the Apostle shew himself in the Jewish Synagogues on the Sabbath days which I shall speak of here together that so we may go on unto the rest of this Discourse with less interruption And first it was upon the Sabbath that he did preach to the Philippians and baptized Lydia with her houshold Acts 16. Amongst the Thessalonians he reasoned three sabbath days together out of the Scriptures Acts 17. At Corinth every sabbath day with the Jews and Greeks Acts 18. besides those many Texts of Scripture when it is said of him that he went into the Synagogues and therefore probably that it was upon the Sabbath as before we said Not that Saint Paul was so affected to the Sabbath as to prefer that day before any other but that he found the people at those times assembled and so might preach the Word with the greater profit Saint Chrysostom for the Ancients have resolved it so In Acts 13.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Father hath it So Calvin for the modern Writers makes this the special cause of St. Pauls resort unto the places of Assembly on the Sabbath day quod profecium aliquem sperabat In Acts 16.13 because in such concourse of people he hoped the Word of God would find the better entertainment Any thing rather to be thought than that S. Paul who had withstood so stoutly those false Apostles who would have Circumcision and the Law observed when there was nothing publickly determined of it would after the decision of so great a Council wherein the Law of Moses was for ever abrogated eieither himself observe the Sabbath for the sabbaths sake or by his own example teach the Gentiles how to Judaize which he so blamed in St. Peter The sabbath with the legal Ceremonies did receive their doom as they related to the Gentiles in that great Council holden in Hierusalem which though it was not
the Cardinal that either Sunday is not meant in the Revelation or else Saint John was not the Author of keeping Easter with the Jews on what day soever Rather we may conceive that Saint John gave way unto the current of the times which in those places as is said were much intent upon the customs of the Jews most of the Christians of those parts being Jews originally For the composing of this difference and bringing of the Church to an uniformity the Popes of Rome bestirred themselves and so did many others also And first Pope Pius published a Declaration Com. Tom. 1. Pascha domini die dominica annuis solennitatibus celebrandum esse In Chronic. that Easter was to be solemnized on the Lords day only And here although I take the words of the letter decretory yet I rely rather upon Eusebius for the authority of the fact than on the Decretal it self which is neither for the substance probable and the date stark false not to be trusted there being no such Consuls it is Crabbes own note as are there set down But the Authority of Pope Pius did not reach so far as the Asian Churches and therefore it produced an effect accordingly This was 159. and seven years after Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna a Reverend and an holy man Euseb hist l. 4. c. 13. made away to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then to confer with Anicetus then the Roman Prelate about this business And though one could not wooe the other to desert the cause yet they communicated together and so parted Friends But when that Blastus afterwards had made it necessary which before was arbitrary and taught it to be utterly unlawful to hold this Feast at any other time than the Jewish Passeover becoming so the Author of the Quarto-decimani as they used to call them then did both Eleutherius publish a Decree that it was only to be kept upon the Sunday and Irenaeus though otherwise a peaceable man writ a Discourse entituled De schismate contra Blastum now not extant A little before this time this hapned Anno 180. the controversie had took place in Laodicea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 4. c. 25. as Eusebius hath it which moved Melito Bishop of Sardis a man of special eminence to write two Books de Pascbate and one de die Dominico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But to what side he took it is hard to say Were those Discourses extant as they both are lost we might no doubt find much that would conduce to our present business Two years before the close of this second Century Pope Victor Euseb l. 5. c. 23.24 presuming probably on his name sends abroad his Mandate touching the keeping of this Feast on the Lords day only against the which when as Polycrates and other Asian Prelates had set out their Manifests he presently without more ado declares them all for excommunicate But when this rather hindred than advanced the cause the Asian Bishops cared little for those Bruta fulmina and Irenaeus who held the same side with him having persuaded him to milder courses he went another way to work by practising with the Prelates of several Churches to end the matter in particular Councils Of these there was one held at Osroena another by Bachyllus Bishop of Corinth a third in Gaul by Irenaeus a fourth in Pontus a fifth in Rome a sixth in Palestine by Theophilus Bishop of Caesaria the Canons of all which were extant in Eusebius time and in all which it was concluded for the Sunday By means of these Syndical determinations the Asian Prelates by degrees let fall their rigour and yielded to the stronger and the surer side Yet waveringly and with some relapses till the great Council of Nice backed with the Authority of as great an Emperour setled it better than before none but some scattered Schismaticks now and then appearing that durst oppose the resolution of the that famous Synod So that you see that whether you look upon the day appointed for the Jewish sabbath or on the day appointed for the Jewish Passover the Lords day found it no small matter to obtain the victory And when it had prevailed so far that both the Feast of Easter was restrained unto it and that it had the honour of the Publick Meetings of the Congregation yet was not this I mean this last exclusively of all other days the former Sabbath the fourth and sixth days of the week having some share therein for a long time after as we shall see more plainly in the following Centuries But first to make an end of this this Century affords us three particular Writers that have made mention of this day First Justin Martyr who then lived in Rome doth thus relate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apolog. 2. c. Vpon the Sunday all of us assemble in the Congregation as being that first day wherein God separating the light and darkness did create the World and Jesus Christ our Saviour rose again from the dead This for the day then for the service of the day he describes it thus Vpon the day called Sunday all that abide within the Cities or about the Fields do meet together in some place where the Records of the Apostles and writing of the Prophets as much as is appointed are read unto us The Reader having done the Priest or Prelate ministreth a word of Exhortation that we do imitate those good things which are there repeated Then standing up together we send up our prayers unto the Lord which ended there is delivered unto every one of us Bread and Wine with Water After all this the Priest or Prelate offers up our Prayers and Thanksgiving as much as in him is to God and all the people say Amen those of the richer sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every man as he would himself contributing something towards the relief of the poorer Brethren which after the Priest or Prelate was disposed amongst them A Form of service not much different from that in the Church of England save that we make the entrance unto our Liturgy with some preparatory prayers The rest consisting as we know of Psalms and several Readings of the Scriptures out of the Old Testament and the New the Epistles and the holy Gospel that done the Homily or Sermon followeth they offer twice next then Prayers and after that the Sacrament and then Prayers again the people being finally dismissed with a Benediction The second testimony of these times is that of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth who lived about 175 some nine years after Justin Martyr wrote his last Apology who in an Epistle unto Soter Pope of Rome doth relate it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 4. c. 22. c. To day saith he we kept holy the Lords day wherein we read the Epistle which you writ unto us which we do always read for our instruction as also the first Epistle writ by Clemens Where note that not
the Scriptures only were in those times read publickly in the Congregation but the Epistles and discourses of such Learned men as had been eminent for place and piety as in the after-times on defect of Sermons it was the custom of the Church to read the Homilies of the Fathers for their edification Conciliorum Tom. 2. Concerning which it was ordained in a Council at Vaux Anno 444. that if the Priest were sick or otherwise infirm so that he could not preach himself the Deacons should rehearse some Homily of the holy Fathers Si presbyter aliqua infirmitate prohibente per seipsum non potuerit praedicare sanctorum Patrum homiliae à Diaconibus recitentur so the Council ordered it The third and last Writer of this Century which gives us any thing of the Lords day Strom. l. 7. is Clemens Alexandrinus he flourished in the year 190. who though he fetch the pedegree of the Lords day even as far as Plato which before we noted yet he seems well enough contented that the Lords day should not be observed at all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We ought saith he to honour and to reverence him whom we are verily persuaded to be the Word our Saviour and our Captain and in him the Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not in selected times as some do amongst us but always during our whole lives and on all occasions The Royal Prophet tells us that he preaised God seven times a day Whence he that understands himself stands not upon determinate places or appointed Temples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much less on any Festivals or days assigned but in all places honours God though he be alone And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. making our whole lives a continual Festival and knowing God to be every where we praise him sometimes in the fields and sometimes sailing on the Seas and finally in all the times of our life whatever So in another place of the self-same Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He that doth lead his life according to the Ordinances of the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then keeps the Lords day when he casts away every evil thought and doing things with knowledge and understanding doth glorifie the Lord in his Resurrection By which it seems that whatsoever estimation the Lords day had attained unto at Rome and Corinth yet either it was not so much esteemed at Alexandria or else this Clemens did not think so rightly of it as he should have done Now in the place of Justin Martyr before remembred there is one special circumstance to be considered in reference to our present search for I say nothing here of mingling water with the Wine in the holy Sacrament as not conducing to the business which we have in hand This is that in their Sundays service they did use to stand during the time they made their Prayers unto the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as his words there are Such was the custom of this time and a long time after that though they kneeled on other days yet on the Lords day they prayed always standing Yet not upon the Lords day only but every day from Easter unto Pentecost The reason is thus given by him who made the Responsions ascribed to Justin That so saith he we might take notice as of our fall by sin so of our restitution by the grace of Christ Resp ad qu. 105. Six days we pray upon our knees and that 's in token of our fall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But on the Lords day we bow not the knee in token of the Resurrection by which according to the Grace of Christ we are set free from sin and the powers of death The like saith he is to be said of the days of Pentecost which custom as he tells us and cites Irenaeus for his Author did take beginning even in the times of the Apostles Rather we may conceive that they used this Ceremony to testifie their faith in the Refurrection of our Lord and Saviour which many Hereticks of those times did publickly gain-say as before we noted and shall speak more thereof hereafter But whatsoever was the reason it continued long and was confirm'd particularly by the great Synod of Nice what time some People had begun to neglect this custom The Synod therefore thus determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that forasmuch as some did use to kneel on the Lords day Can. 20. and the time of Pentecost that all things in all places might be done with an uniformity it pleased the holy Synod to decree it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that men should stand at those times when they made their prayers For Fathers which avow this custom consult Tertullian lib. de corona mil. S. Basil l. de Sp. S. c. 27. S. Hierom. adv Luciferian S. Austin Epist 118. S. Hilaries Praefat. in Psalm Ambros Serm. 62. and divers others What time this custom was laid by I can hardly say but sure I am it was not laid aside in a long time after not till the time of Pope Alexander the third who lived about the year 1160. Decret l. 2. tit 9. c. 2. For in a Decretal of his confirmatory of the former custom it was prohibited to kneel on the times remembred Nisi aliquis ex devotioned id velit facere in secreto unless some out of pure devotion did it secretly Which dispensation probably occasioned the neglect thereof in the times succeeding the rather since those Hereticks who formerly had denied the resurrection were now quite exterminated This circumstance we have considered the more at large as being the most especial difference whereby the Sundays service was distinguished from the week-days worship in these present times whereof we write And yet the difference was not such that it was proper to the Lords day only but if it were a badge of honour communicated unto more than forty other days Of which more anon But being it was an Ecclesiastical and occasional custom the Church which first ordained it let it fall again by the same Authority In the third Century the first we meet with is Tertullian who flourished in the very first beginnings of it by whom this day is called by three several names For first he calls it Dies solis Sunday as commonly we now call it and saith that they did dedicate the same unto mirth and gladness not to devotion altogether Diem solis laetitiae indulgemus Cap. 16. in his Apologetick The same name is used by Justin Martyr in the passages before remembred partly because being to write to an Heathen Magistrate it had not been so proper to call it by the name of the Lords day which name they knew not and partly that delivering the form and substance of their service done upon that day they might the better quit themselves from being worshippers of the Sun as the Gentiles thought For by their meetings on this
day for religious exercises in greater numbers than on others in Africk and the West especially and by their use of turning towards the East when they made their prayers the world was sometimes so persuaded Inde suspicio quod innotuerit nos ad Orientis regionem precari as he there informed us Whereby we may perceive of what great antiquity that custom is which is retained in the Church of England of bowing kneeling and adoring towards the Eastern parts The second name by which Tertullian calls this day is the eighth day simply Ethnicis semel annuus dies quisquis festus est tibi octavo quoque die The third is De Idolat c. 14. De corona mil. c. 3. Dies Dominicus or the Lords day which is frequent in him as Die Dominico jejunium nefas ducimus we hold it utterly unlawful to fast the Lords day of which more hereafter For their performances in their publick meetings he describes them thus Coimus in coetum congregationem c. We come together into the Assembly or Congregation to our Common prayers that being banded as it were in a troop or Army Apol. c. 39. we may besiege God with our Petitions To him such violence is exceeding grateful It followeth Cogimur ad sacrarum lit commemorationem c. We meet to hear the holy Scriptures rehearsed unto us that so according to the quality of the times we may either be premonished or corrected by them Questionless by these holy speeches our faith is nourished our hopes erected our assurance setled and notwithstanding by inculcating the same we are the better established in our obedience to Gods precepts A little after Praesident probati quique seniores c. Now at these g eneral meetings some Priests or Elders do preside which have attained unto that honour not by money but by the good report that they have gotten in the Church And if there be a Poor-mans Box every one cast in somewhat menstrua die at least once a month according as they would and as they were able Thus he describes the form of their publick meetings but that such meetings were then used amongst them on the Sunday only that he doth not say Nor can we learn by him or by Justin Martyr who describes them also either how long those meetings lasted or whether they assembled more than once a day or what they did after the meetings were dissolved But sure it is that their Assemblies held no longer than our Morning service that they met only before noon for Justin saith that when they met they used to receive the Sacrament and that the service being done every man went again to his daily labours Of all these I shall speak hereafter Only I note it out of Beza that hitherto the People used to forbear their labours In Cant. Sol. hom 30. but while they were assembled in the Congregation there being no such duty enjoyned amongst them neither in the times of the Apostles nor after many years nor till the Emperours had embraced the Gospel and therewith published their Edicts to enforce men to it But take his words at large for the more assurance Vt autem Christiani eo die à suis quotidianis laboribus abstinerent praeter id temporis quod in coetu ponebatur id neque illis Apostolicis temporibus mandatum neque prius fuit observatum quam id à Christianis Imperatoribus ne quis à rerum sacrarum meditatione abstraheretur quidem non it a praecise observatum Which makes it manifest that the Lords day was not taken for a Sabbath day in these three first Ages But for Tertullian where I left note that I rendred seniores by Priests or Elders because I think his meaning was to render the Greek Presbyter by the Latine senior For that he should there mean Lay-elders as some men would have it is a thing impossible considering that he tells us in another place that they received the Sacrament at the hands of those that did preside in the Assemblies De coron milit c. 3. Eucharistiae Sacramentum non de aliorum manu quam de Praesidentium sumimus and therefore sure they must be Priests that so presided Proceed we next to Origen who flourished at the same time also He being an Auditor of Clemens in the Schools of Alexandria became of his opinions too in many things and amongst others in dislike of those selected Festivals which by the Church were set apart for Gods publick service In Gen. hom 10. Cont. Cels l. 8. Dicite mihi vos qui festis tantum diebus ad Eccles convenitis coeteri dies non sunt festi non sunt dies Domini Judaeorum est dies certos raros observare solennes c. Christiani omni die carnes agni comedunt i. e. carnes verbi Dei quotidie sumunt Tell me saith he you that frequent the Church on the feast days only are not all days Festival are not all the Lords It appertains unto the Jews to observe days and Festivals The Christians every day eat the flesh of the Lamb Cent. 2. c. 6. i. e. they ever day do hear the word of God And in another place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He truly keeps the Festivals that performs his duty praying continually and offering every day the unbloody sacrifice in his Prayers to God Which whosoever doth and is upright in thought word and deed adhereing always unto God our natural Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every day is to him a Lords day It seems too that he had his desire in part it being noted by the Magdeburgians that every day there were Assemblies in Alexandria where he lived for hearing of the Word of God Et de collectis quotidie celebratis in quibus praedicatum sit verbum Dei Hom. 9. in Isa significare videtur as they note it from him Indeed the Proem to his several Homilies seem to intimate that if they met not every day to hear his Lectures they met very often But being a Learned man and one that had a good conceit of his own abilities he grew offended that there was not as great resort of People every day to hear him as upon the Festivals Of Sunday thee is little doubt but that it was observed amongst them and so was Saturday also as we shall see hereafter out of Athanasius Hist l. 5. c. 21. Of Wednesday and Friday it is positively said by Socrates that on them both the Scriptures were read openly and afterwards expounded by the Doctors of the Church and all things done appointed by the publick Liturgy save that they did not use to receive the Sacrament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And this saith he was the old use in Alexandria which he confirms by the practice of Origen who was accustomed as he tells us to preach upon these days to the Congregation Tertullian too takes special notice of these two days whereof consult him in
his Book adv Psychicos About the middle of this Century did Saint Cyprian live another African and he hath left us somewhat although not much which concerns this business Aurelius one of excellent parts Lib. 2. Epist 5. was made a Reader in the Church I think of Carthage which being very welcome news to the common People Saint Cyprian makes it known unto them and withal lets them understand that Sunday was the day appointed for him to begin his Ministery Et quoniam semper gaudium properat nec mora ferre potest laetitia dominico legit So that as Sunday was a day which they used to meet on so reading of the Scripture was a special part of the Sundays exercise Not as an exercise to spend the time when one doth wait for anothers coming till the Assembly be compleat and that without or choice or stint appointed by determinate order as is now used both in the French and Belgick Churches for what need such an eminent man as Aurelius was be taken out with so much expectation to exercise the Clerks or the Sextons duty But it was used amongst them then as a chief portion of the service which they did to God in hearkening reverently unto his voice It being so ordered in the Church Preface to the Common Prayer that the whole Bible or the greatest part thereof should be read over once a year And this that so the Ministers of the Congregation by often reading and meditation of Gods Word be stirred up to godliness themselves and be the more able to exhort others by wholesome doctrine and to confute them that were Adversaries to the truth as that the People by daily hearing of the Scriptures should profit more and more in the knowledge of God and be the more inflamed with the love of his true Religion Now for the duties of the people on this day in the Congregation as they used formerly to hear the Word and receive the Sacraments D●eru l. 5. c. 7. and to pour forth their souls to God in affectionate prayers So much about these times viz. in Ann. 237. it had been appointed by Pope Fabian that every man and woman should on the Lords day bring a quantity of bread and wine first to be offered on the Altar and then distributed in the Sacrament A thing that had been done before as of common course but now exacted as a duty for the neglect whereof Saint Cyprian chides with a rich Widdow of his time who neither brought her offering nor otherwise gave any thing to the Poor-mans Box and therefore did not keep the Lords day as she should have done De pietat Eleemos Locuples dives dominicum celebrare te credis quae Corbonam omnino non respicis quae in Dominicum here he means the Church sine sacrificio venis quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis In after times this custom went away by little and little instead of which it was appointed by the Church and retained in ours that Bread and Wine for the Communion shall be provided by the Churchwardens at the charge of the Parish I should now leave Saint Cyprian here V. l. 3. Epi. 8. but that I am to tell you first that he conceives the Lords day to have been prefigured in the eighth day destinate to Circumcision Which being but a private opinion of his own I rather shall refer the Reader unto the place than repeat the words And this is all this Age affords me in the present search For other Holy-days instituted by the Church for Gods publick service in those three Centuries precedent besides the Lords day or the Sunday which came every week Origen names the Good Friday as we call it now the Parasceve as he calls it there Cont. Cels l. 8. the Feast of Easter and of Pentecost Of Easter we have spoken already For Pentecost or Whitsontide as it began with the Apostles so it continues till this present but not in that solemnity which before it had For antiently not that day only which we call Whitsunday or Pentecost 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but all the fifty days from Easter forwards were accounted holy and solemnized with no less observation than the Sundays were no kneeling on the one nor upon the other no fasting on the one nor upon the other Of which days that of the Ascension or Holy-Thursday being one became in little time to be more highly reckoned of than all the rest as we shall prove hereafter out of S. Austin But for these 50 days aforesaid Tertullian tells us of them thus De Coron milit ca. 3. Die Dominico jejunium nefas ducimus vel de geniculis adorare Eadem immunitate à die Paschae in Pentecosten gaudemus which makes both alike Which words if any think too short to reach the point he tells us in another place that all the Festivals of the Gentiles contained not so many days as did that one Excerpe singulas solennitates nationum in ordinem texe De Ido l. c. 14. Pentecosten implere non poterunt The like he hath also in his Book adv Psychicos The like Saint Hierom. ad Lucinum the like Saint Ambrose or Maximus Taurinens which of the two soever it was that made those Sermons Serm. 60.61 In which last it is said expresly of those fifty days that every one of them was instar Dominicae and qualis est Dominica in all respects nothing inferior to the Lords day And in the Comment on Saint Luke which questionless was writ by Ambrose cap. 17. l. 8. it is said expresly Et sunt omnes dies tanquam Dominica That every day of all the fifty was to be reckoned of no otherwise in that regard especially than the Sunday was Some footsteps of this custom yet remain amongst us in that we fast not either on S. Marks Eve or on the Eve of Philip and Jacob happening within the time The fast of the Rogation week was after instituted on a particular and extraordinary occasion Now as these Festivals of Easter and of Whitsontide were instituted in the first Age or Century and with them those two days attendant which we still retain whereof see Austin de Civit. Dei li. 22. ca. 8. Nyssen in his first Hom. de Paschate where Easter is expresly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the three-days-feast So was the Feast of Christs Nativity ordained or instituted in the second that of his Incarnation in the third For this we have an Homily of Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus who lived in An. 230. entituled De annunciatione B. Virginis as we call it now But being it is questionable among the Learned whether that Homily be his or not there is an Homily of Athanasius on the self same argument he lived in the beginning of the following Century whereof there is no question to be made at all That of the Lords Nativity began if not before in the
the Law in the Congregation that was not taken up in more than a 1000. years after the Law was given and being taken up came in by Ecclesiastical Ordinance only no Divine Authority But in the Institution of the Lords day that which was principally aimed at was the performance of religious and Christian duties hearing the Word receiving of the Sacraments praising the Lord for all his mercies and praying to him joyntly with the Congregation for the continuance of the same rest and cessation from the works of labour came not in till afterwards and then but as an accessory to the former duties and that not setled and established in 1000 years as before was said when all the proper and peculiar duties of the day had been at their perfection a long time before So that if we regard either Institution or the Authority by which they were so instituted the end and purpose at the which they principally aimed or the proceedings in the setling and confirming of them the difference will be found so great that of the Lords day no man can affirm in sense and reason that it is a Sabbath or so to be observed as the Sabbath was CHAP. IV. The great improvement of the Lords day in the fifth and sixth Ages make it not a Sabbath 1. In what estate the Lords day stood in S. Austius time 2. Stage-plays and publick shews prohibited on the Lords day and the other holy-days by Imperial Edicts 3. The base and beastly nature of the Stage-plays at those times in use 4. The barbarous and bloody quality of the Spectacula or shews at this time prohibited 5. Neither all civil business nor all kind of pleasure restrained on the Lords day by the Emperour Leo as some give it out The so much cited Canon of the Council of Mascon proves no Lords day Sabbath 6. The French and Spaniards in the sixth Age begin to Judaize about the Lords day and of restraint of Husbandry on that day in that Age first thought of 7. The so much cited Canon of the Council of Mascon proves no Lords day Sabbath 8. Of publick honours done in these Ages to the Lords day by Prince and Prelate 9. No Evening Service on the Lords day till these present Ages 10. Of publick Orders now established for the better regulating of the Lords day-meetings 11. The Lords day not more reckoned of than the greater Festivals and of the other holy-days in these Ages instituted 12. All business and recreation not by Law prohibited are in themselves as lawful on the Lords day as on any other WE are now come unto the times wherein the Church began to settle having with much adoe got the better hand of Gentilism and mastered those stiff Heresies of the Arians Macedonians and such others as descended from them Unto those times wherein the troubles which before distracted her peace and quiet being well appeased all things began to grow together in a perfect harmony what time the faithful being united better than before in points of judgment became more uniform in matters of devotion and in that uniformity did agree together to give the Lords day all the honour of an holy Festival Yet was not this done all at once but by degrees the fifth and sixth Centuries being well-nigh spent before it came unto that height which hath since continued The Emperours and the Prelates in these times had the same affections both earnest to advance this day above all others and to the Edicts of the one and Ecclesiastical constitutions of the other it stands indebted for many of those priviledges and exemptions which it still enjoyeth But by degrees as now I said and not all at once For in S. Austin's time who lived in the beginning of this fifth Century it was no otherwise with the Lords day than as it was before in the former Age accounted one of those set days and probably the principal which was designed and set apart for Gods publick worship Amongst the writings of that Father which are his unquestionably we find not much that doth conduce to our present business but what we find we shall communicate with as much brevity as we can Epi. 86. Decivitat l. 22. c. 8. The Sundays fast he doth abominate as a publick scandal Quis deum non offendit si velit cum scandalo totius ecclesiae die dominico jejunare The exercise of the day he describes in brief in this form that followeth Venit Pascha atque ipso die dominico mane frequens populus praesens erat Facto silentio divinarum Scripturarum lecta sunt solennia c. Easter was come and on the Lords day in the morning the people had assembled themselves together All being silent and attent those lessons out of holy Scripture which were appointed for the time were read unto them when we were come unto that part of the publick service which was allotted for the Sermon I spake unto them what was proper for the present Festival and most agreeable to the time Service being done I took the man along to dinner a man he means that had recovered very strangely in the Church that morning who told us all the story of those sad Calamities which had befallen him This is not much but in this little there are two things worth our observation First that the Sermon in those times was not accounted either the only or the principal part of Gods publick service but only had a place in the common Liturgy which place was probably the same which it still retains post Scripturarum solennia after the reading of the Gospel Next that it was not thought unlawful in this Fathers time to talk of secular and humane affairs upon this day as some now imagine or to call friends or strangers to our Table as it is supposed S. Austin being one of so strict a life that he would rather have put off the invitation and the story both to another day had he so conceived it Nor doth the Father speak of Sunday as if it were the only Festival that was to be observed of a Christian man Cont. Adimant c. 16. Other Festivities there were which he tell us of First generally Nos quoque dominicum diem Pascha soleuniter celebramus quaslibet alias Christianas dierum festivitates The Lords day Easter and all other Christian Festivals were alike to him Epi. 118. And he enumerates some particulars too the Resurrection Passion and Ascension of our Lord and Saviour together with the coming of the Holy Ghost which constantly were celebrated anniversaria solennitate Not that there were no other Festivals then observed in the Christian Church but that those four were reckoned to be Apostolical and had been generally received in all Ages past As for the Sacrament it was not tyed to any day but was administred indifferently upon all alike except it were in some few places where it had been restrained to this day alone
as Sundays whereby we see the Church had no less care of one than of the other And so indeed it had not in this alone but in all things else the Holy days as we now distinguish them being in most points equal to the Sunday and in some superiour Leo the Emperiour by his Edict shut up the Theater and the Cirque or shew-place on the Lords day The like is willed expresly in the sixth general Council holden at Constantinople Can. 66. Anno 692. for the whole Easter week Nequaquam ergo his diebus equorum cursus vel aliquod publicum fiat spectacum so the Canon hath it The Emperour Charles restrained the Husbandman and the Tradesman from following their usual work on the Lords day The Council of Melun doth the same for the said Easter week and in more particulars it being ordered by that Synod that men forbear Can. 77. during the time above remembred ab omni opere rurali fabrili carpentario gynaecaeo caementario pictorio venatorio forensi mercatorio audientiali ac sacramentis exigendis from Husbandry the craft of Smiths and Carpenters from Needle-work Cementing Painting Hunting Pleadings Merchandize casting of Accounts and from taking Oaths That Benedictines had but three mess of Pottage upon other days die vero dominico in praecipuis festivitatibus but on the Lords day and the principal Festivals a fourth was added as saith Theodomare the Abbot in an Epistle to Charles the Great Law-suits and Courts of Judgment were to be laid aside and quite shut up on the Lords day as many Emperours and Councils had determined severally The Council held at Friburg Anno 895. did resolve the samne of Holy days or Saints days and the time of Lent Nullusomnino secularis diebus dominicis vel Sanctorum in Festis Conc. Frib●riens Can. 26. seu Quadragesimae aut jejuniorum placitum habere sed nec populum illo praesumat coercere as the Canon goeth The very same with that of the Council of Erford Anno 932. cap. 2. But what need private and particular Synods be produced as witnesses herein when we have Emperours Popes and Patriarchs that affirm the same Ap. Balsam tit 7. cap. 1. To take them in the order in which they lived Photius the Patriarch of Constantinople Anno 858. thus reckoneth up the Festivals of especial note viz. Seven days before Easter and seven days after Christmas Epiphanie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Feasts of the Apostles and the Lords day And then he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that on those days they neither suffer publick shews nor Courts of Justice Emanuel Comnenus next Ap. Balsam Emperour of Constantinople Anno 1174. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. We do ordain saith he that these days following be exempt from labour viz. the Nativity of the Virgin Mary Holy-rood day and so he reckoneth all the rest in those parts observed together with all the Sundays in the year and that in them there be not any access to the seats of judgment Lib. 2 tit 〈◊〉 feriis cap. 5. The like Pope Gregory the ninth Anno 1228. determineth in the Decretal where numbring up the Holy-days he concludes at last that neither any process hold nor sentence be in force pronounced on any of those days though both parts mutually should consent upon it Consentientibus etiam partibus nec processus habitus teneat nec sententia quam contingit diebus hujusmodi promulgari So the Law resolves it Now lest the feast of Whitsontide might not have some respect as well as Easter it was determined in the Council held at Engelheim Anno 948. that Munday Tuesday Wednesday in the Whitsun-week Cap. 6. non minus quam dies dominicus solenniter honorentur should no less solemnly be observed than the Lords day was So when that Otho Bishop of Bamberg had planted the faith of Christ in Pomerania and was to give account thereof to the Pope then being Urspergens Chronic. he certifieth him by his Letters Anno 1124. that having Christned them and built them Churches he left them three injunctions for their Christian carriage First that they eat no flesh on Fridays Secondly that they rest the Lords day ab omni opere malo from every evil work repairing to the Church for religious duties And thirdly Sanctorum solennitates cum vigiliis omni diligentia observent that they keep carefully the Saints days with the Eves attendant So that in all these outward matters we find fair equality save that in one respect the principal Festivals had preheminence above the Sunday For whereas Fishermen were permitted by the Decretal of Pope Alexander the third as before was said diebus dominicis aliis festis on the Lords day and other Holy-days to fish for Herring in some cases there was a special exception of the greater Festivals praeterquam in majoribus anni solennitatibus as the other was But not to deal in generals only Isidore Arch-bishop of Sevil in the beginning of the seventh Century making a Catalogue of the principal Festivals begins his list with Easter and ends it with the Lords day as before we noted in the fifth Section of this Chapter Now lest it should be thought that in sacred matters and points of substance the other Holy-days wee not as much regarded as the Lords day was The Council held at Mentz Anno 813. did appoint it thus that it the Bishop were infirm or not at home Non desit tamen diebus dominicis festivitatibus qui verbum Dei praedicet juxta quod populus intelligat yet there should still be some to preach Gods Word unto the People according unto their capacities both on the Lords day and the other Festivals Indeed why should not both be observed alike the Saints days being dedicated unto God as the Lords day is and standing both of them on the same authority on the authority of the Church for the particular Institution on the authority of Gods Law for the general Warrant It was commanded by the Lord and written in the heart of man by the pen of nature that certain times should be appointed for Gods publick worship the choicing of the times was left to the Churches power and she designed the Saints days as she did the Lords both his and both allotted to his service only This made Saint Bernard ground them all the Lords day and the other Holy-days on the fourth Commandment the third in the Account of the Church of Rome Serm. 3. Super Salve reg Spirituale obsequium Deo praebetur in observantia sanctarum solennitatum unde tertium praeceptum contexitur Observa diem Sabbati i. e. in sacris feriis te exerce So S. Bernard in his third Sermon Super salve Regina The Lords days and the Holy-days or Saints days being of so near a kin we must next see what care was taken by the Church in these present ages for hallowing them unto the Lord. The
times were certainly devout and therefore the less question to be made but that the Holy-days were employed as they ought to be in hearing of the Word of God receiving of the Sacraments and pouring forth their prayers unto him The sixth general Council holden at Constantinople appointed that those to whom the care of the Church was trusted should on all days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 especially on the Lords day instruct the Clergy and the People out of the holy Scripture in the ways of Godliness I say the Clergy and the People for in these times the Revenue of the Church being great and the offerings liberal there were besides the Parish-Priest who had Cure of souls many assisting Ministers of inferiour Orders which lived upon Gods holy Altar Somewhat to this purpose of Preaching every Sunday yea and Saints days too in the Congregation we have seen before established in the Council at Mentz Anno 813. So for receiving of the Sacrament whereas some would that it should be administred every day singulis in anno diebus as Bertram hath it lib de corp sangu Christi Rabanus Maurus who lived 824. leaves it as a thing indifferent advising all men notwithstanding in case there be no lawful let to communicate every Lords day De Sermon pr●pri●tat 〈◊〉 4.10 Quotidie Eucharistiae communionem percipere nec vitupero nec laudo omnibus tamen dominicis diebus communicandum hortor si tamen mens in affectu peccandi non sit as his words there are And whereas this good custom had been long neglected Can. 21. it was appointed that the Sacrament should be administred every Lords day by the Council at Aken Anno 836. Ne forte qui longe est à sacramentis quibus est redemptus c. lest saith the Council they which keep so much distance from the Sacraments of their redemption be kept as much at distance from the fruition of their Salvation As for the Holy-days or Saints days there needed no such Canon to enjoyn on them the celebration of the Sacrament which was annexed to them of course So likewise for the publick prayers besides what scatteringly hath been said in former places C●●● Friburien● Can. 26. the Council held at Friburg Anno 895. hath determined thus Diebus dominicis sanctorum festis vigiliis orationibus insistendum est ad missas cuilibet Christiano cum oblationibus currendum That on the Lords day and the Festivals of the Saints every Christian was to be intent upon his devotions to watch and pray and go to Mass and there make his offering It 's true the Service of the Church being in the Latine and in these times that Language being in some Provinces quite worn out and in some others grown into a different dialect from what it was that part of Gods worship which was publick prayer served not so much to comfort and to edification as it should have done As for the outward adjuncts of Gods publick service on the Churches part the principalwas that of Musick which in these Ages grew to a perfect height We shewed before that vocal Musick in the Church is no less ancient than the Liturgy of the Church it self which as it was begun in Ignatius time after the manner of plain-song or a melodious kind of pronunciation as before was said so in S. Austins time it became so excellent that it drew many to the Church and consequently many to the saith Now to that vocal Musick which was then in use and of which formerly we spake it pleased the Church in the beginning of these Ages to add Instrumental the Organ being added to the Voice by Pope Vitalian Anno 653. above 1000 years ago and long before the aberration of the Church from its pristine piety And certainly it was not done without good advice there being nothing of that kind more powerful than melody both Vocaland Instrumental for raising of mens hearts and sweetning their affections towards God Not any thing wherein the Militant Church here on Earth hath more resemblance to the Church in Heaven triumphant than in that sacred and harmonious way of singing praise and Allelujahs to the Lord our God which is and hath of long been used in the Church of Christ To bring this Chapter to an end in all that hath been said touching the keeping of the Lords day we find not any thing like a Sabbath either in the practice of the Church or writings of particular men however these last Ages grew to such an height in restraint of labours on this day that they might seem to have a mind to revive that part of the fourth Commandment Thou shalt do no manner of work upon it For where they tell us of this day as before was said that it was taken up by custom on the Authority of the Church as most on Apostolical tradition this makes it plain that they intended no such matter as a Sabbath day though that the Congregation might assemble in the greater numbers and men might joyn together in all Christian duties with the greater force it pleased the Church and principal powers thereof to restrain men from cororal labours and bind them to repair to the House of God Or if they did intend the Lords day for a Sabbath day it 's plain they must have made more Sabbaths than one day in seven those Holy-days which universally were observed in the Christian Church being no othersise to be kept than the Lords day was and those increasing in these Ages to so great a number that they became a burden to the common people Nor is it likely that being once free from the bondage of the Jewish Sabbath they would submit themselves unto another of their own devising and do therewith as the Idolaters of old with their woodden Gods first make them and then presently fall down and worship them Rather they took a course to restrain the Jews from sanctifhing their Sabbah and other legal Festivals as before they used Can. 10. Statutum est de Judaeis in the 12. Council of Tolledo Anno 681 Ne Sabbata caeterasque festivitates ritus sui celebrare praesumant and not so only Sed ut diebus dominicis ab opere cessent but that they should refrain from labour on the Lords day also of any Sabbath to be kept in the Christian Church some few might dream perhaps such filthy dreamers as Saint Jude speaks of but they did only dream thereof they few no such matter They which had better Visions could perceive no Subbath but in this life a Sabbath or a rest from sin and in the life to come a Sabbath or a rest from misery Plainly Rupertus so conceived it as great a Clerk as any in the times wherein he lived which was in the beginning of the twelfth Century Nam sicut signum circumcisionis incarnationem c. For as saith he the sign of Circumcisian foreshewed the Incarnation of our Lord and Saviour
it was a Ceremony and that the fourth Commandment is of a different nature from the other nine That whereas all the other precepts of the Decalogue are simply moral the fourth which is the third in their account 22. qu. 122. art 4. ad 1. is partly moral partly ceremonial Morale quidem quantum ad hoc quod homo deputet aliquod tempus vitae suae ad vacandum divinis c. Moral it is in this regard that men must set apart some particular time for Gods publick service it being natural to man to destinate particular times to particular actions as for his dinner for his sleep and such other actions Sed in quantum in hoc praecepto determinatur speciale tempus in s gnum creationis mundi sic est praeceptum ceremoniale But inasmuch as that there is a day appointed in the Law it self in token of Gods rest and the worlds creation in that respect the Law is ceremonial and ceremonial too they make it in reference to the Allegory our Saviours resting in the grave that day and in relation to the Analogical meaning of it as it prefigureth our eternal rest in the Heaven of glories Finally they conclude of the fourth Commandment that it is placed in the Decalogue in quantum est praeceptum morale non in quantum est ceremoniale only so far forth as it is moral and not as ceremonial that is that we are bound by the fourth Commandment to destinate some time to Gods publick service which is simply moral but not the Seventh day which is plainly ceremonial Aquinas so resolves it for all the rest In Gr at de Sabbato his judgment in this point if Doctor Prideaux note be true as I have no reason but to think so being universally embraced and followed by all the Schoolmen of what sect soever So that in him we have them all all of them consonant in this point to make up the Harmony however dissonant enough in many others But that this consent may appear the more full and perfect we will take notice of two others men famous in the Schools and eminent for the times in which they lived First Bonaventure who lived in the same time with Aquinas and died the same year with him which was 1274. hath determined thus Serm. de decem praecept Imelligendum est quod praeceptum illud habet aliquid quod est mere morale c. It is to be conceived saith he that in the fourth Commandment there is something which is simply moral something again that is plainly ceremonial and something mixt The sanctifying of a day is Moral the sanctifying of a Seventh day Ceremonial rest from the works of labour being mixt of both Quod praecipit Deus sanctificationem est Praeceptum morale Est in hoc praecepto aliquid ceremoniale ut figuratio dici septimae Item continetur aliquid quod est partim morale partim ceremoniale ut cessatio ab operibus Lastly In Exod. 20. qu. 11. Tostatus Bishop of Avila in Spain hath resolved the same aliquid est in eo juris naturalis aliquid legalis that in the fourth Commandment there is something Natural and something Legal that it is partly Moral and partly Ceremonial Naturale est quod dum Deum colimus ab aliis abstineamus c. Moral and Natural it is that for the time we worship God we do abstain from every thing of what kind soever which may divert our thoughts from that holy action But that we should design in every week one day unto that employment and that the whole day be thereto appointed and that in all that day a man shall do no manner of work those things he reckoneth there to be Ceremonial So for the Lords day it is thus determined by Aquinas that it depends on the authority of the Church the custom and consent of Gods faithful servants 2.20 qu. 122. art 4. ad 4. and not on any obligation laid upon us by the fourth Commandment Diei dominicae observantia in nova lege succedit observantiae sabbati non ex vi praecepti legis sed ex constitutione Ecclesiae consuetudine populi Christiani What followeth thereupon Et ideo non est ita arcta prohibitio operandi in die dominica sicut in die Sabbati Therefore saith he the prohibition of doing no work on the Lords day is not so rigorous and severe as upon the Sabbath many things being licensed on the one which were forbidden on the other as dressing meat and others of that kind and nature And not so only but he gives us a dispensatur facilius in nova lege an easier hope of dispensation under the Gospel in case upon necessity we meddle with prohibited labours than possibly could have been gotten under the Law The like Tostatus tells us though in different words save that he doth extend the prohibiton as well to all the Feasts of the Old Testament as all the Holy days of the New and neither to the Sabbath nor the Lords day only In veteri lege major fuit strictio in observatione festorum In Exod 20. qu. 13. quam in nova lege How so In omnibus enim festivitatibus nostris quantaecunque sint c. Because saith he in all our Festivals how great soever whether they be the Lords days or the feasts of Easter or any of the higher rank it is permitted to dress meat and to kindle fire c. As for the grounds whereon they stood he makes this difference between them that the Jews Sabbath had its warrant from Divine commandment but that the Lords day though it came in the place thereof is founded only on Ecclesiastical constitution Colebatur Sabbatum ex mandato Dei cujus loco successit dies dominica In Matth 23. qu. 148. tamen manifestum est quod observatio diei dominicae non est de jure divino sed de jure humano Canonico This is plain enough and this he proves because the Church hath still a power mutare illum diem vel totaliter tollere either to change the day or take it utterly away and to dispense touching the keeping of the same which possibly it neither could nor ought to do were the Lords day of any other institution than the Churches only They only have the power to repeal a Law which had power to make it Qui habet institutionem habet destitutionem as is the Bishops plea in a Quare Impedit As for the first of these two powers that by the Church the day may be transferred and abrogated Suarez hath thus distinguished in it verum id esse absolute non practice that is as I conceive his meaning that such a power is absolutely in the Church though not convenient now to be put in practice According unto that of St. Paul which probably was the ground of the distinction All things are lawful for me but all things are not expedient This is
Enemy be at hand though otherwise not to be done where no danger was These are the special points observed and published by Tostatus And these I have the rather exactly noted partly that we may see in what estate the Lords day and the other Holy days were in the Church of Rome what time the reformation of Religion was first set on foot but principally to let others see how near they come in their new fancies and devices unto the Niceties of those men whom they most abhor Thus stood it as before I said both for the Doctrine and the Practice till men began to look into the Errours and abuses in the Roman Church with a more serious eye than before they did and at first sight they found what little pleased them in this particular Their Doctrine pleased them not in making one day holier than another not only in relation to the use made of them but to a natural and inherent holiness wherewith they thought they were invested Nor did their practice please much more in that they had imposed so many burdens of restraint upon the consciences of Gods people and thereby made that day a punishment which was intended for the ease of the labouring man Against the doctrine of these men and the whole practice of that Church Calvin declares himself in his book of Institutions And therewith taxeth those of Rome L. 2. cap. 8. p. 34. qui Judaica opinione populum superioribus seculis imbuerunt who in the times before possessed the peoples minds with so much Judaism that they had changed the day indeed as in dishonour of the Jew but otherwise retained the former sanctity thereof which needs must be saith he if there remain with us as the Papists taught the same opinion of the mysteries and various significations of days and times which the Jews once had And certainly saith he we see what dangerous effects have followed on so false a Doctrine those which adhere to their instructions having exceedingly out gone the Jews crassa carnalique Sabbatismi superstitione in their gross and carnal superstitions about the Sabbath In Apocal. 1. v. 10. Beza his Scholar and Achates sings the self-same Song that howsoever the Assemblies of the Lords day were of Apostolical and divine Tradition sic tamen ut Judaica cessatio ab omni opere non observaretur quoniam hoc plane fuisset Judaismum non abolere sed tantum quod ad diem attinet immutare yet so that there was no cessation from work required as was observed among the Jews For that saith he had not so much abolished Judaism as put it off and changed it to another day And then he adds that this cessation was first brought in by Constantine and afterwards confirmed with more and more restraints by the following Emperours by means of which it came to pass that that which first was done for a good intent viz. that men being free from their worldly businesses might wholly give themselves to hearing of the Word of God in merum Judaismum degenerarit degnerated at the last into down-right Judaism So for the Lutheran Churches Chemnitius challengeth the Romanists of superstition quasi dominicae diei reliquis diebus festis per se peculiaris quaedam insit sanctitas because they taught the people that the Holy days considered only in themselves had a Native Sanctity And howsoever for his part he think it requisite that men should be restrained from all such works as may be any hinderance unto the sanctifying of the day yet he accounts it but a part of the Jewish leaven nimis scrupulose diebus festis prohibere operas externas quie vel quando non impediunt publicum ministerium so scrupulously to prohibit such external Actions which are at all no hindrance to Gods publick service and mans Sabbath Duties Bueer goes further yet and doth not only call it a superstition In Mat. 12. but an Apostacy from Christ to think that working on the Lords day in it self considered is a sinful thing Si existimetur operari in eo die per se esse peccatum superstitio gratiae Christi qui ab elementis mundi nos suo sanguine liberavit negatio est as his own words are Then adds that he did very well approve of the Lords day meetings si eximatur è cordibus hominum opinio necessitatis if men were once dispossessed of these opinions that the day was necessary to be kept that it was holier in it self than the other days and that to work upon that day in it self was sinful Lastly the Churches of the Switzers profess in their Confession that in the keeping of the Lords day they give not the least hint to any Jewish superstitions Neque enim alteram diem altera sanctiorem esse credimus nec otium Deo per se probari existimamus For neither Cap. 24. as they said do we conceive one day to be more holy than another or think that rest from labour in it self considered is any way pleasing unto God By which we plainly may perceive what is the judgment of the Protestant Churches in the present point Indeed It is not to be thought that they could otherwise resolve and determine of it considering what their Doctrine is of the day it self how different they make it from a Sabbath day which Doctrine that we may perceive with the greater ease we will consider it in three Propositions in which most agree 1. That the keeping holy one day of seven is not the Moral part of the fourth Commandment or to be reckoned as a part of the law of Nature 2. That the Lords day is not founded on Divine Commandment but only on the authority of the Church and 3. That the Church hath still authority to change the day and to transfer it to some other First for the first it seems that some of Rome considering the restraints before remembred and the new Doctrine thence arising about the Natural and inherent holiness which one day had above another had altered what was formerly delivered amongst the Schoolmen and made the keeping of one day in seven to be the Moral part of the fourth Commandment This Calvin chargeth them withal that they had taught the people in the former times Instit l. 1. Cap. 8.11 34. that whatsover was ceremonial in the fourth Commandment which was the keeping of the Jews seventh day had been long since abrogated remanere vero quod morale est nempe unius diei observationem in hebdomade but that the moral part thereof which was the keeping of one day in seven did continue still With what else is it as before was said than in dishonour of the Jews to change the day and to affix as great a sanctity thereunto as the Jews ever did And for his own part he professeth that howsoever he approved of the Lords day meetings Non tamen numerum septennarium ita se morari ut ejus servituti Ecclesias
themselves to prayer and Gods publick service Particularly Fitz-Herbert tells us that no plea shall be holden Quindena Paschae Nat. Brevium fol. 17. 1 Eli● p. 168. because it is always on the sunday but it shall be holden crastino quindenae paschae on the morrow after So Justice Dyer hath resolved that if a Writ of scire facias out of the Common-pleas bear Test on a Sunday it is an errour because that day is not dies juridicus in Banco And so it is agreed amongst them that on a Fine levied with Proclamations according to the Statute of King Henry VII if any of the Proclamations be made on the Lords day all of them are to be accounted erroneous Acts. But to return unto the Canon where before we left however that Archbishop Langton formerly and Islip at the present time had made these several restraints from all servile labours yet they were far enough from entertaining any Jewish fancy The Canon last remembred that of Simon Islip doth express as much But more particularly and punctually we may find what was the judgment of these times in a full declaration of the same in a Synod at Lambeth what time John Peckham was Archbishop which was in Anno 1280. Lindw l. 1. tit de offic Archipresb It was thus determined Sciendum est quod obligatio ad feriandum in Sabbato legali expiravit omnino c. It is to be understood that all manner of obligation of resting on the legal Sabbath as was required in the Old Testament is utterly expired with the other ceremonies And it is now sufficient in the New Testament to attend Gods service upon the Lords days and the other Holy days ad hoc Ecclesiastica authoritate deputatis appointed by the Church to that end and purpose The manner of sanctifying all which days non est sumendus à superstitione Judaica sed à Canonicis institutis is not to be derived from any Jewish superstition but from the Canons of the Church This was exact and plain enough and this was constantly the doctrine of the Church of England Joannes de Burgo who lived about the end of K. Henry VI. doth almost word for word resolve it so in his Pupilla oculi part 10. c. 11. D. Yet find we not in these restraints that Marketting had been forbidden either on the Lords day or the other Holy days and indeed it was not that came in afterwards by degrees partly by Statutes of the Realm partly by Canons of the Church not till all Nations else had long laid them down For in the 28 of King Edward III. cap 14. it was accorded and established that shewing of Wools shall be made at the Stapie every day of the week except the Sunday and the solemn Feasts in the year This was the first restraint in this kind with us here in England and this gives no more priviledge to the Lords day than the solemn Festivals Antiq. Brit. in Stafford Nor was there more done in it for almost an hundred years not till the time of Henry VI. Anno 1444. what time Archbishop Stafford decreed throughout his Province ut nundina emporia in Ecclesiis aut Coemiteriis diebusque Dominicis atque Festis praeterquam tempore messis non teneantur that Fairs and Markets should no more be kept in Churches and Church-yards or on the Lords days or the other Holy-days except in time of Harvest only If in that time they might be suffered then certainly in themselves they were not unlawful on any other further than as prohibited by the higher powers Now that which the Archbishop had decreed throughout his Province Tabians Chronicle Catworth Lord Mayor of London attempted to exceed within that City For in this year saith Fabian Anno 1444. an Act was made by Authority of the Common Council of London that upon the Sunday should no manner of thing within the franchise of the City be bought or sold neither Victual nor other thing nor no Artificer should bring his Ware unto any man to be worn or occupied that day as Taylers Garments and Cordwayners Shooes and so likewise all other occupations But then it followeth in the story the which Ordinance held but a while enough to shew by the success how ill it doth agree with a Lord Mayor to deal in things about the Sabbath Afterwards in the year 1451. which was the 28 of this Henries Reign it pleased the King in Parliament to ratifie what before was ordered by that Archbishop in this form that followeth 28. H. 6. c. 16. Considering the abominable injuries and effences done to Almigvty God and to his Saints always ayders and finguler affistants in our necessities by the necasion of Fairs and Marhets upon their high and principal Feasts as in the Feast of the Ascension of our Lord. in the day of Corpus Christi in the day of Whitsunday Trinity Sunday and other Sundays as also in the high Feast of the Assumption of our Blessed Lady the day of all Saints and on Good Friday accustomably and miserably holden and used in the Keaim of England c. our Soveraign Lord the King c. hath ordained that all manner of Fairs and Markets on the said principal Feasts and Sundays and Good Friday shall clearly cease from all shewing of any Goods and Merchandises necessary Victual only ercept which yet was more than was allowed in the City-Act upon pain of forfeiture of all the goods aforesaid to the Lord of the franchise or liverty where such goods be or shall be she wed contrary to this Ordinance the four Sundays in Harvest except Which clause or reservation sheweth plainly that the things before prohibited were not esteemed unlawful in themselves as also that this Law was made in confirmation of the former order of the Archbishop as before was said Now on this Law I find two resolutions made by my Lords the Judges First Justice Brian in the 12th of King Edward the fourth declared that no sale made upon a Sunday though in a Fair or Market-overt for Markets as it seemeth were not then quite laid down though by Law prohibited shall be a good sale to alter the property of the goods And Ploydon in the time of Queen Elizabeth was of opinion Daltons Justice cap. 27. that the Lord of any Fair or Market kept upon the Sunday contrary to the Statute may therefore be indicted for the King or Queen either at the Assizes or general Goal delivery or Quarter Sessions within that County If so in case such Lord may be Endicted for any Fair or Market kept upon the sunday as being contrary to the Statute then by the same reason may he be Endicted for any Fair or Market kept on any of the other Holy-days in that Statute mentioned Nor staid it here For in the 1465. which was the fourth year of King Edward IV. it pleased the King in Parliament to Enact as followeth Our Soveraign Lord the
especially appointed for the same are called Holy days Rot for the matter or the nature either of the time or day c. for to all days and times are of like holiness but for the nature and condition of such holy works c. whereunto such times and days are sanctified and hallowed that is to say separated from all prophane uses and dedicated not unto any Saint or Creature but only unto God and his true worship Neither is it to be thought that there is any certain time or definitive number of days prescribed in holy Scripture but the appointment both of the time and also of the number of days is left by the authority of Gods Word unto the liberty of Christs Church to be determined and assigned orderly in every Countrey by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof as they shall judg most expedient to the true setting forth of Gods glory and edification of their people Nor is it to be thought that all this Preamble was made in reference to the Holy days or Saints days only whose being left to the authority of the Church was never questioned but in relation to the Lords day also as by the Act it self doth at full appear for so it followeth in the Act Be it therefore enacted c. That all the days hereafter mentioned shall be kept and commanded to be kept Holy days and none other that is to say all Sundays in the Year the Feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Epiphanie of the Purification with all the rest now kept and there named particularly and that none other day shall be kept and commanded to be kept holy day and to abstain from lawful bodily labour Nay which is more there is a further Clause in the self-same Act which plainly shews that they had no such thought of the Lords day as that it was a Sabbath or so to be observed as the Sabbath was and therefore did provide it and enact by the Authority aforesaid a bat it shall be lawful to every Husbandman Labourer Fisherman and to all and every other person or persons of what estate degree or condition be or they he upon the holy days aforesaid in Harvest or at any other times in the year when necessity shall so require to labour ride fish or work any kind of work at their free-wills and pleasure any thing in this Act unto the contrary notwithstanding This is the total of this Act which if examined well as it ought to be will yield us all those propositions or conclusions before remembred which we collected from the writings of those three particular Martyrs Nor is it to be said that it is repealed and of no Authority Repealed indeed it was in the first year of Queen Mary and stood repealed in Law though otherwise in use and practice all the long Reign of Queen Elizabeth but in the first year of King James was revived again Note here that in the self-same Parliament the Common Prayer-Book now in use being reviewed by many godly Prelates was confirmed and authorized wherein so much of the said Act as doth concern the Names and Number of the Holy days is expressed and as it were incorporate into the same Which makes it manifest that in the purpose of the Church the Sunday was no otherwise esteemed of than another Holy day This Statute as before we said was made in Anno 5. 6. of Edward the sixth And in that very Parliament as before we said the Common-Prayer-Book was confirmed which still remains in use amongst us save that there was an alteration or addition of certain Lessons to be used on every Sunday of the Year 1 Eliz. cap. 2. the form of the Letany altered and corrected and two Sentences added in the delivery of the Sacrament unto the Communicants Now in this Common Prayer-Book thus confirmed in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward the sixth Cap. 1. it pleased those that had the altering and revising of it that the Commandments which were not in the former Liturgy allowed of in the second of the said Kings Reign should now be added and accounted as a part of this the people being willed to say after the end of each Commandment Lord have mercy upon us and incline our hearts to keep this Law Which being used accordingly as well upon the hearing of the fourth Commandment as of any others hath given some men a colour to persuade themselves that certainly it was the meaning of the Church that we should keep a Sabbath still though the day be changed and that we are obliged to do it by the fourth Commandment Assuredly they who so conclude conclude against the meaning of the Book and of them that made it Against the meaning of the Book for if the Book had so intended that that Ejaculation was to be understood in a literal sence according as the words are laid down in terminis it then must be the meaning of the Book that we should pray unto the Lord to keep the Sabbath of the Jews even the seventh day precisely from the Worlds Creation and keep it in the self-same manner as the Jews once did which no man I presume will say was the meaning of it For of the changing of the day there is nothing said nor nothing intimated but the whole Law laid down in terminis as the Lord delivered it Against the meaning also of them that made it for they that made the Book and reviewed it afterwards and caused these Passages and Prayers to be added to it Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Ridley Bishop of London and certain others of the Prelates then and there assembled were the same men by whose advice and counsel the Act before remembred about keeping Holy days was in the self-same Parliament drawn up and perfected And is it possible we should conceive so ill of those reverend persons as that they would erect a Sabbath in the one Act and beat it down so totally in the other to tell us in the Service-Book that we are bound to keep a Sabbath and that the time and day of Gods publick Worship is either pointed out in the fourth Commandment or otherwise ordained by Divine Authority and in the self-same breath to tell us that there is neither certain time nor definite number of days prescribed in Scripture but all this left unto the liberty of the Church I say as formerly I said it is impossible we should think so ill of such Reverend persons nor do I think that any will so think hereafter when they have once considered the non sequitur of their own Conclusions As for the Prayer there used we may thus expound it according to the doctrine and the practice both of those very times viz. that their intent and meaning was to teach the people to pray unto the Lord to incline their hearts to keep that Law as far as it contained the Law of Nature and had been
which afterwards in the year 1625. he published to the World with his other Lectures Now in this Speech or Determination he did thus resolve it First that the Sabbath was not instituted in the first Creation of the World nor ever kept by any of the ancient Patriarchs who lived before the Law of Moses therefore no moral and perpetual Precept as the others are Sect. 2. Secondly That the sanctifying of one day in seven is ceremonial only and obliged the Jews not Moral to oblige us Christians to the like Observance Sect. 3. 4. Thirdly That the Lords day is founded only on the Authority of the Church guided therein by the practice of the Apostles not on the fourth Commandment which in the 7. Section he entituleth a seandalous Doctrine nor any other authority in holy Scripture Sect. 6. 7. Fourthly That the Church hath still authority to change the day though such authority be not fit to be put in practice Sect. 7. Fifthly That in the celebration of it there is no such cessation from the works of labour required of us as was exacted of the Jews but that we lawfully may dress Meat proportionable unto every mans estate and do such other things as be no hinderance to the publick Service appointed for the day Sect. 8. Sixthly That on the Lords day all Recreations whatsoever are to be allowed which honestly may refresh the spirits and encrease mutual love and Neighbourhood amongst us and that the Names whereby the Jews did use to call their Festival whereof the Sabbath was the chief were borrowed from an Hebrew word which signifies to Dance and to make merry or rejoyce And lastly that it appertains to the Christian Magistrate to order and appoint what Pastimes on the Lords day are to be permitted and what prohibited not unto every private person much less to every mans rash Zeal as his own words are who out of a schismatical Stoicism debarring men from lawful Pastimes doth incline to Judaisin Sect. 8. This was the sum and substance of his resolution then which as it gave content unto the sounder and the better part of the Assembly so it did infinitely stomack and displease the greater numbers such as were formerly possessed with the other Doctrines though they were wiser than to make it a publick Quarrel Only it pleased Mr. Bifeild of Surrey in his Reply in a Discourse of Mr. Brerewoods of Cresham Colledg Anno 1631. to tax the Doctor as a spreader of wicked Doctrine and much to marvel with himself how either he durst be so hold to say Page 161. or having said it could be suffered to put it forth viz. That to establish the Lords day on the fourth Commandment were to incline too much to Judaism This the said M. Bifeild thinks to be a foul aspertion on this famous Church But in so thinking I conceive that he consulted more his own opinion and his private interest than any publick maintenance of the Churches cause which was not injured by the Doctor but defended rather But to proceed or rather to go back a little About a year before the Doctor thus declared his judgment one Tho. Broad of Gloucestorshire had published something in this kind wherein to speak my mind thereof he rather shewed that he disliked those Sabbath Doctrines than durst disprove them And before either M. Brerewood whom before I named had writ a learned Treatise about the Sabbath on a particular occasion therein mentioned but published it was not till after both Anno 1629. Add here to joyn them altogether that in the Schools at Oxon Anno 1628. it was maintained by Dr. Robinson now Archdeacon of Gloucester viz. Ludos Recreationis gratia in die Dominico non esse prohibitos Divina Lege That Recreations on the Lords day were not at all prohibited by the Word of God As for our neighbour Church of Scotland as they proceeded not at first with that mature deliberation in the reforming of that Church which had been here observed with us so did they run upon a course of Reformation which after was thought fitting to be reformed The Queen was young and absent in the Court of France the Regent was a desolate Widow a Stranger to the Nation and not well obeyed So that the people there possessed by Cnoxe and other of their Teachers took the cause in hand and went that way which came most near unto Geneva where this Cnoxe had lived Among the first things wherewithal they were offended were the Holy days Proceedings at Perth These in their Book of Discipline Anno 1560. they condemned at once particularly the observation of Holy days entituled by the names of Saints the Feasts of Christmas Circumcision Epiphany the Purification and others of the Virgin Mary all which they ranked awongst the abominations of the Roman Religion as having neither Commandment nor assurance in the Word of God But having brought this Book to be subsigned by the Lords of secret Counsel it was first rejected some of them giving it the Title of Devote Imaginations Cnoxe Hist of Scotl. p. 523. whereof Cnoxe complains Yet notwithstanding on they went and at last prevailed for in the middle of the Tumults the Queen Regent died and did not only put down all the Holy days the Lords day excepted but when an uprore had been made in Edenburg about a Robin-hood or a Whitson-Lord they of the Consistory excommunicated the whole multitud Now Proceedings at Perth that the holy days were put down may appear by this That in the year 1566. when the Confession of the Helvetian Churches was proposed unto them they generally approved the same save that they liked not of those Holy days which were there retained But whatsoever they intended and howsoever they had utterly suppressed those days which were entituled by the Names of particular Saints yet they could never so prevail but that the people would retain some memory of the two great and principal Feasts of Christs Nativity and Resurrection For in the year 1575. Complaint was made unto the Regent how in Dunfreis they had conveyed the Reader to the Church with Taber and Whissel to read Prayers all the Holy days of Zule or Christmas Thereupon Anno 1577. it was ordained in an Assembly of the Church That the Visitors should admonish Ministers preaching or ministring the Communion at Pasche or Zule or other like superstitious times under pain of deprivation to desist therefrom Anno 1587. it was complained of to his Majesty That Pasche and Zule were superstitiously observed in Fife and about Dunfreis and in the year 1592. the Act of the Queen Regent granting licence to keep the said two Feasts was by them repealed Yet find we by the Bishop of Brechin in his Discourse of the Proceedings at the Synod of Perth that notwithstanding all the Acts Civil and Ecclesiastick made against the superstitious observation and prophane abuse of Zule day the people could never be induced to labour on
difference in this case betwixt a living man and a stock or Statua for so it follows in my Author Sed nullam prorsus voluntati tribuetant Actionem nec quidem adjuvante spirity sancto quasi nihil interesset inter statuam voluntatem In both directly contrary to that divine counsel of S. James where he adviseth us to lay apart all filthiness and superfluity of naughtiness and to receive with meekness the ingrafted word which is able to save your souls Chap. 1. ver 21. That of S. Peter exhorting or requiring rather That we work out our salvation with fear and trembling And finally that golden Aphorism of S. Augustine si non sit liberum arbitrium quomodo Deus judicabit mundum With what justice saith the Father can God judg or condemn the world if the sins of men proceed not from their own free will but from some over-ruling power which inforc'd them to it Others there were who harbouring in their hearts the said lewd opinions and yet not daring to ascribe all their sins and wickednesses unto God himself imputed the whole blame thereof to the Stars and Destinies the powerful influence of the one and the irresistable Decrees of the other necessitating then to those wicked actions which they so frequently commit Thus we are told of Bardesanes Quod fato conversationes hominum ascriberet That he ascribed all things to the power of Fate August de Haeres cap. 25. Ibid. cap. 15. 70. And thus it is affirmed of Priscillianus Fatalibus Astris homines alligatos That men were thralled unto the Stars which last S. Augustine doth report of one Colarbus save that he gave this power and influence to the Planets only but these if pondered as they ought differed but little if at all from the impiety of Florinus before remembred only it was expressed in a better language and seemed to savour more of the Philosopher than the other did For if the Lord had passed such an irresistible Law of Fate that such and such should be guilty of such foul Transgressions as they commonly committed it was all one as if he was proclaimed for the Author of them and then why might not every man take unto himself the excuse and plea of Agamemnon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was not I that did it Homer Illiad but the Gods and Destiny Or if the Lord had given so irresistable a power to the Stars of Heaven as to inforce men to be wickedly and lewdly given what differs this from making God the Author of those vitious actions to which by them we are inforced And then why might not every man cast his sin on God and say as did some good fellows in St. Augustines time Accusandum potius esse Autorem syderum August de Gen. ad lit lib. 2. c. 27. quam commissorem scelerum That he who made the Stars was in the fault not the men that did it But this absurdity being as much cryed down by Augustine and other learned Writers of those elder times as the impiety of Florinus had been before were either utterly extinguish'd or lay concealed for many hundred years together Amongst the philosophical Heterodoxies of the Roman Schools that of the Maniches first revived by Martin Luther who in meer opposition to Erasmus who had then newly written a Book De Arbitrio libero published a Discourse intituled De Arbitrio servo In which Discourse he doth not only say That the freedom ascribed unto the Will is an empty nothing Titulus nomen sine re a name of no such thing in Nature but holds expresly that man is drawn no otherwise by the grace of God than Velut inanimale quiddam No otherwise than as a sensless stock or stone the Statua of the ancient Maniches in the great work of his conversion to a state of Righteousness And though Luther afterwards conformed his Judgment in this Point unto that of Melancthon as appeareth by the Augustan Confession in drawing up whereof he is acknowledged to have had a principal hand yet was he followed in this first Errour as in almost all the rest of his extremities by the rigid Lutherans headed by Flaccus Illyricus and his Associats in the City of Magdeburg at his first separation from the Melancthonian Divines who remained at Wittenberg and had embraced more moderate and sober counsels of which more hereafter But Luther shall not go alone and not take Calvin along with him how much soever they might differ in some other Points Luther revived the Error of the Maniches in denying all freedom to the will especially in matters which relate to eternal life and Calvin will revive the Errors of Bardesanes and Priscillian in charging all mens wicked actions on the Stars and Destiny not positively and in terminis I must needs say that but so that he comes close up to them to Tantamont ascribing that to the inevitable Decrees of Almighty God which Bardesanes attributed to the powers of Fate Priscillian Clolarbus to the influences of the Stars and Planets For if God before all Eternity as they plainly say did purpose and decree the Fall of our Father Adam Vt sua defectione periret Adam In the words of Calvin Calv. instit lib. 3. c. 23. sect 7. V. Synod Rom. There was in Adam a necessity of committing sin because the Lord had so decreed it If without consideration of the sin of man he hath by his determinate sentence ordained so many millions of men to everlasting damnation and that too necessario and inevitabiliter as they please to phrase it he must needs pre-ordain them to sin also there being as themselves confess no way unto the end but by the means The odious Inferences which are raised out of these Opinions I forbear to press and shall add only at the present That if we grant this Doctrine to be true and Orthodox we may do well to put an Index expurgatorius upon the Creed and quite expunge the Article of Chrins coming to Judgment For how could God condemn his Creature to unquenchable Flames or put so ill an Office upon Christ our Saviour as to condemn them by his mouth in case the sins by them committed were not theirs but his or punish the for that himself works in them unto which rather he decred them before all Eternity Falgent ad Monimum Nothing more true than that excellent saying of Fulgentius Deus non est eorum ultor quorum est Autor That God doth never punish his own actings in us Such were the men and such the means by which the blame of sin was transferred from man and charged on the account of God either expresly and in terms or in the way of necessary consequence and undeniable Illation by which lost man was totally deprived of all abilities for resisting Satan or otherwise concurring with Gods grace in his own conversion Nor wanted there some others in those elder times who did
that which had been falsly fathered on him in the Synod that he could not endure to hear his dearest Colleague so much abused as he had been by some men in the Synod Moreover he could not now dissemble the great grief he had conceived that some in the Synod went about to trouble sound Divinity with bringing in Tricas Scolasticas such as was to make God Causam Physicam Conversionis that was for Martinius such portenta vocabulorum as determinare and non determinare voluntatem That some men durst say that there were some doubts in the Fourth Article which Calvin himself had not throughly satisfied nor other Learned Reformed Doctors that it was to be feared that they intended to bring in Jesuits Divinity in the Reformed Churches and to corrupt the Youth committed to their Charge with a strange kind of Divinity This last Speech concerned D. Grotius Scultetus delivered his mind in exceeding bitter and disgraceful words and repeated his bitterest sentences twice over He having ended Martinius with great modesty answered first That he would read Paraeus his own words which he did next that for Sibrandus he wondred that he would now in publick bring these things up since out of his love to Peace that very day he had sent his Colleague Grotius to Sibrandus with a large explication in that sense in which he was fully satisfied and so he made account that that business had been peaceably transacted All this while Grotius spake nothing Gomarus beginneth to go on in the Disquisition but I think he delivered a Speech against the Bremenses which none but a madman would have uttered First Whereas Martinius had said that he did desire the resolution of this doubt Qui Deus possit ab homine cujus potentia est finita fidem quae est opus omnipotentiae exigere and that neither Calvin nor any of the Divines had yet plainly enough untied the Knot He replied first That he that said so was not Dignus qui solveret Calvino Corrigiam and that for the doubt it self it was such a silly one that ipsi pueri in trivio could ipsius solutionem decantare at which Speech very body smiled Moverover whereas Martinius in his Answer to Scultetus had not spoken one word against him but only this That he was sorry that one who had now been 25 years a Professor of Divinity should be thus used for using a School-term Gomarus very wisely had a fling at the two and telleth the Synod that since some men thought to carry it away annorum numero he himself had been a Professor not only 25 but 35 years Next he falleth upon Grotius and biddeth the Synod take heed of these men that brought in the Monstra Portenta vocabulorum the Barbarisms of the Schools of the Jesuits determinare non determinare voluntatem with many such speeches delivered with such sparklings of his eyes and fierceness of pronunciation as every man wondred the President did not cut him off at last he cut off himself I think for want of breath and the President giveth Celeberrimo Doctori Gomaro many thanks for that his Grave and accurate speech the Exteri wondred at it at last my Lord of Landaff in good faith in a very grave short speech for which as for one of the least I am persuaded he ever delivered we and all the Exteri thought he deserved infinite Commendations he spake to the President to this purpose That this Synod called Disquisition was instituted for Edification not for any man to shew Studium Contentionis and therefore did desire him to look that the knot of Vnity were not broken In this his Lordships speech be named no man the last word was hardly out of his Lordships mouth but furious Gomarus knowing himself guilty delivered this wise Speech Reverendissime D. Praesul non agendum est hic in Synodo authoritate sed ratione That it was free for him to speak in his own place which no man must think to abridge him of by their Authority My Lord replied nothing but the President told my Lord that Celeberrimus D. Gom had said nothing agaist mens Persons but their Opinions and therefore that he had said nothing worthy of Reprehension This gave every man just occasion to think the President was of the Plot. Martinius against this Speech of Gomarus said nothing but that he was sorry that he should have this Reward for his far Journey The Disquisition went on to Thysius who very discreetly told the SYnod he was sorry Martinius should be so exagitated for a speech which according to Martinius his explication was true Just as Thysius was thus speaking Gomarus and Sibrandus who sate next him pulled him by the Sleeve talked to him in a confused angry noise in the hearing and seeing of all the Synod chiding him that he would say so afterwards Thysius with great moderation desired Martinius to give him satisfaction of one or two doubtful Sentences he had delivered which Martinius thanking him for his Courtesie fully did The President was certainly in this Plot against Martinius for at the same time he read out of a Paper publickly a note of all the hard Speeches martinius had used All this while D. Grotius his patience was admired by all men who being so grosly abused and disgraced could get leave of his affections to hold his peace I could pursue these Differences further both in weight and number without any great trouble but that I have some other work to do which is the pressing of some other Conformities between this Synod and the Council the same Arts being used in drawing up the Canons and Conclusions of the one as were observed in the other what care and artifice was used in the Council of Trent so to draw up the Canons and Decrees thereof as to please all the differing Parties hath been already shewn in the third Chapter of this Book And in the History of the Councils we shall find t his passage viz. That immediatly after the Session Fryer Dominicus Soto principal of the Dominicans wrote three Books and did Intitle them of Nature and of Grace for Commentary of this Doctrine and in his Expositions all his Opinions are found When the work was published Hist of the Contr. p. 215. Fryer Andrew Vega the most esteemed of the Franciscans set forth fifteen great Books for Commentaries upon the sixteen Points of that Decree and did expound it all according to his own Opinion which two Opinions saith my Author do not only differ in almost all the Articles but in many of them are expresly contrary A perfect parallel to which we may find in this Synod the conclusions and results whereof being so drawn up for giving satisfaction to the Salapsarians that those of the Supralapsarian Faction might pretend some Title to them also ●rtf A. 9. Concerning which take here this passage from the Arcan Dogm Remonstr long since published where we are told of a
of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge in a Letter to the late Archbishop Cont. Dom. p. 167. bearing date Decemb. 15. 1630. in which he writes that their Doctrines of Predestination is the root of Puritanism and Puritanism is the root of all Rebellions and disobedient untractableness in Parliaments c. and of all Schism and saweiness in the Countrey nay in the Church it self making many thousands of our People and too great a part of the Gentlemen of the Land very Leightons in their hearts which Leighton had published not long before a most pestilent and seditious Book against the Bishops called Sions Plea in which he excited the People to strike the Bishops under the fifth rib reviling the Queen by the name of a Daughter of Heth and for the same was after censured in the Star-Chamber to Pillory loss of Ears c. But because perhaps it may be said that this is but a new device excogitated by the malice of these later times to defame this doctrine Answer to a certain Lett. p. 38. let us behold what Campneys hath delivered of it in the first or second year of Queen Eliz. at the first peeping of it out to disturb this Church Where saith he who seeth not the distraction of England to follow this Doctrine Who seeth not the confusion of all Common-wealths to depend hereupon What Prince may sit safely in the seat of his Kingdom What subject may live quietly possessing his own What man shall be ruled by the right of Law If these Opinions may be perfectly placed in the hearts of the People Which Corollary he brings in in the end of a discourse touching the Rebellion raised by Martin Cyrnel and seconded by the Earl of Lincoln Martin Swarth and others against Hen. VII For building on the Culvinian Maxim that as God doth appoint the end so he appointeth also the means and causes which lead unto it he thereupon inferreth that Martin Swarth and his men according to that Doctrine were destined by God to be slain at the Batrel of Stoke In order whereunto first Sir Richard Simon the Priest must be appointed and predestinate of God to pour in the pestilent poyson of privy Conspiracy and trayterous mischief of vain glory into the heart of Lambert his Scholar as a cause leading to the same end Secondly Ibid. p. 38. That he the said Lambert was appointed and predestinate of God to consent and agree unto the pestiferous persuasion of his Master S. Richard in the pride of Lucifer to aspire unto the Royal Throne as another cause leading to the same end which God ordained Thirdly That the Irish men were appointed of God to be Rebellious Traytors against their Soveraign Lord the King of England and to maintain the false and filthy quarrel of Lambert as another cause leading to the same end Fourthly That in order to the said end the Lady Margaret Sister to K. Edw. IV. was appointed and predestinate of God to be a Traytoress to England and to imploy all her wits forces and power to the utter destruction of her natural Countrey And fifthly in particular that the said Lady Margaret was appointed of God to hire the said Martin Swarth and his men to invade the Realm of England Sixthly and finally that the said Martin Swarth the Earl of Lincoln the Lord Lorel the Lord Gerrard and divers others Captains of the Rebels were appointed and predestinate of God to be of such valiant courage in maintaining the false quarrel of trayterous Lambert that they were slain and on the other side many a brave English mans blood was shed at the Battel of Stoke which was the end of this woful Tragedy Let them say therefore what they can or will this meer necessity which our men teach is the very same which the Stoicks did hold which opinion because it destroyed the state of a Common-wealth was banished out of Rome as St. Augustine declareth in lib. Quaest Vet. Nov. Testam And thus the different judgments of all the other Western Churches and the several Subdivisions of them in the five controverted Points being laid together with such discourses and disputes as have occasionally been made and raised about them we will next shew to which of the said differing parties the Church of England seems most inclinable and afterwards proceed in the story of it Historia Quinqu-Articularis OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgment of the WESTERN-CHVRCHES And more particularly of the CHURCH of ENGLAND In the Five Controverted Points PART II. Containing the Judgment of the Church of England and the most Eminent Divines thereof in the Reign of King Henry VIII and King Edward VI. CHAP. VII An Introduction to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Points disputed with the Removal of some rubs which are laid in the way 1. The Doctrine of the Homilies concerning the Endowments of man at his first Creation 2. His miserable fall 3. And the promised hopes of his Restitution in the Lord Christ Jesus 4. A general Declaration of the judgment of the Church of England in the points disputed exemplified in the story of Agilmond and Lamistus Kings of Lombardy 5. The contrary judgment of Wicklif objected answered and applied to all modern Heresies 6. A general answer to the like Argument pretended to be drawn from the Writings of Frith Tyndal and Barns But more particularly 7. The judgment of Dr. Barns in the present points and the grounds on which he builded the same 8. Small comfort to be found from the works of Tyndal in favour of the Calvinian Doctrines 9. The falsifyings of John Frith and others in the Doctrine of Predestination reproved by Tyndal 10. A parallel between some of our first Martyrs and the blind man restored to sight in the eighth of Saint Mark. BEing therefore in the next place to declare the Judgment of the Church of England I shall prepare the way by laying down her publick Doctrine touching the Fall of Adam and the Restitution of man-kind in Jesus Christ that having cleared God from being the Author of sin and having laid a sure foundation for the Restitution of Mankind to Gods grace and favour and consequently to the hopes of Eternal Life we may proceed with more assurance to the rest that followeth Hom. of the Nativity fol. 167. And this we cannot better do than by laying down the words of the Homily concerning the Nativity and Birth of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ where we find it thus Among all the Creatures saith the Homily that God made in the beginning of the world most excellent and wonderful in their kind there was none as the Scripture beareth witness to be compared almost in any point unto man who as well in body as soul exceedeth all other no less than the Sun in brightness and light exceedeth every bright and little Star in the Firmament He was made according to the similitude and Image of God he was endued with all kind
beginning of the World hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life Thus do I wade in Predestination in such sort ' as God hath patesied and opened it Though to God it be the first yet to us it is the last opened and therefore I begin with Creation from whence I come to Redemption so to Justification so to Election On this sort I am sure that warily and wisely a man may walk it easily by the light of Gods Spirit in and by his Word seeing this faith is not to be given to all men 2 Thes 3. but to such as are born of God Predestinated before the World was made after the purpose and good will of God c. Which judgment of this holy man comes up so close to that of the former Martyrs and is so plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical party that Mr. Fox was fain to make some Scholia's on it to reconcile a gloss like that of Orleance which corrupts the Text and therefore to have no place here however it may be disposed of at another time But besides the Epistle above mentioned there is extant a Discourse of the said godly Martyr entituled The sum of the Doctrine of Predestination and Reprobation in which is affirmed That our own wilfulness sin and contemning of Christ are the cause of Reprobation as is confessed by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism p. 103. though afterwards he puts such a gloss upon it as he doth also on the like passages in Bishop Hooper as makes the sin of man to be the cause only of the execution and not of the decree of Reprobation But it is said That any one that reads the Common-Prayer-book with an unprejudiced mind Justifi Fat●●s cannot chuse but observe divers passages that make for a Personal Eternal Election So it is said of late and till of late never so said by any that ever I heard of the whole frame and fabrick of the Publique Liturgy being directly opposite to this new conceit For in the general Confession we beseech the Lord to spare them that confess their faults and restore them that be penitent according to his promises declared unto mankind in Christ Jesus our Lord In the Te Deum it is said that Christ our Saviour having overcome the sharpness of death did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all believers In the Prayer for the first day of Lent That God hateth nothing which he hath made but doth forgive the sins of all them that be penitent In the Prayer at the end of the Commination That God hath compassion of all men that he hateth nothing which he hath made that he would not the death of a sinner but rather that he should turn from sin and repent In the Absolution before the Communion That God of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto him Can any one which comes with an unprejudiced mind to the Common-Prayer book observe any thing that favoureth of a Personal Election in all these passages or can he hope to find them in any other Look then upon the last Exhortation before the Communion in which we are required above all things To give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father and the Holy Ghost for the Redemption of the World by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ both God and man who did humble himself even to the death upon the Cross for us miserable sinners which lay in darkness and the shadow of death More of which nature we shall find in the second Article Look on the Collect in the form of publique Baptism in which we pray That whosoever is here dedicated unto God by our Office and Ministry may also be endued with Heavenly vertues and everlastingly rewarded through Gods mercy O blessed Lord God c. And in the Rubrick before Confirmation where it is said expr sly That it is certain by Gods Word that Children being baptized have all things necessary to their salvation and be undoubtedly saved Look on these passages and the rest and tell me any one that can whether the publique Liturgy of the Church of England speak any thing in favour of such a Personal and Eternal Election that is to say such an absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree of Predestination and that of some few only unto life Eternal as is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin Some passages I grant there are which speak of Gods People and his chosen People and yet intend not any such Personal and Eternal Election as these men conceit unto themselves Of which sort these viz. To declare and pronounce to his People being penitent O Lord save thy People and bless thy Heritage that it would please thee to keep and bless all thy People and make thy chosen People joyful with many others inters●ers'd in several places But then I must affirm withal that those passages are no otherwise to be understood than of the whole bo y of the Church the Congregation of the faithful called to the publique participation of the Word and Sacraments Which appears plainly by the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth where having called upon the Lord and said To all thy People give thy Heavenly grace we are taught presently to add especially to this Congregation here present that is to say the members of that particular Church which there pour forth their prayers for the Church in general More to their purpose is that passage in the Collect for the Feast of All-Saints where it is said That Almighty God hath knit together his Elect in one communion and fellowship in the mystical body of his Son Jesus Christ though it doth signifie no more but that inseparable bond of Charity that Love and Unity that Holy Communion and Correspondency which is between the Saints in Glory in the Church Triumphant and those who are still exercised under the cares and miseries of this present life in the Church here Militant But it makes most unto their purpose if any thing could make unto their purpose in the Common-Prayer book that at the burial of the dead we are taught to pray That God would please of his gracious goodness shortly to accomplish the number of his elect and to hasten his Kingdom From whence as possibly some may raise this inference That by the Doctrine of the Church of England there is a predestinated and certain number of Elect which can neither be increased nor diminished according to the third of the nine Articles which were agreed upon at Lambeth So others may perhaps conclude That this number is made up out of such Elections such Personal and Eternal Elections as they have fancied to themselves But there is nothing in the Prayer which can be useful to the countenancing of any such fancy the number of the Elect and the certainty of that number being known only unto God in the way of his
Prescience by which he seeth all things past and all things to come as if present with him And therefore having past a general Decree of Predestination touching the saving of all those which believe in Christ and knowing most infallibly who and how many of all Nations will believe in Christ continue in the faith to the end of their lives and consequently attain salvation The number of the persons so Predestinated is as well known unto him in the universal comprehension of his Heavenly Prescience as if they had been personally elected unto life Eternal the accomplishing of which number that so his Kingdom may be hastned and the hastning of his Kingdom that we with all the rest which are departed in the true faith of his holy Name may have our perfect Consummation and bliss both in body and soul is the scope and purpose of that Prayer And being the sole scope and purpose of it cannot imply such a Personal and Eternal Election as some men imagine though it conclude both for a number and for a certain number of Gods Elect. CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobatin and Universal Redemption 1. The absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgy 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self and not in Gods Decrees according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ 5. The Vniversal Redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ declared in many places of the publick Liturgy and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests 7. The same confirmed by the writings of Archbishop Cranmer and the two other Bishops before mentioned 8. A Generality of the Promises and an Vniversality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men to be found only in themselves AS the speaking of Heaven doth many times beget the discovery of Hell so the foregoing discovery of Predestination to Eternal life conducts me to the speaking of a few words concerning the Doctrine of Reprobation Rejection Eternal death a point of which the Church of England is utterly silent leaving it to be gathered upon Logical inferences from that which is delivered by her in the point of Election for contrariorum contraria est ratio as Logicians say though that which is so gathered ought rather to be called a Dereliction than a Reprobation No such absolute irreversible and irrespective Decree of Reprobation taught or maintained in any publick Monument of Record of the Church of England by which the far greater part of man-kind are preordained and consequently pre-condemned to the pit of torments without any respect had unto their sins and incredulities as generally is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin Much I am sure may be said against it out of the passages in the Liturgy before remembred where it is said that God hath compassion upon all men and hateth nothing which he hath made but much more out of those which are to come in the second Article touching the Universal Reconciliation of man-kind unto God the Father by the death of Christ Take now to more than this one Collect being the last of those which are appointed for Good Friday on which we celebrate the memorial of Christ his death and passion and is this that followeth viz. Merciful God who hast made all men and hatest nothing that thou hast made nor wouldst the death of a sinner but rahter that he should be converted and live have mercy upon all Jews Turks Infidels and Hereticks and take from them all ignorance hardness of heart and contempt of thy Word and so fetch them home blessed Lord to thy flock that they may be saved amongst the remnant of the true Israelites and be made one fold under one Shepherd Jesus Christ our Lord. A Prayer as utterly inconsistent with the Calvinians Decree of Reprobation as the finding of an Hell in Heaven or any thing else which seems to be most abhorrent both from faith and piety More may be said against it out of the writings of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper before remembred Latimer in his 4. Sermon third Sunday after Epiphany 4. Serm. in Lincoln Beginning first with Latimer he will tell us this viz. That if most be damned the fault is not in God but in themselves for Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri God would that all men should be saved but they themselves procure their own damnation Thus also in another place That Christ only and no man else merited Remission Justification and Eternal Felicity for as many as believe the same that Christ shed as much blood for Judas as for Peter that Peter believed it and therefore was saved that Judas could not believe it therefore was condemned the fault being in him only and no body else More fully not more plainly the other Bishop in the said Preface to the Exposition on the Ten Commandments where it is said That Cain was no more excluded from the promise of Christ till he excluded himself than Abel Saul than David Judas than Peter Esau than Jacob concerning which two brethren he further added That in the sentence of God given unto Rebecca that there was no mention at all that Esau should be disinherited of Eternal life but that he should be inferiour to his brother Jacob in this world which Prophecy saith he was fulfilled in their Posterity and not the persons themselves the very same withat of Arminius and his followers have since declared in this case And this being said he proceedeth to this Declaration That God is said by the Prophet to have hated Esau not because he was disinherited of Eternal life but in laying his mountains and his heritage waste for the Dragons of the Wilderness Mal. 1.3 that the threatning of God against Esau if he had not of wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace should no more have hindred his salvation than Gods threatning against Nineve that the cause of Rejection or Damnation is sin in man which will not hear neither receive the promise of the Gospel And finally thus That by Gods grace we might do the good Exposit of the Command cap. of Ignor. and leave the evil if it were not through malice or accustomed doing of sin the which excuseth the mercy and goodness of God and maketh that no man shall be excused in the latter judgment how subtilly soever they now excuse the matter and put their evil doings from them and
to say to receive the grace offered consent to the promise and not to impugn the God that calleth More fully but to the same purpose also speaks Bishop Latimer Gods salvation saith he is sufficient to save all man-kind But we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same Serm. on Septu fol. 214. and we will not take it when 't is offered unto us and therefore he saith pauci vero electi few are chosen that is few have pleasure and delight in it for the most part are weary of it cannot abide it and there are some that hear it but they will abide no danger for it And in few lines after thus Such men are cause of their own damnation for God would have them saved but they refuse it like Judas the Traytor whom Christ would have had to be saved but he refused his salvation he refused to follow the Doctrine of his Master Christ The like occurs in another place of the same Sermon where we find That seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal it appeareth that God would have all man-kind saved and that the fault is not in him if they be damned For thus it is written Deus vult omnes homines falvos fieri God would have all men to be saved but we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same and will not take notice of it when 't is offered And here for strength and confirmation unto all the rest we are to know that these two godly Martyrs have delivered no other Doctrine than what is positively expressed or may be rationally inferred both from the tenth Article of King Edwards book and the book of Homilies And first for the tenth Article of King Edwards book it is this that followeth viz. Gratia Christi sive Spiritus Sanctus qui per eundem datur cor lapideum aufert dat cor carneum Atque licet ex nolentibus quae recta sunt volentes faciat ex volentibus prava nolentes reddat Voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert nemo hac de causa cum peccaverit ut eam ob causam accusari nonmereatur aut damnari That is to say The Grace of Christ or the Holy Ghost which is given by him doth take from man the heart of stone and giveth him a heart of flesh And though it rendreth us willing to do those goed worke which before we were unwilling to do and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himself as if he had sinned against his will or upon constraint and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account The composition of which Article doth most clearly shew that our first Reformers did as little countenance that Doctrine of the Irresistibility of Gods grace in its workings on the will of man which the Calvinians now contend for as they did the Dreams and Dotages of some zuinglian Gospellers into whose writings if we look we shall easily find that Gods divine Predestination is by them made the cause of sin by which men are necessitated and compelled to those acts of wickedness which they so frequently commit By the vertue of Gods will saith one all things are done yea even those things which are evil and excerable By Gods Predestination saith another we are compelled to do those things for which we are damned as will appear more fully in the sixtecnth Chapter when the extravagancies of the Predestinarians come to be considered And it is probable enough that to encounter with these monstrous Paradoxes of the Zuinglian Gospellers this Article was first composed in which Provision seems to have been made against all those who taught that men sinned against their wills or upon constraint or that men might excuse themselves from the blame thereof upon that consideration If any of the Calvinian factions can find any thing in this Article against Arminianism as they call it or in defence of the determining of the will by converting grace or the consistency of the freedom or liberty of the will much good may it do them But then they should think themselves obliged to give a better reason than I think they can why this article is not to be found in the Book as now it is Printed Either this Article was not made in favour of Calvinism when it was published with the rest in King Edwards time or the Reformers of the Church under Queen Elizabeth were no friends to Calvinism in cansing it to be left out in the second Book Anno 1562. to which subscription is required by the Laws of the Land Proceed we next unto the book of Homilies in the one of which we find this passage Hom. of the Mis of Man p. 10. that few of the proud learned wise perfect and holy Pharisees was saved by Christ because they justified themselves by their counterfeit holiness before men And in another thus But the corrupt inclination of man was so much given to follow his own fancies and as you would say to favour his own bird Hom. of good works p. 33. that he worships himself that all the admonitions exhortations benefits and the precepts of God could not keep him from their intention More clearly and expresly in another place where after the recitation of some pious duties by God commended to the Jews the Homily proceeds in this manner following But these things they passed not of they turned their backs and went their way they stopped their ears that they might not hear 1. p. of the Ser. of felling from God p. 53. and they hardned their hearts as an Adamant stone that they might not listen to the Law and the words that the Lord had sent through his holy Spirit Wherefore the Lord shewed his great indignation upon them It came to pass saith the Prophet even as I told them and they would not hear so when they cried they were not heard but were scattered into all Kingdoms which they never knew and their Land was made desolate And to be short all they that may not abide the Word of God but following the persuasions and stubbornness of their own hearts go backward and not forward as is said in Jeremy they go and turn away from God Nor is this spoken only of such a temporary resistance as may be overcome at last by the unconquerable power of the Spirit of God but even of such an obstinate and perverse resistance as in the end will lead the way to a final Apostacy an unrecoverable forsaking of God and being as irrecoverably forsaken by him Of which we shall speak more at large in the fifth and last Article concerning the uncertainty of perseverance CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Freewill agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation Anno 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to
us and to banish him violently out of our souls And instead of him in whom is all grace and vertue to receive the ungracious spirit of the Devil the founder of all naughtiness and mischief than which there can be nothing more direct and positive to the point in hand And as for the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God either in accepting or resisting it when once offered to him besides what may be gathered from the former passages it is to be presumed as a thing past question in the very nature of the book for what else are those Homilies but so many proofs and arguments to evince that point For to what purpose were they made but to stir up the minds of all men to the works of piety And what hopes could the Authors of them give unto themselves of effecting that which they endeavoured had they not presupposed and taught that there was such a freedom in the will of man such an assistance of Gods grace as might enable them to perform these works of piety as in all and every one of the said Homilies are commended to them More for the proof of which points might be gathered from the said second book of Homilies established by the Articles of Queen Elizabeth's time as before is said were not these sufficient Proceed we therefore from the Homilies and the publick Monuments of the Church to the judgment of particular persons men of renown and eminent in their several places amongst which we find incomparable Jewel then Bishop of Salsbury thus clearly speaking in behalf of Universal Redemption viz. Ceerto animis nostris persuademus c. We do assuredly persuade our minds saith he that Christ is the obtainer of forgiveness for our sins Bishop Jewels Def●n Apolog c. 18. Devis 1. and that by his bloud all our spots of sins be washed clean that he hath pacified and set at one all things by the bloud of his Cross that he by the same one only Sacrifice which he once offered upon the Cross hath brought to effect and fulfilled all things and that for the cause he said it is finished By which word saith he he plainly signified persolutum jam esse pretium pro peccato humani generis that the price or ransom was now fully paid for the sin of mankind Now as Bishop Jewel was a principal member of the House of Bishops so Mr. Nowel was the Prolocutor for the House of the Clergy in which the Articles were debated and agreed upon In which respect his favour is much sought by those of the Calvinian party as before was shewn But finding no comfort for them in his larger Catechism let us see what may be found in his Latin Catechism authorized to be taught in Schools and published by his consent in the English Tongue Anno 1572. And first he sheweth that as God is said to be our Father for some other reasons Catec Edition c. 1●54 p. 19 so most specially for this quod nos divine per spiritum sanctum generavit per fidem in verum suum atque naturalem filium Jesum Christum nos elegit sibique Filios regni Coelestis atque sempiternae vitae heredes per eundem instituit that is to say because he hath divinely regenerated us or begotten us again by the Holy Ghost and hath elected us by Faith in his true and natural Son Christ Jesus and through the same Christ hath adopted us to be his Children and Heirs of his heavenly Kingdom and of life everlasting And if Election come by our faith in Christ as he saith it doth enither a Supra-lapsarian nor a Sub-lapsarian can find any comfort from this man in favour of that absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination which they would gladly father on him in his larger Catechism and then as for the method of Predestination he thus sets it forth viz. Deus Adamum illis honoris insignibus ornavit Ibid. 22. ut ea cum sibi tum suis id est toto humano generi aut servaret aut amitteret c. God saith he indued Adam with those Ornaments that is to say those Ornaments of Grace and Nature which before we spake of that he might have them or lose them for himself and his that is to say for all mankind And it could not otherwise be but that as of an evil Tree evil fruits do spring so that Adam being corrupted with sin all the issue that came of him must also be corrupted with that original sin For delivery from the which there remained no remedy in our selves and therefore God was pleased to proise that the seed of the Woman which is Jesus Christ should break the head of the Serpent that is of the Devil who deceived our first Parents and so should deliver them and their posterity that believed the same Where first we have mans fall Secondly Gods mercy in his restitution Thirdly This restitution to be made by Jesus Christ and fourthly to be made to all which believe the same Proceed we next to a Lermon preached at St. Pauls Cross Octob. 27. 1854. by Samuel Harsnet then fellow of Pembrook Hall in Cambridg and afterwards Master of the same preferred from thence to the See of Chichester from thence translated unto Norwich and finally to the Archiepiscopal See of York For the Text or subject of his Sermon he made choice of those words in the Prophet Ezekiel viz. As I live saith the Lord I delight not in the death of the wicked Chap. 33. v. 11. In his Discourse upon which Text he first dischargeth God from laying any necessity of sinning on the sons of men and then delighting in their punishment because they have sinned he thus breaks out against the absolute decree of Reprobation which by that time had been made a part of the Zuinglian Gospel Mr. Harnets Sermon at Pauls Cross bound up at the end of Dr. Stewards three Sermons printed 1●58 p. 1●3 c. and generally spread abroad both from Press and Puipit There is a conceit in the World saith he speak little better of our gracious God than this and that is that God shoould design many thousands of souls to Hell before they were not in eye to their faults but to his own absolute will and power and to get him glory in their damnation This Opinion is grown high and monstrous and like a Goliah and men do shake and tremble at it yet never a man reacheth to Davids sing to cast it down In the name of the Lord of Hosts we will encounter it for it hath reviled not the Host of the living God but the Lord of Hosts First That it is directly in opposition to this Text of holy Scripture and so turns the truth of God into a lye For whereas God in this Text doth say and swear that he doth not delight in the death of man this Opinion saith that not one or two but millions of men should
to be affirmed by the Bishops of Rochester Oxon and St. Davids in a Letter to the Duke of Buchingham August 2. 1625. In which they signifie unto him that the said Articles being agreed upon and ready to be published it pleased Queen Elizabeth of famous memory upon notice given how little they agreed with the practice of piety and obedience to all Government to cause them to be suppressed and that they had so continued ever since till then of late some of them had received countenance at the Synod of Dort Next touching the effect produced by them in order to the end so proposed so far they were from appeasing the present Controversies and suppressing Baroe and his party that his disciples and Adherents became more united and the breach wider than before And though Dr. Baroe not long after deserted his place in the University yet neither was he deprived of his Professorship as some say not forced to leave it on a fear of being deprived as is said by others For that Professorship being chosen from two years to two years according to the Statutes of the Lady Margaret he kept the place till the expiring of his term and then gave off without so much as shewing himself a Suiter for it Which had he done it may be probable enough that he had carried it from any other Candidate or Competitor of what rank soever The Anti-Calvinian party being grown so strong as not to be easily overborn in a publick business by the opposite faction And this appears plainly by that which followed on the death of Dr. Whitacres who died within few days after his return from Lambeth with the nine Articles so much talk'd of Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease Wotton of Kings Collegd a professed Calvinian and one of those who wrote against Mountague's Appeal Anno 1626. Competitor with Overald of Trinity Colledg almost as far from the Calvinian doctrine in the main Platform of Predestination as Baroe Harsnet or Barret are conceived to be But when it came to the Vote of the University the place was carried for Overald by the Major part which as it plainly shews that though the doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled here by most of the Heads yet the greater part of the learned Body entertained them not so doth it make it also to be very improbable that Baroe should be put out of his place by those who had taken in Overald or not confirmed therein if he had desired And therefore we may rather think as before is said that he relinquished the place of his own accord in which he found his Doctrine crossed by the Lambeth Articles and afterwards his peace distracted dy several Informations brought against him by the adverse faction and thereupon a Letter of Complaint presented to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh subscribed by most of those who before had prosecuted Barret to his Recantation Which Letter giving very great light to the present business as well concerning Barret as Baroe though principally aimed at the last I think worthy of my pains and the Readers patience and therefore shall subscribe it as hereafter followeth A Copy of the Letter sent from some of the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Burleigh Lord High Treasurer of England and Chancellor of the University RIGHT HONOURABLE our bounden duty remembred we are right sorry to have such occasion to trouble your Lordship but the peace of this University and Church which is dear unto us being brought into peril by the late reviving of new Opinions and troublesom Controversies amongst us hath urged us in regard of the places we here sustain not only to be careful for the suppressing the same to our power but also to give your Lordship further information hereof as our honourable Head and careful Chancellor About a year past amongst divers others who here attempted publickly to teach new and strange Opinions in Religion one Mr. Barret more boldly than the rest did preach divers Popish Errors in St. Maries to the just offence of many which he was enjoyned to retract but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed with whose fact and Opinions your Lordship was made acquainted hy Dr. Some the Deputy Vice-Chancellour Hereby offence and division growing as after by Dr Baroes publick Lectures and determinations in the Schools contrary as his Auditors have informed to Dr. Whitacres and the sound received Truth ever since her Majesties Reign we sent up to London by common consent in November last Dr Tyndal and Dr. Whitacres men especially chosen for that purpose for conference with my Lord of Canterbury and other principal Divines there that the Controversies being examined and the truth by their consents confirmed the contrary Errours and contentions thereabouts might the rather cease By whose good travel with sound consent in Truth such advice and care was taken by certain Propositions containing certain substantial points of Religion taught and received in this University and Church during the time of her Majesties Reign and consented unto and published by the best approved Divines both at home and abroad for the maintaining of the same truth and peace of the Church as thereby we enjoyed here great and comfortable quiet until Dr. Baroe in January last in his Sermon Ad Clerum in St. Maries contrary to restraint and Commandment from the Vice-Chancellour and the Heads by renewing again these Opinions disturbed our peace whereby his Adherents and disciples were and are too much emboldned to maintain false doctrine to the corrupting and disturbing of this University and the Church if it be not in time effectually prevented For remedy whereof we have with joint consent and care upon complaint of divers Batchelors of Divinity proceeded in the examination of the cause according to our Statutes and usual manner of proceeding in such causes whereby it appeareth by sufficient Testimonies that Dr. Baroe hath offended in such things as his Articles had charged him withal There is also since the former another Complaint preferred against him by certain Batchelors in Divinity that he hath not only in the Sermon but also for the space of this fourteen or fifteen years taught in his Lectures preached in his Sermons determined in the Schools and printed in several books divers points of doctrine not only contrary to himself but also contrary to that which hath been taught and received ever since her Majesties Reign and agreeable to the Errors of Popery which we know your Lordship hath always disliked and hated so that we who for the space of many years past have yielded him sundry benefits and favours here in the University being a stranger and forborn him when he hath often heretofore busie and curious in aliena Republica broached new and strange questions in Religion now unless we should be careless of maintaining the truth of Relgiion established and of our duties in our places cannot being resolved and confirmed in the truth of the
Clergy Subsidies presented to the Kings of England ever since the 27th of Queen Elizabeth and in the form of the Certificates per Praelatos Clerum returned by every Bishop to the Lord High Treasurer and finally Nos Episcopi Clerus Cantuariensis Provinciae in hac Synodo more nostro solito dum Regni Parliamentum celebratur congregati in the Petition to K. K. Philip and Mary about the confirmation of the Abby Lands to the Patentees So that though many Statutes have been made in these later times excluso Clero the Clergy that is to say the inferiour Clergy being quite shut out and utterly excluded from those publick Councils yet this proves nothing to the point that any Act of Parliament hath been they either were shut out by force or excluded by cunning As for Kilbancies book which that Author speaks of Proing pract of Parl. p. 38. in which the Justices are made to say 7 H. 8. that our Sovereign Lord the King may well hold his Parliament by him and his Temporal Lords and by the Commons also without the Spiritual Lords for that the Spiritual Lords have not any place in the Parliament Chamber by reason of their Spiritualties but by reason of their Temporal possessions Besides that it is only the opinion of a private man of no authority or credit in the Common-wealth and contrary to the practice in the Saxon times in which the Bishops sate in Parliament as Spiritual persons not as Barons the reason for ought I can see will serve as well to pretermit all or any of the Temporal Lords as it can serve to pretermit or exclude the Bishops the Temporal Lords being called to Parliament on no other ground than for the Temporal possessions which they hold by Barony If it be said that my second answer to the argument of Excluso Clero supposeth that the inferior Clergy had some place in Parliament which not to be supposed makes the Answer void I shall crave leave to offer some few observations unto the consideration of the sober and impartial Reader by which I hope to make that supposition probable and perhaps demonstrative First then we have that famous Parliament call it Concilium magnum or Concilium commune or by what other name soever the old Writers called it summoned by King Ethelbert Concil Hen. Spei●● Anno 605. which my Author calleth Commune concilium tam Cleri quam Populi where Clerus comprehendeth the body of the Clergy generally as well the Presbyters as the Bishops as the word populus doth the lay-subject generally as well Lords as Commons or else the Lords and Commons one of the two must needs be left out And in this sense we are to understand these words in the latter times Matth. Paris in Hen. 1. as where we read that Clerus Angliae populus Vniversus were summoned to appear at Westminister at the Coronation of King Henry the first where divers Laws were made and declared subscribed by the Arch-bishops Bishops and others of the principal persons that were there assembled Rong Hov. in Hen. 2. that Clero populo convocato the Clergy and People of the Realm were called to Clarendon Anno 1163. by King Henry II. for the declaring and conforming of the Subjects liberties that in the year 1185. towards the latter end of the said Kings Reign Convocatus est Clerus populus cum tota Nobilitate ad fontem Clericorum Matth. Paris in Hen. 2. the Clergy Commons and Nobility were called unto the Parliament held at Clerkenwell and finally that a Parliament was called at London in which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury was present cum toto Clero tota secta Laicali Quadrilog ap Selden Tit. of Hon. pt 2. c. 5. in the time of King John Hitherto then the Clergy of both ranks and orders as well as Populus or tota secta Laioalis the Subjects of the Laity or the Lords and Commons had their place in Parliament And in possession of this right the Clergy stood when the Magna Charta was set out by King Henry III. wherein the Freedoms Rights and Priviledges of the Church of England of which this evidently was one was confirmed unto her of the irrefragable and inviolable authority whereof we have spoken before Magna Charta cap. 1. The Cavil of Excluso Clero which hath been used against the Voting of the Bishops in the House of Peers comes in next for proof that the inferiour Clergy had their place or Vote with the House of Commons if in those times the Lords and Commons made two Houses which I am not sure of the Clergy could not be excluded in an angry fit or out of a particular design to deprive them of the benefit of the Kings protection if they had not formerly a place amongst them and if we will not understand by Clerus the inferior Clergy which much about that time as before we shewed began to be the legal English of the word we must needs understand the whole Clergy generally the Clergy of both ranks and orders But our main proofs are yet to come which are these that follow First it is evident that antiently the Clergy of each several Diocess were chargeable by Law for the expences of their Proctors in attending the service of the Parliament according as the Counties were by Common law since confirmed by Statute 23 H. 6. c. 11. to bear the charges of their Knights the burroughs and Cities of their Representees which questionless the Laws had not taken care for but that the Clergy had their place in Parliament as the Commons had Rotul Patent 26 Ed. 3. pt 1. 1. M. 22. And this appears by a Record of 26th of King Edward III. in which the Abbot of Leicester being then but never formerly commanded to attend in Parliament amongst others of the Regular Prelates petitioned to be discharged from that attendance in regard he held in Frank-Almoigne only by no other tenure Which he obtained upon this condition ut semper in Procuratores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta mittendos consentiat ut moris est eorundem expensis contribuat that is to say that he and his Successors did give their Voices in the choice of such Procurators as the Clergy were to send to Parliament and did contribute towards their charges as the custom was Next in the Modus tenendi Parliamentum which before we spake of there is a modus convocandi Clerum Angliae ad Parl. Regis Modus tenendi Parl. Ms. V. Titles of hon pt 2. a form of to the Court of Parliament said to be used in the time of Edward the Son of Ethelred presented to the Conqueror and by him observed which shews the Clergy in those times had their place in Parliament Which being but a general inference shall be delivered more particularly from the Modus it self which informs us thus Rex est caput principium finis Parliamenti
regulated by the three Estates 6. Of what Authority they have been antiently in the Parliaments of Scotland 7. The King of England always accounted heretofore for an absolute Monarch 8. No part of Sovereignty invested legally in the English Parliaments 9. The three Estates assembled in the Parment of England subordinate unto the King not co-ordinate with him 10. The Legislative power of Parliaments is properly and legally in the King alone 11. In what particulars the power of the English Parliament doth consist especially 12. The Kings of England ordinarily over-rule their Parliaments by themselves their Council and their Judges 13. Objections answered touching the power and practice of some former Parliaments and the testimonies given unto them 14. No such Authority given by God in Holy Scripture to any such Popular Magistrates as Calvin dreams of and pretends 15. The Application and Conclusion of the whole discourse I Have been purposely more copious in the former Chapter because I thought it necessary to declare and manifest who made the three Estates in each several Kingdom which are pretended by our Author to have such power of regulating the Authority and censuring the actions and the persons of their Sovereign Princes And this the rather in regard it is thought of late and more than thought presented to the world in some publick writings especially as it relates to the Realm of England that the King the Lords and Commons make the three Estates which brings the King into an equal rank with the other two in reference to the business and affairs of Parliament A fancy by what accident soever it was broached and published which hath no consistence either with truth or ordinary observation or with the practice of this Realm or of any other For the proof of this my position that the King is none of the three Estates as is now pretended if all proofs else should fail I have one from Calvin whose judgment in this point amongst many of us will be instar omnium Calvin instit 4. cap. ult For where he saith in singulis Regnis tres esse Ordines that there are three Estates in each several Kingdom and that these three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they call their meeting are furnished with a power Regum lididinem moderandi of moderating the licentiousness of Kings and Princes and that they become guilty of perfidious dissimulation si Regibus impotenter grassantibus c. If they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insult on the common people I trow it cannot be conceived that the King is any one of the three Estates who are here trusted or at least supposed to be intrusted with sufficient power as well to regulate his authority as to control his actions If Calvin be allowed to have common sense and to have wit and words enough to express his meaning as even his greatest Adversaries do confess he had it must be granted that he did not take the King of what Realm soever to be any of the three Estates or if he did he would have thought of other means to restrain his insolencies than by leaving him in his own hands to his own correction Either then Calvin is mistaken in the three Estates and if he be mistaken in designing the men he aims at may he not be mistaken in the power he gives them or else the King is none and indeed can be none of the three Estates qui primarios conventus peragunt who usually convene in Parliament for those ends and purposes before remembred But not to trust to him alone though questionless he be ideoneus testis in the present case Let us behold the Assembly of the three Estates or Conventus Ordinum in France from whence it is conceived that all Assemblies of this kind had their first Original and we shall find a very full description of them in the Assembly des Estats at Bloys under Henry III. Anno 1577. of which thus Thuanus Rex in sublimi loco sub uranisco sedebat Thanus in histor sci temp l. 63. c. The King saith he sate on an high erected Throne under the Canopy of State the Queen-Mother and the Queen his Wife and all the Cardinals Princes Peers upon either hand And then it followeth Transtris infra dispositis ad dextram suam sacri Ordinis Delegati ad laevam Nobilitas infra plebetus ordo sedebat that on some lower forms there sate the Delegates of the Clergy towards the right hand of the King the Nobility towards the left and the Commissioners for the Commons in the space below We may conjecture at the rest by the view of this Of those in Spain by those Conventions of the States which before we spake of at Burgos Monson Toledo and in other places in which the King is always mentioned as a different person who called them and dissolved them as he saw occasion For Scotland it is ordinary in the stile of Parliaments to say the King and the Estates do ordain and constitute for which I do refer you to the Book of Statutes which clearly makes the King to be a different person from the Estates of that Kingdom And as for England Statutes of Scotland besides what may be gathered from the former Chapter we read in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry V. that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry VI. being an Infant of eight months old to be their Sovereign Lord Tit. Liv. M. S. in Bibl. Bodl. as his Heir and Successor And in the Parliament Rolls of King Richard III. there is mention of a Bill or Parchment presented to that Prince being then Duke of Glocester on the behalf and in the name of the three Estates of this Realm of England that is to wit of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and of the Commons by name which forasmuch as neither the said three Estates nor the persons which delivered it on their behalf were then Assembled in form of Parliament was afterwards in the first Parliament of that King by the same three Estates Assembled in this present Parliament I speak the very words of the Act it self and by Authority of the same enrolled Ap. Speed in K. Rich. 3. recorded and approved And at the request and by the assent of three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land Assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared that our said Sovereign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted Heir of this Realm of England 1 Eliz. cap. 3. c. And so it is acknowledged in a Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said
or if the King dislikes of any thing in it when they shew it to him it either is razed out or mended before it be prefented to the publick view King James of blessed memory who very well understood his own power and the Forms of that Parliament describes it much to the same purpose in his Speech made at Whitehall March 31. Anno 1609. About twenty days saith he before the Parliament Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdom to deliver unto the Kings Clerk of Register all Bills to be exhibited that Session before a certain day Then are they brought unto the King and perused and considered by him and only such as he alloweth of are put into the Chancellors hands to be propounded to the Parliament and none others And if any other man in Parliament speak of any other matter than is in this sort first allowed by the King the Chancellor telleth him that the King hath allowed of no such Bill Besides when they have passed them for Laws they are presented to the King and he with his Scepter put into his hands by the Chancellor must say I ratifie and approve all things done in this present Parliament And if there be any thing that he disliketh it is razed out before So the eldest Parliament-man as he said himself at that time in Scotland This was the Form of holding Parliaments in Scotland which whosoever doth consider with a serious eye may perceive most plainly that it is wholly in the Kings power to frame the Parliament to his own will or at the least to hinder it from doing any thing to the prejudice of his Royal Crown and Dignity in that the nominating of the Lords of the Articles did in a manner totally depend on him Which being observed by the Scots they took the opportunity when they were in Arms to pass an Act during the Presidency of the Lord Burley Anno 1640. for the abolition of this Order Acts of Parliaments 16 Carol and for reducing of that Parliament to the Forms of England as being thought more advantagious to their purposes than the former was So that the violent disloyalty of the Scotish Subjects their Insurrections against their Kings and murdering them sometimes when their heels were up which makes that Nation so ill spoken of in the Stories of Christendom are not to be imputed to the three Estates convened in Parliament or to any power or Act of theirs Rivet cont tenuit but only prae fervido Scotorum ingenio as one pleads it for them unto the natural disposition of that fierce and head-strong people yet easilier made subject unto Rule and Government The three Estates assembled in the Court of Parliament when in the judgment of our Author they are most fit to undertake the business have for the most part had no hand in those desperate courses And now at last we are come to England where since we came no sooner we will stay the longer and here we shall behold the King established in an absolute Monarchy from whom the meeting of the three Estates in Parliament detracteth nothing of his Power and Authority Royal. Bodin as great a Politick as any of his time in the Realm of France hath ranked our Kings amongst the absolute Monarchs of these Western parts And Cambden as renowned an Antiquary as any of the Age he lived in Bodin de Rep. l. 1. c. 8. hath told us of the King of England supremam potestatem merum imperium habere Cambden in Britan. descript That he hath supream power and absolute command in his Dominions and that he neither holds his Crown in vassalage nor receiveth his investiture of any other nor acknowledgeth any Superiour but God alone To prove this last he cites these memorable words from Bracton an old English Lawyer omnis quidem sub Rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo that every man is under the King but the King under none saving only God But Bracton tells us more than this and affirms expresly that the King hath supream power and jurisdiction over all causes and persons in this his Majesties Realm of England that all Jurisdictions are vested in him and are issued from him and that he hath jus gladii or the right of the Sword for the better governance of his people This is the substance of his words but the words are these Bracton de leg Angl. l. 2. c 24. Sciendum est saith he quod ipse Dominus Rex ordinariam habet jurisdictionem dignitatem potestatem super omnes qui in regno suo sunt Habet enim omnia jura in manu sua quae ad coronam laicalem pertinent potestatem materialem gladium qui pertinet ad Regni gubernandum c. He adds yet further Habet item in potestate sua leges constitutiones that the Laws and Constitutions of the Realm Id. l. 2. c. 16. are in the power of the King by which words whether he meaneth that the Legislative power is in the King and whether the Legislative power be in him and in him alone we shall see anon But sure I am that he ascribes unto the King the power of interpreting the Law in all doubtful cases in dubiis obscuris Domini Regis expectanda interpretatio voluntas which is plain enough For though he speaketh only de chartis Regis expectanda interpretatio voluntas which is plain enough For though he speaketh only de chartis Regiis factis Regum of the Kings Deeds and Charters only as the words seem to import yet considering the times in which he lived being Chief Justice in the time of King Henry the 3d. wherein there was but little written Law more than what was comprehended in the Kings Grants and Charters he may be understood of all Laws whatever And so much is collected out of Bractons words by the Lord Chancellor Egerton of whom it may be said without envy that he was as grave and learned a Lawyer as ever sat upon that Bench. Who gathereth out of Bracton that all cases not determined for want of foresight are in the King to whom belongs the right of interpretation not in plain and evident cases but only in new questions and emergent doubts and that the King hath as much right by the constitutions of this Kingdom as the Civil Law gave the Roman Emperors where it is said Rex solus judicat de causa à jure non desinita Case of the Post-nati p. 107 108. And though the Kings make not any Laws without the counsel and consent of his Lords and Commons whereof we shall speak more in the following Section yet in such cases where the Laws do provide no remedy and in such matters as concern the politick administration of his Kingdoms he may and doth take order by his Proclamations He also hath Authority by his Prerogative Royal to dispense with the rigour of the Laws and
of Charters under the Great Seal or else as Proclamations of Grace and Favour so do they carry still this mark of their first procuring the King willeth the King commandeth the King ordaineth the King provideth the King grants c. And when the Kings were pleased to call their Estates together it was not out of an Opinion that they could not give away their Power or dispense their Favours or abate any thing of the severity of their former Government without the approbation and consent of their people but out of just fear lest any one of the three Estates I mean the Clergy the Nobility and the Commons should insist on any thing which might be prejudicial to the other two The Commons being always on the Craving part and suffering as much perhaps from their immediate Lords as from their King might possibly have asked some things which were as much derogatory to the Lords under whom they held as of their Sovereign Liege the King the chief Lord of all In this respect the Counsel and Consent as well of the Prelates as the Temporal Lords was accounted necessary in passing of all Acts of Grace and Favour to the people because that having many Royalties and large immunities of their own a more near relation to the person and a greater interesse in the honour of their Lord the King nothing should pass unto the prejudice and diminution of their own Estates or the disabling of the King to support his Sovereignty And this for long time was the Stile of the following Parliaments viz. To the honour of God and of holy Church Preface an 1 Ed. 3. and to the redress of the oppressions of the people our Sovereign Lord the King c. at the request of the Commonalty of his Realm by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament by the Assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled in the said Parliament hath granted for him and his Heirs c. To this effect but with some little and but a very little variation of the words was the usual Stile in all the Prefaces or Preambles of the Acts of Parliament from the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the 3d till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the 7th save that sometimes we find the Lords complaining 10 Ed. 3. c. 21 Ed. 3. c. 28 Ed. 3. c. or petitioning and the Commons assenting as their occasion did require and sometime also no other motive represented but the Kings great desire to provide for the ease and safety of his people upon deliberation had with the Prelates and Nobles and learned men assisting with their mutual Counsel 23 Ed. 3. And all this while there is no question to be made but that the power of making Laws was conceived to be the chiefest Flower of the Royal Diadem to which the Lords and Commons neither joint nor seperate did not pretend the smallest Title more than petitioning for them or assenting to them it being wholly left to the Kings Grace and goodness whether he would give ear or not to their Petitions or hearken unto such Advice as the Lords or other great men gave him in behalf of his people And this is that which was declared in the Parliament by the Lords and Commons and still holds good as well in point of Law as Reason that it belonged unto the regality of the King to grant or deny what Petitions in Parliament be pleaseth But as the Kings came in upon doubtful Titles 2 Hen. 5. or otherwise were necessitated to comply with the peoples humours as sometimes they were so did the Parliaments make use of the opportunities for the encrease of their Authority at least in the formalities of Law and other advantages of expression So that in the minority of King Henry the sixth unto those usual words by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at the special instance and request of the Commons which were inserted ordinarily into the body of the Acts from the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the sixth was added this By the Authority of the said Parliament But still it is to be observed 3 Hen. 6. c. 2. 8 H. 6.3 c. that though those words were added to the former clause yet the power of granting or ordaining was acknowledged to belong to the King alone as in the places in the Margin where it is said Our Lord the King considering the premises by the advice and assent and at the request aforesaid hath ordained and granted by the Authority of the said Parliament 3 H. 6.2 and our Lord the King considering c. hath ordained and established by Authority of this Parliament 8 H. 6.3 And thus it generally stood but every general Rule may have some exceptions till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the seventh about which time that usual clause the special instance or request of the Commons began by little and little to be laid aside and that of their advice or assent to be inserted in the place thereof for which I do refer you to the Book at large Which though it were some alteration of the former stile and that those words By the Authority of this present Parliament may make men think that the Lords and Commons did then pretend some Title unto the power of making Laws yet neither advising or assenting are so operative in the present case as to transfer the power of making Laws to such as do advise about them or assent unto them nor can the alteration of the Forms and stiles used in anitient times import an alteration of the Form of Government unless it can be shewed as I think it cannot that any of our Kings did renounce that Power which properly and solely did belong unto them or did by any solomn Act of Communication confer the same upon the Lords and Commons convened in Parliament And this is that which is resolved and declared in our Common Law where it is said Cited in the unlawfulness of resist p. 107. Le Roy fait les loix avec le consent du Seigneurs et communs et non pas les Seigneurs et communs avec le consent du Roy that is to say that the King makes Laws in Parliament by the assent of the Lords and Commons and not the Lords and Commons by the assent of the King And for a further proof of this and for the clearing of this point that the Lords and Commons pretend to no more power in the making of Laws than opportunity to propound and advise about them and on mature advice to give their several Assents unto them we need but look into the first Act of the Parliament in the third year of K. Charles being a Recognition of some ancient rights belonging to the English Subject An Act conceived according to the Primitive Form Statut. 3 Carol. in
way of a Petition to the Kings most excellent Majesty in which the Lords and Commons do most humbly pray as their Rights and Liberties that no such things as they complained of might be done hereafter that his Majesty would vouchsafe to declare that the Awards doings and proceedings to the prejudice of his people in any of the premises shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example and that he would be pleased to declare his Royal pleasure that in the point aforesaid all his Offieers and Ministers should serve him according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm To which although the King returned a fair general Answer assuring them that his Subjects should have no cause for the time to come to complain of any wrong or oppressions contrary to their just Rights and Liberties yet this gave little fatisfaction till he came in person and causing the Petition to be distinctly read by the Clerk of the Crown Ibid. returned his Answer in these words Soit droit fait come est desire that is to say let right be done as is desired Which being the very formal words by which the said Petition and every clause and Article therein contained became to be a Law and to have the force of an Act of Parliament and being there is nothing spoken of the concurrent Authority of the Lords and Commons for the enacting of the same may serve instead of many Arguments for the proof of this that the Legislative power as we phrase it now is wholly and solely in the King although restrained in the exercise and use thereof by constant custom Smith de Rep. Angl. unto the counsel and consent of the Lords and Commons Le Roy veult or the King will have it so is the imperative phrase by which the Propositions of the Lords and Commons are made Acts of Parliament And let the Lords and Commons agitate and propound what Laws they please for their ease and benefit as generally all Laws and Statutes are more for the ease and benefit of the Subject than the advantage of the King yet as well now as formerly in the times of the Roman Emperors Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigorem nothing but that which the King pleaseth to allow of is to pass for Law the Laws not taking their coercive force as judicious Hooker well observeth from the quality of such as devise them but from the Power which giveth them the strength of Laws Pooker Ecclesiast Pol. I shut up this Discourse with this expression and comparison of a late Learned Gentleman viz That as in a Copyhold Estate the Copyholder of a meer Tenant at will comes by custom to gain an Inheritance and so to limit and restrain the will and power of the Lord that he cannot make any determination of the Copyholders Estate otherwise than according to the custom of the Mannour and yet doth not deprive the Lord of his Lordship in the Copyhold nor participate with him in it neither yet devest the Fee and Franktenement out of the Lord Case of our Affairs p. 6. but that they still remain in him and are ever parcel of his Demesn so in the restraining of the Kings Legislative power to the concurrence of the Peers and Commons though the custom of the Kingdom hath so fixed and setled the restraint as that the King cannot in that point use his Sovereign power without the concurrence of the Peers and Commons according to the custom of the Kingdom yet still the Sovereignty and with it the inseparable Legislative power doth reside solely in the King If any hereupon demand to what end serve Parliaments and what benefit can redound to the Subject by them I say in the Apostles words much every way Rom. 3.2 Many vexations oftentimes do befall the Subjects without the knowledg of the King and against his will to which his Ears are open in a time of Parliament The King at other times useth the Eyes and Ears of such as have place about him who may perhaps be guilty of the wrongs which are done the people but in a Parliament he seeth with his own Eyes and heareth with his own Ears and so is in a better way to redress the mischief than he could be otherwise Nor do the people by the opportunity of these Parliamentary meetings obtain upon their Prayers and Petitions a redress of grievances only but many times the King is overcome by their importunity to abate so much of his Power to grant such points and pass such Laws and Statutes for their ease and benefit as otherwise he would not yield to For certainly it is as true in making our approaches and Petitions to our Lord the King as in the pouring out of our Prayers and supplications to the Lord our God the more multitudinous and united the Petitioners are the more like to speed And therefore said Bodinus truly Principem plaeraque universis concedere quae singulis denegarentur Bodin de Rep. l. 1. c. 8. that Kings do many times grant those favours to the whole body of their people which would be absolutely denied or not so readily yielded to particular persons There are moreover many things of greater concernment besides the abrogating of old Laws and making new which having been formerly recommended by the Kings of England to the care and counsel of their people convened in Parliament are not now regularly dispatched but in such Conventions as are altering the Tenure of Lands confirming the Rights Titles and possessions of private men naturalizing Aliens legitimating Bastards adding sometimes the secular Authority to such points of Doctrine and Forms of Worship as the Clergy have agreed upon in their Convocations if it be required changing the publick weights and measures throughout the Kingdom defining of such doubtful cases as are not easily resolved in the Courts of Law raising of Subsidies and Taxes attainting such as either are too potent to be caught or too hard to be found and so not triable in the ordinary Courts of Justice restoring to their Bloud and Honours such or the Heirs of such as have been formerly attainted granting of free and general Pardons with divers others of this nature In all and each of these the Lords and Commons do co-operate to the publick good Sir Tho. Smith de Rep. Angl. Cambden in Brit. Crompt of Courts c. in the way of means and preparation but their co operation would be lost and fruitless did not the King by his Concomitant or subsequent grace produce their good intentions into perfect Acts and being Acts either of special Grace and Favour or else of ordinary Right and Justice no way derogatory to the Prerogative Royal are usually confirmed by the Royal assent without stop or hesitancy But then some other things there are of great importance and advantage to the Common-wealth in which the Houses usually do proceed even to final sentence the Commons in the way of
inquisition or Impeachment the Lords in that of Judicature and determination with the consent and approbation of the King though many times without his personal assent and presence The King may be abused in his Grants and Patents to the oppression of the people or the dilapidation and destruction of the Royal Patrimony Judges and other the great Officers of Law and Equity are subject to corruptions and may smell of gifts whereby the passages of Justices do become obstructed The Ministers of inferiour Courts as well Ecclesiastical as Civil either exhaust the miserable Subject by Extortions or else consume him by delays Erroneous judgments may be given through fear or favour to the undoing of a man and his whole posterity in which his Majesties Justices of either Bench can afford no remedy The great Ones of the State may become too insolent and the poor too miserable and many other ways there are by which the Fabrick of the State may be out of Order for the removing of which mischiefs the rectifying of which abuses the Lords and Commons in their several ways before remembred are of special use yet so that if the King's Grants do come in question or any of his Officers are called to a reckoning they used heretofore to signifie unto his Majesty what they found therein and he accordingly either revoked his Grants or displaced his Servants or by some other means gave way unto their contentment the Kings consent being always necessary and received as a part of the final sentence if they went so far So that we may conclude this point with these words of Bodin who being well acquainted with the Government of this State and Nation partly by way of Conference with Dr. Dale the Queens Ambassadour in France and partly in the way of observation when he was in England doth give this resolution of the point in Controversie Bodin de Repub l. 1. o. 8. Habere quidem Ordines Anglorum authoritatem quandam jura vero majestatis imperii summam in unius Principis arbitrio versari The States saith he of England have a kind of Authority but all the Rights of Sovereignty and command in chief are at the will and pleasure of the Prince alone And to say truth although the Lords and Commons met in Parliament are of great Authority especially as they have improved it in these later times yet were they never of such power but that the Kings have for the most part over-ruled them and made them pliant and conformable to their own desires and this not only by themselves but sometimes also by their Judges by their Council often For such was the great care and wisdom of our former Kings as not to venture single on that numerous Body of the two Houses of Parliament whereby the Sovereignty might be so easily over-matched but to take with them for Affistants as well the Lords of their Privy Council with whom they might advise in matters which concerned them in their Sovereign Rights as their learned Council as they call them consisting of the Judges and most eminent Lawyers from whom they might receive instruction as the case required and neither do nor suffer wrong in point of Law and by both these as well as by the power and awe of their personal presence have they not only regulated but restrained their Parliaments And this is easily demonstrable by continual practice 4 Ed. 1. For in the Statute of Bigamie made in the fourth year of King Edward I. it is said expresly That in the prefence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Council the Constitutions under-written were recited and after published before the King his Council forasmuch as all the Kings Council as well Justices as others did agree that they should be put in writing and observed In the Articuli super Chartas when the Great Charter was confirmed at the request of the Prelates 28 Ed. 1. c. 2. Earls and Barons we find these two claufes the one in the beginning thus Nevertheless the King and his Council do not intend by reason of this Statute Ibid. c. 20. to diminish the Kings right c. The other in the clofe of all in these following words And notwithstanding all these things mentioned or any part of them both the King and his Council and all they which were present at the making of this Ordinance do will and intend that the Right and Prerogative of his Crown shall be saved in all things In the 27th of King Edward the 3d. The Commons presenting a Petition to the King 27 Ed. 3. which the Kings Council did mislike were content thereupon to mend and explain their Petition the Form of which Petition is in these words following To their most redoubted Sovereign Lord the King praying the Commons that whereas they have prayed him to be discharged of all manner of Articles of the Lyre c. which Petition seemeth to his Council to be prejudicial unto him and in disherison of his Crown if it were so generally granted his said Commons not willing not desiring to demand things of him which should fall in disherison of him or of his Crown perpetually as of Escheats c. but of Trespasses Misprifions Negligences and Ignorances c. In the 13th of the reign of King Richard the 2d when the Commons did pray that upon pain of forfeiture the Chancellor or Council of the King should not after the end of the Parliament make any Ordinance against the Common Law 13 Rich. 2. the King by the advice of his Council answered Let it be used as it hath been used before this time so as the Regality of the King be saved for the King will save his Regalities 4 Hen. 4. as his Predecessors have done In the 4th year of King Henry IV. when the Commons complained against Sub-poenae's and other Writs grounded upon false suggestions the King upon the same advice returned this Answer that he would give in charge to his Officers that they should abstain more than before time they had to send for his Subjects in that manner But yet saith he it is not our intention that our Officers shall so abstain that they may not send for our Subjects in matters and causes necessary as it hath been used in the time of our good Progenitors Finally not to bring forth more particulars in a case so clear it was the constant custom in all Parliaments till the Reign of King Henry V. that when any Bill had passed both Houses Henr. 5. and was presented to the King for his Royal Assent the King by the abvice of his Privy Council or his Council learned in the Laws or sometimes of both did use to cross out and obliterate as much or as little of it as he pleased to leave out what he liked not and confirmed the rest that only which the King confirmed being held for Law And though in the succeeding
't is well known that the ensuing Parliaments which they instance in moved not of their own accord to the deposing of K Edw. the 2d or K. Richard the 2d but sailed as they were steered by those powerful Councils which Qu. Isabel in the one Walsingham in Hist Angl. Hypodig Neustriae and Henry Duke of Lancaster in the other did propose unto them It was no safe resisting those as their cold wisdoms and forgotten loyalties did suggest unto them qui tot legionibus imperarent who had so many thousand men in Arms to make good their project and they might think as the poor-spirited Citizens of Samaria did in another case but a case very like the present Behold two Kings stood not before him 2 Kings 10.4 how then can we stand For had it been an Argument of the power of Parliaments that they deposed one King to set up another dethroned King Richard to advance the Duke of Lancaster to the Regal Diadem they would have kept the House of Lancaster in possession of it for the full demonstration of a power indeed and not have cast them off at the first attempt of a new plausible pretender declared them to be kings in fact but not in right whose lawful right they had before preferred above all other Titles and set the Crown upon the heads of their deadly Enemies In the next place it is objected that Parliaments are a great restraint of the Sovereign power according to the Doctrine here laid down by Calvin in that the King can make no Laws nor levy any money upon the Subject but by the counsel and assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament But this Objection hurts as little as the former did For Kings to say the truth need no Laws at all In all such points wherein they have not bound themselves by some former Laws made for the common use and benefit of the Subject they are left at liberty and may proceed in governing the people given by God unto them according to their own discretion and the advice of their Council New Laws are chiefly made for the Subjects benefit at their desire on their importunate requests for their special profit not one in twenty nay I dare boldly say not one in an hundred made for the advantage of the King either in the improvement of his power or the encrease of his Revenue Look over all the Acts of Parliaments from the beginning of the reign of King Henry III. to the present time and tell me he that can if he finds it otherwise Kings would have little use of Parliaments and less mind to call them if nothing but the making of new Laws were the matter aimed at And as for raising Moneys and imposing Taxes it either must suppose the Kings to be always unthrifts that they be always indigent and necessitous and behind-hand with the World which are the ordinary effects of ill husbandry or else this Argument is lost and of little use For if our Kings should husband their Estates to the best advantage and make the best benefit of such Escheats and forfeitures and confiscations as day by day do fall unto them If they should follow the Example of K. Henry VII and execute the penal Laws according to the power which those Laws have given them and the trust reposed in them by their People if they should please to examine their Revenue and proportion their expence to their comings in there would be little need of Subsidies and supplies of money more than the ordinary aids and impositions upon Merchandize which the Law alloweth of and the known rights of Sovereignty backed by prescription and long custom have asserted to them So that it is by Accident not by and Nature that the Parliament hath any power or opportunity to restrain their King in this particular for where there is no need of asking there is no occasion of denying by consequence no restraint upon no baffle or affronting offered to the Regal power And yet the Sovereign need not fear if he be tolerably careful of his own Estate that any reasonable demand of his in these money-matters will meet with opposition or denial in his Houses of Parliament For whilest there are so many Acts of Grace and Favour to be done in Parliament as what almost in every Parliament but an enlargement of the Kings favours to his people and that none can be done in Parliament but with the Kings siat and consent there is no question to be made but that the two Houses of Parliament will far sooner chuse to supply the King as all wise Parliaments have done than rob the Subject of the benefit of his Grace and Favours which is the best fruit they reap from Parliaments Finally whereas it is Objected but I think it in sport that the old Lord Burleigh used to say that he knew not what a Parliament in England could not do and that K. James once said in a Parliament that then there were 500 Kings which words were taken for a Concession that all were Kings as well as he in a time of Parliament they who have given us these Objections do either misunderstand their Authors or abuse themselves For what the Lord Burleigh said of Parliaments though it be more than the wisest man alive can justifie he spake of Parliaments according as the word is used in its proper sense not for the two Houses or for either of them exclusive of the Kings presence and consent but for the supream Court for the highest Judicatory consisting of the Kings most excellent Majesty the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Representees of the Commons and then it will not serve for the turn intended And what King James said once in jest though I have often heard it used in earnest upon this occasion was spoken only in derision of some daring Spirits who laying by the modesty of their Predecessors would needs be looking into the Prerogative or finding Errors and mistakes in the present Government or medling with those Arcana imperii which former Parliaments beheld at distance with the eye of Reverence But certainly King James intended nothing less than to acknowledg a co-ordinative Sovereignty in the two Houses of Parliament or to make them his Co-partners in the Regal power His carriage and behaviour towards them in the whole course of his Government clearly shews the contrary there never being Prince more jealous in the points of Sovereignty nor more uncapable of a Rival in those points than he But yet the main Objection which we may call the Objection paramount doth remain unanswered For if the three Estates convened in Parliament or any other popular Magistrate whom Calvin dreams of be ordained by the Word of God as Guardians of the peoples Liberties and therefore authorized to moderate and restrain the power of Kings as often as they shall invade or infringe those liberties as Calvin plainly says they were or that they know
things are commanded to all men both Priests and Monks and not to temporal men only which he declareth in the beginning when he said Let every soul be subject to the highest powers although thou be an Apostle although thou be an Evangelist although thou be a Prophet although thou be whatsoever thou art Which said he gives this reason for it That Religion is not overthrown by this subjection If no Apostle could pretend to an exemption from those common duties which Subjects owe unto their Princes then certainly the Pope who pretends to sit in Peters Chair and to challenge all the priviledges which belonged unto him must needs be in as great subjection to a Christian Emperor as the Apostles were in their times to any Heathen King If those things were required of Priests and Monks as he says they were then must the Papal Clergy whether they be Monastick or secular Priests perform those duties and yield that due obedience unto those Kings and Princes under whom they live which are here required But so it is that partly by strong hand and partly by taking their opportunities in the darker Ages of the Church the Pope hath not only freed his Clergy from the power of Princes in matters even of Civil nature and concernment but challengeth for himself a power above them and exercised it for a long time with great pride and Tyranny contrary to the Apostles Rule and the Fathers Commentary If to Evangelist or Prophet could challenge any such exemption as the Father plainly saith they could not then much less can the Presbyterian Minister pretend unto it though he be both a Prophet and an Evangelist also in his own conceit Which notwithstanding the Scotish Presbyterians had got unto so great a head in the minority of King James in all matters which related to Ecclesiastical congnizance and to that cognizance they reduced all matters they commonly declin d the Kings judgment and his Courts of Judicature as altogether incompetent appealing from them either to their own Presbyteries or to the next general Assembly of their own appointing and standing so wilfully to those Appeals that some of them had like to have paid dear for it after that Kings coming into England if the King had not been more merciful to them than that they deserved at his hands If no man whatsoever he be can lawfully acquit himself from this subjection as is said by Chrysostom what will become of Calvins popular Magistrates and of the great Authority which he gives them over Kings and Princes those popular Officers being included equally with the rest of the people in St. Pauls injunction It s true that Calvins popular Officers may seem to have some colour for it both from our English Translation and the vulgar Latin by which obedience is required sublimioribus potestatibus to the higher powers and all such popular Officers whatsoever they be may warrantably be lookt upon as higher powers in respect of the residue of the people But first the words in the Original viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not so properly signifie the higher as the supream powers and so the word is rend●ed in the first of S. Peter cap. 1. ver 13. in which submission is required to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be unto the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as to the Supream or unto such as are sent by him c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Peter in the singular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Paul in the plural number both words proceeding from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Nominative Case and consequently being of the same sense and signification But secondly permitting them the benefit of these Translations yet will they find but little colour for that coercive power that Sovereign Authority and Jurisdiction which Calvin hath assigned to the three Estates or any other popular Officers over Kings and Princes For though such popular Officers may warrantably be lookt upon as higher powers in respect of the residue of the people as before was said yet are they lower powers in respect of the King from whom as they receive all the Authority which they have whatsoever it be so unto him they are to render an accompt of their actings in it whensoever he pleaseth So that these popular Officers may be compar'd not unntly unto the Genera subalterna in the Schools of Logick each of them being subordinate to one another the Constable to the Mayor or Bayliff in a Corporate Town or to the Justices of the Peace in the County at large the Mayors and Justices to the Judges in their several Circuits the Judges in their several Circuits and their Courts of Judicature to the Lord Chancellor for the time being and he unto the three Estates when convened in Parliament till they end all in genus summum in that supream power which is subordinate to none and unto which the rest are Species subalternae as the Logicians phrase it in their several Orders till they end all in Specie infimâ even in the lowest of the People Less comfort can I give them from the Apostle of the Jews from the words of St. Peter in which submission is required as before was said to every ordinance of man whether it be unto the King as unto the Supream or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well Now those which are thus authorised and sent by Kings to the ends and purposes before mentioned may very properly be resembled unto Jehosophats Commissioners in the Kingdom of Judah or the itinerary Judges in the Realm of England 2 Chron. 17.7 and can neither claim nor exercise any other Authority than what in their Commissions and instructions is assigned unto them And certainly no King did or will ever grant any such Commission whereby his Under-officers and Inferior Magistrates may challenge any power above him or exercise any jurisdiction or Authority over him If any thing in this Text may be thought to favour Calvin in this strange opinion it is that Kings are said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 humana creatura saith the vulgar Latin an Ordinance of Man as the English read it and being but a Creature of the Peoples making the rest may think themselves as good men as he The Rhemists will have Kings to be called humane Creatures because Elected by the people or holding their Sovereignty by birth and carnal propagation ordained for the wealth peace and prosperity of the Subjects to put a difference betwixt that humane Superiority and the spiritual Rulers and Regiments guiding and governing the people to an higher end and instituted by God himself immediately Christ having expresly constituted the form of Regiment used ever since in the Church Whereunto Dr. Fulk for want of a better doth return this Answer viz. That though there be great difference between the government of
Courts Coke Institutes part 4 p. 45. out of the Records of Parliament and in his Margent pointing to the 13th of King Edward the third doth instruct us thus viz. Abbates Priores aliosque Praelatos quoscunque per Baroniam de Domino Rege tenentes pertinet in Parliamentis Regni quibuscunq ut pates Regni praedicti personaliter interesse ibique de Regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti Regni Paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus consulere tractare ordinare statuere definire ac caetera facere quae Parliamenti tempore imminent facienda Which if it be the same with that which we had before differing only in some words as perhaps it is yet we have gained the Testimony of that Learned Lawyer whose judgment in this Case must be worth the having For hear him speaking in his own words and he tells us this viz. Coke Institut fol. 4. That every Lord of Parliament either Spiritual as Arch-bishops and Bishops or Temporal as Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons Peers of the Realm and Lords of Parliament ought to have several Writs of Summons where plainly these words Peers and Lords of Parliament relate as well to Spiritual as to the Temporal Lords And therefore if the Arch-bishops and the Bishops may be granted to be Lords of Parliament they must be also granted to be Peers of the Realm Now to the Testimony and Authority of particular persons we shall next add the sentence and determination of our Courts of Law in which the Bishops are declared to be Peers of the Realm and to be capable of all the priviledges which belong to the Peerage For first in the aforesaid Case of the Bishop of Winchester when he was brought upon his Trial for departing from the service of the Parliament without leave of the King and pleaded sor himself quod esset unus è Paribus Regni c. The priviledg of Barony It was supposed clearly both by Court and Council that he was a Peer that part of his defence being not gainsayed or so much as questioned So in the Year-Books of the Reign of King Edward the 3d in whose Reign the Bishop of Winchester's Case was agitated as before is said a Writ of Wards was brought by the Bishop of London and by him pleaded to an Issue and the Defendant could not be Essoyned or have day of Grace for it was said that a Bishop was a Peer of the Land haec erat causa saith the Book which reports the Case In the like Case upon an Action of Trespass against the Abbot of Abbingdon who was one of the Lords Spiritual day of Grace was denied against him because he was a Peere de la Terre So also it is said expresly that when question was made about the returning of a Knight to be of a Jury where a Bishop was Defendant in a Quare impedit the Rule of the Court was that it ought to be so because the Bishop was a Peer of the Realm And in the Judgment given against the Bishop of Norwich in the time of Richard the 2d he is in the Roll expresly allowed to be a Peer for he had taken exceptions that some things had passed against him without the Assent or knowledg of his Peers of the Realm To which Exception it was Answered that it behoved him not at all to plead that he was a Prelate for traversing such Errors and misprisions as in the quality of a Souldier who had taken wages of the King were committed by him Thus also in the Assignment of the Errors under Henry the fifth for the Reversal of the Attainder of the Earl of Salisbury one Error is assigned that Judgment was given without the consent of the Prelates which were Peers in Parliament And although that was adjudged to be no Error yet was it clearly allowed both in the Roll and the Petitions that the Bishops were Peers Finally in the Government of the Realm of France the Bishops did not only pass in the Ranks of Peers but six of them were taken into the number of the Douze-pairs or twelve Peers of that Kingdom highly esteemed and celebrated in the times of Charlemayne that is to say the Arch-bishop and Duke of Rhemes the Bishop and Duke of Laon the Bishop and Duke of Langres the Bishop and Earl of Beuvois the Bishop and Earl of Noyon the Bishop and Earl of Chalons And therefore it may be inferred that in the Government established by the Anjovin and Norman Kings the English Bishops might be ranked with the Peers at large considering their place in Parliament and their great Revenues and the strong influence which they had on the Church and State But there is little need for Inferences and book-Cases and the Authorities of particular men to come in for Evidence when we are able to produce an Act of Parliament to make good the point For in the Statute made the 4th year of King Henry the fifth it was repeated and confirmed That no man of the Irish Nation should be chosen by Election to be an Arch-bishop Bishop Abbot or Frior nor in no other manner received or accepted to any dignity and benefice within the said Land c. The Reason of which inhibition is there said to be this viz. because being Peers of the Parliament of the said Land they brought with them to the Parliaments and Councils holden there some Irish servants whereby the privities of the Englishmen within the same Land have been and be daily discovered to the Irish people Rebels to the King to the great peril and mischief of the Kings lawful Liege people in the said Land And if the Bishops and Arch-bishops of Ireland had the name of Peers there is no question to be made but the name of Peers and the right of Peerage may properly be assumed or challenged by them Now as this Statute gives them the name of Peers so in an Act of Parliament in the 25th year of King Henry the 8th they are called the Nobles of your Realm as well Spiritual as Temporal as all your other Subjects now living c. Which Term we find again repeated by the Parliament following the Nobles Spiritual and Temporal and that twice for failing so that we find no Title given to Earls and Barons Nobles and Peers and Lords as the Statutes call them but what is given to the Bishops in our Acts of Parliament and certainly had not been given them in the stile of that Court had any question then been made of their Right of Peerage And that their calling had not raised them to a state of Nobility concerning which take this from the Lord Chief Justice Coke for our more assurance and he will tell us that the general division of persons by the Law of England is either one that is Noble and in respect of his nobility of the Lords House of Parliament or one of the Commons of the
I and my House and the Sons of Aaron thy holy people have sinned and done wickedly c. I beseech thee now O Lord be merciful c. as in the other forms before delivered Finally as there was a form prescribed the Priests in which to make Confession of their own and the peoples sins to the Lord their God so if the people were Impenitent and neither would be brought unto repentance or amendment of life they had their forms of Excommunication also Witness the solemn form in use amongst them in Excommunicating the Samaritans In the denouncing of which censure they brought together 300 Priests and 300 Trumpets and 300 Books of the Law and 300 Boys and they blew with the Trumpets and the Levites singing accursed the Cuttbaeans or Samaritans in the name of Tetragrammaton or JEHOVAH and with the curses both of the higher and lower House of judicature and said Cursed is he who eats the bread of the Cutthaean and let no Cutthaean be a Proselyte in Israel Drusius in Seph Tanhuma neither have any part in the resurrection of the just Which Curse being wrote on Tables and sealed up was published over all the Coasts of Israel who multiplied this great Anathema or Curse upon them Nothing can be more plain than this that in almost all sacred and religious duties which were to be performed in publick the Jews had anciently their appointed and determinate forms as well as their appointed and determinate either times or places But against this it is objected out of Rabbi Maimony that from the time of Moses unto Ezra there was no stinted form of Prayer heard of in the Jewish Church but every man prayed according unto his ability Smectymn Vindicat. p. 25. To which the Answer is in brief that they who have produced this place out of Rabbi Maimony dare not stand upon it conceiving it to be no testimony to command belief Secondly that the Rabbi in the place alledged speaks not of publick but of private prayers And thirdly that the place is curtalled to make it serve the turn the better For look upon the place at large and we find it thus We are commanded to pray every day as it is written And ye shall serve the Lord your God Exod. xxiii 25. We have been taught that this Service is Prayer as it is written And to serve him with all your heart Our wise men have said what Service is this with the heart It is Prayer And there is no number of Prayers by the Law neither is there any set form of this Prayer by the Law nor any appointed time for prayer by the Law And therefore Women and Servants are bound to pray because it is a Commandment the time whereof is not determined But the duty of this Commandment is thus that a Man make Supplication and Prayer every day and shew forth the praise of the holy blessed God and afterward ask such things as be needful for him by request and by supplication and afterward give praise and thanks unto the Lord for his goodness which he abundantly ministreth unto him every one according to his might If he be accustomed unto it let him use such Supplication and Prayer and if he be of uncircumcised lips let him speak according as he is able at any time when he will and so they make Prayers every one according unto his ability This is the place at large in Rabbi Maimony Maymoni cited by Ayns Deut. 6.13 And who sees not that this must be interpreted of private prayer or else it will conclude as strongly against appointed times and places for the performance of this holy exercise as against the forms and then what will become of the blessed Sabbath the day of Prayer or of the holy Temple the House of Prayer Must not they also be discharged on the self-same grounds Or were it meant of publick Prayer as it cannot be all that can be inferred is no more than this that God prescribed no set form or number of prayers in the Book of the Law which makes but little to the purpose For it was said and shewed before that Moses was more punctual and precise in laying down the form and matter of the legal Sacrifices by which the Jews were to be nourished in the faith of Christ and with the which they had not been acquainted in the former times than in prescribing forms of Prayer and Praises being moral duties in which they had been trained from their very infancy Now to this argument derived from the Authority of the Jewish Rabbins we must needs add another which is made against them and that is that the evidence of all this as also of much of that which followeth comes from no better Author than Maimonides Smectymn in Vindicat. p. 23. who wrote not till above a thousand years after Christ Against which weak objection for it is no other we have a very strong respondent even the famous Scaliger Who having made a full description of those rites and forms wherewith the Passeover was solemnized in the former times collected from the Writings of the Jewish Rabbins thinks it as idle and ridiculous to except against them because observed by Writers of a later date though from the best Records and Monuments of that scattered Nation as if a man reading the Pandects of the Civil Law composed in Justinians time should make a question whether those judgments and opinions ascribed unto Paepinian Paulus Vlpianus were theirs or not Quod nemo sanus dixerit Scaliger de emendat Temp. l. 6. Quod nemo sanus dixerit which none saith he except a mad-man would make question of And so these rubs being thus removed and in part anticipated we will go forwards with our search in the Name of God But first before we end this Chapter considering that there were set forms of Marriages and set rites of Burial and those of great Antiquity in the Jewish Church I will here put them down in the way of Corollary For though they were no part of the publick worship yet doubtless they were parts of the publick Liturgy and being performed with Prayer and Invocation of Gods holy Name they deserve place here And first for Marriage in the solemnities thereof they observed this form The time appointed being come the Bride and Bridegroom were conducted by their special Friends who are styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Children of the Bride-Chamber Mat. 9.15 in S. Matthews Gospel to the Marriage-house which from the Blessings and Thanksgivings which were used therein on these occasions was called Beth Hillula the House of Praise There in an Assembly of ten men at the least the Writing or Bill of Dowry being ratied before a Scrivener or publick Notary the Man thus said unto the Woman Esto mihi in uxorem secundum legem Mosis Israel Ego juxta verbum Dei colam te honorabo te With my body I thee worship alam