see all the solemnitie The Emperor comming out of his Pallace there went before him the Metropolitan Archbishops Bishops and chiefest Monkes and Clergie men with very rich Copes and Priestes garments vpon them carying pictures of our Ladie c. with the Emperours Angell banners censers and many other such ceremonious things singing all the way The Emperour with his nobilitie in order entred the Church named Blaueshina or Blessednes where prayers and seruice were vsed according to the maner of their Church that doâ—e they went thence to the Church called Michael the Archangell and there also vsed the like prayers and seruice and from thence to our Lady Church Prechista being their Cathedrall Church In the middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed wherein his Auncestors vsed to sit at such extraordinarie times his robes were then changed and most rich and vnualuable garments put on him being placed in this Princely seate his nobility standing round about him in their degres his imperiall Crowne was set vpon his head by the Metropolitane his Scepter globe in his right hand his sword of Iustice in his left of great riches his 6. Crownes also by which he holdeth his kingdomes were set before him and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand then the Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small volume with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true Iustice to inioy with tranquilitie the Crowne of his auncestors which God had giuen him and vsed these words following Through the will of the almighty without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in the Trinitie one onely God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and working he both liueth and giueth life to man that our only God which enspireth euery one of vs his only children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs to raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land to the subduing of the people together with the enemies the maintenance of vertue And so the Metropolitaâ— blessed and layd his crosse vpon him After this he was taken out of his chaire of Maiestie hauing vpon him an vpper robe adorned with precious stones of all sorts orient pearles of great quantitie but alwayes augmented in riches it was in waight two hundred pounds the traine and parts thereof borne vp by 6. Dukes his chiefe imperiall Crowne vpon his head very precious his staffe imperiall in his right hand of an vnicornes horne of three foot and a halfe in length beset with rich stones bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour in An. 1581. and cost him 7000. Markes sterling This Iewel M. Horsey kept sometimes before the Emperor had it His scepter globe was caried before him by the prince Boris Pheodorowich his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles was caried before him by a Duke his 6. Crownes also were caried by Demetrius Iuanowich Godonoua the Emperors vncle Mekita Romanowich the Emperors vncle Stephan Vasiliwich Gregory Vasiliwich Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church doore and the people cried God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of al Russia His horse was there ready most richly adorned with a couering of imbrodered pearle and precious stones saddle and all furniture agreeable to it reported to be worth 300000 markes sterling There was a bridge made of 150. fadome in length three maner of waies three foote aboue ground and two fadome broad for him to goe from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the people which were in number infinite and some at that time pressed to death with the throng As the Emperour returned out of the Churches they were spred vnder foot with cloth of gold the porches of the Churches with red velvet the bridges with scarlet and stammell cloth from one church to another and as soone as the Emperor was passed by the cloth of gold veluet and scarlet was cut and taken of those that could come by it euery man desirous to haue a piece to reserue it for a monument siluer and gold coyne then mynted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired with his garments decked with great orient pearle beset with al sorts of precious stones In like rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonouaes in their degrees with the rest of the princes and nobilitie whereof one named Knez Iuan Michalowich Glynsky whose robe horse and furniture was in register found worth one hundred thousand markes sterling being of great antiquitie The Empresse being in her pallace was placed in her chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window most precious and rich were her robes and shining to behold with rich stones and orient pearle beset her crowne was placed vpon her head accompanied with her Princesses and Ladies of estate then cried out the people God preserue our noble Empresse Irenia After all this the Emperour came into the Parliament house which was richly decked there he was placed in his royall seat adorned as before his 6. crownes were set before him vpon a table the basin and ewer royall of gold held by his knight of gard with his men standing two on each side in white apparell of cloth of siluer called Kindâ—y with scepters and battle axes of gold in their hands the Princes and nobilitie were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich roabs The Emperour after a short oration permitted euery man in order to kisse his hande which being done he remoued to a princely seate prepared for him at the table where he was serued by his nobles in very princely order The three out roomes being very great and large were beset with plate of golde and siluer round from the ground vp to the vaâ—ts oâ—e vpon the other among which plate were many barrels of siluer and golde this solemnitie and triumph lasted a whole weeke wherein many royall pastimes were shewed and vsed after which the chiefest men of the nobilitie were elected to their places of office dignitie as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chiefe Counseller to the Emperor Master of the horse had the charge of his person Liuetenant of the Empire and Warlike engins Gouernor or Liuetenant of the Empire of Cazan and Astracan and others to this dignitie were by Parliament and gift of the Emperor giuen him many reuenues and rich lands as there was giuen him and his for euer to inherite a prouince called Vaga of 300. English miles in length and 250. in bredth with many townes and great villages populous and wealthy his yeerely reuenue out of that
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
then I suppose an army of an hundred thousand good souldiers could haue done The other to wit William de Rubricis was 1253 by the way of Constantinople of the Euxin sea and of Taurica Chersonesus imployed in an ambassage from Lewis the French King waging warre as then against the Saracens in the Holy land vnto one Sartach a great duke of the Tartars which Sartach sent him forthwith vnto his father Baatu and from Baatu he was conducted ouer many large territories vnto the Court of Mangu-Can their Emperour Both of them haue so well played their parts in declaring what befell them before they came at the Tartars what a terrible and vnmanerly welcomming they had at their first arriuall what cold intertainment they felt in traueiling towards the great Can and what slender cheere they found at his Court that they seeme no lesse worthy of praise then of pitie But in describing of the Tartars Countrey and of the Regions adiacent in setting downe the base and sillie beginnings of that huge and ouerspreading Empire in registring their manifolde warres and bloody conquests in making relation of their hords and mooueable Townes as likewise of their food apparell and armour and in setting downe their vnmercifull lawes their fond superstitions their bestiall liues their vicious maners their slauish subiection to their owne superiours and their disdainfull and brutish inhumanitie vnto strangers they deserue most exceeding and high commendation Howbeit if any man shall obiect that they haue certaine incredible relations I answere first that many true things may to the ignorant seeme incredible But suppose there be some particulars which hardly will be credited yet thus much I will boldly say for the Friers that those particulars are but few and that they doe not auouch them vnder their owne names but from the report of others Yet farther imagine that they did auouch them were they not to be pardoned as well as Herodotus Strabo Plutarch Plinie Solinus yea a great many of our new principall writers whose names you may see about the end of this Preface euery one of which hath reported more strange things then the Friers between theÌ„ both Nay there is not any history in the world the most Holy writ excepted whereof we are precisely bound to beleeue ech word and syllable Moreouer sithens these two iournals are so rare that Mercator and Ortelius as their letters vnto me do testifie were many yeeres very inquisitiue and could not for all that attaine vnto them and sithens they haue bene of so great accompt with those two famous Cosmographers that according to some fragments of them they haue described in their Mappes a great part of those Northeastern Regions sith also that these two relations containe in some respect more exact history of those vnknowen parts then all the ancient and newe writers that euer I could set mine eyes on I thought it good if the translation should chance to swerue in ought from the originals both for the preseruation of the originals themselues and the satisfying of the Reader to put them downe word for word in that homely stile wherein they were first penned And for these two rare iewels as likewise for many other extraordinary courtesies I must here acknowledge my selfe most deepely bounden vnto the right reuerend graue and learned Prelate my very good lord the Bishop of Chichester and L. high Almner vnto her Maiestie by whose friendship and meanes I had free accesse vnto the right honorâ— my L. Lumley his stately library and was permitted to copy out of ancient manuscripts these two iournals and some others also After these Friers though not in the next place foloweth a testimonie of Geraâ—dus Mercator and another of M. Dee concerning one Nicholas de Linna an English Franciscan Frier Then succeedeth the long iourney of Henry Earle of Derbie and afterward king of England into Prussia Lithuania with a briefe remembrance of his valiant exploits against the Infidels there as namely that with the help of certaine his Associates he vanquished the king of Letto his armie put the sayd king to flight tooke and slew diuers of his captains aduanced his English colours vpon the wall of Vilna made the citie it selfe to yeeld Then mention is made also of Tho. of Woodstock his trauel into Pruis and of his returne home And lastly our old English father Ennius I meane the learned wittie and profound Geffrey Chaucer vnder the person of his knight doeth full iudicially and like a cunning Cosmographer make report of the long voiages and woorthy exploits of our English Nobles Knights Gentlemen to the Northren and to other partes of the world in his dayes Neither haue we comprehended in this Volume onely our Trades and Voiages both new and old but also haue scattered here and there as the circumstance of times would giue vs leaue certaine fragments concerning the beginnings antiquities and grouth of the classical and warrelike shipping of this Island as namely first of the great nauie of that victorious Saxon prince king Edgar mentioned by Florentius Wigorniensis Roger Houeden Rainulph of Chester Matthew of Westminster Flores historiarum in the libel of English policie pag. 202. and 203. of this present volume Of which Authors some affirme the sayd Fleet to haue consisted of 4800. others of 4000. some others of 3600. ships howbeit if I may presume to gloze vpon the text I verily thinke that they were not comparable either for burthen strength building or nimble stirrage vnto the ships of later times and specially of this age But howsoeuer it be they all agree in this that by meanes of the sayd huge Fleet he was a most puissant prince yea and some of them affirme together with William of Malmesbury that he was not onely soueraigne lord of all the British seas and of the whole Isle of Britaine it selfe but also that he brought vnder his yoke of subiection most of the Isles and some of the maine lands adiacent And for that most of our Nauigators at this time bee for want of trade and practise that way either vtterly ignorant or but meanely skilfull in the true state of the Seas Shoulds and Islands lying between the North part of Ireland and of Scotland I haue for their better encouragement if any weightie action shall hereafter chance to drawe them into those quarters translated into English a briefe treatise called A Chronicle of the Kings of Man Wherein they may behold as well the tragical and dolefull historie of those parts for the space almost of 300. yeeres as also the most ordinarie and accustomed nauigations through those very seas and amidst those Northwesterne Isles called the Hebrides so many hundred yeeres agoe For they shall there read that euen then when men were but rude in sea-causes in regard of the great knowledge which we now haue first Godredus Crouan with a whole Fleet of ships throughly haunted some places in that sea secondly that one Ingemundus setting
vnderstood the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa And immediately demanding gifts at our hands they obtained them Then receiuing the same horses from which they dismounted together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto Corrensa But they riding a swift pace sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke Corrensa to signifie the message which we had deliuered vnto them This duke is gouernour of all them which lie in guard against the natioÌ„s of the West least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon them And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa Chap. 21. BEing come therefore vnto his court hee caused our tent to bee placed farre from him and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him that is to say what giftes we would offer in doing our obeisance vnto him Unto whome wee answered that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them for we passed through most dangerous places Notwithstanding to our abilitie we will honour him with some part of those things which haue bene by the goodnes of God the fauour of the Pope bestowed vpoÌ„ vs for our sustenance Hauing receiued our gifts they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente and in any case to beware lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore And that after we were entred wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles the same wordes which wee had before sayde kneeling vpon our knees Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightieâ—â— prince among them except the Emperour they are bound to obey him before all other princes We began our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent and riding as fast as our horses could trot for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day we posted from morning till night yea very often in the night season also and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday All this iourney we went through the land of Comania which is al plaine ground and hath foure mighty riuers running through it The first is called Neper on the side whereof towards Russia duke Corrensa Montij marched vp and downe which Montij on tâ—e other side vpon the plaines is greater then he The second is called Don vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in mariage the sister of Baty his name is Tirbon The third is called Volga which is an exceeding great riuer vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth The fourth is called Iaec vpon which two Millenaries doe march on each side of the riuer one All these in the winter time descend down to the sea in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the mountains The sea last named is the Great sea out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth which runneth by Constantinople These riuers do abound with plenty of fiâ—hes but especially Volga they exonerate theÌ„selues into the Grecian sea which is called Mare maior Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places that for many daies together For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea But before we came vnto Bathy two of our Tartars rode afore to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy Chap. 22. MOreouer when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles And when we should be conducted vnto his court it was tolde vs that we must passe between two fires But we would by no means be induced thereunto Howbeit they said vnto vs you may passe through without al danger for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord or bring any poyson with you fire may take away all euill Unto whom we answered that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter we were contented to passe through When therefore we were come vnto the Orda being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa The gifts being giuen and receiued the causes of our iourney also being heard they brought vs into the tabernacle of the prince first bowing our selues at the doore being admonished as before not to tread vpon the threshold And being entred we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees deliuered him our letters and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto vs and we together with them diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian Tartarian and Saracen languages This interpretation was presented vnto Bathy which he read attentiuely noted At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs except it were once a litle Millet in a dich the first night of our comming This Bathy caries himselfe very stately magnificently hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues The rest namely as well his brethren and sonnes as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench and others sit downe vpon the ground behinde him but the men on the right hand and the women on the left He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also which were once the kings of Hungaria Neither dare any man come into his tent besides them of his owne family vnles he be called be he neuer so mighty and great except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure Wee also for the same cause sate on the left hand for so doe all ambassadors in going but in returning from the Emperour we were alwaies placed on the right hand In the middest stands his table neare vnto the doore of the tent vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels
naturam bubali quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis insiliunt in eum volentes interficere Post illos sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos vt causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua Modo â—amen hoc dimiserunt quia abominabiles erant omni nationi Tamen adhuc faciunt pulchros ciphos de capitibus parentum vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocuâ—ditate sua Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua Vnde qui indiget auro fodit donec reperiat accipiat quando indiget residuum condens in terra quia si reponeret in arca vel in thesauro crederet quod Deus aâ—feâ—ret ei aliud quod est in terra De istis hominibus vidi personas multum deformes Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos Iugures sunt mediocris staturae sicut nostri Apud Iugures est fons radix ideomatis Turci Comanici Post Tebet sunt Langa Solanga quorum nuncios vidi in curia Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam decem quarum quaelibet trahebatur sex bobus Isti sunt parui homines fusci sicut Hispani habent tunicas si cut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi Sed pars anterior est parum interior quà m posterior non terminatur in vnum angulum sed sunt quadrae desuper sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum limato in tantum quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum vel galea bene burnita Et circa tempora habent longas bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitrae quae se extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus Et quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitrae superius à tempore in tempus iacent sicut circulus ex transuerso capitis Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vnius cubiti ad latitudinem vnius palmi rasam multum Et quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Cham vel alicui magno viro semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam acsi inueniret ibi ea quae dicebat nec respiciebat ad dextram vel sinistram nec in faciem illius cui loquebatur Etiam accedens coram domino recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam suam Vltra istos sunt alij homines vt intellexi pro vero qui dicuntur Muc qui habent villas sed nulla animalia sibi appropriant tamen sunt multi greges multa armenta in terra ipsorum nullus custodit ea Sed cum aliquis indiget aliquo ascendit collem clamat omnia animalia audientia clamorem accedunt circa illum permitâ—unt se tractari quasi domestica Et si nuncius vel aliâ—uis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam ipsi includunt eum in domo ministrant ei necessaria donâ—â— negocium eius fuerit expeditum Quia si iret extraneus per regionem animalia ad odorem eius fugerent efficerentur syluestria Vltra est magna Cathaya cuius incolae antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres Ab ipsis enim veniunt optimi pannâ— serici Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam oppido eorum Bene intellexi quod in illa regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos propugnacula aurea In ista terra sunt multae prouinciae quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis Et inter* Aliqua desiderantur The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers vnto the East parts of the worlde An. Dom. 1253. TO his most Soueraigne most Christian Lord Lewis by Gods grace the renowmed king of France frier William de Rubruk the meanest of the Minorites order wisheth health coÌ„tinual triumph in CHRIST It is written in the booke of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man He shall trauell into forren countries and good and euill shall he trie in all things The very same action my lord and king haue I atchieued howbeit I wish that I haue done it like a wise man and not like a foole For many there be that performe the same action which a wise man doth not wisely but more vndiscreetly of which number I feare my selfe to be one Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it because you commanded mee when I departed from your highnes to write all things vnto you which I should see among the Tartars and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long letters I haue done as your maiestie inioined me yet with feare and reuerence because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to write vnto so great a maiestie Be it knowen therefore vnto your sacred Maiestie that in the yeare of our Lord 1253. about the Nones of May we entered into the sea of Pontus which the Bulgarians call the great sea It containeth in length as I learned of certaine merchants 1008 miles and is in a maner diuided into two parts About the midst thereof are two prouinces one towards the North and another towards the South The South prouince is called Synopolis and it is the castle and porte of the Soldan of Turkie but the North prouince is called of the Latines Gasaria of the Greeks which inhabite vpon the sea shore thereof it is called Cassaria that is to say Caesaria And there are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards Synopolis Also there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and Cassaria Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople in length and breadth is about 700. miles and 700. miles also from thence to the East namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia At the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued which prouince is in a maner three square hauing a citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome And sayling before the said citie we sawe an island in which a Church is sayd to be built by the hands of angels But about the midst of the said prouince toward the South as it were vpon a sharpe angle or point standeth a citie called Soldaia directly ouer against Synopolis And there doe all the Turkie merchants which traffique into the North countries in their iourney outward arriue and as they returne homeward also from Russia and the said Northerne regions into Turkie The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and gray furres with other rich and costly skinnes Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bombast and silke and diuers kindes of spices But vpon the East part of the said prouince standeth a
but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another For Tanais desceÌ„deth into the sea of Pontus Etilia maketh the foresaid sea or lake with the help of many other riuers which fal therinto out of Persia. And we had to the South of vs huge high mountains vpon the sides wherof towards the said desert doe the people called Cergis and the Alani or Acas inhabit who are as yet Christians wage warre against the Tartars Beyond theÌ„ next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi who are in subiection vnto the Tartars Beyond these is Porta ferrea or the yron gate nowe called Derbent which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia. Concerning the situation whereof your maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise for I trauailed in my returne by the very same place Betweene the two foresaid riuers in the regions through the which we passed did the Comanians of olde time inhabite before they were ouerrun by the Tartars Of the Court of Sartach and of the magnificence thereof Chap. 17. ANd we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the riuer Etilia whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great For he himselfe had sixe wiues and his eldest sonne also had three wiues euery one of which women hath a great house they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat who is a man of great authoritie in Sartachs Court He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lordes gate For so they call him who hath the office of enterteining Ambassadours In the euening Coiac commanded vs to come vnto him Then our guide began to enquire what we would present him withal was eâ—ceedingly offended when he saw that we had nothing ready to present We stoode before him and he sate maiestically hauing musicke and dauncing in his presence Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited telling him for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde and requesting so much fauour at his hands as to bring our letters vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also that I was a Monke not hauing nor receiuing nor vsing any golde or siluer or any other precious thing saue onely our bookes and the vestiments wherein wee serued God and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods could not be a transporter of things for other men Then hee answered very courteously that being a Monke and so doing I did well for so I should obserue my vowe neither did himselfe stand in neede of ought that we had but rather was readie to bestow vpon vs such things as we our selues stood in neede of and he caused vs to sit downe and to drinke of his milke And presently after he requested vs to say our deuotions for him and we did so He enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Franckes And I saide the Emperour if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet No quoth he but the king of France For he had heard of your Highnes by lord Baldwine of Henaâ—lt I found there also one of the Knights of the Temple who had bene in Cyprus and had made report of all things which he sawe there Then returned wee vnto our lodging And on the morow we sent him a â—lagon of Muscadel wine which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney and a boxe full of bisket which was most acceptable vnto him And he kept our seruants with him for that euening The next morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court and to bring the kings letters and my vestimentes and bookes with me because his Lorde was desirous to see them Which we did accordingly lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments and another with bisket wine and fruites Then he caused all our bookes and vestiments to bee laide forth And there stoode round about vs many Tartars Christians and Saracens on horseback At the sight whereof he demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his Lord or no Which saying made me to tremble and grieued me full sore Howbeit dissembling our griefe as well as we could we shaped him this answere Sir our humble request is that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our bread wine and fruits not as a present because it is too meane but as a benediction least we should come with an emptie hand before him And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord the king and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are come vnto him and then both our selues and all that we haue shall stand to his curtesie for our vestiments be holy and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them Then he commaunded vs to inuest our selues in the saide garments that we might goe before his Lord and wee did so Then I my selfe putting on our most precious ornaments tooke in mine armes a very faire cushion and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me and a most beautifull Psalter which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon me wherein there were goodly pictures Mine associate tooke a missal and a crosse anâ— the clearke hauing put on his surplesse tooke a censer in his hand And so wee came vnto the presence of his Lord and they lifted vp the felt hanging before his doore that hee might behold vs. Then they caused the clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee but of vs they required no such submission And they diligently admonished vs to take heed that in going in and in comming out we touched not the threshold of the house and requested vs to sing a benediction for him Then we entred in singing Salue Regina And within the entrance of the doore stood a bench with cosmos and drinking cups thereupon And all his wines were there assembled Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore Then Coiat caried vnto his lord the censer with incense which he beheld very diligently holding it in his hand Afterward hee caried the Psalter vnto him which he looked earnestly vpon and his wife also that sate beside him After that he caried the Bible then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein Yea saw I and all the holy scriptures besides He tooke the crosse also in his hand and demanded concerning the image whether it were the image of Christ or no I said it was The Nestorians the Armenians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpoÌ„ their crosses Wherfore either they seem not to think wel of his passion or els they are ashamed of it Then he caused them that stood about vs to stand aside that he might more fully behold our ornaments Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties letters with the translation therof into the Arabike Syriake
languages For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character dialect of both the saide tongues And there were certain Armenian priests which had skil in the Turkish Arabian languages The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake Turkish Arabian tongues Then we departed forth and put off our vestiments and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat caused our letters to be interpreted Which letters being heard he caused our bread wine and fruits to be receiued And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach Chap. 18. THe next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat requesting to haue our boxe of Chrisine because Sartach as he said was desirous to see it and so we gaue it him About euentide Coiat sent for vs saying My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought without the aduise and counâ—ell of his father And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father leauing behind you the two carts which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes said vnto him Sir we will not onely leaue those with you but the two other carts also which we haue in our possession will we commit vnto your custodie You shall not quoth he leaue those behinde you but for the other two carts first named we will satisfie your request I saide that this could not conueniently be done but needes we must leaue all with him Then he asked whether we meant to tarie in the land I answered If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king you know that we are euen so determined Then he replied that we ought to bee patient and lowly and so we departed from him that euening On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs and separated all those things which we had brought the day before vnto the Court from the rest namely the bookes and vestiments and tooke them away with him Howbeit Coiat had commanded that we should carie those vestiments with vs which wee ware in the presence of Sartach that we might put them on before Baatu if neede should require but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence saying thou hast brought them vnto Sartach and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu And when I would haue rendred a reason he answered be not too talkatiue but goe your wayes Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe neither was there any other that would doe vs iustice I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that wee had There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me for when I once perceiued their couetous intent I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible and the sentences and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene because it was too wel known by reason of the golden pictures therein And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu willing vs to take our iourney in all poste-haste vnto whom I said that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me Which thing he declared vnto Coiat Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him And we did as he commanded And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu the third day we came to Etilia or Volga the streams whereof when I beheld I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend Before we were departed from Sartach the foresaid Coiat with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian but a Moal Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation So great is their pride that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerniâ—g Christ yet will they not bee called Christians being desirous that their owne name that is to say Moal should be exalted aboue all other names Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars For the Tartars were another nation as I was informed by them Howe Sartach and Mangu-Can and Ken-Can doe reuerence vnto Christians Chap. 19. AT the same time when the French-men tooke Antioch a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions lying thereabouts Con is a proper â—ame Can is a name of authority or dignitie which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them Whereupon their princes are called Can because that vntoâ— them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia that the Turkes seâ—t for aide against the French-men vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catayâ— Kara signifieth blacke and Catay is the name of a countrey So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people and the people of Catay inhabiting Eastward ouer against y e Ocean sea concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes by the which I trauailed And in a certain plaine countrey within those Alpes there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman which were Christians following the sâ—ct of Nestorius After the death of Con Can the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome and they called him King Iohn reporting ten times more of him then was true For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts vse to doe For they blaze abroade great rumors and reports vpon iust nothing Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach that he was become a Christian and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians then they doe of other people and yet in very deede themselues are no Christians So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohnâ— Howbeit when I trauailed along by his
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
colour and Lombards maintenance The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle I trowe That friends should from enimies be knowe Our enimies taken and our friends spared The remedy of hem must be declared Thus may the sea be kept in no sell For if ought he spoken wot yee well We haue the strokes and enemies haue the winning But mayntainers are parteners of the finning We liue in lust and â—ide in couetise This is our rule to maintaine marchandise And policie that wee haue on the sea And but God helpe it will no other bee Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish with an incident of Wales Chap. 9. I Cast to speake of Ireland but a litle Commodities of it I will entitle Hides and fish Salmon Hake Herringe Irish wooll and linen cloth faldinge And marterns goode ben her marchandie Hertes Hides and other of Uenerie Skinnes of Otter Squirell and Irish hare Of sheepe lambe and Fore is her chaffare Felles of Kiddes and Conies great plentie So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea Because the King cleped is Rex Angliae And is Dominus also Hyberniae Did possessed by Progenitours The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend That no enemie should hurt ne offend Ireland ne vs but as one commontie Should helpe well to keepe about the sea For they haue hauens great and goodly bayes Sure wyde and deepe of good assayes At Waterford and colles many one And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens ships in to ride No more sure for enemies to abide Why speake I thus so much of Ireland For all so much as I can vnderstand It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien loke who lust to knowe So large so good and so commodious That to declare is strange and maruailous For of siluer and golde there is the oore Among the wilde Irish though they be poore For they are rude and can thereon no skill So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine and metal for to pure In wilde Irish might we finde the cure As in London saith a Iuellere Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene As they touch no better could be seene Nowe here beware and heartily take intent As yee will answere at last iudgement That for slought and for racheshede Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost For it is a boterasse and a post Under England and Wales another God forbid but ech were others brother Of one ligeance due vnto the king But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement I am aferde that Ireland will be shent It must awey it wol bee lost from vs But if thou helpe thou Iesu gracious And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside For much thing in my herte is hide Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site Of fertile Ireland wich might not be forborne But if England were nigh as goode as gone God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge Should be chosen for to bee their kinge After her conqueste for our last puissance And hinder vs by other lands alliance Wise men seyn wich felin not ne douten That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs as likenesse may be Like as England to sherris two or three Of this our land is made comparable So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend and of none power That our ground is there a litle corner To all Ireland in true comparison It needeth no more this matter to expon Which if it bee lost as Christ Iesu forbed Farewel Wales then England commeth to dred For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine And other mâ—e as the pety Bretaine And so haue enemies enuiron round about I beseech God that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said aâ—parance probable Thus disposed without feyned fable But all onely for â—erill that I see Thus imminent it 's likely for to bee And well I wotte that from hence to Rome And as men say in all Christendome Is nâ— ground ne land to Ireland liche So large so good so plenteous so riche That to this worde Dominus doe long Then mee semeâ—h that right were and no wrong To get the lande and it were piteous To vs to lese this high name Dominus And all this word Dominus of name Shuld haue thâ— ground obeysant wilde and tame That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord. And that it is possible to bee subiect Unto the king wel shal it bee detect In the litle booke that I of spake I trowe reson al this wel vndertake And I knowe wel howe it stante Alas fortune beginneth so to scant Or ellis grace that deade is gouernance For so minisheth parties of our puissance In that land that wee lese euery yere More ground and more as well as yee may here I herd a man speake to mee full late Which was a lord of full great estate Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne Which were it worth yerely if wee not feyne I wol declare who so luste to looke I trowe full plainely in my litle booke But couetise and singularitie Of owne profite enuie crueltie Hath doon vs harme and doe vs euery day And musters made that shame is to say Our money spent al to litle auaile And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte An exhortation to the keeping of Wales BEware of Wales Christ Iesu muâ—t vs keepe That it make not our childers childe to weepe Ne vs also so if it goe his way By vnwarenes seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion By great tokens and ostentation Seche the meanes with a discrete auise And helpe that they rudely not arise For to rebell that Christ it forbede Looke wel aboute for God wote yee haue neede Unfainingly vnfeyning and vnfeynt That conscience for slought you not atteynt Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed Or afore God mutte yee ben accused Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea with an incident of the keeping of Caleis Chap. 10â— OF Island to write is litle nede Saue of Stock-fish Yet
Gods grace to discouer also the countrey of Cathaia and other regions very coÌ„uenient to be traded into by merchants of this realme for the great benefite and commodities of the same And forasmuch as diuers subiects of this realme vnderstanding the premises and perceiuing that now after the charge and trauel aforesaid diuers wares and merchandizes are brought by the saide fellowship into this Realme out of the dominions already discouered which bee within this realme of good estimation minding for their peculiar gaine vtterly to decay the trade of the â—ayde fellowship haue contrary to the tenor of the same letters patents in great disorder â—raded into the dominions of the said mightie prince of Russia c. to the great detriment of this common wealth And for that the name by which the saide felowship is incorporated by the letters patents aforesaid is long consisteth of very many words Therfore be it enacted by the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the Lords spiritual and temporal the commons in this present parliament assembled and by authoritie of the same that the said felowship company society corporation made or created by the said letters patents shal at al time times from henceforth be incorporated named and called onely by the name of the fellowship of English merchants for discouery of new trades and by the same name for euer shall and may continue a perpetuall body incorporate in deede and name and onely by the same name from henceforth shall implead and be impleaded answere and be answered defend and be defended sue and bee sued in whatsoeuer courts and places and shall and may by the same name bee inabled to purchase haue holde possesse reteine and enioy whatsoeuer manors landes tenements rents reuersions seruices heredicaments not exceeding a hundred marks yeerely not being holden of the Queenes maiestie her heires or successors by knights seruice in Capite and all goods merchandizes chattels and other things whatsoeuer and shall and may by the same name make and do all things as any other corporation may do and also shall haue and enioy all and singular the liberties priuiledges iurisdictions franchises preheminencâ—s powers authorities and things and may doe and execute all other matters and things in the sayd letters patents mentioned or in any wise conteined And that no part nor parcell of the maine lands Isles ports hauens roades creekes riuers armes of the seas of any Emperour king prince ruler or gouernor whatsoeuer he or they be before the said first enterprise made by the merchants of the saide corporation not knowen by the merchants and subiects of this Realme or by them not commonly by seas frequented and lying from the City of London Northwards Northwestwards or Northeastwards nor any part or parcel of the maine lands dominions isles ports roades hauens creeks armes of the Seas that now be subiect to the said high and mightie prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich his heires or successours or to the Emperour chiefe gouernour or ruler of the said country of Russia for the time beâ—ng his heires or successors nor the countries of Armenia maior or minor Media Hyrcania Persia or the Caspian sea nor any part of them shall be sailed or traffiqued vnto visited frequented or haunted by any person being or that shalâ—â— a subiect or denizen of this realme by themselues their factor or factors or any other to their vse or commoditie by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly other then by the order agreement consent or ratification of the gouernour Consuls and assistants of the saide fellowship and comâ—â—naltie or the more part of them and their successors for the time being vpon paine that euery person and persons offending in this behalfe shall forfeit and loose Ipso facto euery such ship and ships with the appurtenances and all such goods Merchandizes and things whatsoeuer as by any such person or persons shal be by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly prouided caried conducted brought or exchanged in at to through or from any of the places prohibited as is aforesaide contrary to the true intent of this statute the one moitie of all which forfeitures to bee to our said souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors and the other moitie thereof to the sayde fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades and their successors to be seized and taken wheresoeuer they may be found by any person or persons to the vse of our said Souereigne Lady her heires and successors and of the said fellowship of English mercâ—hants for discouery of newe trades and of their successors or the same or the value thereof to bee demaunded or sued for by the Queenes highnesse her heires and successors or by the saide fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their suâ—cessors or their atturney or atturneis or by any person or persons being of the same fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their successors in any court of Record or in any other Court or courtes within this Realme or els where by Action of debt action of detinue bill plaint information or otherwise in which suite no essoine protection wager of lawe or iniunction shall be allowed for or on the behalfe of the partie or parties defendant Prouided alwayes that whereas diuers Subiects of this Realme being not of the fellowship aforesaid haue heretofore made aduentures to and from some of the places prohibited by the said letters patents that the said subiects their heires executors administrators and assignes or any of them shall not be impeached impleaded troubled sued nor molested for the same in their goods or persons in any maner of wise either by our saide souereigne Lady her heires or successors or the said fellowship or their successors Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any subiect of this Realme hauing presently any shipping goods wares or ready money remayning at or in any place of or within the dominion of the said mighty prince of Russia or in any other of the places prohibited to be visited or traffiqued vnto by this statute or the said letters Patents to fetch bring and conuey the same or cause the same to be brought or conueyed from thence by sea or otherwise before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist which shal be in the yeere of our Lord God 1568. any thing conteined in this Statute or in the said letters Patents to the contraâ—y notwithstanding Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any of the subiects of this Realme to saile to the port towne territorie or castle of Wardhouse or to any of the coastes townes hauens creekes riuers Islands and land of Norway for trade of fishing or any other trade there vsed by the subiects of this Realme any thing in this statute to the contrary notwithstanding And for the better maintenance of the Nauie and Mariners of this Realme be it prouided and inacted that it shall not be lawfull
otherwise to Colmogro nor to the riuer Ob nor within Wardhouse nor to Peâ—zora nor Cola nor Mezen nor to the abbey of Petchingo nor to the Island of Shallawy nor to any mouth of the riuer of Dwina nor to any part of the North countrey of our coast And if any merchant out of what countrey soeuer it be doe come with ship or shippes busses or any other kinde of vessell to any of our harbours within all our North parts we will that then the people and goods ship or ships shal be confiscate and forfeited to vs the Emperour and great Duke Giuen in our kingdome and house of Mosco the yeere from the beginning of the world 7076 in the moneth of September and in the 34 yeere of our reigne and in our conquest of Cazan 16 and in our conquest of Astracan 15. Perused and allowed by vs Anthonie Ienkinson William Rowly Thomas Hawtry Thomas Sowtham Rafe Rutter translatour hereof out of the Russe tongue A letter of M. Henrie Lâ—nâ—e to M. Richard Hakluit concerning the first ambassage to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth from the Russian Emperour anno 1567 and other notable matters incident to those places and times WOrshipfull sir because I finde you haue the successe and proceedings of Osep Napea the first ambassadour of the Russian Emperour to the Maiesties of King Philip and Queene Marie at what time and at his returne I was remaining in Russia do not finde that the perfect knowledge of the first ambassage from thence to this our Souereigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth is come to your hands betweene whose Highnesse and the ambassadours I was interpretour I thinke good to expresse it In August Anno 1567 arriued at London with their retinue two especiall authorised messengers named Stephen Twerdico and Theodore Pogorella with letters and presents to her Maiesty at that time being at Oâ—elands where diuers of the chiefe merchants of the Russian company did associate them and I there doing my duetie and office of interpretour her Maiestie gaue them audience First they rehearsed the long stile and Maiesty of their Master with his most friendly and hearty commendations to her Highnesse and then they testified the singular great ioy and pleasure that he conceiued to heare of her most princely estate dignitie and health and lastly they deliuered their letters and presents The presents sent vnto her Maiesty were Sables both in paires for tippets and two timbars to wit two times fortie with Luserns and other rich furres For at that time that princely ancient ornament of furres was yet in vse And great pitie but that it might be renewed especiall in Court and among Magistrates not onely for the restoring of an olde worshipfull Art and Companie but also because they be for our climate wholesome delicate graue and comely expressing dignitie comforting age and of longer continuance and better with small cost to be preserued then these new silks shagges and ragges wherein a great part of the wealth of the land is hastily consumed These ambassadours were appointed lodging and enterteinement by the Mosconie company at their house then in Seething Lane and were sundrie times after permitted to be in presence And in May 1568 tooke their leaue at Greenwich where they vnderstood and had the Queenes Maiesties minde letters and reward At the latter part of her talke her Highnesse considering that our trade to Saint Nicholas since the beginning had bene offensiue to diuers princes states and merchants Eastward vsed these speeches or the like Who is or shall be more touched by detractours with flying tales and vntrue reports then Princes and Rulers to the breach of loue and vnitie your Master and I in things that passe by word and writing I doubt not will keepe and performe promises If he heare the contrary of me let him suspend his iudgement and not be light of credit and so will I. These words they termed her Maiesties golden speech and kneeling downe kissed her hand and departed The letters that these two messengers brought were deliuered to me by my Lord Treasurour being then Secretarie to be translated the copies whereof I had but now cannot finde The copie of the Queenes Maiesties letter I send inclosed here with vnto your worship I also haue sent you a copy of a letter written from the king of Polonia to the Queenes Maiestie with other letters from some of our nation and factours declaring the displeasure for our trafficke to the Russes from anno 1558 to the yere 1566 especially by the way of the Narue in which yere of 1566 hauing generall procuration and commission from the Company I was in the Low countrey at Antwerpe and Amsterdam and sometimes in company with Polacks Danskers and Easterlings and by reason I had bene a lidger in Russia I could the better reply and proue that their owne nations and the Italians were most guiltie of the accusations written by the king of Poland This king Sigismundus whose ambassadours very sumptuous I haue seene at Mosco was reported to be too milde in suffering the Moscouites Before our trafficke they ouerranne his great dukedome of Lituania and tooke Smolensco carrying the people captiues to Mosco And in the yere 1563 as appeareth by Thomas Alcocks letter they suffered the Russe likewise in that Duchy to take a principall city called Polotzko with the lord and people thereof Likewise the said Sigismundus and the king of Sweden did not looke to the protection of Liuonia but lost all except Rie and Reuel and the Russe made the Narue his port to trafficke not onely to vs but to Lubec and others generall And still from those parts the Moscouites were furnished out of Dutchland by enterlopers with all arts and artificers and had few or none by vs. The Italians also furnished them with engines of warre and taught them warrelike stratagemes anâ— the arte of fortification In the dayes of Sigismund the Russe would tant the Polacks that they loued their ease at home with their wiues and to drinke and were not at commandement of their king This Sigismund had to wife the daughter of Ferdinando Charles the fifts brother and he died without issue Since which time their late elected king Stephanus Batore kept the Russe in better order and recouered Polotzko againe in the yere 1579. Thus with my heartie farewell I take my leaue of your worship Your assured friend Henrie Lane A Letter of the most excellent Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their Master the ninth of May 1568. Imperatori Moscouitarum c. ELIZABETHA c. Literas vestrae Maiestatis superiori anno 1567 decimo die mensis Aprilis datas vestri mercatores Stephanus Twerdico Pheodata Pogorella qui has nostras perferunt nobis tradidêre Quos vestros mercatores in omni suo apud nos nostros obeundo negotio ita tractari libenti
victuals and that we lacked nothing of the Emperors allowance the other to see that we should not goe out of the house nor suffer any man to come vnto vs in which they left nothing vndone that belonged to their charge But specially he that looked to our persons so straightly handled vs that we had no small cause to doubt that some euill had bene intended vnto vs. No supplication sute or request could take place for our liberty nor yet to come to his presence Hauing passed ouer 17 weeks in this sort the Emperour sendeth word that we should be ready against Tuesday the 20 of Februarie at eight a clocke in the morning The houre being come that I should goe to the Court the two gentlemen Pristaues as they call them came vnto me apparelled more princely then before I had euer scene them They presse vs to depart and mounted vpon their owne horses and the Ambassador vpon such a one as he had borrowed his men marching on foot to their great griefe The Ambassadour being my selfe was conueyed into an office where one of the chancellors doeth vse to sit being there accompanied with the â—â—o foresayd gentlemen I taried two long houres before I was sent for to the Emperor In the end message being brought that the Emperour was set I was conueyed by my gentlemen vp a paire of staires thorow a large roome where sate by my estimation 300 persons all in rich attire taken out of the Emperors wardrobe for that day vpon three ranks of benches set round about the place rather to present a maiestie then that they were either of quality or honor At the first entry into the chamber I with my cap gaue them the reuerence such as I iudged their stately sitting graue countenances and sumptuous apparell required and seeing that it was not answered againe of any of them I couered my head and so passing to a chamber where the Emperor was there receiued me at the doore from my two gentlemen or gouernors two of the Emperors counsellors and shewed me to the Emperor and brought me to the middle of the chamber where I was willed to stand still and to say that which I had to say I by my Interpretor opened my message as I receiued it from the Queene my Mistresse from whom I came at whose name the Emperor stood vp and demanded diuers questions of her health and state whereunto answere being made he gaue me his hand in token of my welcome and caused me to sit downe and further asked me diuers questions This done I deliuered her Maiesties present which was a notable great Cup of siluer curiously wrought with verses grauen in it expressing the histories workmanly set out in the same All being sayd and done as appeared to his contentment he licenced me and my whole company to depart who were all in his presence and were saluted by him with a nod of his head and sayd vnto me I dine not this day openly for great affaires I haue but I will send thee my dinner and giue leaue to thee and thine to go at liberty and augment our allowance to thee in token of our loue and fauor to our sister the Queene of England I with reuerence tooke my leaue being conueyed by two other of greater calling then those that brought me to the Emperors sight who deliuered me to the two first gentlemen who conducted me to the office where I first was where came vnto me one called the Long duke with whom I conferred a while and so returned to my lodging Within one houre after in comes to my lodging a duke richly apparelled accompanied with fiftie persons ech of them carying a siluer dish with meat and couered with siluer The duke first deliuered twenty loaues of bread of the Emperors owne eating hauing tasted the same and deliuered euery dish into my hands and tasted of euery kinde of drinke that he brought This being done the duke and his company sate downe with me and tooke part of the Emperors meat and filled themselues well of all sorts and went not away from me vnrewarded Within few nights after the Emperor had will to speake secretly with me and sent for me in the night by the Long duke The place was farre off and the night colde and I hauing changed my apparell into such as the Russes do weare found great in commoditie thereby Hauing talked with him aboue three houres towards the morning I was dismissed and so came home to my lodging where I remained aboue six weeks after before I heard againe from the Emperour who went the next day to Slouoda the house of his solace After the end of which sixe weeks which was about the beginning of April the Emperour returned from Slouoda aforesayd and sent for me againe to make repaire vnto him And being come I dealt effectually with him in the behalfe of our English merchants and found him so graciously inclined towards them that I obtained at his hands my whole demands for large priuileges in generall together with all the rest my particular requests And then he commended to my conduct into England a noble man of his called Andrew Sauin as his Ambassadour for the better confirmation of his priuileges granted and other negotiations with her Maiesty And thus being dispatched with full contentment the sayd Ambassadour and my selfe departed and imbarked at S. Nicholas about the end of Iuly and arriued safely at London in the moneth of September following A copie of the priuiledges granted by the right high and mightie Prince the Emperour of Russia c. vnto the right worshipfull fellowship of English merchants for the discouerie of new trades and hither sent by Thomas Randolfe esquire her Maiesties Ambassadour to the sayd Emperour and by Andrew Sauin his Ambassadour in the yere of our Lord God 1569. ONe God euerlasting and without and before the beginning the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost the blessed Trinitie our onely God maker and preseruer of all things and replenisher of all things euery where who by thy goodnesse doest cause all men to loue the giuer of wisedome our onely Mediatour and leader of vs all vnto blessed knowledge by the onely Sonne his word our Lord Iesus Christ holy and euerlasting Spirit and now in these our dayes teachest vs to keepe Christianitie and sufferest vs to enioy our kingdome to the happy commodity of our land and wealth of our people in despight of our enemies and to our fame with our friends We Iohn Vasiliwich by the grace of God great lord Emperour and great duke of all Russia Volodemer Moscouia Nouogrod Emperour of Cazan Tuersky Vgorsky Permisky Vadsky Bulgaria and many others lord and great duke of the Low countreys of Nouogrod Chernigosky Resansky Polotsky Rastow Yeraslaue Bealosera Owdorsky Condinsky and all Siberland great commander of all the North parts lord of Leâ—â—land and many other Northward Southward and Westward Whereas our sister
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâ—lowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to â—ur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâ—ly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
eight of May folowing Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie to the said Staryts where I arriued the tenth of the same and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary who at our meeting said vnto me these words Our Lord Emperor and great Duke hath not onely perused the Queene her highnes letters sent by you and thereby doeth perceiue her minde as well touching their princely affaires as also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe but also hath well pondered your words And therefore his Maiesties pleasure is that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue to moue in the merchants behalfe or otherwise for that to morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes and shall haue full answere in all things with your dispatch away Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests which I had drawen out ready as foloweth 1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is that it would please the Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon sir William Garrard his company who neuer deserued the same to their knowledge 2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and vntrue reports by such as seeke to sowe dissention and breake friendship betwixt the Queenes highnesse and his Maiestie 3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William Garrard with his company into his fauour againe and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties for free traffike in and through and out of al his Maiesties dominions in as ample maner as aforetime according to his princely letters of priuiledge and accustomed goodnes 4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt that the said company of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects as well for money owing vnto them as other their griefes and iniuries throughout al his dominions suffred since the time of his displeasure during which time the merchants were forced by seuere iustice to answere to al mens demands but theirs could not be heard 5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand that much debts are owing to the said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie whereof part are in durance and some executed and the said merchants know not home to be paide and answered the same except his highnes pitie their case and commaund some order to be taken therein 6 Also it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing and due vnto them by his Maiestie for wares as well English as Shamaki taken into his highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places the long forbearing whereof hath bene and is great hinderance to the said company of merchants 7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand that at this present time there are in Persia of English merchants Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their company goods ready to come into his Maiesties countrey of Astracan and would haue come the last yeere but that the ship with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them were stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there to the great hinderance of the said merchants Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his Captaines and rulers both at Astracan and Cazan not onely to suffer our people as well merchants as marinâ—rs quietly anâ— freely to passe and repasse with their shippes barkes or other vessels downe the riuer Volga and ouer the Mare Caspium to fetch the sayd English merchants with their company and goods out of the sayd Persia into his Maiesties dominions but also that it would please his highnes streightly to command that when the sayd Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their charge shal arriue at the sayd Astracan his Maiesties Captaine there and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants as they may be safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes and other their enemies 8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand that lately our merchants comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers both at Astracan and Cazan at both which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares although they solde no part thereof but brought the same into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda and the sayd Customers did not only exact and take much more custome then was due by his Maiesties lawes but also for want of present money tooke wares much exceeding their exacted custome and doe keepe the same as a pawne It may therefore please his highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers to signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English merchants as also to command them to send the said mâ—rchants their said goods so detained vp to the Mosco they paying such custome for the same as shall be by his Maiestie appointed 9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant that sir William Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina and that such wares as shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon and receiued by his officers there and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro by meanes whereof the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges in transporting their goods so farre and into so many places of his dominions may sell the same better cheape to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects 10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes that the whole trade likewise from Persia Boghar and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium might be established at Astracan the ancient Marte towne in times past which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty and subiects as I am well able to prooue if it will please his highnesse to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein 11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie immediatly after the burning of the Mosco to command that the said English merchants should giue in a note into his Treasury for their losses sustained by the said fire which was done by William Rowly then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and his company and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue It may please his highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the same and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his Maiestie towards their said losses 12 Also that it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most excellent Maiestie at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his Maiesties Ambassadour did not onely pardon
princes There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine the Pole the Swethen the Dane c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts It fell out not long after that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queene of England for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her The summe of which message was that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league friendship amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects with other priuate affaires besides which are not to be made common Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour prouided for his iourney ouer land and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer to Torshook to great Nouogrod to Vobsky and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia to Wenden and so to Riga where he was beset and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil but yet suffred to passe in the end From thence to Mito to Golden and Libou in Curland to Memel to Koningsburgh in Prussia to Elbing to Dantzike to Stetine in Pomerland to Rostock to Lubeck to Hamborough to Breme to Emden and by sea to London Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour and gracious acceptance he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor and prince Boris Pheodorowich answering the Emperors letters and withall requesting the fauour and friendship which his father had yeelded to the English merchants and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselues of that company to deale in their behalfe Being thus dispatched from London by sea he arriued in Mosco the 20. of April 1586. and was very honorably welcommed And for y t merchants behoofe obtained all his requests being therein specially fauoured by y e noble prince Boris Pheodorowich who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants he was recommended from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England his mistresse by whom the prince Boris in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables Luzarns cloth of gold and other rich things So that the Companie of English merchants next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit who obtained for them those priuileges which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor because it was very honorable I thought good to record He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda which is by land fiue hundred miles he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances at the Emperors charge New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers being one thousand miles in length When he came to the new castle called Archangel he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle gunners being set in rankes after their vse where he was sumptuously feasted from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat with one hundred men to rowe him and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners Comming to the road where the English Dutch and French ships rode the gunners discharged and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vpon the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing 16. liue oxen 70. sheepe 600. hens 25. fâ—itches of Bacon 80. bushels of meale 600. loaues of bread 2000. egs 10. geese 2. cranes 2. swans 65. gallons of mead 40. gallons of Aquauitae 60. gallons of beere 3. yong beares 4. hawkes Store of onions and garlike 10. fresh salmons A wild bore All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey together with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold a faire paire of Sables This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes which hereafter God willing at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word obtained by M Ierome Horsey 1586. THrough the wil of the almightie and without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in y e Trinitie one only God the father the sonne and the holy ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and workingâ— he both loueth and giueth life to man That our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times Establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the maintenance of vertue We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn the great Lord Emperor king and great prince of all Russia of Volodemeria Moscouia and Nouogrod king of Cazan king of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great prince of Smolensko of Tuer Yougoria Permia Viatsko of Bolghar and others lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod Chernigo Rezan Polotsko Rostow Yeraslaue the White lake Liefland Oudor Condensa and Ruler of all Siberia and all the North-side and lord of many other countries I haue gratified the merchants of England to wit sir Rowland Haiward and Richard Maâ—tin Aldermen sir George Barnes Thomas Smith esquire Ierome Horsey Richard Saltonstall with their fellowes I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina with all kind of commodities to trade freely and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward his societie desired vs that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia and into our
Iesus Christ the second person of the Godhead is the sonne of God the Father Iohn 1.18 c. onely begotten Iohn 1.29 Heb. 1.2 equal to his Father 1. Chro. 17.13 Ioh. 1. 1. true God Iohn 1.2 c. foreappointed before the creation of all things 1. Pet. 1.20 Reuel 13.8 c. and presently after mans fall promised to be the Messias Gene. 3.15 c. published eftsoones vnto the holy Patriarches as vnto Abraham Gen. 12. 3. c. vnto Isaac Gen 26.4 vnto Iacob Gene. 28.14 and confirmed by promises Gen. 49.9 Esa. 11.1,10 prefigured by y e sacrifices of Moses Leu. 1.2 c. and by other types as namely by the offering of Isaac Gen. 22. by the lifting vp of the brasen serpent Num. 21. by Ionas Ionas 2. c. proclaimed by the testimony of the Prophets Esa. 7.14 and at length in the fulnesse of time truely exhibited true man Iohn 1.14 c. Gal. 4. that he died for our sinnes and was raised againe for our iustification Rom. 4.25 c. Ascending into heauen Acts 1.9 c. and making intercession for vs at the right hand of his Father without ceasing 1. Iohn 2.1 c. by his holy Spirit which is the thirde person of the Godhead coequall and consubstantial to the Father and the Sonne Acts. 5. 4. gathering the Church to himselfe by the Word and Sacraments Matth. 16.18 Rom. 10.14 c. and sanctifying it to eternal life Acts. 9.31 c. And that one day at the end of the world he will come from heauen Acts. 1.11 to iudge the quicke and the dead 1. Thessal 4.15 that he will render vnto the wicked according to their workeâ— and that he wil iudge them to eternal paines Matth. 13.42 25.4 but that he wil reward them with eternal life who beleeue in his Name Matth. 25.34 This Iesus Christ I say wee acknowledge to be our redeemer Matth. 1.21 our head 1. Corinth 12.27 and our Lord Ephe. 4.5 And that wee in our holy baptisme do giue and haue giuen our names vnto him Acts. 2.38 and that we are engraffed into him by baptisme 1. Corin. 12.13 And this we do plainely ingenuously freely and willingly confesse and witnesse And as for all others who inuent any other name in heauen giuen vnto men by which they may be saued we doe earnestly detest curse and condemne them Acts. 4.12 We holde his most holy Word to be the onely rule of our saluation And that alone all mans deuises being cast away and contemned we propound vnto our selues as an infallible rule and leuel of our faith Galat. 1.8 Esai 29.13 Ezech. 20. which we conteine vnder the name of the olde and newe Testament Hebr. 8. deliuered by the Prophets and Apostles Ephe. 2.20 by the singular and infinite goodnesse of God preserued euer vnto this day and to be preserued hereafter alwayes in the Church Matth. 28. last verse Psal. 71.18.1 Cor. 11.26 Therefore we render thankes vnto our most gratious and Almighty God from our soule and from our whole heart because that euen vnto vs being separated an huge distance from the rest of the body of his Church and inhabiting the farthest parts of the world hee would that this light graunted for the reuelation of the Gentiles and prepared before the face of all people and in olde time fauourably shewed to holy Simeon for in Christ are all the treasures of wisedome hidden which now doeth enlighten and cherish with the sauing beames thereof our whole nation that hee would I say this light should come vnto vs. This in briefe running ouer the very summe is our faith and our Religion which by the direction of the holy Spirit and of his Ministers in the vineyard of Christ we haue drawen and that out of the fountaines of Israel In the yeere of our Lord 1070. saw the Islanders conuerted vnto Christ c. IT is doubtful vnto vs whether in these words Kranzius would haue said that y e Islanders were first conuerted vnto Christ in the yeere of our Lord 1070 or whether he doth not deny that they were indeed before conuerted but saith that it was knowne first vnto Adalbert that yeere But whethersoeuer of these he affirmeth notwithstanding the yerely records and most auncient Chronicles of our nation testifying the contrary do make his credite to be suspected in this place vnto which records and Chronicles whether you had rather giue assent concerning our owne proper and domestical affaires done within the bounds of our Island or to Krantzius or any other being ignorant in the story of our countrey I appeale friendly reader vnto your owne discretion For my part I am enforced by many reasons to agree rather vnto our owne writers For our countreymen affirme those things onely that be knowen and in a maner domesticall he writeth matters forreine and vnknowen they haue compiled their histories without the diffaming disgracing or reprehending of any other nations onely that they might assigne vnto their owne acts and exploits the true time or age thereof he hath intermedled in his historie certaine things contrary to the trueth and that to the vpbraiding of our nation being most vnknowen vnto him as it shall immediatly appeare they describe the names yeres order succession of all the Bishops of Island he mentioneth onely one that farre otherwise then the trueth Furthermore that I may make good the credite of our Countreymen I wil impart with strangers a fewe things which I found in our most ancient records of the conuersion of Island vnto Christ and of the succession of Bishops in our Churches Which although they be of litle moment and not altogether worthy to be written yet must they of necessitie bee set downe for the defence of the trueth of our affaires against Krantzius and others Thus therefore standeth the certeintie thereof In the yeere of Christ 874. Island being indeed discouered before that time as is aboue mentioned was then first of all inhabited by certaine Noruagians Their chiefetaine was one Ingulphus from whose name the East cape of Island is called Ingulffs hoffdi These planters are reckoned vp by name in our recordes more then to the number of 400. together with those of their blood and kinred and great families besides neither onely is their number described but it is also plainely set downe what coasts what shores and what in-land places eche of them did occupie and inhabite and what names the first inhabitants did giue vnto Streights bayes harboroughs necklands creekes capes rockes cragges mountaines hilles valleys homockes springs floods riuers And to be short what names they gaue vnto their graunges or houses whereof many at this day are reteined and vsed Therefore the Norwayes with their company peopled all the habitable parts of Island now occupied by them for the space of 60. yeeres or thereabout but they remayned Ethnickes almost a 100. yeres except a very few which were baptised in Norwaie But scarce a 100. yeres from
arriued at a citie called Sumakoto which aboundeth more with silke then any other citie in the world for when there is great scarcitie of silke fortie pound is sold for lesse then eight groates In this citie there is abundance of all merchandize and of all kindes of victuals also as of bread wine flesh fish with all choise and delicate spices Then traueiling on still towards the East by many cities I came vnto the noble and renowmed citie of Cambaleth which is of great antiquitie being situate in the prouince of Cataie This citie the Tartars tooke and neere vnto it within the space of halfe a mile they built another citie called Caido The citie of Caido hath twelue gates being each of them two miles distant from another Also the space lying in the midst betweene the two foresayd cities is very well and throughly inhabited so that they make as it were but one citie betweene them both The whole compasse or circuit of both cities together is 40. miles In this citie the great emperour Can hath his principall seat and his Imperiall palace the wals of which palace containe foure miles in circuit and nâ—ere vnto this his palace are many other palaces and houses of his noblâ—s which belong vnto his court Within the precincts of the sayd palace Imperiall there is a most beautifull mount set and replenished with trees for which cause it is called the Greene mount hauing a most royall and sumptuous palace standing thereupon in which for the most part the great Can is resident Upon the one side of the sayd mount there is a great lake whereupon a most stately bridge is built in which lake is great abundance of geeâ—e ducks and all kindes of water foules and in the wood growing vpon the mount there is great store of all birds and wilde beasts And therefore when the great Can will solace himselfe with hunting or hauking he needs not so much as once to step forth of his palace Moreouer the principall palace wherein he maketh his abode is very large hauing within it 14 pillers of golde and all the walles thereof are hanged with red skinâ—es which are sayd to be the most costly skinnes in all the world In the midst of the palace standes a cisterne of two yards high which consisteth of a preâ—ious stone called Merdochas and is wreathed about with golde at ech corner thereof is the golden image of a serpent as it were furiously shaking and casting forth his head This cisterne also hath a kind of networke of pearle wrought about it Likewise by the sayd cisterne there is drinke conueyed thorow certeine pipes and conducts such as vseth to be drunke in the emperors court vpon the which also there hang many vessels of golde wherein whosoeuer will may drinke of the sayd licour In the foresayd palaâ—e there are many peacocks of goldâ— when any Tartar maketh a banquet vnto his lord if the guests chance to clap their hands for ioy and mirth the â—ayd golden peacocks also will spread abroad their wings and lift vp their traines ferming as if they danced and this I suppose to be done by arte magike or by some secret engine vnder the ground Of the glory and magnificence of the great Can. MOreouer when the great emperor Can sitteth in his imperiall throne of estate on his left hand sitteth his queene or empresse and vpon another inferior seate there sit two other women which are to accompany the emperor when his spouse is absent but in the lowest place of all there sit all the ladies of his kinred All the maried women weare vpon their heads a kind of ornament in shape like vnto a mans foote of a cubite and a halfe in length and the lower part of the sayd foote is adorned with cranes feathers and is all ouer thicke set with great and orient pearles Upon the right hand of the great Can sitteth his first begotten sonne and heire apparant vnto his empire and vnder him sit all the nobles of the blood royall There bee also foure Secretaries which put all things in writing that the emperor speaketh In whose presence likâ—wise stand his Barons and diuers others of his nobilitie with great traines of folowers after them of whom none dare speake so much as one word vnlesse they haue obtained licence of the emperor so to doe except his iesters and stage-playes who are appointed of purpose to solace their lord Neither yet dare they attempt to doe ought but onely according to the pleasure of their emperor and as hee enioineth them by lawe About the palace gate stand certaine Barons to keepe all men from treading vpon the threshold of the sayd gate When it pleaseth the great Can to solemnize a feast he hath about him 14000. Barons carying wreathes litle crownes vpon their heads and giuing attendance vpon their lord and euery one of them weareth a garment of gold and precious stones which is woorth ten thousand Florens His court is kept in very good order by gouernours of tens gouernours of hundreds and gouernours of thousands insomuch that euery one in his place performeth his duetie committed vnto him neither is there any detect to bee found I Frier Odoricus was there present in person for the space of three yeeres and was often at the sayd banquets for we friers Minorities haue a place of aboad appointed out for vs in the emperors court and are enioined to goe and to bestow our blessing vpon him And I enquired of certaine Courtiers concerning the number of persons pertaining to the emperors court And they answered mee that of stage-players musicians and such like there were eighteene Thuman at the least and that the keepers of dogs beasts and foules were fifteene Thuman and the physicians for the emperours body were foure hundred the Christians also were eight in number together with one Saracen At my being there all the foresayd number of persons had all kind of necessaries both for apparell and victuals out of the emperors court Moreouer when he will make his progresse from one countrey to another hee hath foure troupes of horsemen one being appointed to goe a dayes iourney before and another to come a dayes iourney after him the third to march on his right hand and the fourth on his left in the maner of a crosse he himselfe being in the midst and so euery particular troupe haue their daily iourneys limited vnto them to the ende they may prouide sufficient victuals without defect Nowe the great Can himselfe is caried in maner following hee rideth in a chariot with two wheeles vpon which a maiesticall throne is built of the wood of Aloe being adorned with gold and great pearles and precious stones and foure elephants brauely furnished doe drawe the sayd chariot before which elephants foure great horses richly trapped and couered doe lead the way Hard by the chariot on both sides thereof are foure Barons laying hold and attending thereupon to keepe all persons
of the name of Christ Iesu and in the vertue of his pretious bloud which he shedde vpon the crosse for the saluation of mankinde they doe cast foorth deuils out of them that are possessed And because there are many possessed men in those parts they are bound and brought ten dayes iourney vnto the sayd friers who being dispossessed of the vncleane spirits do presently beleeue in Christ who deliuered them accounting him for their God and being baptised in his name and also deliuering immediatly vnto the friers all their idols and the idols of their cattell which are commonly made of felt or of womens haire then the sayd friers kindle a fire in a publike place whereunto the people resort that they may see the false gods of their neighbors burnt and cast the sayd idols thereinto howbeit at the first those idols came out of the fire againe Then the friers sprinkled the sayd fire with holy water casting the idols into it the second time and with that the deuils fled in the likenesse of blacke smoake and the idols still remained till they were consumed vnto ashes Afterward this noise out cry was heard in the ayre Beholde and see how I am expelled out of my habitation And by these meanes the friers doe baptise great multitudes who presently reuolt againe vnto their idols insomuch that the sayd friers must eft soones as it were vnder prop them and informe them anew There was another terrible thing which I saw there for passing by a certaine valley which is situate beside a pleasant riuer I saw many dead bodies and in the sayd valley also I heard diuers sweet sounds and harmonies of musike especially the noise of citherns whereat I was greatly amazed This valley conteineth in length seuen or eight miles at the least into the which whosoeuer entreth dieth presently and can by no meanes passe aliue thorow the middest thereof for which cause all the inhabitants thereabout decline vnto the one side Moreouer I was tempted to go in and to see what it was At length making my prayers and recommending my selfe to God in the name of Iesu I entred and saw such swarmes of dead bodies there as no man would beleeue vnlesse he were an eye witnesse thereof At the one side of the foresayd valley vpon a certaine stone I saw the visage of a man which beheld me with such a terrible aspect that I thought verily I should haue died in the same place But alwayes this sentence the word became flesh and dwelt amongst vs I ceased not to pronounce signing my selfe with the signe of the crosse and neerer then seuen or eight pases I durst not approch vnto the said head but I departed fled vnto another place in the sayd valley ascending vp into a little sandy mountaine where looking round about I saw nothing but the sayd citherns which me thought I heard miraculously sounding and playing by themselues without the helpe of musicians And being vpon the toppe of the mountaine I found siluer there like the scales of fishes in great abundance and I gathered some part thereof into my bosome to shew for a wonder but my conscience rebuking me I cast it vpon the earth reseruing no whit at all vnto my selfe and so by Gods grace I departed without danger And when the men of the countrey knew that I was returned out of the valley aliue they reuerenced me much saying that I was baptised and holy and that the foresayd bodies were men subiect vnto the deuils infernall who vsed to play vpon citherns to the end they might allure people to enter and so murther them Thus much concerning those things which I beheld most certainely with mine eyes I frier Odoricus haue heere written many strange things also I haue of purpose omitted because men will not beleeue them vnlesse they should see them Of the honour and reuerence done vnto the great Can. I Will report one thing more which I saw concerning the great Can. It is an vsuall custome in those parts that when the forsayd Can trauelleth thorow any countrey his subiects kindle fires before their doores casting spices thereinto to make a perfume that their lord passing by may smell the sweet and delectable odours thereof and much people come foorth to meet him And vpon a certaine time when he was comming towardes Cambaleth the fame of his approch being published a bishop of ours with certaine of our minorite friers and my selfe went two dayes iourney to meet him and being come nigh vnto him we put a crosse vpon wood I my selfe hauing a censer in my hand and began to sing with a loud voice Veni creator spiritus And as we were singing on this wise he caused vs to be called commanding vs to come vnto him notwithstanding as it is aboue mentioned that no man dare approch within a stones cast of his chariot vnlesse he be called but such onely as keepe his chariot And when we came neere vnto him he vailed his hat or bonet being of an inestimable price doing reuerence vnto the crosse And immediatly I put incense into the censer and our bishop taking the censer perfumed him and gaue him his benediction Moreouer they that come before the sayd Can do alwayes bring some oblation to present vnto him obseruing the ancient law Thou shalt not appeare in my presence with an empty hand And for that cause we carried apples with vs and offered them in a platter with reuerence vnto him and taking out two of them he did eat some part of one And then he signified vnto vs that we should go apart least the horses comming on might in ought offend vs. With that we departed from him and turned aside going vnto certaine of his barons which had bene conuerted to the faith by certaine friers of our order being at the same time in his army and we offered vnto them of the foresayd apples who receiued them at our hands with great ioy seeming vnto vs to be as glad as if we had giuen them some great gift All the premisses aboue written frier William de Solanga hath put downe in writing euen as the foresayd frier Odoricus vttered them by word of mouth in the yeere of our Lord 1330 in the moneth of May and in the place of S. Anthony of Padua Neither did he regard to write them in difficult Latine or in an eloquent stile but euen as Odoricus himselfe rehearsed them to the end that men might the more easily vnderstand the things reported I frier Odoricus of Friuli of a certaine territory called Portus Vahonis and of the order of the minorites do testifie and beare witnesse vnto the reuerend father Guidotus minister of the prouince of S. Anthony in the marquesate of Treuiso being by him required vpon mine obedience so to doe that all the premisses aboue written either I saw with mine owne eyes or heard the same reported by credible and substantiall persons The common report also of the countreyes where
I was testifieth those things which I saw to be true Many other things I haue omitted because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands in which action I dispose my selfe to die or to liue as it shall please my God Of the death of frier Odoricus IN the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney that his trauell and labour might be to greater purpose he determined to present himselfe vnto pope Iohn the two and twentieth whose benediction and obedience being receiued he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels And as he was trauelling towards the pope and not farre distant from the city of Pisa there meets him by the way a certaine olde man in the habit and attire of a pilgrime saluting him by name and saying All haile frier Odoricus And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him he answered Whilest you were in India I knew you full well yea and I knew your holy purpose also but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couen from whence you came for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight presently after he had spoken them he determined to returne And so he returned in perfect health feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body And being in his rouen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua the tenth day after the foresayd vision hauing receiued the Communion and preparing himselfe vnto God yea being strong and sound of body hee happily rested in the Lord whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following In the yeere of our Lord 1331 the 14. day of Ianuarie Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion and one of the Councell of Vtina haue written as faithfully as I could and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites howbeit not of all because they are innumerable and too difficult for me to write The voyage of Matthew Gourney a most valiant English Knight against the Moores of Algier in Barbarie and Spaine M. Camden pag. 159. NEctacendum Matthaeum Gourney in oppido quodam vulgarilingua Stoke vnder Hamden in comitatu Somersetensi appellato sepultum esâ—e virum bellico sissimum regnante Edwardo tertio qui 96. aetatis anno diem obiuit cum vt ex inscriptione videre licuit obsidioni d'Algizer contra Saracenos praelijs Benamazin Sclusensi Cressiaco Ingenos Pictauiensi Nazarano in Hispania dimicasset The same in English IT is by no meanes to be passed ouer in silence that Matthew Gourney being a most valiant warriour in the reigne of Edward the third lyeth buried at a certaine towne in the countie of Somerset commonly called Stoke vnder Hamden who deceased in the 96. yeare of his age and that as it is manifest by the inscription of his monument after he had valiantly behaued himselfe at the siege of Algizer against the Sarazens and at the battailes of Benamazin of Sluce of Cressie of Ingenos of Poictou and of Nazaran in Spaine The comming of Lyon King of Armenia into England in the yeere 1386 and in the ninth yeere of Richard the second in trust to finde some meanes of peace or good agreement betweene the King of England and the French king Iohn Froyssart lib. 3. cap. 56. THus in abiding for the Duke of Berrie and for the â—â—â—stable who were behind then king Lyon of Armenia who was in Franâ—â— and had assigned him by the king sixe thousande frankes by the yeare to maintaine his estate tooke vpon him for a good intent to goe into England to speake with the king there and his Councell to see if he might finde any matter of peace to be had betweene the two Reaâ—mes England and France And so he departed from his lodging of Saint Albeyne beside Saint Denice alonely with his owne company and with no great apparell So he rode to Boloine and there he tooke a shippe and so sayled foorth till he came to Douer and there he found the Earle of Cambridge and the Earle of Buckingham and moe then a hundreth men of armes and a two thousand Archers who lay there to keepe that passage for the brute ran that the Frenchmen should lande there or at Sandwich and the king lay at London and part of his Councell with him and daily heard tydings from all the Portes of England When the king of Armenia was arriued at Douer he had there good cheere because he was a stranger and so he came to the kings Uncles there who sweetly receiued him and at a time conuenient they demaunded of him from whence he came and whither he would The king answered and sayd that in trust of goodnesse he was come thither to see the king of England and his Councell to treate of peace betweene England and France for he saide that he thought the warre was not meete for he sayd by reason of warre betweene these two Realmes which hath indured so long the Saracens Iewes Turkes are waxed proude for there is none that make them any warre and by occasion thereof I haue lost my land and Realme and am not like to recouer them againe without there were firme peace in all Christendome I would gladly shew the matter that toucheth all Christendome to the king of England and to his Councell as I haue done to the French king Then the kings Uncles demaunded of him if the French king sent him thither or no he answered and sayd no there is no man that sent mee but I am come hither by mine owne motion to see if the king of England his Councel would any thing leane to any treaty of peace then was he demaunded where the French king was he answered I beleeue he be at Sluce I sawe not him sithence I tooke my leaue of him at Senlize Then he was demaunded howe he could make any treatie of peace and had no charge so to doe and Sir if yee be conueyed to the King our Nephew and to his Counsell and the French king in the meane season enter with his puissance into England yee may happe thereby to receiue great blame and your person to be in great ieoperdy with them of the Countrey Then the King answered and said I am in suretie of the French king for I haue sent to him desiring him till I returne againe not to remoue from Sluce and I repute him so noble and so well aduised that he
will graunt my desire and that hee will not enter into the sea till I come againe to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of loue and peace to conuey me to speake with the King for I desire greatly to see him or else yee that be his Uncles if ye haue authoritie to giue me answere to all my demaunds Then the Earle of Buckingham sayd syr king of Armenia we be ordayned here to keepe and defend this passage and the frontiers of England by the King and his Counsell and wee haue no charge to meddle any further with the businesse of the Realme without we be otherwise commanded by the King But sith ye be come for a good inâ—ent into this Countrey ye be right welcome but sir as for any firme answere ye can haue none of vs for as now we be noâ— of the Councell but we shall conuey you to the king without perill or danger The king thanked them and said I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speake with him How the King of Armenia returned out of England and of the answere that was made to him WHen the king of Armenia was refreshed at Douer a day and had spoken with the kings Uncles at good leasure then he departed towards London with a good conduct that the Lords appointed to him for feare of any recounters so long he rode that he came to London and in his ryding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger and he had good cheare made him and so was brought to the king who lay at the Royall at the Queenes wardrobe and his Councell were in London at their lodgings The Londoners were sore fortefying of their citie When the comming of the king of Armenia was knowen the kings Councell drew to the King to heare what tydings the King brought in that troublous season When the king of Armenia was come into the kings presence he made his salutation and then beganne his processe to the states how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whoÌ„ he had neuer seene before said how he was right ioyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodnesse might come thereby And there he shewed by his words that to withstande the great pestilence that was likely to be in England therefore he was come of his owne goodwill to doe good therein if he might not sent from the French king willing to set some accorde and peace betweene the two Realmes England and France Many faire pleasant words the king of Armenia spake to the king of England and to his Counsell then he was shortly answered thus Syr king ye be welcome into this Realme for the king our Soueraigne lord and all we are glad to see you here but sir we say that the king hath not here all his Councell but shortly they shall be here and then ye shall be answered The king of Armenia was content therewith and so returned to his lodging Within foure dayes after the king was counselled and I thinke he had sent to his Uncles to know their intents but they were not present at the answere giuing to goe to the pallace at Westminster and his Councell with him such as were about him and to send for the king of Armenia to come thither And when he was come into the presence of the king of England and his Councell the king sate downe and the king of Armenia by him and then the Prelates and other of his Councell There the king of Armenia rehearsed againe his requestes that he made and also shewed wisely how all Christendome was sore decayed and feeblished by occasion of the warres betweene England and France And how that all the knights and Squires of both Realmes entended nothing else but alwayes to be on the one part or of the other whereby the Empire of Constantinople leeseth and is like to leese for before this warre the Knights and Squires were wont to aduenture themselues And also the king of Armenia shewed that by occasion of this warre he had lost his Realme of Armenia therefore he desired for Gods sake that there might be some treaty of peace had betweene the two Realmes England and France To these wordes answered the Archbishop of Canterburie for he had charge so to doe And he sayd Sir king of Armenia it is not the manner nor neuer was seene betweene two such enemies as the king of England and the French king that the king my Souereigne lorde should be required of peace and he to enter his land with a puissant army wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may returne to the French king and cause him and all his puissance to returne backe into their owne countreys And when euery man be at home then if it please you ye may returne againe hither and then we shall gladly intende to your treatie This was all the answere the king of Armenia could get there and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could bee deuised and the king offered him many great gifts of golde and siluer but he would take none though he had neede thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a hundreth Frankes After dinner he tooke his leaue and returned vnto his lodging and the next day departed and was two dayes at Douer and there he tooke his leaue of such lords as were there and so tooke the sea in a passager and arriued at Calais and from thence went to Sluce and there he spake with the French king and with his Uncles and shewed them how he had bene in England and what answere he had the French king and his Uncles tooke no regard of his saying but sent him backe againe into France for their full intention was to enter into England as soone as they might haue winde and weather and the Duke of Berrie and the Constable came to them The winde was sore contrary to them for therewith they could neuer enter into England but the winde was good to goe into Scotland The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England to Tunis in Barbarie with an army of Englishmen written by Polidore Virgill pag. 1389. FRranci interim per inducias nacti ocium ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigari bellum in Afros qui omnem oram insulasque Italiae latrocinijs infestas reddebant suscipiunt Richardus quoque rex Angliae rogatus auxilium mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicae pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum Igitur Franci Anglique viribus animis consociatis in AfricaÌ„ traijciunt qui vbi littus attigere eatenùs à Barbaris desceÌ„sione prohibiti sunt quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est vt aditus pateret in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt ac obsident Barbari timore affecti
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
till it where brought The patron as warie wise in the businesse of the sea thought in himselfe that the Turkes made such prolonging to some euil intent or to surprise his vessell being alone wherefore hee bade them giue him the letter speedily or els he would goe his way and neither tary for letter nor other thing and told them of the euill and dishonest deed that they had done the dayes afore to withhold the clarke vnder their words and fateconduct and therewith he turned his galliasse to haue gone away The Turkes seeing that gaue him the letter the which he tooke and when he was arriued at Rhodes he presented it to the lord great master which assembled the lordes of his counsell and made it to be red The tenor whereof was such as foloweth The copie of the letter that the great Turke sent to the lord great master and to the people of the Rhodes SVltan Solyman Basha by the grace of God right mightie emperor of Constantinople and of himselfe holding both the lands of Persia Arabia Syria Mecha and Ierusalem of Asia Europe AEgypt and of all the Sea lord and possessor To the reuerend father lord Philip great master of Rhodes to his counsailors and to all the other citizens great and small greeting Sending conuenient and worthy salutations to your reuerences wee giue you to weet that we haue receiued your letters sent vnto our imperiall maiestie by George your seruant the tenor whereof we doe well vnderstand and for this occasion we send vnto you this our present commaundement to the end that we will that ye know surely how by our sentence we will haue that Isle of Rhodes for many damages and euill deeds which we haue and heare from day to day of the sayd place done to vs and our subiects and ye with your good will shall hold it of vs doe vs obâ—â—sance and giue the citie to mine imperiall maiestie And we sweare by God that made heauen and earth and by 26000. of our prophets and by the 4. Misafâ— that fell from the skies and by our first prophet Mahomet that if ye doe vs homage and yeeld you wiâ—h good will vpon these othes all you that will abide in the sayd place great and small shall not need to feare perill nor damage of mine imperiall maiestie neither you your goods nor your men and who so will goe to any other place with his goods and haushold may so doe and who so will dwell and inhabite in any other places vnder mine Imperiall maiestie may râ—maine where they like best without feare of any person And if there bee any of the principals and woorthy men among you that is so disposed wee shall giue him wages and prouision greater then hee hath had And if any of you will abide in the sayd isle yee may so doe after your auncient vsages and customes and much better And therefore if that yee will accept these our othes and intreatings send vnto vs a man with your lâ—tters to mine Imperiall maiestie or els know yee that wee will come vpon you with all prouisions of warre and thereof shall come as it pleaseth God And this wee doe to the end that ye may know and that ye may not say but we haue giuen you warning And if ye doe not thus with your good will wee shall vault and vndermine your foundations in such maner that they shal be torne vpside downe and shall make you slaues and cause you to die by the grace of God as we haue done many and hereof haue ye no doubt Written in our court at Constantinople the first day of the moneth of Iune How the Turkes came to land in the Isle of Lango and were driuen to their ships againe by the Prior of S. Giles WHen the lord great master and his counsell had heard the tenor of the letter they would giue none answere to the great Turke but that he should be receiued with good strokes of artillerie So that to a foolish demaund behooued none answere And it was very like that he would haue nothing For sixe dayes after that was the 14. day of the said moneth of Iune the Brigantines that went toward Sio to know of the said armie came againe and sayd that of a trueth the said armie was comming and that nigh to Lango an Isle of the religion an 100. mile from Rhodes they had scene and told 30. sailes that were most part gallies and fustes the which vessels set men on land in y â— isle of Lango TheÌ„ the prior of S. Giles Missire pre Iohn de Bidoux commander of the sayd place taried not long from horsebacke with his knights and people of the isle and he met so well with the Turkes that he droue them to their ships and slew a certaine number of them and of the side of Pre Iohn some were hurt and his horse was slaine When the enemies were entered into their gallies they went to a place called castle Iudeo on the maine land betweene the sayd isle of Lango and the castle of S. Peter How part of the nauie and armie of the great Turke came before the citie of Rhodes THe 18. day of the said moneth of Iune these 30. gallies went from the sayd place and passed by the Cape of Crion entering the gulfe of Epimes beside Rhodes and were discouered from the shade of the hill of Salaco a castle in the isle of Rhodes On the morow they came out of the gulfe by plaine day and sailing along by the coasts they entered into a hauen on maine land called Maifata where they abode three dayes Then they went from thence and returâ—ed to the gulfe of Epimes where they abode two dayes and two nights The 24 day of the same moneth they issued out of Epimes and trauersing the chanell they came to the yle of Rhodes in a place before a castle called Faues and they went to land and they went to land and burnt a great field of corne the same day which was the feast of S. Iohn Baptist our patron The guard of a castle named Absito in the yle of Rhodes discouered and spâ—ed the great hosâ—e and in great haste brought word to the lord master and sayd that the sayd hoste that was in so great number of sailes that they might not be numbred was entred into the gulfe of Epimes The 30 sailes that lay in the yle arose in the night and went to the sayd hoste in the gulfe The 26 day of Iune the sayd great hoste arose and wâ—nt out of Epimes an houre after the sun rising trauersing the chanell they came to a place called the Fosse eight miles from the towne And the 30 first sailes turned backe toward the cape of S. Martin and other places to watch for ships of Christian men if any passed by to Rhodes The great hoste abode still till no one or one of the clocke and then arose not all but about 80 or 100
it himselfe and speake with him and sayd that he had also a letter of the Grand signior for the lord master Upon this he was bidden to go his way and to set him packing they shot after him a piece of artillery The next day after Ballantis Albanese that was fled thorow the breach of Spaine to the campe came from the sayd Genouois proposing such words or like as the other had sayd saying likewise that the Grand signior had sent a letter to the lord master To whom no words were spoken nor answere made for the lord great master as wise and prudent considering that a towne that will heare intreatings is halfe lost defended vpon the paine of death sith that Siotis had spoken these two times that none should be so hardy to speake nor answere them of the campe without his knowledge commandement but seeing they were such ambassadors they reported the words of the sayd Albanese or euer the sayd lord had knowledge of the words of the Siotis The which words spread thorow the towne put many folke in thought and would haue vndone that that the Siotis said the which is no maâ—uell whereas is much people for with good will and most often they regard sooner to saue the liues of them and their children then they doe to the honour of the residue Howbeit not one durst speake a word openly of that businesse but all secretly and some came and spake to certaine lords of the great crosse for to speake to y e lord great master And in effect some lords spake therof to him persuading him that it should be good to thinke thereon seeing that the towne went to losse To whom the sayd lord shewed many things for his honor and the Religion and that no such things ought to be done or thought for any thing in the world but rather he and they to die The lords hearing this answere went their wayes and then returned againe to the sayd lord aduising him more to thinke well on all things and to the saluation of his towne and of his religion And they sayd moreouer that they doubted that the people would rather haue a peace then to die themselues their wiues and children The lord seeing that such words were as things inforced as who should say if thou do it not we shall do it as wise men and prudent willing to make remedies of needfull things by counsell called the lords of his Councell for to haue aduise in these doings and other And when they were assembled the lord proposed the words that were to him denounced and sayd With these termes and wordes came two or three marchants and citizens of the towne that knocked at the doore of the Councell and presented a supplication to the great master and lords of the Councel whereby they required and besought meekely the sayd reuerend lord to haue respect to them and their poore housholds and to make some appointment with the great Turke seeing that the sayd matter was already forward in purpose that he would do it and that it would please him to consider the pitious sorowfull estate that the towne was in that there was no remedy to saue it and at the lest way if the lord would not make appointment to giue them leaue of his goodnesse to haue their wiues and their children out of the Rodes to saue them for they would not haue them slaine nor made slaues to the enemies And the conclusion was that if the sayd lord would not puruey therefore they would puruey for it themselues And there was written in the said request the names of eight or ten of the richest of the towne Which words of the sayd supplication being heard the sayd lord and his councell were abashed and ill content as reason would seeing that it was but a course game and thought on many things to make answere to the sayd citizens for to content and appease them and also to see if they should intend to the appointment as they required and after as the Genouoys had reported and the better to make the sayd answere and to know more plainly in what estate the towne was in all things that is to wit first of gunpowder and then of men of warre and of the katteries Also were demanded and asked the lord of S. Giles pre Iohn which had the charge of the gunpowder and then the captaine Sir Gabriel Martiningo for being ouer their men of warre as it is said as to him that knew the truth if the towne might holde or not or there were any meanes to saue it The sayd lord of S. Giles arose saying and affirming vpon his honour and his conscience that almost all the slaues and labourers were dead and hurt and that scantly there were folke enow to remoue a piece of artillery from one place to another and that it was vnpossible without folke any more to make or set vp the repaires the which euery day were broken and crushed by the great furious and continuall shot of the enemies artillery As for gunpowder the sayd lord sayd that all that was for store in the towne was spent long agone and that which was newly brought was not to serue furnish two assaults And he seeing the great aduantage of the enemies being so farre within the towne without power to put or chase them away for default of men was of the opinion that the towne would be lost and that there was no meanes to saue it The words of the sayd lord finished the captaine Gabriel Martiningo for his discharge sayd and declared to the reuerend lord and them of the Councell that seeing and considering the great beatings of the shot that the towne had suffered and after seeing the entring which the enemies had so large and that they were within the towne by their trenches both endlong and ouerthwart seeing also that in two other places they were at the foot of the wall and that the most part of our knights and men of warre and other were slaine and hurt and the gunpowder wasted and that it was vnpossible for them to resist their enemies any more that without doubt the towne was lost if there came no succors for to helpe and resist the siege The which opinions and reasons of these two woorthy men and expert in such feats vnderstood and pondered by the lord great master and the lords of the Councell they were most part aduised for to accept and take treaty if it were offered for the sauegard of the common people and of the holy reliques of the church as part of the holy crosse the holy throne the hand of S. Iohn and part of his head and diuers other reliques Howbeit the lord great master to whom the businesse belonged very neere and that tooke it most heauily and was more sorrowfull then any of the other as reason required was alway stedfast in his first purpose rather willing to die then to consent to such a thing
and sayd againe to the lordes of the Councell Aduise you and thinke well on euery thing and of the end that may happen and he proposed to them two points that is to wit Whether it is better for vs to die all or to saue the people and the holy reliques The which two points and doubts were long time disputed and there were diuers opinions neuerthelesse at the last they sayd all that howbeit that it were well and safely done to die for the faith and most honor for vs notwithstanding seeing and considering that there is no remedy to resist against our enemies and meanes to saue the towne and on the other part that the great Turke would not oppresse vs to forsake our faith but only would haue the towne it were much better then and tending to greater wealth to saue all the iewels aboue sayde that should be defiled and lost if they came in the handes of the enemies of the faith And also to keepe so much small people as women and children that they would torment and cut some in pieces other take and perforce cause them to forsake their faith with innumerable violences and shamefull sinnes that should be committed and done if the towne were put to the sword as was done at Modon and lately at Bellegrado Whereby they did conclude that it were better and more agreeable to God for to take the treaty if it were proffered then for to die as people desperate and without hope How the great Turke sent two of his men to the towne to haue it by intreating And how the lord great master sent two knights to him to know his assurance VPon these consultations and words almighty God that saueth them which trust in him and that would not that so many euils and cruelties should come to the poore city inhabitants of it and also that the great Turke might not arise in ouer great pride and vaine glory put him in minde to seeke to haue the sayd towne by treaty which he ought not to haue done for his honour nor by reason for the towne was in a maner his And in like sort he ought not to haue let vs goe as he did seeing that we were his mortall enemies euer and shall be still in the time comming considering the great slaughter of his people that we haue made in this siege Howbeit the eternall goodnesse hath blinded him and hath pleased that these things should be thus for some cause vnknowen of vs. And for conclusion the great Turke sent to haue a communication and parle in following the words of the Genouese aforesayd Then was a signe set vpon the churche of the abbey without the towne to the which was made answere with another at the miles of Quosquino And forthwith came two Turks to speake with them of the towne Then the lord great master sent the Priour of S. Giles pre Iohn and the captaine Gabriel Martiningo to know the cause of their comming And when they came to them without holding of long speech the two Turkes deliuered them a letter for to beare to the lord great master from the great Turke and then returned safely into their tents When the two lords had receiued it they bare presented it to the reuerend lord great master which caused it to be read By the which the great Turke demanded of the lord great master to yeeld the towne to him and in so doing he was content to let him go all his knights and all the other people of what cōdition soeuer they were with all their goods iewels safe without feare of any harme or displeasure of his folks And also he sware and promised on his faith so to do The sayd letter was sealed with his signet that he vseth that is as it were gilded And he sayde afterward that if the lord great master would not accept the sayde treaty that none of the city of what estate soeuer he were should thinke to escape but that they all vnto the cats should passe by the edge of the sword and that they should send him an answere forthwith either yea or nay After the sight of the contents of the sayd letter of so great weight and the time so short for to giue so great an answere and with demand the sayd lord great master and all the lords of the Councell were in great thought howbeit they determined to giue an answere seeing the estate of the towne so ill that it could be no woorse Hearing the report and opinions a day or two before of the two lords ordeined to view the defects of the towne saying that the towne was lost without remedy considering also that the principalles of the towne would haue appointment And in likewise at the other counsell all the lordes had already willed and declared that it were better to saue the towne for respect of the poore people then to put it all whole to the furie of the enemies whereupon they agreed and concluded to take the foresayd treatie After the conclusion taken answere was made readily for a good respect that is to weet to take the Turke at his worde to the ende that he should not repent him of it nor change his opinion For euery houre his people wanne and entered further and further into the towne And for to goe vnto the great Turke were ordained these two knights sir Passin afore named and he bare the token of the White crosse and another of the towne named Robert de Perruse◠iudge Ordinarie When these two ambassadours had made them readie they went out at the gate of Quosquino and went to the tent of Acmek basha capitaine generall And because it was late and that they might not goe that day to the great Turke on the next day in the morning the foresaid captaine Acmek led and conueied our sayd ambassadours to the great Turkes pauillion that they might haue the more knowledge plainely and for to heare his will as touching the wordes which were reported to the reuerend lord great master and after the contents of his letter and writings When the sayd two ambassadours were departed out of the towne there did enter two men of authoritie of the campe one was nephew or kinsman of the sayd Acmek the other was the great Turkes truchman which the lord master caused to be well receiued and they were lodged nigh the sayd gate of Quosquino And then truce was taken for 3. dayes and the enemies came to our repaires and spake with our folke and dranke one with another How the ambassadours of Rhodes spake with the great Turke and what answere they had WHen our ambassadours had made reuerence to the great Turke they sayd that the lord great master of Rhodes had sent them to his Imperiall maiestie to know what he requested and desired that they might talke together and how the great master had receiued his letter The great Turke answered them by his truchman that of demanding to speake
together nor writing of letter to the great master he knew nothing Howbeit sith the great master had sent to him for to know his will he bade say to them that the great master should yeeld him the towne And in so doing he promised by his faith for to let him goe with all his knights and all other that would goe with their goods without receiuing any displeasure of his people of the campe And if he accepted not the sayd treatie to certifie him that he would neuer depart from Rhodes till he had taken it and that all his might of Turkie should die there rather then hee would faile of it and that there should neither great nor litle escape but vnto the cats they should be all cut in pieces and sayd that within 3. dayes they should giue him an answere for hee would not that his people should loose time and that during the sayd truce they should make no repaires nor defences within the towne When the great Turke had ended his wordes our ambassadours tooke their leaue of him and returned to the towne and there was giuen to each of them a rich garment of branched veluet with cloth of gold of the Turkish fashion Then Acmek basha tooke sir Passin and led him to his pauillion and intreating him right well caused him to abide all that day and night and in eating and drinking they had many discourses of things done at the siege questioning each with other And among all other things our ambassadour demaunded of Acmek and prayed him to tell for trueth how many men died of the campe while the siege was laied The said Basha sware vpon his faith and certified that there were dead of the campe of violent death that is to say of gunshot and other wayes 64000. men or more beside them that died of sicknesse which were about 40. or 50. thousand How one of the ambassadours made answere of his message and how the Commons would not agree to yeeld the towne REturne we now to our purpose and to the answere that our ambassadours brought to the lord great master The sayd Robert Perruse made the answere and told what the great Turke had sayd certifying that he would haue an answere quickly either yea or nay The which answere after the demaund of the great Turke hath bene purposed and concluded by the whole counsel and his offer treatie accepted howbeit the sayd ambassadours had it not to do so soone nor the first time that they went for good reasons but yet they would not deferre it for feare least he should repent him And vpon these determinations that they would haue sent the sayd Peruse to beare the answere came some of the common people of the towne to the lord great master that was with the lordes of the counsell and sayd that they were aduertised of the appointment that he had made with the great Turke and that he would yeeld the towne with couenaunts by him taken which they supposed ought not to be done without calling of them And because they were not called to it they sayd that they would not agree thereto and that it were better for them to die for the great Turke by some way would put them all to death as was done in Bellegrado in Hungarie How the lord great master sent two ambassadors for the Commons to the great Turke WHen the reuerend lord great master had heard their wordes he sayd graciously to them that as touching the acceptation of the great Turks offer it was needful so to do in the degree that the towne was and the causes wherefore he had done it the counsell had seene and discussed and that it was a thing that might not nor ought not to be sayd nor published in common for reporting of it to the enemies by traitours but be kept still and secret And moreouer that it was concluded to make an answere shortly for to take the great Turke at his word least he repented him For if they had bene called or the answere had bene giuen it had bene ouerlong businesse and in the meane time the Turke might haue changed his mind and that that he had done and concluded with the great Turke the lordes of the counsell had well regarded and considered in all things and for their profite and aduantage as much or more as for that of the Religion And that they would send to the great Turke againe other ambassadours the better to know his will and to be surer of his promise Then the lord great master ordained two other ambassadours for to goe to the great Turke which were two Spaniardes the one named sir Raimon Market and the other messire Lopez at whose issuing entered Sir Passin the first ambassadour and the other two went to the tent of Acmek basha for to leade them to the great Turke And when they were within the Turkes pauillion and had done him reuerence as appertained our ambassadours sayd that the great master had heard and seen his demaund to yeeld the towne And for y t it is a thing of great weight and that he had to doe and say with many men of diuers nations and because the time of answere was so short hee might not doe that that hee demaunded so soone Howbeit hee would speake with his people and then hee would giue him an answere How the Turke began the assault and how the Commons agreed to yeeld the towne WHen the great Turke heard the answere of our ambassadours he sayd nothing but commaunded his Bashas that they should begin the battell againe to the towne the which was done and then the truce was broken and the shot of the enemies was sharper then it was afore And on the other side nothing or very litle for fault of pouder for that that there was left was kept for some great assault or neede Howbeit the sayd Amek Basha kept one of the ambassadours and messire Lopez onely entered The great master seeing the warre begun and the shot thicker then it was afore and the enemies entred hourely by their trenches further into the towne called them that before had sayde to him that they would not the towne should be yeelded but had rather for to die And therefore the sayd lord sayd that he was content for to die with them and that they should dispose them to defend themselues well or to doe their endeuour better then they had done in times past And to the ende that each one of them should haue knowledge of his will for as then he spake but to foure or fiue of them that gaine sayd him he made a cry through all the towne that all they that were holden to be at the posternes or gates should giue attendance and not to come away day nor night on payne of death for afore the Rhodians came but litle there And that the other that were not of the posternes or that were of his succours should goe to the breach of Spaine where the
sayd lord was continually and not to goe away day nor night on the abouesayd payne The sayd cry made each one were obedient for a day or twaine howbeit a yoong Rhodian left his posterne and went to his house which on the next day was hanged for breaking of the lordes commaundement Notwithstanding that by litle and litle the people annoyed them and their heartes failed and left the posternes and breaches in such wise that the enemies might come in without finding great resistaunce but of a fewe that the lord master caused to abide there that is to weet knightes of his succours And in the night he sought out moe people for to keepe y e watch at the said breach and paied to them as much as they would The sayd lord seeing himself thus abandoned and left of his people he sent to aske them againe wherefore they did not their endeuour and why they came not to day as they sayd before Which made answere that they sawe and knew well that the towne was lost for certaine reasons that were told them by occasion whereof they had gaine-said the ordinance of the sayd lord and sayd that they had bene wrong enformed of diuers things and on the other side that they feared that the Turke would not hold his word But sithens they sawe that there was none other remedie but to abide the aduenture and fortune they sayd that they put all to the sayd lord to doe what he thought good and that hee would see what were best for them And required the lord to doe them so much fauour as to let them choose one or two among them for to goe to the great Turke with his ambassadours for to haue suretie of him The which was granted and two ordinarie ambassadours were chosen for them one Nicholas Vergotie and the other Piero of saint Cretice and the foresayd Passin should returne with them for to make the sayd answere Then the great master or they departed prolonging the time as much as he might aduised to send a letter to the great Turke the which his grandfather had written or caused to be written In the which letter he gaue his malediction or curse to his children and successours if they enterprised to besiege Rhodes The sayd Robert Perruse bare the sayd letter and as he was accustomed he went to Acmek Basha for to cause him to haue audience and to present the sayd letter And the Basha sayd hee would see the letter for it is the guise in the great Turkes court that none may speake to him nor giue him a letter but he be aduertised first what shall be said or what shall be written When the Basha had seene the wordes written in the said letter he brake it and cast it on the ground and did tread vpon it saying many iniurious and villanous words to the sayd iudge And bade him returne apace to his great master and bid him to thinke on his businesse and to make answere to the great lord as he had sent and commaunded or els it should not be long or he sawe his dolorous and wofull ende And that same day were taken two men of ours that bare earth toward the bulwarke of England Of whom the sayd Acmek caused an officer to cut off their noses fingers and eares and gaue them a letter to beare to the lord great master wherein were great wordes and threatnings After the sayd Perruse was returned messire Passin was sent againe to the sayde Basha for to know of him if the great Turke would be content with any summe of money for his costes and expenses that he had made for his armie The which answered that such words or offers of siluer were not to bee sayd nor presented to the great lord on paine of life and that hee set more by honour then by siluer And therefore hee bade him returne and say to the great master that hee should make answere to the great lord after his demaund to yeeld or not yeeld the towne The sayd Passin made relation of the wordes of the Basha to the great master the which for the great sorrow that hee had deferred alwayes saw himselfe in such pitious estate Notwithstanding the sayd lord putting all to the wil of our lord considering that there was no remedie to do otherwise nor to resist any more his enemies and being constrained on all sides to make the appointment with great heauinesse inestimable dolours and bewailings at the last gaue his voyce to yeeld the towne with the treatise or offers to him presented which was the 20. day of December the yeere of our lord a thousand fiue hundreth and two and twentie An answere to such as will make question for the deliuerance of the citie of Rhodes ANd if by any it were demaunded wherefore the sayde lord great master hath yeelded the towne to the great Turke requesting it with treatie and couenaunts which was a signe that he feared and would no more fight but goe his way To this I answere Notwithstanding that the great Turke was aduertised by some traitours and by other that fled into the campe that the powder almost failed and that there were but fewe men of warre within the towne yet he beleeued not nor gaue credence of all that was reported to him but thought verily that wee had ynough for a great while and considered that hee must tary till they were wasted and spent where to behooued time And seeing all his estate entered into strange places and into the lands of his enemies and had bene there alreadie sixe moneths and not without great danger of his owne person thinking on the other side that taking the towne by assault he should lose many of his folke and yet when hee had ouercome and wonne the towne they should fall each vpon other in departing of the bootie or pillage doubting finally the hazard of warre For these reasons and other that may be alleaged the great Turke had much rather to haue the towne by composition and treatie then otherwise And it suffised him to driue his olde enemies out of the countreys of Leuant and set the subiects of his countreys in rest and suretie And we of the towne that knew our weaknesse that we might do no more it seemed better to saue so much small people then we and they to fall into the furie of our enemies for otherwise could we not haue done but tempt God and died as in dispaire How the citie of Rhodes was yeelded to the great Turke and of the euil behauiour of certaine Turkes BUt to returne to our principall After that the reuerend great master had giuen his voyce to the yeelding of the towne he sent the said Passin againe for to beare it to the great Turke And with him went the two men that were chosen of the Commons and they went all three together to the tent of Acmek Basha To whom the sayd Passin first made this pitious answere and conclusion
to yeeld the towne Notwithstanding he sayd the people had ordained two men among them for to goe to the great Turke to speake of their particular doings and to haue some suretie of their persons wiues and children to the ende that it were not done to them as to those of Bellegrado The sayd Acmek led the three ambassadours toward the great Turke And when they were entered into the pauillion the sayde messire Passin made the report of his ambassade to the sayd lord and sayd that the great master yeelded him the towne vnder the promise made by his Imperiall maiestie with the treatie promised Of the which promise hee held him sure and certaine and that hee would doe no lesse howbeit the people had required him to giue them licence to goe to his maiestie for to aske some request of him Then the two citizens besought the great Turke that he would for suretie remooue his campe from the towne to the ende that they should haue no maner of harme to their bodies nor goods and that they that would goe should goe and that they that would abide still might be well entreated The great Turke answered by his interpreter to messire Passin that hee accepted the towne and promised agayne vpon his faith and on his honour to the lord great master that he would performe that he had promised and sent to him by the same Passin that he should not doubt of the contrary and if he had not ships ynough for to carie his people and their goods that hee would let them haue of his and that he would deliuer the artillerie that was woont to be in the ships of y e Religion And as touching the request of the people he sayd that he would remooue the campe and that they that would abide might abide and they should bee well entreated and should pay no tribute in fiue yeeres and their children should not be touched and who so would goe within the sayd space of fiue yeeres they should goe in good time These wordes ended our ambassadours tooke leaue of him when they were departed they spake againe with the sayd Acmek Basha for to haue a letter of the contents of the promise of the sayd lord And by his commandement the sayd letter was made where by he promised to let go the great master with all his knights strangers and men of the towne that would go with their goods without hauing displeasure of any of his people of the campe or by the wayes When the letter was made it was deliuered to messire Passin And as touching withdrawing of the campe the sayd Basha promised againe that he would do it since the great lord would so howbeit he remooued but from the trenches and some of his people went a litle way off And the sayd Basha demaunded in the Turkes behalfe that they should send to him in hostage foure and twentie knights whereof two should bee of the great Crosse and two and twentie citizens And the sayd lord should send onely a captaine with three or foure hundred Ianissaries for to keepe the towne when the campe were withdrawen And so it was done and beside this hee gaue twelue dayes respite to the lord great master to prepare him and depart out of Rhodes And in conclusion all this done our ambassadours returned and made the report to the reuerend great master of all that they had done and practised with the great Turke and the sayd Basha and gaue him the letter for to goe surely Then the great master with his counsell ordained the foure and twentie persons and other of the towne When they were readie they went to the campe where they were well intreated foure dayes During this time Ferra Basha passed frō the maine land to the campe with foure and twentie or fiue and twentie thousand Ianissaries which by the commaundement of the great Turke was gone vpon the borders of the countreis of the Sophie For the Turke seeing the people of the campe discouraged and willing no more to goe to the assaults sent to the sayde Basha to come to Rhodes with his people which would haue withstood vs sore as fresh men And it was the worke of God and a wonderfull myracle that they came after that the appointment was made for if they had come afore it is to be supposed that the deed had gone otherwise and there had bene many strokes giuen but I beleeue that the ende should haue bene pitious for vs but God would not that the Turke should haue victory vpon vs as hee might haue had seeing the great aduauntage that he had in all things but he blinded him and would not that he should know his might And on the other part it may be said and marueiled how it was possible alway to haue ouercome our enemies in all assaults skirmishes and at the end to loose the towne it was the will of God that so hath pleased for some cause to vs vnknowen It is to bee thought that lacke of men and gunshot and the enemies so farre within the towne and ready to enter at other places with the treasons haue caused the towne to be lost Two or three dayes after the comming of the sayd Basha his Ianissaries and other of the campe entred into the Towne which was on Christmas day within the time giuen to vs and then the Turkes word was broken if it were his will or not I cannot tell Neuerthelesse there was no sword drawen and in that respect promise was kept But they made pillage and entered by force into the houses of the castle and tooke all that they might and would After that they had ransacked the houses they entered into the churches and pilled all that they found and brake the images And there was no crucifix nor figure of our lady nor of other saints that were left whole Then with great inhumanitie they went into the hospitall of poore and sicke folke called the Fermorie and tooke all the siluer vessell that the sicke folke were serued with and raised them out of their beds and droue them away some with great strokes and staues and some were cast downe from the galleries When these hounds had done that acte they went to the church of saint Iohn and tooke downe the tombes of the great masters and sought if there were any treasure hid in them and they forced certaine women and maidens And all they that were christened and had bene Turkes afore were they men women or children and children that the sayd men had made christians they led into Turkie which thing is of greater importance then any of the other The morrow after Christmas day the reuerend lord great master went to the great Turkes pauillion for to visite him and to be better assured of his promise the which lord he made to be wel gratiously receiued And he signified vnto him by his interpreter that the case so happened to him was a thing vsuall and common as to
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ— Râ—ger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ— Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ„ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌ„mercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ„ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ„ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ„ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ„ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
the prouerb sayth he that takes beede and shields himselfe from all men may hap to scape from some for we had need to looke about vs considering how in number we were diminished and in strength greatly weakned both by reason of our sicknesse and also of the number that were dead so that we were consâ—rained to leaue one of our ships in the Port of the Holy Crosse. Our Captaine was warned of their comming and how they had brought a great number of men with them for Domagaia came to tell it vs and dursâ— not passe the riuer that was betwixt Stadacona and vs as he was wont to doe whereupon we mistrusted some treason Our Captaine seeing this sent one of his seruants to them accompanied with Iohn Poulet being best beloued of those people to see who were there and what they did The sayd Poulet the other fained themselues onely to be come to visit Donnacona bring him certaine presents because they had beene together a good while in the sayd Donnaconas Towne So soone as he heard of their comming he got himselfe to bed faining to bee very sicke That done they went to Taignoagny his house to see him and wheresoeuer they went they saw so many people that in a maner one could not stirre for another and such men as they were neuer wont to see Taignoagny would not permit our men to enter into any other houses but still kept them company and brought them halfe way to their ships and tolde them that if it would please our captaine to shew him so much fauour as to take a Lord of the Countrey whose name was Agonna of whom hee had receiued some displeasure and carie him with him into France he should therefore for euer be bound vnto him and would doe for him whatsoeuer hee would command him and bade the seruant come againe the next day and bring an answere Our Captain being aduertised of so many people that were there not knowing to what end purposed to play a prettie prancke that is to say to take their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and some more of the chiefest of them prisoners in so much as before hee had purposed to bring them into France to shew vnto our King what he had seene in those Westerne parts and maruels of the world for that Donnacona had told vs that he had bene in the Countrey of Saguenay in which are infinite Rubies Gold and other riches and that there are white men who clothe themselues with woollen cloth euen as we doe in France Moreouer he reported that â—ee had bene in another countrey of a people called Picquemians and other strange people The sayd Lord was an olde man and euen from his childehood had neuer left off nor ceased from trauailing into strange Countreys as well by water and riuers as by lande The sayd Poulet and the other hauing tolde our Captaine their Embassage and shewed him what Taignoagny his will was the next day he sent his seruant againe to bid Taignoagny come and see him and shewe what hee should for he should be very well entertained and also part of his will should be accomplished Taignoagny sent him word that the next day hee would come and bring the Lord Donnacona with him and him that had so offended him which hee did not but stayed two dayes in which time none came from Stadacona to our shippes as they were wont to doe but rather fled from vs as if we would haue slaine them so that then wee plainely perceiued their knauery But because they vnderstood that those of Sidatin did frequent our company and that we had forsaken the bottome of a ship which we would leaue to haue the olde nailes out of it the third day following they came from Stadacona and most of them without difficulty did passe from one side of the riuer to the other with small Skiffes but Donnacona would not come ouer Taignoagny and Domagaia stood talking together aboue an houre before they would come ouer at last they came to speake with our Captaine There Taignoagny prayed him that hee would caused the foresayd man to be taken and caried into France Our Captaine refused to doe it saying that his King had forbidden him to bring any man or woman into France onely that he might bring two or three yong boyes to learne the language but that he would willingly cary him to Newfoundland and there leaue him in an Island Our Captaine spake this onely to assure them that they should bring Donnacona with them whom they had left on the other side which wordes when Taignoagny heard hee was very glad thinking hee should neuer returne into France againe and therefore promised to come the next day which was the day of the Holy Crosse and to bring Donnacona and all the people with him How that vpon Holyrood day our Captaine caused a Crosse to be set vp in our Forte and how the Lord Donnacona Taignoagny Domagaia and others of their company came and of the taking of the sayd Lord. Chap. 18. THe third of May being Holyroode day our Captaine for the solemnitie of the day caused a goodly fayre crosse of 35 foote in height to bee set vp vnder the crosset of which hee caused a shield to be hanged wherein were the Armes of France and ouer them was written in antique letters Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat And vpon that day about noone there came a great number of the people of Stadacona men women and children who told vs that their Lord Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia were comming whereof we were very glad hoping to retaine them About two of the clocke in the afternoone they came being come neere our ships our Captaine went to salute Donnacona who also shewed him a mery countenance albeit very fearefully his eyes were still bent toward the wood Shortly after came Taignoagny who bade Donnacona that he should not enter into our Forte and therefore fire was brought forth by one of our men kindled where their Lord was Our Captaine prayed him to come into our ships to eate drinke as hee was wont to do and also Taignoagny who promised that after a whilche would come and so they did entred into our ships but first it was told our Captain by Domagaia that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him that he had did Donnacona hee should not come aboord our ships Our Captaine perceiuing that came out of the Forte and saw that onely by Taignoagny his warning the women ran away and none but men stayed in great number wherefore he straight commanded his men to lay hold on Donnacona Taignoagny and Domagaia two more of the chiefest whom he pointed vnto then he commanded them to make the other to retire Presently after the said lord entred into the Fort with the Captaine but by by Taignoagny came to make him come out againe Our Captaine seeing that there was no
onely for the satisfying of them but also for the true information of any other whosoeuer that comes not with a prâ—iudicate winde to the reading thereof thus much vpon my credit I am to affirme that things vniuersally are so truely seâ— downe is this Treatise by the authour thereof an actor in the Colony and a man no lesse for his honesty then learning commendable as that I dare boldly auouch it may very well passe with the credit of trueth euen amongst the most true relatioâ—s of this age Which as for mine owne part I am ready any way with my word to acknowledge so also of the certaintie thereof assured by mine owne experience with this my publique assertion I doe affirme the same Farewell in the Lord. To the Aduenturers Fauourers and Welwillers of the enterprise for the inhabiting and planting in Virginia SInce the first vndeâ—taking by Sir Walter Ralegh to deale in the action of discouering of that countrey which is now called and knowen by the name of Virginia many voyages hauing beene thither made at sundry times to his great charge as first in the yere 1584 and afterwards in the yeres 1585 1586 and now of late this lâ—st yeere 1587 there haue bene diuers and variable reports with some slanderous and shamefull speeches bruted abroad by many that returned from thence especially of that discouery which was made by the Colony transported by Sir Richard Grinuile in the yere 1585 being of all others the most principall and as yet of most effect the time of their abode in the countrey being a whole yere when as in the other voyage before they stayed but sixe weeks and the others after were onely for supply and transportation nothing more being discouered then had been before Which reports haue not done a little wrong to many that otherwise would haue also fauoured and aduentured in the action to the honour and benefit of our nation besides the particular profit and credit which would redound to themselues the dealers therein as I hope by the sequel of euents to the shame of those that haue auouchâ—d the contrary shall be manifest if you the aduenturers fauourers and welwillers doe but either increase in number or in opinion continue or hauing beene doubtfull renew your good liking and furtherance to deale therein according to the woorthinesse thereof already found and as you shall vnderstand hereafter to be requisit Touching which woorthinesse through cause of the diuersity of relations and reports many of your opinions could not be firme nor the minds of some that are well disposed be seeled in any certainty I haue therefore thought it good being one that haue beene in the discouerie and in dealing with the naturall inhabitants specially imployed and hauing therefore seene and knowen more then the ordinary to impart so much vnto you of the fruits of our labours as that you may know how iniutiously the enterprise is slandered and that in publique maner at this present chiefly for two respects First that some of you which are yet ignorant or doubtfull of the state thereof may see that there is sufficient cause why the thiefe enterpriser with the fauour of her Maiesty notwithstanding such reports hath not onely since continued the action by sending into the countrey againe and replanting this last yeere a new Colony but is also ready according as the times and meanes will afford to follow and prosecute the same Secondly that you seeing and knowing the continuance of the action by the view hereof you may generally know and learne what the countrey is and thereupon consider how your dealing therein if it proceed may returne you profit and gaine be it either by inhabiting and planting or other wise in furthering thereof And least that the substance of my relation should be doubtfull vnto you as of others by reason of their diuersitie I will first open the cause in a few words wherefore they are so different referring my selfe to your fauourable constructions and to be adiudgâ—d of as by good consideration you shall finde cause Of our company that returned some for their miâ—demeanour and ill dealing in the countrey haue bene there worthily punished who by reason of their bad natures haue maliciously not onely spoken ill of their Gouernours but for their sakes slandered the countrey it selfe The like also haue those done which were of their consort Some being ignorant of the state thereof notwithstanding since their returne amongst their friends acquaintance and also others especially if they were in company where they might not be gainsayd would seeme to knew so much as no men more and make no men so great trauellers as themselues They stood so much as it may seeme vpon their credit and reputation that hauing bene a twelue moneth in the countrey it would haue bene a great disgrace vnto them as they thought if they could not haue sayd much whether it were true or false Of which some haue spoken of more then euer they saw or otherwise knew to be there Other some haue not bene ashamed to make absolute deniall of that which although not by them yet by others is most certainly and there plentifully knowen other some make difficulties of those things they haue no skill of The cause of their ignorance was in that they were of that many that were neuer out of the Island where we were seated or not sarre or at the least wise in few places els during the time of our aboue in the country or of that many thaâ— after gold siluer was not so soone found as it was by them looked for had litle or no care of any other thing but to pamper their bellies or of that many which had litle vnderstanding lesse discretion and more tongue then was needfuâ—l or requisiâ—e Some also were of a nice bringing vp only in cities or townes or such as neuer as I may say had seene the world before Because there wâ—re not to be found any English cities nor such faire houses nor at their owne with any of their old accustomed dainâ—y food nor any soft beds of downe or feathers the countrey was to them miserable and their reports thereof according Because my purpose was but in briefe to open the cause of the variety of such speeches the particularities of them and of many enuious malicious and slanderous reports and deuices els by our owne countreymen besides as trifles that are not worthy of wise men to be thought vpon I meane not to trouble you withall but will passe to the commodities the substance of that which I haue to make relation of vnto you The Treatise whereof for your more ready viâ—w and easier vnderstanding I will diuide into three speciall parts In the first I will make declarâ—tion of such commodities there already found or to be raised which will not onely serue the ordinary turnes of you which are and â—â—all be the planters and inhabitants buâ— such an ouerplus sufficiently to be yeelded
father shewing him all the courtesies they could possibly I cannot send you nor describe vnto you his entrance among them better then I haue done in all my relations which I wrote in my letters from Composteila and I signified vnto you all things to the full from the citie of S. Michael and though there be but the tenth part of these things it is a great matter Herewithall I haue sent your Lordship a Letter which I receiued from the said father the Indians tell me that all the people of the countrey doe greatly reuerence him and I beleeue he may trauel many leagues farther in that sort He saith that if he finde any good countrey he will write to me thereof I will not goe thither without informing your Lordship of my iourney I hope in God that by one way or other wee shall discouer some good thing A Letter written by the most honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vice-roy of Nueua Espanna to the Emperors Maiestie Of certaine Noblemen which sought to discouer the end of the firme land of Nueua Espanna toward the North. The arriuall of Vazquez de Coronado with Frier Marco at S. Michael of Culiacan with commission to the Gouernors of those partes to pacific the Indians and not to make them slaues any more IN the ships that went last from hence whereof Michael de Vsnago was Admiral I wrote vnto your Maiestie how I had sent two Franciscan Friers to discouer the end of this firme land which stretcheth to the North. And because their iourney fell out to greater purpose then was looked for I wâ—l declare the whole matter from the beginning It may please your Maiestie to call to mind how often I wrote vnto your Highnesse that I desired to know the ende of this Prouince of Nueua Espanna because it is so great a countrey and that we haue yet no knowledge thereof Neither had I onely this desire for Nunno de Guzman departed out of this city of Mexico with 400. horsemen and 14000. Indians footemen borne in these Indias being the best men the best furnished which haue bene seene in these parts and he did so litle with them that the most part of them were consumed in the enterprize could not enter nor discouer any more then already was discouered After this the saide Nunno Guzman beeing Gouernour of Nueua Galicia sent Captaines and Horsemen foorth diuers times which sped no better then he had done Likewise the Marques de valle Hernando Cortez sent a captaine with 2. ships to discouer the coast which 2â— ships and the captaine perished After that he sent againe 2. other ships one of the which was diuided from her consore and the Master and certaine mariners slue the captaine vsurped ouer the ship After this they came to an Island where the Master with certaine mariners going on land the Indians of the country slew them and tooke their boat and the ship with those that were in it returned to the coast of Nueua Galicia where it ran on ground By the men which came home in this ship the Marques had knowledge of the countrey which they had discouered and then either for the discontentment which hee had with the bishop of Saint Domingo and with the Iudges of this royal audience in Mexico or rather because of his so prosperous successe in all things here in Nueua Espanna without seeking any farther intelligence of the state of that Island he set forward on that voyage with 3. Ships and with certaine footemen and horsemen not throughly furnished with things necessary which fell câ—t so contrary to his expectation that the most part of the people which he carryed with him dyed of hunger And although he had ships and a Countrey very neere him abounding with victuals yet could hee neuer finde meanes to conquer it but rather it seemed that God miraculously did hide it from him and so he returned home without atchieuing ought else of moment After this hauing heere in my company Andrew Dorantez which is one of those who were in the voyage of Panphilo Naruaâ—ez I often was in hand with him supposing that he was able to doe your Maiestie great seruice to imploy him with fortie or fiftie horses to search out the secret of those parts and hauing prouided all things necessary for his iourney and spent much money in that behalfe the matter was broken off I wot not how and that enterprise was giuen 〈◊〉 Yet of the things which were prouided for that purpose I had left mee a Negro which returned from the foresayde voyage of Naruaez with Dorantez and certaine slaues which I had bought and certaine Indians which I had gathered together who were borne in those North partes whome I sent with Frier Marco de Niça and his companion a Franciscan Frier because they had bene long trauelled and exercised those partes and had great experience in the affaires of the Indies and were men of good life and conscience for whom I obtained leaue of their superiours and so they went with Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia vnto the Citie of Saint Michael of Culiacan which is the last Prouince subdued by the Spaniards towarde that quarter being two hundred leagues distant from this Citie of Mexico Assoone as the gouernour and the Friers were come vnto that Citie hee sent certaine of those Indians which I had giuen him home into their Countrey to signifie and declare to the people of the same That they were to vnderstand that your Maiestie had commaunded they should not hereafter â—eâ— made slaues and that they should not be afrayd and more but might returne vnto their houses and liue peaceably in them for before that time they had bin greatly troubled by the euil dealings which were vsed toward them and that your Maiestie would cause them to be chastened which were the causes of their veration With these Indians about twentie dayes after returned about 400. men which comming before the gouernour said vnto him that they came on the behalfe of al their Countrey-men to tell him that they desired to see and know those men which did them so great a pleasure as to suffer them to returne to their houses and to sow Maiz for their sustenance for by the space of many yeres they were driuen to flee into the mountaines hiding themselues like wild beasts for feare left they should be made slaues and that they and all the rest of their people were ready to doe whatsoeuer should bee commaunded them Whom the gouernour comforted with good wordes and gaue them victuals and stayed them with him three or foure dayes wherein the Friers taught them to make the signe of the Crosse and to learne the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ and they with great diligence sought to learne the same After these dayes hee sent them home againe willing them not to be afraid but to be quiet giuing them apparel beades kniues and other such
scarse a stones cast but the Indians were come vpon them to shoot at them with their arrowes and because they were vnaâ—med they would not fight with them hauing gone on shore for no other purpose but to sound the mouth and enterance of that lake On Thursday the 4 of December we set saile with a frâ—sh gale of winde and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues and came vnto certaine mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of vs as though they had beene Ilands and we entered into one of them and came into an hauen which we called Baya del Abad all inclosed and compassed with land being one of the fairest hauens that hath beene seene and about the same especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly to behold we discryed certaine riuers on that part which seemed greene therefore we returned backe going out at that mouth wherby we came in alwayes hauing contrary wind yet the Pilots vsed their best indeuour to make way and we saw before vs certaine wooddy hils and beyond them certaine plaines this we saw from the Friday the 5 of the said moneth vntill the Tuesday which was the ninth As we drew neere to these woods they seemed very pleasant and there were goodly and large hilles and beyond them towardes the sea were certaine plaines and through all the countrey we saw these woods From the day before which was the Conception of our Lady we saw many great smokes whereat we much maruelled being of diuerse opinions among our selues whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of the countrey or no. Ouer against these woods there fell euery night such a dew that euery morning when we rose the decke of the ship was so wet that vntill the sunne was a good height we alwaies made the decke durtie with going vpon it We rode ouer against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set saile vntill Thursday about midnight when a cruell Northwest winde tooke vs which whither we would or no inforced vs to way our anker and it was so great that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe vntill her cable broke and the ship hulled and suddenly with a great gust the trinker and the mizâ—n were rent asunder the Northwest winde still growing more and more within a short while after the maine saile was rent with a mighty flaw of winde so that we were inforced both souldiers captaine and all of vs to doe our best indeuor to mend our sailes and the Trinitie was driuen to do the like for she going round vpon her anker when she came a-head of it her cable broke so that there we lost two ankers each ship one We went backe to seeke Baya del Abad for we were within 20 leagues of the same and this day we came within foure leagues of it and being not able to reach it by reason of contrary windes we rode vnder the lee of certaine mountaines and hilles which were bare and almost voide of grasse neere vnto a strand full of sandie hilles Neere vnto this road wee found a fishing-place vnder a point of land where hauing let downe our lead to see what ground was there a fish caught it in his mouth and began to draw it and he which held the sounding-lead crying and shewing his fellowes that it was caught that they might helpe him as soone as he had got it aboue the water tooke the fish and loosed the cord of the sounding-lead and threw it againe into the sea to see whether therâ— were any good depth and it was caught againe whereupon he began to cry for helpe and all of vs made a shout for ioy thus drawing the fish the rope of the sounding-lead being very great was crackt but at length we caught the fish which was very faire Here we stayed from Friday when we arriued there vntill the Munday when as it seemed good to our Captaine that we should repaire to the watering place from whence we were some sixe leagues distant to take in 12 buttes of water which wee had drunke and spent because he knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any water or no and though we should finde water it was doubtfull whither we should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth vpon that coast We drewe neere to that place on Munday at night when as we sawe certaine fires of the Indians And on Tuesday morning our Generall commaunded that the Trinitie should come as neere our ship to the shore as it could that if we had neede they might helpe vs with their great ordinance and hauing made 3 or 4 bourds to draw neere the shore there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-side who stood and beheld while we put out our boat and anker marking also how our bwoy floated vpon the water and when our boat returned to the ship two of them leâ—pt into the sea and swamme vnto the bwoy and beheld it a great while then they tooke a cane of an arrow and tyed to the sayd bwoy a very faire and shining sea-oyster of pearles and then returneâ— to the shore neere to the watering-place Chap. 10 They giue vnto the Indians many trifles which stand vpon the shore to see them and seekâ— to parley with them by their interpreter which was a Chichimeco who could not vnderstand their language They go to take fresh water Francis Preciado spendeth the time with them with many signes and trucking and being afeard of their great multitude retireth himselfe wisely with his companions returning with safety to the ships WHen the Captaine and we beheld this we iudged these Indians to be peacable people whereupon the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying with him certain beades to truck and went to speake with them In the meane while he commanded the Indian interpreter our Châ—chimeco to be called out of the Admirall that he should parley with them And the Captaine come vnto the bâ—y and laid certaine things vpon it for exchange made siâ—nes vnto the Sauages to câ—me and take them and an Indian made signes vnto our men with his hands his armes and head that thâ—y vnderstood them not but signified that they should go aside Whereupon the Captaine deparâ—ed a smal distance from that place with his boat And they made signes againe that he should get him further whâ—reupon we departing a great way off the saide Indians leapâ— into the water came vnto the boy and tooke those beades and returnâ—d backe againe to land and â—hen came vnto the other three and all of them viâ—wing our things they gaue a bowe and certaine arrowes to an Indian and sâ—nt him awâ—y running with all haste on the shore and made signes vnto vs that they had sent word vnto their lord what things we had giuen them and that he would come thither Within a while after the said Indian returned running as he did before and
Master Robert Withrington Captaine of the Admirall Master Christopher Lister Captaine of The barke Clifford Iohn Anthonie Master of the Admirall Thomas Hood Pilot for the Streights William Anthonie Master of the barke Clifford Dauid Collins Tristram Gennings Master William Withrington Master Beumond Withrington Master Wasnes Master Wilkes Master Norton Master Harris Thomas Anthonie Nicholas Porter The master Gunner And Alexander Gundie his mate Iohn Sarracol This company being all assembled together the Master of the Admiral declared that the cause of our assembly was to determine after good aduice what course or way were best and most likely to all mens iudgements to be taken First for the good preferment of my Lords voyage then the health of our men and lastly the safegard of our shippes and further shewed his minde to vs all in these wordes as neere as I could cary them away MY masters my Lords determination touching this our voyage is not vnknowen vnto you all hauing appointed it to be made and by the grace of God to be performed by vs for the South sea But for as much as wee doe all see the time of the yeere to bee farre spent as also the windes to hang contrary the weather drawes on colder and colder the nights longer and longer our bread so consumed that we haue not left aboue two moneths bisket our drinke in a maner all spent so that we haue nothing but water which in so cold a countrey as the Streights if we should get in and bee forced there to winter would no doubt be a great weakening to our men and a hazard of the ouerthrow of the voyage These things considered both our Captaine Master Hood and I doe rather thinke it good for the wealth of our voyage the health of our men and safetie of our ships to goe roome with the coast of Brasill where by Gods grace wee shall well victuall our selues both with wine which is our greatest want and other necessaries Besides it is giuen vs here to vnderstand by the Portugals which we haue taken that there is no doubt but that by Gods helpe and our endeuour wee shall bee able to take the towne of Baya at our pleasure which if wee doe put in practise and doe not performe it being somewhat aduised by them they offer to loose their liues And hauing by this meanes victualled our selues wee may there spend vpon the coast some three or foure moneths except in the meane time wee may happen vpon some good thing to content my Lord and to purchase our owne credits otherwise wee may take the Spring of the yeere and so proceede according to my lords directions And assure your selues by the assistance of God wee will not returne without such benefite by this voyage as may redound to my lords profite and the honour of our countrey Nowe if there bee any of you that can giue better course and aduise then this which I haue deliuered let him speake and wee will not onely heare him but thanke him for his counsell and followe it To this speech of M. Anthony M. Lister our captaine answered in this sort M. Withrington M. Anthony both you know that the last words that my lord had with vs in such a chamber were that in any case we should follow our voyage only for the South sea except by the way we might perchance meete with such a purchase as that wee might returne with 6000 pounds and therefore I see no safetie howe wee may dare offer to goe backe againe being so neere the Streights as we are for my part I neither dare nor wil consent vnto it except we be further forced then yet wee are Mâ— accompt is this that he that dieth for this yeere is excused for the next and I rather choose death then to returne in disgrace with my lord Hereunto both the captaine and master of the Admirall replied that they were all of that mind yet notwithstanding that in going roome the voyage was in better possibilitie to bee performed then in wintring either in the Streights or at Port S. Iulian all things considered And so agreeing and concluding all in one they were determined presently to beare vp The next day being the 8 of February there fell out many and diuers speeches on each part concerning the altering of our course some would continue for the Streights and other some would not Whereupon a viewe was taken in both ships of victuals and reasonable store was found for both companies and the winde withall comming to the North we determined to take out of the prizes the best necessaries that were in them and so cast them off and to plie for the Streights All this time wee held on our course and the 15 day wee found our selues in the height of 44 degrees but then the winde came to the South with much raine wind cold and other vntemperate weather continuing in that sort fiue or sixe dayes in which time we hulled backe againe into the height of 42 degrees Sunday being the 20 of February our Admirall being something to the leeward of vs and the storme somewhat ceased put aboord his flag in the mizen shrowds as a token that hee would speake with vs and thereupon wee bare roome with him and hauing halled one another captaine Withrington shewed the disposition of all his company which was rather to goe roome with the coast of Brasil then to lie after that sort in the sea with foule weather and contrary winds Our captaine on the other side shewed the contrary disposition of his men and company willing notwithstanding to proceede but in the ende both the shippes fell asunder and our captaine sayd Seeing then there is no remedie I must be content though against my will The 21 day the weather grew faire and the wind good at the South for the Streights yet our Admirall bare roome still we supposing hee would haue taken the benefit of the time whereupon our whole company began to thinke of the inconueniences that would arise by deuiding our selues and losing our Admirall being very willing to continue their course and yet not without the company of the Admiral And then wee began to cast about after him and at the last bare with him and he tolde vs that vpon a second viewe of the victuals hee found their store so slender and their want so great that there was no remedy for them but to seeke some meanes to be relieued which was the onely cause that hee bare Northward This speech made vs of the barke to enter into a new consultation and we found many of our men weake and all our calieuers not seruiceable and the Smiths that should mend them to be in the Admiral We considered also that by breaking of company eche ship should be the more weakened wee continued in this consultation til the foure and twentieth day and in all that time found master captaine Lister most desirous to accomplish and to fulfill
cast off another and filled our owne ships with the necessaries of them The 8 day wee put off to sea but yet with much adoe came againe to our ankoring place because of the weather The 10 day the admirall sent for vs to come aboord him and being come hee opened a Carde before all the company and tolde vs that my lords voyage for the South sea was ouerthrowen for want of able men and victuals and that therefore hee thought it best to plie for some of the Islands of the West India or the Açores to see if they could meete with some good purchase that might satisfie my lord These wordes were taken heauily of all the company and no man would answere him but kept silence for very griefe to see my lords hope thus deceiueâ— and his great expenses and costs cast away The common sort seeing no other remedie were contented to returne as well as he The 16 day wee espied a sayle whereupon our pinnesse and Dalamor gaue her chase and put her ashore vpon the Island where the men forsooke her and ran away with such things as they could conueniently carte our pinnesse boorded her and found little in her they tooke out of her nine chests of sugar and one hogge and 35 pieces of pewter and so left her vpon the sands From this time forward we began to plie Northwards and the first of Iuly fell with the land againe where we fished and found reasonable good store I tooke the latitude that day and found our selues in 10 degrees and 22 minutes The 7 day we determined to fall with Fernambuck and wee came so neere it that Dalamor as he told vs espied some of the ships that were in the harbour yet notwithstanding we all fell to leeward of the riuer could not after that by any meanes recouer the height of it againe but we ceased not on all parts to endeuour the best we could oftentimes lost company for a day or two one of another but there was no remedie but patience for to Fernambuck we could not come hauing so much ouershot it to the Northward and the wind keeping at the South and Southwest The 20 day I tooke the Sunne in 5 degrees 50 minuts which was 2 degrees to the Northward of Fernambuck and the further wee went the more vnto wardly did the rest of our ships worke either to come into hauen or to keepe company one with another And â—ruely I suppose that by reason of the froward course of the Admirall he meant of purpose to lose vs for I know not how the neerer we endeuoured to be to him the further off would he beare from vs and wee seeing that kept on our owne course and lookt to our selues as well as we could The 24 day our whole company was called together to consultation for our best course some would goe for the West India some directly North for England and in conclusion the greater part was bent to plie for our owne countrey considering our necessities of victuals and fresh water and yet if any place were offered vs in the way not to omit it to seeke to fill water The 26 day in the morning we espied a lowe Island but we lost it againe and could descrie it no more This day we found our selues in 3 degrees and 42 minutes The 27 day we searched what water we had left vs and found but nine buts onely so that our captaine allowed but a pinte of water for a man a day to preserue it as much as might be wherâ—with euâ—ry man was content and we were then in number fiftie men and boyes The first of August we found our selues 5 degrees to the Northward of the line all which moneth we continued our course homâ—ward withoâ—t touching any where toward the end whereof a sorrowfull accident fell out in our hulke which being deuided from vs in a calme fell a fire by some great negligence and perished by that meanes in the seas wee being not able any wayes to helpe the ship or to saue the men The 4 day of September we had brought our selues into the height of 41 degrees 20 minutes somwhat to the Northwards of the Islands of the Açores and thus bulting vp and downe with contrary winds the 29 of the same moneth we reachâ—d the coast of England and so made an end of the voyage A discourse of the West Indies and South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugal borne in the citie of Eluas continued vnto the yere 1587. Wherein among diuers rare things not hitherto deliuered by any other writer certaine voyages of our Englishmen are truâ—ly reported whâ—ch was intercepted with the author thereof at the riuer of Plate by Captaine Withrington and Captaine Christopher Lister in the fleete set foorth by the right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in the yeere 1586. FRancis Drâ—ke an Englishman being on the sea and hauing knowledge of the small strength of the towne of Nombre de Dios came into the harborough on a night with foure pinnesses and landed an hundreth and fifty men and leauing one halfe of his men with a trumpet in a fort which was there hee with the rest entred the towne without doing any harme till hee came at the market place and there his company discharging their calieuers and sounding their trumpets which made a great noyse in the towne were answered by their fellowes in the force who discharged and sounded in like maner This attempt put the townesmen in such extreme feare that leauing their houses they fled into the mountaines and there be thought themselues what the matter should be in the towne remaining as men amazed at so sudden an alarme But the Spaniards being men for the most part of good discretion ioyned foureteene or fifteene of them together with their pieces to see who was in the towne and getting to a corner of the market-place they discouered the Englishmen and perceiuing that they were but a few discharged thâ—ir pieces at them and their fortune was such that they slew the trumpetter and shot the captaine whose name was Francis Drake into the legge who feeling himselfe hurt retired toward the Fort where he had left the rest of his men but they in the Fort sounded their trumpet and being not answered againe and hearing the calieuers discharged in the towne thought that their fellowes in the towne had bene slaine and thereupon fled to their Pinnesses Now Francis Drake whom his men carried because of his hurt when he came to the fort where he left his men and saw them fled he and the rest of his company were in so great feare that leauing their furniture behinde them and putting off their hose they swamme waded all to their Pinnesses and departed forth of the harbour so that if the Spaniards had followed them they might haue slaine them all Thus Captaine Drake did no more harme at Nombre
spent not any during the time of our abode here Our Captaine and Master falling into the consideration of our estate and dispatch to goe to the Generall found our wants so great as that in a moneth wee coulde not fitte our shippe to set saile For wee must needes set vp a Smiths forge to make boltes spikes and nayles besides the repairing of our other wants Whereupon they concluded it to bee their best course to take the pinnesse and to furnish her with the best of the company and to goe to the Generall with all expedition leauing the shippe and the rest of the company vntill the Generals returne for hee had vowed to our Captaine that hee would returne againe for the Streights as hee had tolde vs. The Captaine and Master of the pinnesse being the Generals men were well contented with the motion But the Generall hauing in our shippe two most pestilent fellowes when they heard of this determination they vtterly misliked it and in secret dealt with the company of both shippes vehemently perswading them that our Captaine and Master would leaue them in the countrey to bee deuoured of the Canibals and that they were mercilesie and without charitie whereupon the whole company ioyned in secret with them in a night to murther our Captaine and Master with my selfe and all those which they thought were their friendes There were markes taken in his caben howe to kill him with muskets through the shippes side and bullets made of siluer for the execuâ—ion if their other purposes should faile All agreed hereunto except it were the bote-swaine of our shippe who when hee knew the matter and the slender ground thereof reueâ—led it vnto our Master and so to the Captaine Then the matter being called in question those two most murtherous fellowes were found out whose names were Charles Parker and Edward Smith The Câ—ptaine being thus hardly beset in perill of famine and in danger of murthering was constrained to vse lenitie and by courteous meanes to pacifâ—e this furie shewing that to doe the Generall seruice vnto whom he had vowed faith in this action was the cause why hee purposed to goe vnto him in the pinnesse considering that the pinnesse was so necessary a thing for him as that hee could not bee without her because hee was fearefull of the shore in so great shippes Whereupon all cried out with cursing and swearing that the pinnesse should not goe vnlesse the shippe went Then the Captaine desired them to shewe themselues Christians and not so blasphemously to be haue themselues without regard or thankesgiuing to God for their great deliuerance and present sustenance bestowed vpon them alleaging many examples of Gods sharpe punishment for such ingratitude and withall promised â—o doe any thing that might stend with their good liking By which gentle speaches the matter was pacified and the Captaine and Master at the request of the company were content to forgiue this great treachery of Parker and Smith who after many admonitions concluded in these wordes The Lord iudge betweene you and mee which after came to a most sharpe reuenge euen by the punishment of the Almightie Thus by a generall consent it was concluded not to depart but there to stay for the Generals returne Then our Captaine and Master seeing that they could not doe the Generall that seruice which they desired made a motion to the companie that they would lay downe vnder their handes the losing of the Generall with the extremities wherein we then stoode whereunto they consented and wrote vnder their hands as followeth The testimoniall of the companie of The Desire touching their losing of their Generall which appeareth to haue beene vtterly against their meanings THe 26 of August 1591 wee whose names bee here vnder written with diuers others departed from Plimmouth vnder M. Thomas Candish our Generall with 4 ships of his to wit The Galeon The Robuck The Desire and The Black pinnesse for the performance of a voyage into The South sea The 19 of Nouember we fell with the bay of Saluador in Brasil The 16 of December we tooke the towne of Santos hoping there to reuictuall our selues but it fell not out to our contentment The 24 of Ianuary we set saile from Santos shaping our course for The Streights of Magellan The 8 of Februarie by violent stormes the sayde fleete was parted The Robuck and The Desire arriued in Porte Desire the 6 of March The 16 of March The Black pinnesse arriued there also and the 18 of the same our admirall came into the roadeâ— with whom we departed the 20 of March in poore and weake estate The 8 of Aprill 1592 we entred The Streights of Magellan The 21 of Aprill wee ankered beyond Cape Froward within 40 leagues of The South sea where wee rode vntill the 15 of May. In which time wee had great store of snowe with some gustie weather the wind continuing still at Westnorthwest against vs. In this time wee were inforced for the preseruing of our victuals to liue the most part vpon muskles our prouision was so slender so that many of our men died in this hard extremitie Then our General returned for Brasil there to winter to procure victuals for this voyage against the next yeere So we departed The Streights the 15 of May. The 21 being thwart of Port Desire 30 leagues off the shoare the wind then at Northeast and by North at fiue of the clock at night lying Northeast wee suddenly cast about lying Southeast and by South and sometimes Southeast the whole fleete following the admirall our ship comming vnder his lee shot ahead him and so framed saile fit to keepe companie This night wee were seuered by what occasion wee protest wee know not whither we lost them or they vs. In the moruing we only saw The Black pinnesse then supposing that the admirall had ouershot vs. All this day wee stoode to the Eastwards hoping to find him because it was not likely that he would stand to the shoare againe so suddenly But missing him towards night we stood to the shoareward hoping by that course to finde him The 22 of May at night we had a violent storme with the winde at Northwest and wee were inforced to hull not being able to beare saile and this night we perished our maine tressâ—etrees so that wee could no more vse our maine top-saile lying most dangerously in the sea The pinnesse likewise receiued a great leake so that wee were inforced to seeke the next shoare for our reliefe And because famine was like to bee the best ende wee desired to goe for Port Desire hoping with seales and penguins to relieue our selues and so to make shift to followe the Generall or there to stay his comming from Brasil The 24 of May wee had much winde at North. The 25 was calme and the sea very loftie so that our ship had dangerous foule weather The 26 our fore-shrowdes brake so that if wee had not beene
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good mealâ— Insomuch til at the last God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper of the prison so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road at his pleasure paying a certaine stipend vnto the keeper and wearing a locke about his leg which libertie likewise sixe more had vpon like sufferance who by reason of their long imprisonment not being feared or suspected to start aside or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe had libertie to go in and out at the sayd road in such maner as this Iohn Fox did with irons on their legs and to returne againe at night In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season the gallies happily comming to their accustomed harborow and being discharged of all their mastes sailes and other such furnitures as vnto gallies doe appertaine and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne homes there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners who had bene taken by the Turks force and were of sixteen sundry nations Among which there were three Englishmen whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Woodbridge in Suffolke the other William Wickney of Portsmouth in the Countie of Southhampton and the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex Which Iohn Fox hauing bene thirteene or foureteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance and being too too weary thereof minding his escape weighed with himselfe by what meanes it might be brought to passe and continually pondering with himself thereof tooke a good heart vnto him in hope that God would not be not alwayes scourging his children and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his pretended enterprise if that it should redound to his glory Not farre from the road and somewhat from thence at one side of the Citie there was a certaine viâ—tualling house which one Peter Vnticaro had hired paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road This Peter Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne and a Christian and had bene prisoner about thirtie yeeres and neuer practised any meanes to escape but kept himselfe quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie vntill that nowe this Iohn Foxe vsing much thither they brake one to another their mindes concerning the restrainâ— of their libertie and imprisonment So that this Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would faine put in practise made priuie one more to this their intent Which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compasse to meete together insomuch that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be if it pleased God to farther them thereto who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise whom they thought they might safely trust determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose Whereupon the same Iohn Fox and Peter Vnticaro and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the prison the next day being the last day of December where this Iohn Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their intenâ— and deuise was and how and when they minded to bring their purpose to passe who thereunto perswaded them without much a doe to further their deuise Which the same Iohn Fox seeing deliuered vnto them a sort of files which he had gathered together for this purpose by the meaues of Peter Vnticaro charging them that euery man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the next day at night On the next day at night this said Iohn Fox and his sixe other companions being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro passing the time away in mieth for feare of suspect till the night came on so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise sent Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade in the name of one of the Masters of the citie with whom this keeper was acquainted and at whose request he also would come at the first who desired him to take the paines to meete him there promising him that he would bring him backe againe The keeper agreed to goe with him willing the warders not to barre the gate saying that he would not stay long but would come againe with all speede In the meane sâ—ason the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons as they could get in that house and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie sword blade without either hilt or pomell which he made to serue his turne in bending the hand ende of the sword in steed of a pomell and the other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house The keeper now being come vnto the house and perceiuing no light nor hearing any noyse straightway suspected the matter and returning backward Iohn Fox standing behind the corner of the house stepped foorth vnto him who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox saide O Fox what haue I deserued of thee that thou shouldest seeke my death Thou villaine quoth Fox hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserued at my handes wherewith he lift vp his bright shining sword of tenne yeeres rust and stroke him so maine a blowe as there withall his head claue a sunder so that he fell starke dead to the ground Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper who came presently foorth and some with their spits ranne him through and the other with their glaiues hewed him in sunder cut off his head and mangled him so that no man should discerne what he was Then marched they toward the roade whereinto they entered sofâ—ly where were six warders whom one of them asked saying who was there quoth Fox his company all friendes Which when they were all within proued contrary for quoth Fox my masters here is not to euery man a man wherefore looke you play your parts Who so behaued themselues in deede that they had dispatched these sixe quickly Then Iohn Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise and minding to worke surely in that which he went about barred the gate surely and planted a Canon against iâ— Then entred they into the Gailers lodge where they found the keyes of the fortresse prison by his bed side and there had they all better weapons In this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure and all in duckats which this Peter Vnticaro two more opening stuffed themselues so full as they could betweene their shirts and their skinne which Iohn Fox would not once touch and sayde that it was his and their libertie which he sought for to the honour of his God not to make a marâ—e of the wicked treasure of the Infidels Yet did these words siâ—ke nothing into their stomakes they did it
for a good intent so did Saul saue the fattest Oxen to offer vnto the Lord and they to serue their owne turne But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore neither had these that thing which they desired so and did thirst after Such is Gods iustice He that they put their trust in to deliuer them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies he I say could supply their want of necessaries Nowe these â—ight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of thinking themselues sufficient champions to encounter a stranger enemie and comming vnto the prison Fox opened the gates and doores thereof and called forth all the prisoners whom he set some to ramming vp the gate some to the dressing vp of a certaine gallie which was the best in all the roade and was called the captaine of Alexandria whereinto some caried mastes sailes oares and other such furniture as doth belong vnto a gallie At the prison were certaine warders whom Iohn Fox and his companie slewe in the killing of whom there were eight more of the Turkes which perceiued them and got them to the toppe of the prison vnto whom Iohn Fox and his company were faine to come by ladders where they found a hot skirmish For some of them were there slaine some wounded and some but scarred and not hurt As Iohn Fox was thrise shot through his apparell and not hurt Peter Vnticaro and the other two that had armed them with the duckats were slaine as not able to weild themselues being so pestered with the weight and vneasie carying of the wicked and prophane treasure and also diuerse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish as Turkes slaine Amongst the Turkes was one thrust thorowe who let vs not say that it was ill fortune fell off from the toppe of the prison wall and made such a lowing that the inhabitants thereabout as here and there scattering stoode a house or two came and dawed him so that they vnderstood the case how that the prisoners were paying their ransomes wherewith they raised both Alexandria which lay on the west side of the roade and a Castle which was at the Cities end next to the roade and also an other Fortresse which lay on the Northside of the roade so that nowe they had no way to escape but one which by mans reason the two holdes lying so vpon the mouth of the roade might seeme impossible to be a way for them So was the red sea impossible for the Israelites to passe through the hils and rockes lay so on the one side and their enemies compassed them on the other So was it impossible that the wals of Iericho should fall downe being neither vndermined nor yet rammed at with engines nor yet any mans wisedome pollicie or helpe set or put thereunto Such impossibilities can our God make possible He that helde the Lyons iawes from renting Daniel asundeâ— yea or yet from once touching him to his hurt can not he hold the roring canons of this hellish force He that kept the fiers rage in the hot burning Ouen from the three children that praised his name can not he keepe the fiers flaming blasles from among his elect Now is the roade fraught with lustie souldiers laborers and mariners who are faine to stand to their tackling in setting to euery man his hand some to the carying in of victuals some munitions some oares and some one thing some another but most are keeping their enemie from the wall of the road But to be short there was no time mispent no man idle nor any mans labour ill bestowed or in vaine So that in short time this gally was ready trimmed vp Whereinto euery man leaped in all haste hoyssing vp the sayles lustily yeelding themselues to his mercie and grace in whose hands are both winde and weather Now is this gally on flote and out of the safetie of the roade now haue the two Castles full power vpon the gally now is there no remedy but to sinke how can it be auoided The canons let flie from both sides and the gally is euen in the middest and betweene them both What man can deuise to saue it there is no man but would thinke it must needes be sunke There was not one of them that feared the shotte which went thundring round about their eares nor yet were once scarred or touched with fiue forty shot which came from the Castles Here did God hold foorth his buckler he shieldeth now this gally and hath tried their faith to the vttermost Now commeth his speciall helpe yea euen when man thinks them past all helpe then commeth he himselfe downe from heauen with his mightie power then is his present remedie most readie prest For they saile away being not once touched with the glaunce of a shot and are quickly out of the Turkish canons reach Then might they see them comming downe by heapes to the water side in companies like vnto swarmes of bees making shew to come after them with gallies in bustling themselues to dresse vp the gallies which would be a swift peece of worke for them to doe for that they had neither oares mastes sailes gables nor any thing else ready in any gally But yet they are carying them into them some into one gally and some into another so that being such a confusion amongst them without any certaine guide it were a thing impossible to ouertake them beside that there was no man that would take charge of a gally the weather was so rough and there was such an amasednes amongst them And verely I thinke their God was amased thereat it could not be but he must blush for shame he can speake neuer a word for dulnes much lesse can he helpe them in such an extremitie Well howsoeuer it is he is very much to blame to suffer them to receiue such a gibe But howsoeuer their God behaued himselfe our God shewed himselfe a God indeede and that he was the onely liuing God for the seas were swift vnder his faithfull which made the enemies agast to behold them a skilfuller Pilot leades them and their mariners bestirre them lustily but the Turkes had neither mariners Pilot nor any skilfull Master that was in a readinesse at this pinch When the Christians were safe out of the enemies coast Iohn Fox called to them all willing them to be thankfull vnto almighty God for their deliuerie and most humbly to fall downe vpon their knees beseeching him to aide them vnto their friends land and not to bring them into an other daunger sirh hee had most mightily deliuered them from so great a thraldome and bondage Thus when euery man had made his petition they fell straight way to their labour with the eares in helping one another when they were wearied and with great labour stewing to come to some Christian land as neere as they could gesse by the starres But the windes were so diuers one while driuing them this way another while