all his courses now crossed first rashnes in taking armes and afterwards by cowardise in maintaining them The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associates by letters yet without any vanting or enlarging Tearmes his speeches also were moderate rather extenuating his fact then extolling it but by stopping his fame it much encreased when men esteemed his high thoughts by his lowly words and his conceit in great exploits by his contempt of this Then the Lords met and marched together towards London whither they came upon Saint Stephens day having almost forty thousand men in their army and first they shewed themselves in battaile array in the fields neare unto the Tower within the view of the King afterwards they tooke up their lodgings in the Suburbs the Major and Aldermen of the City came forth and gave liberall allowance of victuall to the souldiers offering unto the Lords entertainement within the City but they did not accept it Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distrâ—ction of the Common-wealth the vanquished part being full of malice and the Conquerours of presumption the one wanting power the other right to command and rule The Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine others of the neutrality fearing the sequele perswaded the King to come to a treaty with the Lords but hee made shew of very light regard of all these dealings let them stay said hee untill they have wearied themselves with maintaining this multitude and then I will talke further with them When the Lords understood the drift of his devise they beset the Thames and all other passages and protested that they would not depart untill they had talked with him to his face The King having neither strength to resist nor scope to scape consented to a treaty and to that end desired the Lords to come to him into the Tower but they refused that place of meeting upon feare of false measure untill the King permitted them to search as diligently and come as strongly as they thought it meet So they came unto the King well guarded and after a few could kindnâ—sses and strange salutations they laid before him his proceedings against them at Nottingam his letters which he sent to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his word for the raising of armes against them his agreement with the French King for the yeelding up of Calis and other strong holds which he possessed in those parts with divers other points of dishonourable dâ—aling and negligent government What should the King then have said or done all these matters were so evident and so evill that there was no place left either for deniall or defence Therefore ingenuously first with silence and patience afterwards with teares hee confessed his errours And certainely the stiffe stomack of the Lords relented more to these luke warme drops then they would have done to his Cannon shot Then it was agreed that the next day the King should meet with them at Westminster and there treat further both of these and other necessary affaires of the Realme So the Duke and the rest of the Lords departed except the Earle of Darby who stayed supper with the King and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose but when hee was also gone some of the secret Counsailours or Corrupters rather and Abusers of the King whistled him in the eare that his going to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards Thâ— Kings mind was soone changed but the Lords being now stirred and feeling the Kings hand weake to governe the bridle became the more vehement and sent him word that if hee did jeofaile with them and not come according to appointment they would chuse another King who should have his Nobility in better regard This peremptory message so terrified the King that hee not onely went to Westminster but suffered the Lords to doe there even what they would So they caused him much against his liking to remove out of the Court Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Foord Bishop of Durisme Frier Thâ—mas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the Kings Confessour Likewise they removed the Lord Souâ—â— the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnel Lord Beaumount Sir Albred Veere Sir Baldâ—wine Bereford Sir Richard Alderbury Sir Iohn Worth Sir Thomas Clifford and Sir Iohn Lovell taking sureties for their appearance at the next Parliament Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court and put under sureties to wit the Lady Mowen the Lady Moling and the Lady Ponings which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth Furthermore they arrested Simon Burly William Elinghame Iohn Salisbury Thomas Trivet Iames Berneis Nicholas Dagworth and Nicholas Bâ—â—mbre Knights Richard Clifford Iohn Lincolne and Richard Motford Clearkes Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell and Iohn Blake Counceller at the Law all these were committed to divers Prisons where they were forth-comming but not comming forth untill the Parliament next following After the feast of the Purification the Parliament beganne at London and yet the King used many means either to dash or deferre the same to which the Lords came attended with the number and strength of a full army upon colour to represse any riotâ— that might happen to arise but in truth that by this terrour they might draw the whole mannage of affaires unto themselves This assembly continued untill Whitsuntide next following with very great fear of some men and hope of others and expectation of all Herein was Iustice Trisilian by counsaile of the Lords against the Kings mind condemned to bee drawne and hanged which judgement was presently executed upon him the like sentence and execution passed upon Sir Nicholas Brambre Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Barneis Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lords at Nottingham Also the Iustices who gave their judgement concerning those Articles Robert Belknape Iohn Holt Roger Fâ—lthrope and William Burghe were condemned to perpetuall exile and yet they did not enterpose themselves but intermeddle by constraint Sir Simon Burly was also beheaded who was Keeper of Dover Castle and had conspired to deliver the same unto the Frenchmen hee was infinitely â—aughty and proud equall to the meanest in vertue and wisedome but in bravery and traine inferiour to no Duke Divers other were either put to death or banished and some as it happened when the reine of fury is at large without any great cause The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death but laboured very instantly for the life and liberty of many in so much as hot speeches did arise betwene the Duke of Glocester and him whereby hee purchased a favourable opinion among those of the contrary part having caused the death of no man but onely in the field Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the Government of the Lords
in his stead these are not all and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other Countries and novelty in our The difficulty indeed is somewhat because the excellency is great but they that are afraid of every bush shall never take the bird and your selfe had once some triall hereof when without battaile without bloud or blowes you had the King at such a lift as hee held his Crowne at your courtesie even at that time when his grievances were neither for greatnesse nor continuance so intollerable as now they are growne and by reason of his tender yeares not out of all compasse both of excuse for the fault and of hope for amendment And as concerning the lawfulnesse Nay said the Duke where necessity doth inforce it is superfluous to use speech either of easinesse or of lawfulnesse necessity will beate thorow brasen walles and can bee limited by no lawes I have felt very deeply my part in these calamities and I would you knew with what griefe I have beheld yours for what other reward have I received of all my travailes and services but the death of my Vncle dearest friends my owne banishment the imprisonment of my Children and losse of my inheritance and what have beene returned to you for your bloud so often shed in his unfortunate warres but continuall tributes scourges gallowes and slavery I have made sufficient proofe both of patience in my owne miseries and of pitty in yours remedy them hitherto I could not If now I can I will not refuse to sustaine that part which your importunity doth impose upon mee if wee prevaile we shall recover againe our liberty if we loose our State shall bee worse then now it is and since we must needs perish either deservingly or without cause it is more honourable to put our selves upon the adventure either to winne our lives or to dye for desert and although our lives were safe which indeed are not yet to abandon the State and sleepe still in this slavery were a point of negligence and sloath It remaineth then that wee use both secrecy and celerity laying hold upon the oportunity which the Kings absence hath now presented unto us for in all enterprises which never are commended before they bee atchieved delayes are dangerous and more safe it is to bee found in action then in counsaile for they that deliberate onely to rebell have rebelled already So the Messengers departed into England to declare the Dukes acceptance and to make preparation against his arrivall both of armour and of subjection and desire to obey Presently after their departure the Duke signified to Chaâ—les King of France that hee had a desire to goe into Britaine to visite Iohn Duke of Britaine his friend and kinsman The King suspecting no further fetch sent letters of commendation in his favour to the Duke of Britaine but if hee had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard who not long before had taken his Daughter to wife in stead of letters of safe conduct hee would have found letts to have kept him safe from disturbing his Sonne in lawes estate As soone as the Duke was come into Britaine hee waged certaine souldiers and presently departed to Calis and so committed to Sea for England giving forth that the onely cause of his voyage was to recover the Dutchy of Lancaster and the rest of his lawfull inheritance which the King wrongfully detained from him In this company was Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Canterbury and Thomas the Sonne and Heire of Richard late Earle of Arundel who was very young and had a little before escaped out of prison and fled into France to the Duke The residue of his attendants were very few not exceeding the number of fifteene lances so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater marvaile either that he durst attempt or that he did prevaile with so small a company but his chiefest confidence was in the favour and assistance of the people within the Realme So he did beare with England yet not in a streight course but sloated along the shoare making head sometimes to one coast and sometime to another to discover what forces were in a readines either to resist or receive him As he was in this sort hovering on the Seas Lord Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings Vnâ—le to whom the King had committed the custody of the Realme during the time of his absence called unto him Edmund Stafford Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellour and William Soroupe Earle of Wiltshire Lord Treasurour of of the Realme also Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henry Greene Sir William Bagot Sir Iohn Russell and certaine others of the Kings Privy Councell and entred into deliberation what was best to be done At the last it was concluded deceitfully by some unskilfully by others and by all perniciously for the King to leave the Sea coasts and to leave London the very Walles and Castle of the Realme and goe to S. Albons there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the Duke It is most certain that the Dukes side was not any wayes â—oore furthered then by this dissembling and deceiveable dealing for open hostility and armes may openly and by armes be resisted but privy practises as they are hardly espied so are they seldome avoided And thus by this meanes the Duke landed about the feast of S. Martin without let or resistance at Ravenspur in Houldernesse as most Writers affirme Presently after his arrivall there resorted to him Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland and Lord Henry his Sonne Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Nevil Lord Rose Lord Willoughby and many other personages of honour whose company encreased reputation to the cause and was a great countenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes And first they tooke of him an oath that he should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to bee done unto King Richard whereupon they bound themselves upon their honours to prosecute all extremities against his mischievous Counsailors And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first when hee tooke shipping at Calis which was onely the recovery of his inheritance but that was as yet not determined nor treated and of some perhaps not thought upon which afterwards it did ensue and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees which with maine and direct violence would hardlier have beene obtained Then the common people desperate upon new desires and without head head-long to matters of innovation flocked very fast to these Noble men the better sort for love to the Common-wealth some upon a wanton levity and vaine desire of change others in regard of their owne distressed and decayed estate who setting their chloâ—e hopes and devices upon a generall disturbance were then most safe when the common state was most unsure So betweene the one and the other the multitude did in short time increase to the number of threescore thousand able souldiers The Duke finding
these Lords or by any Officers under them he should prove his complaint receive recompence It was made a question whether it was not meet that these Noble men should be put to death the importunity of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policy was against it and especially the opinion of clemency which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this Parliament also the Lord Fitzwater appealed the said Duke of Aumerle Sonne to the Duke of Yorke upon points of High treason likewise the Lord Monley appealed Iohn Montacuâ—e Earle of Salisbury and more then twenty other appealants waged battaile but the King purposing to lay the foundation of his Realme by favour and not by force gave pardon and restitution alike to all upon sureties and band for their allegeance and in a sweet and moderate oration hee admonisheth and as it were intreated the one part that old griefes and grudges should not bee renewed but buried together with the memory of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their minds the other part hee desired to bee more regardfull of their actions afterwards and for the time past rather to forget that ever they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laid upon any save onely the Earle of Salisbury and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and favour with King Richardâ— these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King received freely to favour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Governour of Calis The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the Kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in law to King Henry whose Sister the Lady Elizabeth hee had taken to wife The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loialty unto King Richard a grievous crime among rebels because they did not onely stomack and storme at his dejection but stirre also more then others and assay to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes boldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed unfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prove soundly firme so they that have shewed themselves true to one Prince may the better bee trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to bee misliked of Princes so hee entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeavouring by courtesie and liberalty to make them fast and faithfull unto him this fact was diversly interpreted according to mens severall dispositions some admiring the Kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes have to this purpose prevailed with some yet the common course may move us commonly to conjecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like unto Glasse which being once cracked can never bee made otherwise then crazed and unsound Furthermore to qualifie all prejudice and hard opinion which other Princes might chance to conceive King Henry dispatched Embassadours to divers Countries neere unto him to make it knowne by what title and by what favour and desire of all the people hee attained the Kingdome To the Court of Rome hee sent Iohn Trevenant Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into France hee sent Walter Sherlow Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine hee sent Iohn Trevor Bishop of S. Assaphes and Sir William Parre and into Almaine hee sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned either their honour or their harme seemed either not to regard what was done or easily to bee perswaded that all was done well But Charles King of France was so distempered at this dishonourable dealing with his Sonne in law King Richard that by violence of his passion hee fell into his old panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of physick returning to the sobriety of his sences hee purposed to make sharpe warre upon that disloyall people as hee termed them for this injury against their lawfull and harmelesse Prince Many Noble men of France shewed themselves very forward to enter into the service but especially the Earle of Saint Paul who had married King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these novelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time under the English subjection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were grieved at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had destained their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoile of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the French-men against whose violence they suspected that the Realme of England being distracted into civill factions either would not attend or should not bee able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partly fretting at his injury and partly lamenting his infortunity because hee was borne and brought up within their City And thus in the violence some of their anger some of their griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good GOD said they where is the World become Saints are turned to Serpents and Doves into Divels The English nation which hath beene accompted fierce onely against their foes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and loving Prince and have most barbarously betrayed him Who would ever have thought that Christians that civill people that any men would thus have violated all Religion all Lawes and all honest and orderly demeanure And although the Heavens blush at the view and the Earth sweat at the burthen of so vile a villany and all men proclaime and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the revenge but stand upon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessity Well let them bee able to blind the world and to resist mans revenge yet shall they never be able to escape either the sight or vengeance of Almighty God which we daily expect and earnestly desire to bee powred upon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall subjects but fetter them with Lawes as theeves are with Irons What carriage hereafter can recover their credit What time will
their bad desires Honores quos quieta Reipublica desperant perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur Thus Counsell heard approved and put in practice the corrupt and ambitious Bishop is easily insnared to their part by money and opinion or increase of power Articles are in all hast forged and urged against the Earle as sale of Crowne land wast of the Kings Treasure and lastly that which these doubtfull times held capitall his giving allowance to any thing that might breed a rupture betweene the Soveraigne and the Subjects as hee had done in making way with the King to annihilate all Patents granted in his nonage and enforced the Subject to pay as the record saith Non juxta singulorum facultatâ—m sed quicquid Iustitiarius aestimabat Well hee cleared himselfe of all but the last and did worthily perish by it for acts that fill Princes Coffers are ever the ruines of their first Inventers bad times corrupt good Councels and make the best Ministers yeeld to the lust of Princes therefore this King cannot passe blamelesse that would so easily blemish all former merits of so good a servant for that wherein himselfe was chiefe in fault But Princes natures are more variable and sooner cloid then others more transitory their favours and as their minds are large so they easily over-looke their first election tying their affections no further then their owne satisfactions The Bishop now alone manageth the State chooseth his chiefe instrument Peter de Rivallis a man like himselfe displaceth his natives and draweth Poictions and Brittons into Offices of best trust and benefit and the King into an evill opinion of his people For nothing is more against the nature of the English then to have Strangers rule over them of this mans time Wendover an Authour then living saith Iuditia commutuntur injustis Leges ex legibus Pax discordantibus justitia injuriosis Thus the plot of the tumultuous Barons went cleare and had not the discreeter Bishop calmed all by dutifull perswasions and informing the King that the support of this bold mans power whose carriage before had lost his Father Normandy the love of his people and in that his Crowne would by teaching the sonne to reject in passion the just petitions of his loyall Subjects as of late the Earle of Pembrooke his Earle Marshall of England the due of his Office drive all the State into discontent by his bad advise and corrupt manners doubtlesse the rebellious Lords had ended this distemper as their designe was in a civill Warre Denials from Princes must bee supplied with gracious usage that though they cure not the sore yet they may abate the sence of it but best it is that all favours come directly from themselves denials and things of bitternesse from their Ministers Thus are the Strangers all displaced and banished Rivallis extortions ransackt by many strict Commissions of enquiry the Bishop sent away disgraced finds now that Nulla quae sita scelere potentia diuturna and that in Princes favours there is no subsistance betweene the highest of all and precipitation The Lords still frustrate of their malicious ends beganne to sow of these late grounds of the peoples discontent Querelas ambiguos de Principe sermones quoque alia turbamenta vulgi and tooke it up a fashion to endeare and glorifie themselves with the sencelesse multitude by depraving the Kings discretion and Governement whose nature too gentle for such insolent Spirits was forced as Trevet saith to seeke as hee presently did advise and love amongst strangers seeing no desert could purchase it at home all bore themselves like Tutors and Controllers few like Subjects and Councellours God wee see holdeth the hearts of Princes and sendeth them such Councellours as the quality of the Subject meriteth For Mountford a Frenchman became the next Object of the Kings delight a Gentleman of choyce blood education and feature on this mans content the heady affection of the Soveraigne did so much Doate that at his first entrance of Grace in envy of the Nobility hee made him Earle of Leycester and in no lesse offence of the Clergy by violating the rites of the holy Church gave him his vowed vailed sister to wife More of Art then usually some have deemed this act of the Kings making the tye of his dependancy the strength of his assurance so both at his will Mountford made wanton thus with dalliance of his Master forgetteth moderation for seldome discretion in youth attendeth great and suddaine fortunes hee draweth all publike affaires into his owne hands all favours must passe from him all preferments by him all suites addressed to him the King but as a cipher set to adde to this figure the more of number Great is the Soveraignes errour when the hope of Subjects must recognize it selfe beholden to the servant which ought immediately to bee acknowledged from the goodnesse and good election of himselfe Though Princes may take above others some reposefull friend with whom they may participate their neerest passions yet ought they so to temper the affaires of their favour that they corrupt not the effects of their principalities At this the great and gravest men began to grieve knowing the unworthy without honour or merit thus to deale alone in that which should passe through their hands and to leape over all their heads to the greatest Honour and Offices and therefore runne along with the then rising grace of the Kings halfe brethren though strangers hoping thereby to devide that power which otherwise they saw impossible to breake Leycester confident of his Masters love and impatient to beare either rivall in favour or partner in rule opposeth them all but findeth in his ebbe of favour the Fortune of others and that this King could ever as easily transferre his fancy as hee had setled his affection Great wee see must bee the art and cunning of that man that keepes himselfe a sloate in the streame of Soveraignes favour since the change of Princes wils which for the most part are full of fancy and soone satiate are hardly arrested Who so would effect this must onely attend the honour and service of his Master and dispoiled of all other respects transforme himselfe into his inward inclination and worke into necessity of imployment by undergoing the Offices of most secrecy either of publick service or Princes pleasures hee must also beate downe Competitours of worth by the hands of others conceale his owne greatnesse in publick with a fained humility and what impotency or Government hee affecteth let it rather seeme the worke of others out of conveniency then any appetite of his owne Now were the raines of rule by this advantage taken by the rebellious Lords and put alone into the hands of the Kings halfe brethren Adam Guido Godfray and William himselfe as before Et magna Fortuâ—a licentiam tantum usurpans For to act his owne part hee was ever wier-drawne when he
great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glory then refuse either for perill or for paines and in service hee often proved himselfe not onely a skilfull Commander by giving directions but also a good Souldier in using his weapon adventuring further in person sometimes then policy would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receipts hee was very courteous and familiar respectively towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regard especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by unprofitable curtesies then by churlish benefits In all the changes of his estate hee was almost one and the same man in adversity never daunted in prosperity never secure retaining still his Majesty in the one and his mildnesse in the other neither did the continuance of his raigne bring him to a proud poâ—t and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares hee remained so gentle and faire in carriage that thereby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard Hee could not lightly bee drawne into any cause and was stiffe and constant in a good Yet more easie to bee either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to bee terrified by threats To some men hee seemed too greedy of glory making small difference of the meanes whereby hee attained it and indeed this honour in noble minds is most hardly over-ruled and oftentimes it draweth even the wisest awry But before I proceed any further in describing either the qualities or acts of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his Cosin Germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either causes or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the third crowned King over this Realme of England in the eleventh yeare of his age at which yeares the mind of man is like to the potters earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way soever it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the governance of the King at the first was committed to certaine Bishops Earles Barons and Iustices But either upon nicenes to discontent the King or negligence to discharge their duty every one was more ready with pleasant conceits to delight him then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speeches need small endeavour and alwayes findeth favour whereas to advise that which is meet is a point of some paines and many times a thanklesse office Hereupon two dangerous evils did ensue flattery brake in and private respects did passe under publike pretences In the third yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should bee committed to one man to avoid thereby the unnecessary wast of the Treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend unto many So by the whole consent of the Nobility and Commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwick and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Exchequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did immoderately bend himselfe to the favouring and advancing of certaine persons which were both reproveable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconveniences for many young Noble-men and brave Courtiers having a nimble eye to the secret favours and dislikes of the King gave over themselves to a dissolute and dishonest life which findeth some followers when it findeth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thrive the King also by favouring these was himselfe little favoured and loved of many for it is oftentimes as dangerous to a Prince to have evill and odious adherents as to bee evill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veere Earle of Oxford Michael Delapoole afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminency either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwayes next unto him both in company and counsell by these hee ordered his private actions by these hee managed his affaires of state hee spared neither the dignity nor death of any man whose authority and life withstood their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his raigne hee removed Sir Richard Scroope from being Lord Chancellour of England to which office hee was by authority of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the grant of certaine Lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his deniall the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties upon whom the King might cast away and consume but spend in good order hee could not advertising him also to have respect that riote did not deceive him under the terme and shew of liberality and that gifts well ordered procure not so much love as placed without discretion they stirre envy This Chancelour was a man of notable integrity and diligence in his office not scornefully turning away from the ragged coate of a poore suppliant or pale face of a sickly and feeble limmed â—uâ—er holding up their simple soiled bils of complaint nor yet smothering his conscience with partiall maintaining of such as were mighty but being alike to all hee was soone disliked of those that were bad In the eight yeare of this Kings raigne the destruction of the Duke of Lancaster was intended likewise upon the like dislike the plot was laied by Iustice Trisilian offences were devised Appellours appointed and Peeres named hee should have beene put under arrest suddenly and forthwith arraigned condemned and executed But the Duke upon privy intelligences of these contrivances fled to his Castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the King So this matter beganne to grow to a head of division which the Common people at that time very busily desired and fought but the Kings Mother travelling incessantly betweene the King and the Duke notwithstanding shee was both corpulent and in yeares laboured them both to a reconcilement the King with regard of the dangerous and discontented times the Duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and advise partly by their inclination bending to the safest course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and distrust on the other was for that time layed aside The same yeare Michael Delapoole was made Chancellour of England and created Earle of Suffolke and Robert Veere Earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dublin being the first
names of the rest On the other side the King thinking separate dealing the onely way to weaken a confederacy endeavoured to prevent the Lords in joyning of their forces and to that end hee sent a strength of men with charge either to set upon the Earle of Arundel where hee did lie or to intercept him in his passage towards the Duke But the Earle had travelled all the night before their comming and so happily escaped to Haringey parke where hee found the Duke and the other Earles with a sufficient company as well to make attempt as to stand upon resistance When the King heard hereof hee was disturbed and distracted in mind being now in choise either to relent or to resist whereof hee much disdained the one and distrusted the other His followers also was divided in Counsell some fretting at the disgrace and some fainting at the danger The Archbishop of Yorke perswaded the King that occasion was now offered to shew himselfe a King indeed if hee would muster a Royall army and by maine might beate downe the boldnesse of this presumption Nâ—hil dictu facilius said another This is more readily devised then done the army against us is mighty and the Commanders are great men both for courage and skill and greatly favoured of the Common people whereby that which is accompted so ready pay may chance to prove a desperate debt Therefore it were better with some yeelding to enter into conditions of quiet then by standing upon high points of honour to hazard the issue of a battaile wherein the King cannot winne without his weakning nor loose without danger of his undoing There was then in presence a certaine old Knight called Sir Hugh Linne a good souldier but a very mad-cap and one that lived chiefely upon the liberality of Noblemen by vaine jestes affecting the grace of a pleasant conceit of him the King demanded in mirth what hee thought best to bee done Sir Hugh swore swownes and snailes let us set upon them and kill every man and mothers child and so wee shall make riddance of the best friends you have in the Realme this giddy answer more weighed with the King then if it had beene spoken in grave and sober sort and thus it often happeneth that wisedome is the more sweetly swallowed when it is tempered with folly and earnest is the lesse offensive if it bee delivered in jest In the end the devise of raising armes was laid aside not as displeasing being so agreeable to former proceedings but as despairing to prevaile thereby and the Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chancellour were sent unto the Lords to understand the cause of their assembly answer was made that it was for the safety of themselves the honour of the King and the overthrow of them which sought the overthrow of both At the last it was concluded by mediation of the Bishops that the Lords should come before the King at Westminster upon promise of his protection and there have audience concerning their griefes the Bishop of Ely also making private saith that hee would discover any danger that hee could discrie a little before the time they should come the Bishop of Ely sent word of an await that was purposed to bee laid for them at a place called the Mewes neere London advising them either to make stay or to come prepared but rather to make stay least further provocation might make reconcilement more hard hereupon they came not at the time appointed and the King marvailing at their sailance enquired the cause of the Bishop of Ely who answered that the Lords found want of true meaning and that they neither did nor durst repose assurance to the Kings word which they saw to bee used as a meanes to entrap them the King made the matter very strange unto him affirming with an oath that hee was free from deceit both in consent and knowledge and in a great rage hee commanded the Sheriffes of London to goe to the place and slay all those whom they found there in wait Whether this was but a countenance of his or whether hee was not privy to the practice it is not assuredly knowne and indeed the matter was not false but the place mistaken for Sir Thomas Trivet and Sir Nicholas Brambre had assembled many armed men at Westminster with direction to assault the Lords at their best advantage but perceiving their deceit to bee discovered they dissolved the company and sent them secretly away to London Then the Lords upon new faith for their security came to the King at Westminster and yet in faith they brought security with them such troupes of men as in a place where they were so intirely favoured was able to defend them in any suddaine tumult or danger the King upon their comming entred into Westminster-Hall apparelled in his Royall robes and when hee was placed in his seat and had composed himselfe to Majesty and State the Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour made a long Oration to the Lords in the Kings name Wherein hee declared the heinousnesse of their offence the greatnesse of their perill how easie a matter it had beene for the King to have levied a power sufficient to destroy them and yet for the generall spare of his Subjects bloud and in particular favour to the Duke and other Lords hee made choyce to encounter and overcome them rather by friendship then by force and therefore was willing not onely to pardon their riot but also to heare their griefes and in a peaceable and quiet manner to redresse them The Lords alleadged for causes of their taking armes first the necessity of their owne defence secondly the love both of the King and of the Realme whose fame and fortune did dayly decline by meanes of certaine Traytours who lived onely by the dishonours of the one and decayes of the other those whom thâ—y challenged for Traytours were Robert Veere Duke of Ireland Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Michael De-la-poole Earle of Suffolke Robert Trisilian Lord chiefe Iustice Sir Nicholas Brambre and certaine others somewhat secreter but nothing better and to justifie this appeale they threw downe their gloves and offered themselves to the triall by combat The King replied that oftentimes the causes of actions being good yet if the meanes want moderation and judgement the events prove pernitious and therefore though these complaints were true yet were these courses not tollerable which did beare an open face of rebellion and by licentiousnesse of the multitude might soone have sorted to such an end for it is more easie to raise the people then to rule them whose fury once stirred will commonly bee discharged some wayes But said hee since wee have broken this broile wee will not by combating give occasion of a new but at the next Parliament which hee appointed should beginne the third day of February then next ensuing as well you as they shall bee present and justice indifferently done unto all
and also a note was taken of all the Subjects within the Realme to bee true and faithfull unto the King The King in taking this oath of the Lords bewrayed his inward conceit by his open countenance looking pleasantly on those hee favoured and angerly on those whom hee hated by which untimely discovery hee made them more heedefull and himselfe more hatefull which were occasions afterward both to prevent the revenge which hee much desired and to procure the mischiefes which hee little feared Lastly a subsidie was granted and so the King comming as it were to a capitulation with the Lords hee to have the name of a King and they the Authority and Majesty the contention for that time ceased All this was done in the 11. yeare of the Kings raigne hee being yet under age and in Government of others But the yeare following hee beganne to take upon him more liberty and rule and upon extreame disdaine that both his pleasure and his power were by the Lords thus restrained hee did ever after beare a hard mind against them And first hee assembled them in the Councell Chamber and there demanded of what yeares they tooke him to bee they answered that hee was somewhat above one and twenty then said hee I am of lawfull age to have the regiment in mine owne hand and therefore you doe mee wrong to hold mee still under government as though the condition of a King were harder then of a Subject This the Lords were neither willing to grant nor able to deny and therefore they either kept silence or spake little to the purpose Well said the King since I am no longer an infant I heere renounce your rule and take upon mee such free administration of the Realme as the Kings thereof my Predecessours heretofore have lawfully used Then presently hee began his Phaetons flourish and commanded the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chancellour to resigne his Seale which the King received and put up and therewith departed out of the Chamber but soone after hee returned againe and delivered the same to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester constituting him Lord Chancellour thereby Many other officers hee likewise deposed and placed new in their roome partly to manifest his authority and partly to satisfie his displeasure Also hee removed the Duke of Glocester the Earle of Warwick and many others from his Privy Councell and tooke those in their places which more regarded the humour of the King but lesse his honour Soone after it was suggested to the King that the Duke of Glocecester was gathering forces against him but upon examination there was found not onely no truth but no shew or colour of any such matter The Duke would not quietly have disgested the raising of these reports but the King whether upon a generall delight to bee tickled in the cares with such tales or upon particular desire to have some quarrell against the Duke charged him to silence In the 13. yeare of the raigne of King Richard the Citizens of Genuâ— desired his aid against the Barbarians of Afrike who with dayly incursions infested and spoiled all the Sea coasts and Ilands of Italy and France which fronted upon them The King sent a choyce company of Souldiers under the conduct of Henry Earle of Derby who behaved himselfe in this charge with great integrity and courage inciting his men the good by praise the bad by example rather then reproofe as more ready to commend the vertues of the one then to upbraid the vices of the other And first hee passed into France and there joyned himselfe to certaine French forces appointed likewise for this service then with might and minds united they sailed together into Africk At their arrivall the Barbarians were ready in armes to keepe them from landing but the Earle commanded his Archers to breake through and make passage despising the enemy whom hee knew to bee weake and unskilfull in service and not to have that advantage in place which hee had in men the Frenchmen also sharply set in and seconded the English and so whilest both companies contended the one to bee accompted a helpe and the other to seeme to need no helpe the enemies were forced to flie and leave the shoare unto the Christians In this conflict three Dukes of the Barbarians and above three hundred Souldiers were slaine and in the flight foure Dukes were taken and a great yet uncertaine number of Common people Then the Christians marched directly towards Tunis the head City of that Countrey this they besieged and in short time tooke chiefely by the prowesse of the English souldiers who first scaled the Wales and reared thereon the Earles banner When they were entred the Towne the Englishmen bent their endeavour to the housing of their enemies and beating downe of such as made resistance but the Frenchmen straight wayes turned to their lascivious pleasures so that there was presented a spectacle both pitifull and shamelesse in one place butchering of men in another rioting with women here streames of bloud and heapes of slaughtered bodies hard by dissolute and licentious wantonnesses in some all the miseries of a cruell warre and the loosenesse of a secure peace Here were slaine and taken above foure thousand Barbarians the Kings brother also was slaine but the King himselfe fled into the Castle which was strongly scited and well fortified and furnished with men The Christians laid siege to this Castle the space of five weekes during which time they lost many of their men yet not by sword but by sicknesse the Barbarians also were distressed with want of victuall having but little provision and many unprofitable mouths to consume it hereupon they sent unto the Christians to desire peace offering them a great summe of money to depart out of their Countrey this the Christians accepted upon condition that they might also freely carry with them all their pray and Prisoners and that the Barbarians should from thence forth surcease from making spoile upon any of the coasts of Italy or France Thus had this voyage a prosperous and speedy end the onely service as I suppose which the English and Frenchmen performed together without jotte of jarre And yet the Earle abused not the fortune of this successe to vaine vanting or braving in words but moderately imparted to the rest the honour of the exploit so by valiantly performing his charge and sparingly speaking thereof his glory encreased without bit of envy In the fifteenth and sixteenth yeares of the raigne of King Richard certaine causes of discontentment did grow betweene the King and the Londoners which set the favour of the one and the faith of the other at great separation and distance One was for that the King would have borrowed of them a thousand pounds which they feeling much and fearing more the Kings dayly exactions did not onely deny but evill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the
with great vehemency often repeated but the Kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as hee was unable to governe himselfe in his prosperous estate so was hee much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therefore perceiving himselfe so straitly beset that hee could hardly either escape away or shift any longer hee desired speech with Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland of whom the one hee had banished the other hee had proclaimed Traytour not long before These two came unto him and the King upon short conference understanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was content not to demand that which he saw hee could not obtaine and thereupon agreed that hee would relinquish his estate upon condition that an honourable living might be assigned him and life promised to eight such persons as hee would name the greatest number whom adversity did not alter This was then both readily and faithfully promised by the Archbishop and the Earle and afterward solemnely ratified by the Duke The King ceased not to entreat submisly and promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare above his ability and without measure the Earle encouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aid secured by his oath the safety of the Kings person Then the King desired to talke with the Duke which was likewise promised and so the Archbishop and the Earle departed and the King removed to the Castle of Flint about eight miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the countenances and words of both were noted by them that were present the King seemed abject and base the Duke neither insulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The King repeated many benefits and kindnesses that hee had shewed how in former time hee had spared the Dukes owne life and lately his Sonnes in regard whereof he desired him with such submisnes as was agreable rather with his necessity then his honour that hee would shew some pitty where hee had received such pleasure and permit him to enjoy his life with such private maintenance as was convenient for his estate The Duke put him in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would provide for his safety for which hee suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked and thought it not much to have it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the King was kept safe and sure enough from binding any of the Dukes purposes neither could it so easily have beene discerned what had beene best for him to doe as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the Duke his army to Chester and from thence secretly conveyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe untill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeelded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arrivall so that his journeyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristow and so into Wales and back againe to Chester a man shall not easily travaile over the land in shorter time then he conquered it So friendly was fortune unto him that he either found or made a ready passage through all hinderances and lets and it seemed that hee needed onely to open his armes to meet and receive her as shee offered her selfe unto him All the Kings treasure and Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his company were afterwards also despoiled by the souldiers of Northumberland and Wales Some Writers affirme that the King did not yeeld himselfe but was forelaid and taken as he was secretly passing from Flint to Chester but the authority of others who lived in that time either in the plain view or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but know for their profession would not but deliver the very truth hath drawne mee to follow their report which I find also received by some late Writers of as great deapth in judgement and choyce as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine Citizens conspired to lay themselves in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for private grievances and partly for the cruelty that he had used towards the whole City but the Major upon intelligence prevented the practice rod forth in person with a convenient company to conduct him safely unto the Tower Shortly after the Duke came to London in solemne estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parliament to bee holden at Westminster the last day of September in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred kind friends concerning the order of his proceedings The Duke of Yorke who a little before had beene Governour of the Realme for the King then was the chiefest Directour of the Duke thought it best that King Richard should both voluntarily resigne and also solemnely be deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme for resignation onely would be imputed to feare and deprivation to force whereof the one is alwayes pitied the other envied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desert being willing to forsake that which he is adjudged worthy to forgoe then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his Kingdome by meere constraint nor leaveth it without just cause This advice pleased the rest and for executing thereof upon the day of S. Michael which was the day before the Parliament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury Richard Scroupe Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Hereford Henry Duke of Lancaster Henry Earl of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland Lord Hugh Burnel Lord Thomas Barkly Lord Rose Lord Willoughby Lord Abergeiny The Abbot of Westminster the â—riour of Canterbury William Thirminges and Iohn Markeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stoke and Iohn Burback Doctours of Law Thomas Herpingham and Thomas Gray Knights William Forby and Dionisâ— Lopham publike Notaries and diverâ— others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought forth apparelled in his Royall robe the diademe on his head the Scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a Chaire of estate Never was Prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a King but hee must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliver the other After a little pause and expectation the King arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my self that some at this present many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I have
to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoâ—verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified