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A44227 Vindiciæ Carolinæ, or, A defence of Eikon basilikē, the portraicture of His Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings in reply to a book intituled Eikonoklastes, written by Mr. Milton, and lately re-printed at Amsterdam. Hollingworth, Richard, 1639?-1701.; Wilson, John, 1626-1696. 1692 (1692) Wing H2505; ESTC R13578 84,704 160

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shewn wherein this Book had been so ill or unwisely settled But were there That had been to question the Godliness and Wisdom of the Compilers of it whom Mr. Fox calls Martyrs or what was worse 2 and 3 Ed. 6. c. 1. run foul of the Statute that says It was concluded by the aid of the Holy-Ghost But says he Edward the Sixth confesses it was no other than the Old Mass-Book done into English and modell'd no farther off it lest by too great an alteration they should incense the People And prudently one would think because to run farthest from what one was last may be a sign that he has altered his Opinion but no Argument that it is for the better But the point lies elsewhere The Universities had thrown more Truants abroad than the Church of England either could or thought fit to provide for to have gone back again they were too well known and to set up in the Country there requir'd no more but a few Notes at St. Mary's and a double Portion of Lungs and Confidence for Words says he will follow of themselves And if they had the knack of laying Damnation home to them whom should the People run after but those that could save them As if a Man had a Sore Leg and he should go to an honest judicious Chirurgeon and he should only bid him keep it warm and anoint it with such an Oil an Oil well known and that would do the Cure haply he would not much regard him because he knows beforehand the Medicine is but ordinary But if he should go to a Quack that should tell him your Leg will Gangrene in three days and must be cut off or you 'll die unless you do something that I could tell you what listning would there be to this Man Oh for the Lord's Sake tell me what it is I will give you any Content for you Pains And such was the Trade of these Men they cry'd down the Common-Prayer not that they could justly find any fault with that Dose of prepar'd Words as he calls it but make the better way for their own Enthusiasms whereas there seems no reason why a Man may not as well Pray in a Set-Form which is commanded as Sing in a Set-Tone which was never so much as recommended But we 'll examine it a little It is the advice of the Preacher Be not rash with thy Mouth Eccles 5. v. 2. and let not thy Heart be hasty to utter any thing before God For God is in Heaven and thou upon Earth therefore let thy Words be few And when the Disciples besought our Saviour to teach them to Pray Luke 11.1 as John also taught his Disciples how easy had it been for him if he had approv'd this Extemporary way to have bade them take no care for what they should say for it should be given them in that Hour Whereas on the contrary Math. 6.7.9 he not only forbade them the use of vain Repetitions as the Heathen do but laid an Injunction on them to pray after this manner Our Father which art in Heaven c. And denounced Woe to the Scribes and Pharisees for devouring Widows Houses under a Pretence of long Prayer Mar. 12.40 In a word and if the Authority of Holy Writ be of any force I think our Gifted Men may make up their Packs unless they produce some equal Authority to counterbalance it and if they shall not there was besides that Authority an Act of Parliament in the Case which no Ordinance could ever amend much less abrogate but least of all were Cranmer Ridley Latimer c. alive would they thank him for saying this English Mass-Book was Composed for ought we know by Men neither Learned nor Godly CHAP. XVII Of the differences between the King and the two Houses in point of Church-Government TOuching the Government of the Church by Bishops saith His Majesty the common Jealousie hath been that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it not so much out of Piety as Policy and reason of State And saith our Answerer hath been so fully prov'd from the Scriptures to be vicious and usurp'd that whether out of Piety or Policy maintain'd it is not material With this further that we may have learnt from Sacred Story and times of Reformation that the King 's of this World have both ever hated and instinctively feared the Church of God But that they have been so prov'd to be as he says he takes it for granted that his Assertion is Proof enough for other he gives none unless it be that Pharaoh when he grew jealous least the Israelites should multiply and fight against him his Fear stirr'd him up to afflict and keep them under And to the same drift this King and his Father found the Bishops most Serviceable And now 't is all out and we see what that Church of God he means is viz. The Seditious Exorbitancy of Ministers Tongues which his Father and himself and Queen Elizabeth before them so Instinctively nor without just cause had reason to suspect A sort of People which King James the first calls Proud Puritans 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65. who cry we are all but vile Worms and yet will judge and give Law to their King but will be judged nor controul'd by none And some Leaves before Id. p. 30. Informing the People that all Kings and Princes were naturally Enemies to the Liberty of the Church and could never patiently bear the Yoke of Christ Id. p. 31. and therefore saith he take heed my Son to such very Pests in Church and Commonweal whom no deserts can oblige neither Oaths nor Promises bind breathing nothing but Sedition and Calumnies aspiring without measure railing without reason and making their own Imaginations without any Warrant of the word the Square of their Conscience Nor were they of less disturbance to Queen Elizabeth than they had been to him as witness that Letter of Sir Francis Walsingham's before-mention'd Chap. 13 And the Lord Keeper Puckering's Speech in Parliament where by the same name of Puritans he charges them to have persecuted Her Majesty so vigorously that they thereby open'd the Door to the Spanish Invasion and warn'd the Parliament from her Majesty to give no Ear to their wearisome Sollicitations for while in the giddiness of their Spirits they labour to advance a new Eldership they do nothing but disturb the good Repose of the Church and the Commonwealth And how they dealt with his Majesty there are few Men sure can be so much Strangers at home as not to know And therefore if the Bishops as Cicero in his Consulship says of himself Eos qui otium pertuban● reddam otiosos took his way of Silencing that Seditious Exorbitance of their Tongues they were Serviceable I must acknowlege it but wherein did they exceed the Obligation of their Office But to proceed What the Bishops by the Laws and Constitutions of this Kingdom were and are
and to themselves the Hands of Briarius they think themselves able enough to lessen him in his Power and as preparatory to it they first procure an Act of Parliament that they should not be Dissolv'd or Prorogu'd but by Act of Parliament And which is remarkable that very day on which his Majesty Sign'd the Commission for giving his Assent to the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Attainder And having in a manner necessitated him not to deny any thing they get his Assent to those several Bills before mentioned Chap. 1 Concessions one would have thought might have satisfied any sort of Men but those that were Pre-resolv'd not to be satisfied with any thing Nor did the King in the least doubt their being satisfied and therefore makes a Journey into Scotland to satisfie his Subjects there A●● 1641. as he thought he had done here and they all seem'd to be so especially as to the matter of Episcopacy which they saw was tumbling beyond a Recovery During this His Majesty's absence the Houses adjourn to the 20th of October three days after which the Rebellion of Ireland broke out The 25th of November the King returns to London as yet welcom'd with the full Acclamations of the People tho' he met not any suitable Reception from the Parliament who instead of having swept out the old Leven had prepar'd new However the King having call'd them together the Second of December recommends to them the raising Succours for Ireland and on the Fourteenth again press'd it and withal told them he took notice of a Bill that was then in agitation to assert the power of Levying and Pressing Soldiers to the two Houses which he was content should pass with a Salvo jure to him and then because the present time would not admit the disputing it and one would have thought that when the King came so near they might have met him half way But instead of that they send him a Remonstrance the next day in which they complain of the Designs of a Malignant Party which by their Wisdom had been prevented and running on with the old Cry against Papists Bishops and Evil Counsellors magnifie themselves in what they had done for the good of the Kingdom and cause it to be Printed About this time it was that the King had come to the House and they adjourn'd into London as before when upon their return to Westminster they Petition the King for a Guard out of the City to be commanded by the Earl of Essex a Gentleman who upon the account of his Father in Queen Elizabeth's time the business of the Nullity in King James's time and the little notice that had been taken of him at Court till now of late he had been made Lord Chamberlain was a Discontent July 29.1641 and conse●uently a Darling of the People as pretending ●●ey could not otherwise sit it safety Which ●●e King as well he might thought not fit to ●ant inasmuch as it look'd so like a Force against himself and afterwards prov'd so when they made him their General But withal let them know that if there were any such occasion he would command such a Guard to wait upon them as he would be responsible for to God Almighty On this the Militia of Westminster by Petition to the House of Commons offer them their Service Id. Nalson Part 2. Fol. 839 and 840. when it shall please them to comman● it The Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common-Council of the City of London by Petition to the King representing amongst other things His going to the House c. Pray tha● the Tower may be put into confiding Hands an● a Guard be appointed for the Parliament or of the City which was insolently seconded b● the disorderly conflux of a Rabble about White hall and Westminster And that the House might not be wanting while the Iron was ho● they Petition the King that the Tower 〈◊〉 London all other Forts and the whole Milit●● of the Kingdom be put into the Hands of suc● Persons as should be recommended to him 〈◊〉 both Houses Which his Majesty as justly b● might refused to grant and for the Security of his Person withdrew to Hampton-Court And now from the whole let any indiffere● Man say for me first whether these disorde●● Proceedings were not Tumults and next 〈◊〉 they grew to be so how the King can be said to be the cause of them himself For though those hostile Preparations and actual assaili● the People which our Answerer says gave the just cause to defend themselves might perhap● have been somewhat in the Case if those Peopl● had not been the Aggressors yet when as himself confesses the King had sent a Message into the City forbidding such Resorts what made they there Nor can these Hostile Preparations and actual assailing the People be other than what the Lord Mayor c. in their Petition to the King represent viz. His fortifying Whitehall and the wounding some Citizens Which His Majesty thus answers Id Nalson Part 2. Fol. 839 and 840. That as to the former his Person was in danger by such a disorderly conflux of People and withal urges their Seditious Language even at his Palace Gates And for the other that if any were wounded it was through their evil Misdemeanours And therefore to make it no more than the Case of a common Person every Man's House is his Castle and if a confus'd Club-rabble gather about it Cum kickis friskis horribili sonitu the Gentleman of the House commands his Servants to beat them off and in the doing it some of the Assailants are wounded nay put it further kill'd And what can the Law make of it That it was an unlawful Assembly I should not have minc'd it a Rout it is manifest and that what the Servants did was in defence of their Master is also as evident Sir Ed. Coke 3 Inst Let the Rule of Law cut between us Quod quis ob tutelam Corporis sui fecerit id jure fecisse videtur Whatever a Man does in defence of his Person the Law presumes it to have been done Legally O but you 'll say It was not the Master himself A Thief assaults a Gentleman in his House or upon the Road the Gentleman's Servant in defence of his Master kills the Thief he forfeits nothing And if this holds in the case of a common Person how much more then in Case of the King And lastly where he says Instead of Praying for his People as a good King should do he Prays to be deliver'd from them as from wild Beasts Inundations and Raging Seas that had overborn all Loyalty Modesty Laws Justice and Religion God save the People from such Intercessors I think A gente inimica dolosa libera me Domine From an evil and perverse Generation deliver me O God! might have very well become any honest Man's Prayer concerning them For in their Malice they slew their King and in their