and the Fall but they are kept to strickt Discipline You will I doubt not take care to make you and me easie in this matter of the Sheriff Shew no body this Letter but you may the other I am Your affectionate Servant J. H. For Mr. Thomas Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Mary Abby in Dublin Numb 26. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster June 1690. Great Sir We your Majesties loyal Subjects out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the Peace of these Kingdoms We owe all imaginable Thanks to God and Acknowledgment to your Majesty for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church and crown your Majesties Arms with such Success and Victory that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion and our Peace and with lasting Honors to your Majesty May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertakings give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs that all your Enemies may flee before you that your Subjects may rejoice in your easie Victory and that all the World may admire and honour you Give us leave great Sir after the most humble and gratefull manner to offer our selves to your Majesty and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power and that we will always with the most hearty Importunity pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories And that after a long and peacefull Reign here God may change your Lawrels into a Crown of Glory FINIS THE INDEX Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author First for his Principles They are hard to be Collected because they are not clearly asserted nor set down in any Method His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles which he indeavours to conceal Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King c. Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects Page 9. This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People Ibid. II. A part of his People Page 11. III. Invading their Property Page 12. IV. To disarm them Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered Page 14. V. Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance Page 16. VI. The Question Who shall be judge Page 19. Apply'd to Parliaments and States Page 20. Compared with Kings Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears Page 21. Instances in the French League Page 22. Prince of Wales Page 24. Earl of Essex Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud. Page 27. Moses Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable Page 28. Of Evils not Universal Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Faulkner and misapplies Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compar'd Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compar'd Page 33. Our Authors Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion Page 45. VII A King designing to destroy our Religion Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority From Scriptures Page 52. Disproved from Scripture 1. The Jews in Egypt Page 53. 2. In Babylon 3. Under the Romans Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus 5. The Gibeonites 6. Our Saviour Christ Primitive Christians Page 55. From Jovian Page 58. From Homilies Page 63. From Grotius Page 65. From Hammond Page 66. From Hicks Page 68. From Faulkner Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author The principal Matter of Fact Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland 1688. shewn in many notorious and undeniable Instances Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's Page 99. Character of K. J. from This Author Page 99. Character of K. J. from Lord Danby Ibid. 99. K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour Page 108. The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Protestant Clergy in praying for K. J. and the P. of W. Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning of this Revolution Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II. Page 118. And 5 Nov. 78. before the House of Commons Page 123. The behavour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy Page 124. Roman Catholick Loyalty Particularly of the Irish Page 126. Of the Roman Catholicks of England Page 127. Non-Jurors of the Church of England Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced Page 129. Church of England vindicated Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random Page 132. By Inuendo's wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell. Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact Especially with Relation to King James whom he does not treat with common Decency giving him the Lye c. Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe with others of his Clan Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore refuted Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus and of Drogheda Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay with the Author's Recantation considered Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament 17 Novemb. 88. Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution and gives Reasons why they were not so Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People and inclines them to a Common-wealth Page 187. The Authors Conclusion and Protestation of his Sincerity Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King Page 194. Or the Great Turk and according to the Dublin Address than Pharaoh or the Devil APPENDIX Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland 10 May 1689. with their Address to his Majesty Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his long Letter Apr. or May 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland Numb 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen 9. Mar. 88. Numb 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland 26 Sept. 90. Numb 5. Proclamation 7 March 88. of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council Numb 6. King VVilliam's Declaration in Ireland 7th of July 90 and Proclamation 31 July 90. Numb 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90. Numb 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath one to King James the other to King VVilliam Numb 9. The Sea-mens Address to King James Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James Numb 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy Numb 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nov. 1691. Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Souldiers from these Garrisons into the Field Numb 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel Numb 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89. Numb 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales with Mr. Ashton's Paper Numb 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators of August 1682. Numb 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange Numb 19. A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce and others of his Clan in Scotland the 13th of Feb. 1692. Numb 20. K. James's Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceedings thereupon Numb 21. King James's Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne July 2. 1690. Numb 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor c. of Dublin to K W. 9 July 1690 Numb 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast 3 June 1689. Numb 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast 9 July 1689. Numb 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Numb 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland June 1690. The End of the INDEX
Princely Affection expressed to all your loving Subjects in your Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of this Session which we most humbly beseech your Majesty may be forthwith printed and published And we farther crave leave humbly to represent to your Majesty our Abhorrence and Detestation of the late Treasons and Defections of many of Your Majesty's Subjects in this and Your other Kingdoms and the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange against the Laws of God and Man professing with our Voice Tongue and Heart That we will ever be ready to assert and vindicate Your Majesty's Rights to Your Imperial Crown with our Lives and Fortunes against the said Vsurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever Ordered the 10th of May 1689. by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled that this Address be printed B. Polewheele Dep. Cl. Parl. Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his Letter dated April or May 1690. to Collonel James Hamilton in London to be communicated to the Lady Viscountess Ranelagh the Lord Massereen and others Honoured Sir THe Fire saith the Royal Prophet kindled in my Breast and I spake with my Tongue Perhaps some Sparks of that Fire so enflamed my Zeal to the publick Good of this Countrey that I have not onely spoke with my Tongue but wrote with my Pen those Truths which I know have redounded more to my particular Prejudice than to the publick Service He that follows Truth too near saith a wise man may lose his Teeth and a wiser than he tells us that he who professeth some Truths may thereby lose his Life yet in the same Period tells us that he shall be no loser thereby the Satisfaction and Contentment which constantly attends Integrity being much sweeter than the Advantage of Temporal Security Liberavi Animam meam and if this make me vile I am content to be more vile I know God hath put Enmity between the Seed of the Woman and the Seed of the Serpent and I as well know that it is as vain for Man's Prudence to attempt to unite what God hath divided as it is sinfull to divide what he hath united I speak not a little to my satisfaction what you know to be true That our Adversaries who are more God's than ours want neither Power nor Malice to crush us such is the Goodness of God that they dare not own their Hatred but are content not only to make me fall from my present Station soft and easie but are willing to make my Remove an Advantage to me little thinking that taking me off from being Secretary to the General and making me Secretary of State necessitates one of my Principles to be the more prejudicial to theirs You know that notwithstanding all their publick and private Opposition They are come up to many of our Principles and we still continue our Distance to theirs which for the better memory I shall enumerate in the following Method the better to obtain your Belief in other particulars which I shall here subjoin You know that I ever asserted that those Principles and Practices which God blessed with Success in the former Irish War were most like to have the same success in this which I told you were as followeth 1. Though the Irish Papists had then as appears by the excellent Preface to the Act of Settlement made that Rebellion the most horrid and universal as ever befell this Kingdom and that nothing but the final Extirpation of the British Persons Laws Religion and Government was designed and endeavoured by that War Yet the then English Government thought not fit to tread in their Steps but still declined making the War either National or Religious and did declare and as you know made their Declaration good at the end of the War That those of the Irish Papists as could prove their constant good Affection to the English Interest as many then did were as secure in their Properties as any of the British Nation or Religion and by this means so divided their Interest that Sir Ch. Coote's Northern Army was most of it composed of Irish Papists who fought faithfully and successfully against their Countreymen and many yet living know faithfully the White Knight of Kerry and others as Eminent as he served General Cromwell 2. By publick Proclamation in those times they protected Papists and well as Protestants who would live peaceably under their Government from any violence to be done them by the Soldiers two private Soldiers being publickly executed in the face of the whole Army for stealing two Hens from an Irish-man not worth six pence for violating the Proclamation the first day General Cromwell made his advance from Dublin towards Droghedagh 3. They forbid under the like penalty of death without mercy any contempt or violation of the Lord General 's publick Orders and Proclamations 4. They prohibited all free quartering on the Countrey or any Soldiers quartering without Billets from the Constable and would not suffer any Soldier to quarter himself 5. They likewise under severe penalties forbid private Soldiers stragling from their Colours without Passes and ordered both Civil and Military Magistrates to apprehend such straglers to send them to their Colours then to be punished according to their respective merits 6. They gave great Encouragement to Papists as well as Protestants who would give Hostages for their fidelity and joyn with them 7. They severely punished all open Debauchery and Impiety and would frequently affirm that good Conduct was more usually bless'd with success than courage of Armies 8. Though they protected as aforesaid Papists as well as Protestants from the Soldiers violence yet they left both to be Fin'd Imprison'd or Sequester'd by the Civil Magistrates according to their respective merits 9. Both Officers and Soldiers were required to be aiding and assisting to put in execution all Orders or Directions of the Civil Magistrate especially such as referred to the well management of the publick Revenue 10. They laboured all they could to lessen the Charge of England and to encrease the publick Revenue of Ireland 11. On assurance of punctual performance they contented themselves with four days pay in a week and placed the other three days to be paid out of forfeited Lands Lastly By this Abatement of their Pay and leaving Rebels Goods Stock and Lands and the publick Revenue to be improved by the Civil Magistrate and making the Soldiers duly pay for their quarters they soon raised in this Kingdom a Revenue which bore a moity of the charge of the War I might enumerate many other particulars which having been the subject matter of my Discourse with your self and some late Letters I have wrote to Major Wildman I intentionally decline You know how often and how early we pressed the necessity of restoring a Civil Government in this Province and how often and openly we declared that the ruine of the Countrey must be the prejudice and endanger
2. The Enemy finding us possess'd of one Province since the passing the Act and finding much of the other three Provinces made waste by their Order and that by the frequent returns of their Brass and Pewter Money a great inland Trade is increased they have by publick Proclamation ordered 20000 l. more to be assess'd on the Trading part of the Nation according to their respective Trades both which are presum'd cannot yield less than 30000 l. per mensem de claro which is per annum 360000 l. 3. They have bought on the King's Account all the Wool at 6s per Stone Tallow at 15 l. per Tun Beef Tallow Hides c. which they intend to send for France to buy Arms and Ammunition c. which they esteem may be worth at least 200000 l. the Wool License at 4 d. per Stone to transport it only for England was usually worth to the chief Governors 4 or 5000 l. per annum 4. It is reported they have agreed with persons who are obliged to Coin them this year 150000 l. Brass and Pewter Money 5. The Rent of Church Lands and Absentees Estates besides their Goods and Stocks are estimated at least to be 150000 l. per annum the truth of this will appear by the aforesaid Books given in to the Committee of Parliament 6. The King 's standing Revenue of Rents Hearths Custom-Excise and casual Revenue cannot be less than a 150000 l. more Memorandum That all the aforesaid particulars amount to 860000 l. out of which deduced the 797000 l. there will remain 73000 l. besides what helps may be given him by France c. and the addition that may be made by their Coining Brass and Pewter Money above the aforesaid contract which Brass and Pewter Coin being not fit to be kept quickens returns and encreaseth their Trade By all which it appears that the Enemy cannot want currant Coin to support the War But had we Ships of War lying by in their Harbour to prevent their Exportations and were Dublin sesured their Trade and Revenue would soon be lessened But if they are suffered to Export their vast quantity of Goods they have now stored up in their Ports it may not only give a farther encrease to their Revenue but occasion a longer continuance of the War especially having made the establishment of their Army so low and the currant value of their Brass Coin so high Their Brass and Pewter Coin is of equal weight with our Silver Coin which being usually bought for 12 d. per pound is of equal value with our Silver which is 3 l. per pound and their establishment being a moity short of ours 't is demonstrable that six Penny worth of their Brass or Pewter Money shall pay double as many Soldiers as 3 l. of our Silver Coin What advantage this Money gives their Trade what case in the pay of the Army and supplying them with Provision is very demonstrable yet 't is as strange as true that notwithstanding they are better Paid better Disciplin'd than our Army yet hitherto we may set up an Ebenezar and say that God hath hitherto sought for us and that by the seeming worse Discipline worse Mounted and worse of our whole Army I mean by our Eneskillen and London-dery Forces whose Moral and Religious Principles you know are little better but generally worse than theirs they having constantly beat their most choice and detached Parties with a confused and disordered Rabble when they were not half the number of their Enemies and have struck them with that terror that 't is believed notwithstanding their great Number and Provision for their support the Enemy intends this Summer only a defensive War and to fight only by Detachments But that which to me seems most strange yet is true that notwithstanding all the Violence Oppression and Wrong done by these and other of our Army on the Impoverished Oppressed and Plunder'd Protestant Inhabitants of this Province and the little encouragement and great discouragement they have had from us yet you know what I esteem as a great presage of future good they continue and remain as firm and faithful to us as the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us that though we continue to injure them rob and destroy them yet they must trust in us and be true and faithful to us We have just now Intelligence of the arrival of the French Succours and vast stores of Arms and Provisions Oh Sir Where 's our Fleet Did they want early notice of their approach What Lethargy attends them and what Judgment us that the Irish have had as secure passage from Dublin to France Scotland and England as if we had not one Man of War to hinder them or secure us If the French Fleet carry off as vast quantities of our Native Goods as they have brought in their Foreign Succors Ichabod may be wrote on our future proceedings it being believed by some and confidently reported by others lately come from Dublin that they were apprehending the chief Protestants in and about that City to transport and make them Prisoners and Slaves of France Let me know the receipt of this Voluminous Letter and the use you make of it You may pardon the tediousness of this Letter which if an offence is not like to be hastily repeated Your True Friend And Faithful Servant Rob. Gorge Numb 3. Mr. Osborne's Letter to my Lord Massereen Loghbrickland March 9. 1688. My Lord ON the 6th Instant I was introduced by my Lord Granard into my Lord Deputy's Presence in the Castle of Dublin I have his Pass to come and go through and back from Vlster and though I have not his Excellency's direct Commission yet I will assure you I am at least permitted by the Lord Deputy to acquaint the Chief and others of those of the Vlster Association with his Discourse to me which was to the effect following to wit First That his Excellency doth not delight in the Blood and Devastation of the said Province but however highly resents their taking and continuing in Arms the affronts done by them to his Majesty's Government thereby and by some Indignities done to the late Proclamation of Clemency Issued and Dated Secondly Notwithstanding whereof is willing to receive the said Province into Protection provided they immediately deliver up to his Army for his Majesty's use their Arms and serviceable Horses and provided they deliver up to his Excellency these three Persons viz. if they remain in the Kingdom and may be had Thirdly And for farther manifestation of his design to prevent Blood is willing to grant safe Conduct even to the said three Persons or any other of their Party to and from his Excellency and to and from Leiutenant General Hamilton Commander of part of his Army hereafter mentioned if they intend any peaceable and reasonable Treaty But withall will not upon the said account or any other stop the march of the said part of his Army
227 Alben Howell 17 Dec. 88 Back Isle of Wight Cast away 5 Lively Prize 250 W. Tichburne Oct. 89 at Sea Retaken by the French  Fire-Ships Charles and Henry 120 W. Stone 29 Nov. 89 Plymouth Cast away  Alexander 150 Tho. Jennings 21 June 89 at Sea Burnt by accident  Eliz. and Sarah 100 28 Oct. 90 Sherenesse Sunk for securing the graving place  Hopewell 253 Tho. Warren 3 June 90 Downes Burnt  Emanuel 170 25 Feb. 89 Portsmouth Delivered to the Prize-Officers to be sold  John of Dublin 90 Portsmouth   Sampson 240 27 Oct. 89 Sherenesse Sunk for the graving pl.  Bomb-vessel Fire-Drake 202 John Votear 12 Nov. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Dragon Sloop 57 Fred. Weyman 12 Jan. 89 Isle of Thanet Cast away 6 Drake 151 Thomas Spragg 90 Jamaica Cast on Survey 6 Blade of Wheat 150 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 6 Supply Geo. Cross Delivered to her Owners 6 Dumbarton 191 Simon Row 90 Virginia Cast on Survey 6 Deptford Ketch 79 Tho. Berry 26 Aug. 89 Virginia Cast away 6 King's-Fisher Ketch 61 Rob. Audley 23 Mar. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Talbot 91 Ch. Staggens 19 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French  Hulk Stadthouse 440 28 Oct. 90 Shereness Sunk for securing the graving place  Stephen 716 Woolwich Broke up SHIPS that have been Damaged by running on Shoar Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time and Place 2 Vanguard 1397 Richard Carter the 10th of September 1691. on the Goodwin Sands 3 Northumberland 1048 Andrew Cotton  Royal Oak 1107 George Byng  Elizabeth 1097 Henry Priestman  Warspight 892 Stafford Fairborne 3d of Septemb. 1691. at the Hamose at Plymouth  Hope 1048 Peter Pritchard  Eagle 1065 John Leake  Sterling Castle 1059 Benj. Watters Note That this List extends onely to the 13th of November 1691. There is a large List of Men of War lost since that time besides above Two Thousand Merchant-men Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some other Garrisons by the Officers when King James drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field YOU shall Swear that from this Day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King James and his Heirs and Truth and Faith shall bear of Life and Member and Terrene Honour and you shall neither know nor hear of any Ill or Damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God 7 E. 2. tit Avowric 211. 4 E. 3. fol. 42. 13 E. 3. and in Britton 5 E. 1. c. 29. Numb 14. A Letter written to my Lord Russel in Newgate July 20. 1683. My Lord I Was heartily glad to see your Lordship this Morning in that calm and devout Temper at the Receiving of the Blessed Sacrament but Peace of Mind unless it be well-grounded will avail little And because transient Discourse many times hath little effect for want of time to weigh and consider it therefore in tender compassion of your Lordships case and from all the good Will that one Man can bear to another I do humbly offer to your Lordships deliberate thoughts these following Considerations concerning the points of Resistance if our Religion and Rights should be invaded as your Lordship puts the Case concerning which I understand by Dr. B. that your Lordship had once received satisfaction and am sorry to find a Change First That the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority Secondly That though our Religion be establish'd by Law which your Lordship urges as a Difference between our Case and that of the Primitive Christians yet in the same Law which establishes our Religion it is declared That it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take up Arms c. Besides that there is a particular Law declaring the Power of the Militia to be solely in the King And that ties the Hands of Subjects though the Law of Nature and the General Rules of Scripture had left us at liberty which I be-believe they do not because the Government and Peace of Humane Society could not well subsist upon these Terms Thirdly Your Lordships Opinion is contrary to the declared Doctrine of all Protestant Churches and though some particular Persons have taught otherwise yet they have been contradicted herein and condemned for it by the generality of Protestants And I beg your Lordship to consider how it will agree with an avowed asserting of the Protestant Religion to go contrary to the General Doctrine of Protestants My end in this is to convince your Lordship that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake and being so convinced that which before was a Sin of Ignorance will appear of much more heinous Nature as in Truth it is and call for a very particular and deep repentance which if your Lorship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your Error by a penitent acknowledgement of it to God and Men you will not only obtain forgiveness of God but prevent a mighty Scandal to the Reformed Religion I am very loath to give your Lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in which I commiserate from my Heart but am much more concerned that you do not leave the World in a delusion and false Peace to the hindrance of your Eternal Happiness I heartily pray for you and beseech your Ldship to believe that I am with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the World My Lord Your Lordship 's most faithful and afflicted Servant J. Tillotson Printed for R. Baldwin 1683. Numb 15. The Earl of Sunderland's LETTER to a Friend in London Plainly discovering the Designs of the Romish Party and others for the subverting of the Protestant Religion and the Laws of the Kingdom Licensed and Entred March 23. 1689. TO comply with what you desire I will explain some things which we talked of before I left England I have been in a Station of great Noise without Power or Advantage whilst I was in it and to my Ruine now I am out of it I know I cannot justifie my self by saying though it is true that I thought to have prevented much mischief for when I found that I could not I ought to have quitted the service Neither is it an Excuse that I have got none of those things which usually engage men in publick Affairs my Quality is still the same it ever was and my Estate much worse even ruined though I was born to a very considerable one which I am ashamed to have spoiled though not so much as if I had encreased it by indirect means But to go on to what you expect The pretence to a Dispensing Power being not onely the first thing which was much disliked since the Death of the late King but the foundation of all the rest I ought to begin with that which I had so little to doe with that I never heard it spoken of till the
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with
That Principle is the Constitution of the Government and consequently they are the Men that break the Constitution of the Government who Declare or Act against that Principle And as for the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom no doubt the Wisdom of the Kingdom in Parliament thought their Liberties and Privileges better preserved by that Principle than by the contrary of letting the People take Arms against the Government when-ever they thought themselves agrieved They had experience of both and we must believe they consider'd the Matter very well And that it ought not to be shaken by the Authority of this Author who is so young in this Opinion that he knows not by which handle to take it at least he will not let us know For he tells us not his Scheme of Government nor pitches upon any of those which are already set up by those of his New Party Several Schemes of Government Of which some lay the Foundation of all Government upon the Municipal Laws of the Land so that if a King goes about to break the Laws he thereby forfeits his Crown c. Others think That Laws which are the Result of Government cannot be the Foundation of Government However that it is not to be alleg'd in a Country where the Law it self makes it unlawful to Resist the King Which Dr. Tillotson has materially urg'd in his Letter to my Lord Russel See the Appendix n. 14. Others therefore fly higher to Original Contract which is suppos'd to be prior to all Municipal Laws and on which all Laws must depend But others again think this Plea to be too precarious and that it cannot be sufficiently prov'd And therefore they chuse another sort of a way which they call Abdication Which some think as perplex'd as any of the rest even in the present Case Lastly there is a wiser Set who think it most convenient to be always on the stronger Side and therefore they cry up Success as a Divine Right They have only one point of Prudence to observe not to Turn too soon least they mistake Providence Now this Author comes last and like a Man a Drowning he catches at some or all of these but holds by none They are too slippery and fly from him it must be part of the one and part of t'other that will serve this Hypothesis and therefore he does wisely not to pitch upon any one But yet without pitching upon some one and forsaking all other sticking close by it he can never demonstrate the Truth nor speak consistently with himself However we must follow him as he pleases to lead us though he fights in Clouds of Dust that it is not easy to find him out You have seen his Principles as to Government which he hides in Generals But it is plain they are Antii-monarchical though we cannot tell exactly the Glass to which they belong But what proof he offers for them is in his Introduction wherein he pretends to prove That a King who designs to destroy a People Abdicates the Government of them Thence c. 2. and 3. his business is to shew That King James had that Design Ergo But c. 1. he goes a little aside and undertakes this Subject viz. That it is Lawful for one Prince to interpose between another Prince and his Subjects The Case of one Prince interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects when he uses them Cruelly I do not meddle with this Chapter for two Reasons First It is undertaken by another hand Secondly My business is with the Duty of Subjects in which only they are Concern'd for whose benefit I write But I will give you this General Notion of it That by the Arguments he advances it is Lawful not only for every Prince but for every Neighbour to inspect into his Neighbour's Family and to dispossess him of his House of his Estate of his Tenants Servants Children of his Wife when he uses them Cruelly And this Charitable Interposer shall seize upon them all for himself on pretence of using them better He gives Examples of several Princes who have thus interposed 'twixt their Neighbour Kings and their Subjects and so he might many more the World is full of such Examples and of many other Examples which perhaps this Another won'd be a sham'd to justify But suppose that good Kings who have been so reputed have done this What then May not good Men have their Failings I do not think that David's Decision 'twixt Ziba and Miphihosheth would be a good Rule for future Justice Though our Author has not truly represented all the Instances that he produces which will be shewn But if they were true it is no Angument I shall only mind our Author of his own Words which I will have occasion to mention hereafter viz. That it is a most Unlawful Thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a new Government to Redness unjust Laws And again That it is Intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governours have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and Foolish to alledge in their defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another I leave our Author to Recant this or Reconcile it at his Leasure to this first Chapter of his Book Which because I do not expresly Undertake I will pass for this time and return to his Principles of Subjection to Government which is my present Task The Author's defence of his Principles Let us now come to examine the Defence he makes for these his Principles First We will consider his Arguments Secondly His Quotations and Authorities The Point he is to prove we will take in his own Words n. 1. of the Introduction viz. That a King who designs to destroy his People Abdicates the Government of them And here as to his Reasons or Arguments to prove this From Reason he disappoints us For his whole Introduction wherein he undertakes the Proof of this is nothing but Quotations which we are to examine by themselves But he tells us not his own Opinion you shall not fasten upon him He begins It is granted by some and I might answer What is not granted by some He is afraid at his first setting out N. 1. he has one Quotation out of Grotius and another out of Hammord N. 2. one out of Dr. Hicks and another out of Faulkner N. 3. he Quotes the Homilies and Dr. Hicks again And then N. 4. which is the last concludes from their Authorities All which is to be consider'd when we come to the second Class I have design'd to speak to that is his Quotations But for his Reasons he puts us to the pains to gather them by an innuendo viz. That what he Quotes out of others is his own Opinion Therefore laying aside his Authorities to their proper Place we will examine the Reasons which are produc'd Thus then he sets forth
inevitably occasion the total Ruin and Destruction of the North. This is his Charge and in his own Words In Answer to which I will not take Advantage of his misquoting this Proclamation which we may suppose for that Reason he forgot to Print among the very many Papers of far less Consequence which fill up his Appendix But we have it Printed in one of the late Irish Protestant Pamphlets called An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland c. and I have annexed it to this that you may see it the Author calls the excepted Persons Twelve whereas in the Proclamation there are but Ten. I lay no great stress upon that difference of Number it will not inhaunce the matter much But it shâ—ws that the Author has not been so exact in his Vouchers as he ought Of which or something worse it is a much greater Proof that in reciting the Causes which that Proclamation names for the Descent of that Army he does not keep to the Words of the Proclamation which instances Particulars this Author could not deny as Breaking of Prisons Discharging of Prisoners Seizing upon his Majesties Arms and Ammunition Imprisoning several of his Majesties Army Disarming and Dismounting them c. But the Author wisely avoids naming any of these least he should be oblig'd to disprove them only says in general as you have heard That the Proclamation charges them with Rebellion Killing Plundering c. Which he manfully denies every Word of it Therefore let us fairly Examine what I have before Quoted our of him And that we may fix his loose and artificial way of Dealing in Generals sliding unperceivably from one Matter to another and huddliug many Things together to distract the Reader I will reduce his Charge to these Heads First That before the Descent of the Army with whom came the Proclamation dated the 7th of March 1688. the Lord Deputy did not so much as summon the Associators in Ulster Secondly I will Examine who those great Robbers were in the North who Plundered the Protestants there And thirdly We will see whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government than to defend themselves against these Robbers For the First We are furnished with a Confutation of him from the very Proclamation he Quotes viz. That of the 7th of March 1688. which mentions a former Proclamation requiring the Associators to disperse and promising them Pardon There was one of this Nature I know not if there were any more dated the 25th of January 1688. which was sign'd by several Protestants of the Council as the Earl of Granard Lord Chief Justice Keting c. Besides this Mr. Osborn was sent down to the North by my Lord Deputy before the March of the Army to use all Perswasions to them to lay down their Arms to tell them the very Day the Army would March and he kept it That though Ten were excepted in the Proclamation yet he would insist but upon Three and if it should appear that they took up Arms meerly for Self-preservation then he would Pardon even the said three Persons also That he demanded no more of them than to deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses as you may see in Mr Osborn's Letter to the Lord Mazereene of the 9th of March 1688. which I have taken out of the abovesaid Apology for the Protestants in Ireland and affixed to this n. 3. Add to this the offers which my Lord Deputy sent to the Gentlemen in the North by Sir Robert Colvill viz. That if his Country-men would continue Quiet in their respective Habitations they should be only Charg'd with the Incumbrance of two Regiments This is told in the Faithful History p. 10. and this was long before the March of that Army to the North. I have heard of several other Messages and even Arts that my Lord Tyrconnel used to Quiet the Disturbances in the North of which he was at the beginning very Apprehensive and used his utmost Endeavours to appease them as all the Accounts the Irish Protestants have Printed here do with one Consent declare And I have heard some of them say That they dreaded nothing so much as that Tyrconnel durst not send an Army against them and that the Irish would submit without any Opposition and so they would get no Forfeitures so much they overvalued and their Enemies feared the strength of the North though both lived to see themselves mistaken Let this suffice as to the first Point viz. That my Lord Tyrconnel did not forget to summon the North before he sent down the Army against them in March 1688. If repeated Proclamations and Messages may be called Summons As to the second of the great Robbers in the North. We do not speak now of the common Robberies of High-way-men That has always been and will be in all Countries more or less but of such Armed Bands of Robbers as forc'd the whole North to Arm and Regiment themselves and enter into Associations and Confederacies and a formal War to defend themselves against these Robbers who he says were Men intrusted by the Lord Deputy with Arms and Employments so not common Robbers And by the Account of all that came from the North this was so far from being true that the Irish there were in mortal Fear of the Protestants and commonly durst not sleep in their Houses but lay abroad in the Fields least they should fall upon them No Irish were suffered to live in the Country who did not take out Protections from such of the Protestant Gentry as were allowed by the Associators to grant such Protections Nor durst they Travel from their own Houses without Passes The Protestants made them contribute equally at least with themselves in all their new Levies and forced them to work upon their new Fortifications at their Pleasure which they did without grudging and any thing to please those who were absolutely their Masters and in whose hands they reckoned their Lives to lye every moment and many Insults and Threatnings they bore from the Commonality of the Protestants who made full use of their finding themselves at Liberty from all Government and to domineere over those who were intirely at their mercy The Faithful History p. 9. says Amidst those Convulsions Robberies in other Parts the North only remained undisturbed Our Author himself in what I have already quoted says plainly That the Protestants kept the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged Where then were these great Robberies he speaks of He may say In other Parts of Ireland But that is not our present subject but only the Condition of the North. And the Author places the Scene there when he says That they the Gentlemen in the North did not attempt any thing upon these Armed Robbers except in their own defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them nor killed any but whom they found actually Robbing So that all this must be in the North where many Witnesses attest and the
Author himself confesses there was no such thing But p 100. he endeavours to prove it from Judge Keating's Letter the Passage is p. 349. where the Judge says In this Juncture of Affairs the Thieves and Robbers are become numerous c. First When was this The Letter is dated the 29th of Dec. 1688. This as has been shewn was after the Associations in the North and their being actually in Arms. And indeed when the Reins of Government were taken off the Necks of the People there was nothing but Robbing and Depredations on all hands which was the natural effect of it But Judge Keating does not say it was the Irish robb'd the English nor the English the Irish for indeed they robb'd one another where they were able and stood in equal fear as he tells you of one another just as the Parts of the Country were planted that is as the Irish or the British were most numerous or in best posture for War And he says plainly p. 348. That the Protestants far exceeded them the Irish in the Northern Parts and were extraordinarily well Arm'd and Hors'd So that in the North the Irish stood in fear of the Protestants and therefore they were not the Robbers there But our Author draws several Observables p. 100. from this Letter 'T is observable says he in this Letter First That the Lord Deputy owns So he makes this Letter the Act of the Lord Deputy because as he says before it was written by my Lord Deputies command and perused by him This he only asserts and we have proof what stress is to be laid upon that besides he raises a mean Character of his Friend Judge Keating to think that he should write Lyes for the Lord Deputy's command If he did not then it was not the Irish Army but the Cottiers and Idlers who were the Robbers For so his Letter says And this says our Author sufficiently shews the Falshood of the Allegation whereby the Papists would excuse themselves as if they had not begun to Rob till the Protestant Associations were set on foot whereas those were sometime after this Letter and occasioned by the Robberies mentioned in it This is contradicted by every Irish Protestant and all their Narratives as has been shewn but nothing abates the Author's Talent of Asserting boldly Whence in another Observable upon this Letter he would have it believed that the Papists were in no fear from the Protestants Which is not only against Matter of Fact and fully attested But it is against common Sence or even Possibility Whoever knows the Temper of both Sorts of these Men could never think it possible That where the Protestants were many more in Number and all up in Arms chiefly pretended to be in odium to the Irish Papists whom they called Bloody Dogs Inhumane Murtherers Cut-throats c. and Remember 41. which was the usual Salutation they gave them Who will think those Irish were not afraid Yet our Author will by no means allow it for he has said it Now we are come to the third Point viz. Whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government than to defend themselves against those Robbers And this need no longer be insisted on having shewn That there were no such Robbers But I pray the Author to resolve If the beginning of their Associating in Sept. 1688. and their actual Address to the P. of O. in Nov. following was only to save themselves from Robbers From being Robb'd by those poor Irish whom they had panting under their Feet in as much Subjection as ever a Hawk had a Lark He says The Associators never attempted any thing even upon the Armed Robbers except when they were Invaded and Assaulted by them This was modest indeed But were the Inhabitants of Eneskillen Invaded or Assaulted by the two Companies against whom they marchâ— out in Arms four Miles before they came near the Town Or was Derry Assaulted by my Lord of Antrim's Regiment before they Fir'd their Cannon from the Walls against them But I have some further Questions to ask from what I have learn'd out of the Irish Protestants Narratives and from some of themselves our Author says It is notorious that the Protestants he means before the Descent of King James's Army into the North in March 1688. for that is it we are speaking of never killed any whom they did not find actually Robbing But I must tell our Author that it is much more notoriously known and granted by all the Irish Protestants nemine contradicente That upon the 11th of Feb. 1688. there were some of Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons killed by the Protestant Forces at Tuam upon Loughneagh the Quarrel you may see in the Faithful History p. 26. viz. They endeavoured that way to escape the Associators and get to their Quarters But the Associate Troops were too waâ—â—nful purâ—â—ed them killed some and having given them a toâ—â— Defeat dispersed that Troop of O Neil's he was the◠〈◊〉 â—oâ—â— Protestant and built a small Fort at the Pas◠〈◊〉 Gâ—râ—son'd it with Sixty Men. This mightily enrag'd the Lord Deputy That the Associators should not be content to stand upon the Defensive but to be the first that should enter into Blood in a Hostile manner of which there were several other Instances Capt. Poe was killed as he was a Foraging by the Garison of Newrie Eut to return to the Story of Colonel Cormock O Neil He having frequent Notices sent him from Friends of his about Moyrah where liv'd Sir Arthur Rawden generally then known by the Name of The Cock of the North because of his Boldness and great Forwardness in carrying on the Association that Sir Arthur intended to seize him in his House and make him Prisoner he for his Security retired to Carrickfergus where part of his Regiment of Foot was Quartered leaving his Lady at his House near Borogh-shane with the Chaplain of his Regiment Maurice Dunkin Clark Vicar of Glanarme in the County of Antrim within eight Miles of Brogh-shane thinking that a Protestant Clergy-man and well known to all that Country would be a Protection to his Lady and the House she being a Roman Catholick but the Colonel at that time a professed Protestant She hearing that the Confederate Associators had fallen upon her Husband's Troop of Dragoons at Tuam upon Logh Neagh on Mund. 11. Febr. 88. grew apprehensive of danger to her self and on Tuesday the 12th she went to Mr. White 's House in Borogh-shane a Presbyterian Minister who did protect her not without some difficulty from a Regiment of the Confederates under the Command of Mr. Adare then made a Colonel by the P. of O. and since a Knight by K. W. assisted by Lieutenant Mitchelburn since made a Colonel These marched through Borogh-shane to the Siege of Carrickfergus of which presently upon Ashwednesday 13 Febr. 1688. a notorious Day which they did thus Solemnize and would needs Rifle this Lady because she
the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
Numbers of them they could Master I 〈◊〉 the Judgment of the Reader And yet I have heard many Irish Protestants who live in the County of Down and near it say That they have not heard of any Rapes upon the Protestant Women there as this Author speaks even by the Rapparees for that Country being thick planted with Protestants the Rapparees durst not be too bold Which you will easily believe when you find what Opposition they were able to give even to the King's Army But to go on with the Story There was one Henry Hunter a Servant to Sir George Atchison in the County of Ardmagh in the North of Ireland who was made a Captain by the Associators Their Forces being beaten and dispersed at Drommore the 14th of March 1688. this Hunter was taken Prisoner near Antrim from whence he made his Escape about the middle of April following and came into the Barony of Ardes in the County of Down where they had all taken Protections from King James and lived Peaceably there being but one Company quartered in that whole Barony which is almost wholly Scots Protestants viz. Captain Con Mac-Gennis his Company Hunter coming thither got a great Rabble of these poor People to follow him and about the 15th of April 1689. they had a Scuffle with this Company of Captain Mac-Gennis and what other Irish came to their Assistance at Kinnin-Burne two Miles from New-Town Hunter's Rabble routed them stript and wounded many I know not if any kill'd but he drove them out of that Barony This occasioned Lieutenant-Colonel Mark Talbot to march from Carrickfergus with about an hundred Musqueteers the 15th of April to Belfast and the 16th to Newtown But finding the Matter over and some say fearing the Scots who were in great Numbers and rolling about he returned the 17th to Carrickfergus This Commotion gave great Disturbance to the Countrey People leaving their Ploughs and flying to Arms the Wiser sort dreading the Consequence of this wild Uproar after they had taken Protection from the King Sir Robert Maxwell then living in the Castle of Killileagh in the said County of Down and near the Barony of Ardes where this Insurrection began sent one John Stuart an Apothecary in the Town of Down with a Letter to Captain Patrick Savage a Captain in the Regiment of the Lord Iveagh to invite him to bring his Company to quarter in the Town of Killileagh for their Security from the Rabble in this Confusion Accordingly Captain Savage came and finding these People increase after Hunter and fearing he might be surprized quartering with his Men in the open Town he desired Sir Robert to permit him to keep his Guard in the Gate-house or Stables of the Castle Sir Robert was not willing but took two days to consider of it and in these two days he sent one Gawen Irwin twice to Hunter to bring him thither who accordingly came with his Rabble seized Captain Savage and his Lieurenant in their Quarters fell upon the Guard killed three Men and wounded six or seven Captain Savage complained that Sir Robert had betray'd him and Mr. Clulo Episcopal Minister of the place did resent the Barbarity of the Action and apprehending some further mischief to Captain Savage took him to his own House where though a Prisoner he had greater Accommodation and Safety The Lord Iveagh wrote to Sir Robert Maxwell to send him his Captain and Lieutenant whom he kept Prisoners This Letter Hunter took upon him and Sir Robert permitted him to answer and the Answer was That he would fight his Lordship and accordingly marched out against my Lord with what part of his Lordship's Regiment he had near Killileagh and other Countrey-people of the Irish who joined him The Lord Iveagh retired but endeavoured to make a Stand at Ceyle-bridge near the Town of Down Hunter forced his Passage and drove my Lord and his Men over the Strand of Dun-Drum into the upper and Mountainous parts of the County for which his Lordship's Regiment was broke by King James Hunter entred Down Triumphant and used those Pretetestants who would not joyn with him as ill as the Irish committed great Disorders and Irregularities in that Countrey and Governed Arbitrarily during his short Reign For now the Insurrection was come to that Head that it was fit for the Government to take notice of it Major-General Buchan whom this Author calls Bohan was commanded against Hunter he took with him Detachements out of the Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Foot the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot Colonel Cormock O Neil's Regiment of Foot and a Troop of Horse of the Lord Galmâ—y's Regiment and Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons which he had with his Regiment of Foot and Captain Fitz Gerald's Troop of Dragoons These Forces were then at Carrickfergus Antrim and Lisburn The Major-General marched with the Horse and Dragoons and left the Foot to follow with what Dispatch they could who marched in one day viz. the 30th of April 1689. from Lisburn to Killileagh which is sixteen long Irish Miles they joyned the General about Five at Night who being then within two Miles of the Enemy marched directly upon them Being come within sight of them he sent a Trumpet to them desiring their Leader or some of the Chief of them to speak with him not doubting but upon the gracious Offers he was impowered by His Majesty to make to them he would have been able to bring back these deluded People to their Duty without shedding of Blood on either side But they fired upon the Trumpeter and refused all Parley so they engaged Hunter was beaten and fled and his Party dispersed I cannot learn the exact Number of Hunter's Army or of the Slain Some say he had three or four Thousand Men. Others not above four Hundred which may be reconciled some computing the whole Rabble which followed him others only those that charged in form against Buchan but not those upon the Hills and at greater distance Some who pretend to have viewed the Field and helped to bury the Dead say there were but sixty One of Hunter's Men killed and others say a great many more However that makes nothing to our present Dispute How many were killed in Battle is not the Question But our Author says That Major-General Buchan Massacred five or six Hundred in cold Blood for several Days together The contrary of which appears from these two Matters of Fact known to all the Country First That the Major-General was very Merciful even on the Day of Battle Secondly That he marched off his Men early next Morning and so did not stay to Massacre for several Days together As to the First He stopped Execution as soon as the Enemy were broke and out of Danger of Rallying And tho' several Shot were made against him out of the Castle of Killileagh as he was in pursuit of the Enemy part of Colonel Mark Talbot's Wigg was shot off by a Bullet from the
one principal Motive of his Expedition into England and likewise engaged himself to refer the Enquiry into this Affair and of all things relating to it to the Hearing of a Parliament Decl. p. 12 13. 2. The King in his Majesty's Letter to the Convention dated at St. Germains Jan. 1688. conjures the Lords and the Gentlemen then met to make a thorough Examination into the Birth of the Prince of Wales Now since both Parties are so pressing to have this Matter debated by a publick Tryall since their Honour and Inclinations are so far engaged for the clearing this Point it 's humbly hoped your Lordships c. after almost two years delay may not think it improper to have it undertaken 3. It 's presumed your Lordships c. are not unacquainted how deeply the Deponents to this Affair have been censured both in Pamphlets and common Discourse as if they were Confederates to an Imposture of the most flagitious and provoking nature and contrived to impose an Heir upon these Kingdoms a Masterpiece of Wickedness which as in their Souls they abhor so they think it their great Misfortune to lie under the Scandal of so heavy an Imputation And therefore it 's the humble Desire of several of the said Deponents not doubting of the Concurrence of the rest that the Case may be re examined and the Witnesses summoned before your Lordships c. that so they may either have opportunity to rescue their Honour and Reputation which they value above all worldly Blessings from those Calumnies which are cast upon them or upon Conviction of Insincerity may undergo the Penalties due to so vile and unexempled a Perjury And that your Lordships c. may be the more inclinable to hear them in Vindication of themselves several of the said Deponents do promise That their next Testimony shall be if possible more plain particular and comprehensive than the former and that they have several Things to offer to your Lordships c. not unworthy of your Lordships c. Knowledge which before were judged unnecessary and omitted out of Modesty and Reserve 4. For a farther Motive your Lordships c. may please to take notice That Circumstances of Time are now such that it cannot with the least pretence of Reason be supposed that the Deponents are either bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony in savour of the Prince of Wales as was before objected against them by the Protestant Memorial and the Full Answer to the Depositions c. Besides as your Lordships c. know the present Posture of Affairs will afford all imaginable Encouragement for Freedom of Questions for confronting the Deponents and producing Counter-Evidences if there is any such so that the whole Matter may be laid open and cleared to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned therein 5. With all due Submission to your Lordships Judgments it 's humbly conceived That Dispatch and Expedition in this Case is a very valuable Circumstance For by this means your Lordships c. will prevent those Inconveniencies which may happen from Accidents and Mortality For notwithstanding the Evidence is enrolled in Chancery and may be inspected at any time hereafter yet if the number of the Deponents should be lessened your Lordships c. cannot enter upon the Merits of the Cause with the same Advantage nor receive that Satisfaction viva Voce which may be now had Besides there is reason to apprehend it will be too late to excâ—pt against the Testimony of the Deponents after their Decease so that if there have been any unfair Dealing the Opportunity of Discovering it will be in danger of being lost Lastly Your Lordships c. may please to consider Whether in case the Depositions are neither disproved nor the Prince of Wales owned the Consequence of such a Procedure may not prove unfortunate For since in strictness of Law there is no greater Proof required for the Legitimacy of a King's Son than for that of an inferiour Subject it 's to be feared some ill-disposed and litigious Persons will take occasion from hence to question the Birth of private Persons which possibly they will be apt to say is seldom so well attested as that of the Prince of Wales Which malitious Reflexions how far they may tend to the creating Disputes entangling Property and the dishonour of Families as your Lordships c. are the best Judges so your Quality and Fortunes make it more particularly your Lordships Interest to prevent There remains no more to trouble your Lordships c. with excepting this humble Request That provided your Lordships c. shall think it proper to wave making any farther Enquiry into this Affair an Expedient may be found out to cover the Deponents from the Aspersion of False Witness and that the Nation may have leave to believe your Lordships c. are fully satisfied with their former Evidence Octob. 1690. A true Copy of Part of that Paper which Mr. Ashton left in a Friend's Hands Together with the Letter in which he sent it enclosed The Paper begins with the Speech already published immediately after which he adds THus much is contained in the Paper that I design to leave with the Sheriff But being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a duty incumbent upon me to impart some things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his View that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private things of my own and not in the Packet my Ld. Preston being altogether a stranger to the whole Proceeding by this means fell into the hands of