upon me without my conâ—â—nt the doing of which is meerly tyrannicall Antichristian and Diâ—bolicall Rom. 13. Yea Reason tells me in this that no Soveraignty can justly be exercised nor no Law rightfully imposed but what is given by common consent in which every individuall is included So this proves the latter part of the Argument As for the minor Proposition I think it will not be denied for I conceive none that confesse Christ to be come in the flâ—sh will be so Atheisticall as to affirme the King to be any more then a meer man subject to the like infirmities with other men See Acts 12. 22 23. Dan. 14. 22 25 33. and 5. 18 20 23. As touching the second Argument the whole Current of the Scripture proveth iâ— In all the Contracts betwixt GOD and his Creatures As ioâ— instance First with Adam who by Gods contract being his Soveraign was to enjoy Paradice c. upon such and such a condition but as soon as Adam broke the agreement GOD took the forâ—â—iture see Gen. 3. 16 17 24. So likewise GOD made a contract with 〈◊〉 when he gave the Law in Mount Syna as their LORD and KING by the hand of Moses But when they broke their Covenant GOD took the forfeiture though he being a Soveraigne LORD and governed by nothing buâ— his own WILL forbore long the finall execution of the forfeiture So in the same case amongst the Sons of Men that live in mutuall society one amongst another in nature and reason there is none above or over another against mutuall consent and agreement and all the particulars or individuals knit and joyned together by muâ—uâ—ll consent and agreement becomes a Soveraign Lord and King and may create or set apart for the execution of their Lawes flowing from their will and mind founded upon the Law of God ingraven in nature and demonstrated by reason Oâ—â—icers which we call Magistrates and limit them by what rules they judge convenient alwayes provided they be consonant to the Law of God Nature and Reason by the â—orce of which it is not lawfull for any man to subject himself to be a slave For that which is against Nature and the glory of the Image of GOD that he created man in Gen. 9. 6. and so a dishonour to himself and to his Maker his absolute and alone Soveraign cannot justly be done But to subject to slavery or to be a slave is to degenerate from his Originall and Primitive institution of a Man into the habit of a Beast upon whom GOD never bestowed that stile of honour of being creatures created in the Image of their Creator And therefore I am absolutely of Catoes mind to think that no man can be an honest man but he that is a free man And no man is a free man but he that is a just man And for any man in the world whatsoever he be that shal by his sword or any other means thus assume unto himself and exercise a power over any sorts of men after this kind against their wills and mindes is an absolute Tyrant and Monster not of God or mans making but of the Divels linage and off-spring who is said to go up and down the world seeking whom he may devour who ought to be abhorred of GOD and all good men seeing that such Monsters commonly called Kings 〈◊〉 Monarks assume unto themselves the very Soveraignty Stile Office and name of GOD himself whose Soveraign Prerogative it is only and alone to rule and govern by his will Therefore when the Sons of men took upon them to execute in this kind GOD raised up Moses his Servant to deliver those whom he took delight in from their tyranny and to be an Instrument in his Name to ruine and destroy that grand Tyrant Pharoâ—h and all his Country Exod. 3. 9 10. and 5. 5. and 14. 5 14 25 28. As he journied towards Canaan God by his Agents destroyed five Vsurpers or Kings more at one bouâ— Num. 31. 8. and more at the next bout Num 32. 33. Deu 3. 2 3. And after him the Lord raised up Ioshua whom he filled full of the Spirit of wisdome Deut 34. 9 to be his executioner upon such his pretending Competitors Kings alias Tyrants And the first that I read of was the King of Jericho whom he destroyed Josh 6. 21. and 10. 28. And the next was the King of Are whose Citie and Inhabitants he utterly destroyed and hanged their King on a trâ—e Josh 8. 26 28 29 The next after them waâ— five Kings with whom he waged battell altogether And when he had slain their people he took the five Kings and caused his Captains and men of war to tread upon their necâ—â—s and afterwards he sâ—ote them and slew them and hanged them on five trees Iosh 10. 26. The next he destroyed was the King of Makkedah vers 28. and vers 29. he destroyed the King of Libnah vers 23. he destroyed the King of Gezer and the next he destroyed was the King of Hebron vers 37. Aâ—d then he utterly destroyâ—d the King of Debir and his City vers 39. and in chap. 11. Hazer sent to abundance of his neighbouring Kings who assembled much people together even as the sand that is upon the Sea-shore vers 4 to fight against Joshua who utterly destroyed them all vers 12. 23. which in the next Câ—apter he enumerates And after Joshua the Lord chose Judah to be his Executioner â—â— his Deputy or Vice-Roy that being a name and title high enough for any man and the first piece of justice that Judah doth is upon Adonibezek who was a great and cruell King and Tyrant and his thumbs and his great toes he cut off who himself confessed it a just hand of God upon him himself having servâ—d threescore and ten Kings in the same manner and made them gather their meat under his Table Iudg. 1. 6 7. But the children of Israel hâ— Subjects of GOD not onely by Creation but also by Contract and Covenant vâ—oâ—ating their Covenant with their Soveraigne LORD and KING Iâ— noâ— driving out and utterly destroying the people of Gods indignation who had robbed him of his Honour as their Soveraign by creation in yeelding subjection to the wills and lusts of Tyrants called their Kings who had thereby usurped upon the peculiar Prerogative Royall of GOD himself and so put both Tyrants Kings and Slaves his Subjects out of the protection of their Creatoâ— wherefore they became unto them as thornes in their sides Iudg. 2. 2 3. and in a little time they began to rebell against their LORD and his Lawes which incensed his anger against them and caused him to deliver them into the hands of Spoylers and to sell them into the hands of their Enemies round about Iudg. 2. 14. And in the 9 chapter Abemilech sought the Soveraignty over the people and got it with the bloud and slaughter of threescore and ten of his Brethren but GOD requitâ—dâ—â— with a wiâ—nesse
all things where you may reasonably do the samâ— And in case ye be from henceforth found in default in any of the points aforesaid ye shall be at the Kings will of Body Lands and Goods thereof to be done as shall please him As God you helpâ— and all Saints But now in regard we shall for brevities sake but only touch at Richard the sâ—câ—nd who for his evill government was Articâ—ed against in Parliament Martine fol. 156 157 158 159 160. Speed fol. 742. The substance of which in Speeds words were First in the front was placed his abuse of the publike treasure and unworthy waste of the Crown-Land whereby he grew intollerable grievous to the Subjects The particular causes of the Dukes of Gloucester and Lancaster the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Earle of Arundel filled sundry Articles They charged â—im in the rest with dissimuâ—ation faâ—shood â—osse of honour abroad in the world extortioâ—s rapine deniall of Justice rasuâ—es and eâ—bâ—zelling of records dishonourable shifts wicked Axiâ—mes of Sâ—atâ— cruelty covetousnesse subordinations lasciviousnessâ— reason to the rights of the Crown perjuries and briâ—fly wiâ—h all sorts of unkingly vices and with absolute tyranniâ— Upon which it was concluded That he had broken his Contâ—act made with the Kingdome or the Oath of Empire taken at his Coronation and adjudged by all the States in Parliament That it was sufficient cause to depose him and then the diffinitive sentence was passed upon him And wee shall wholly passe over Henry the 4. 5. and 6. Edward 4. and 5. Richard 3. Hen. 7. and 8. and shall come down to King Charles and not mention the particular miseries blood-sheds cruelties treason tyrannies and all manner of miseries that the free-born people of this Kingdome underwent in all or most of their wicked raigns especially in the Barons warres In which time the Inhabitants of England had neither life liberty nor estates that they could call their own there having been ten Batteâ—s of note fought in the Bowels of this Kingdome in two of their Râ—igns only viz. Hen. 6. and Edw. thâ— 4. In one of which 〈◊〉 there was 37. thousand English slâ—iâ— Martine fol 393 394 â—95 I say wâ— wiâ—l pâ—ssâ— by all these aâ—d give you the Copy of the Oath that King Edward 2. and Kâ—â—g Edward hâ— 3. by authority of Parliamenâ— took and which all thâ— Kings and Queens of England since to this day at thâ—iâ— Coronation â—ither took or ought to have taken never having bâ— auâ—â—oriâ—y of Parliament bâ—en altered since that I could hear of by which it will cleerly appeare that the Kings of England receive their Kingdoms coâ—diâ—ioâ—allâ— The true Copy of whicâ— as I find it in this Parliaments Declaration made in reply to the Kings Declaration or answer â—o their Remonstrance dated 26. May 1642. and set down in the Booke of Declarations page 713. SIR Will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirme unto the People of England the Lawes and Customes granted to them by antient Kings of England rightfull men and devout to God and namely the Lawes and Customes and Franchâ—ses granted to the Clergie and to the People by the glorious King Edward to your power Sir Yee keepe to God and to Holy Church to the Clergie and to the People Peace and accord wholly after your power Sir Yee do to be kept in all your Domes and Iudgments true and even Righteousnesse with Mercie and Truth The King shall answer I shall doe it Sir Will you grant defend fulfill all rightfull Laws and Customes the which the COMMONS of Your Realme shall choose and shall strengthen and maintain them to the Worship of GOD after Your power The King shall answer I grant and behight And then the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury at the time of the Coronation goes or should goe to the four sides of the Scaffold where the King is crowned and declares and relates to all the People how that Our Lord the King had taken the said Oath enquiring of the same people If they would consent to have him their King and Liege Lord to obey him as their King and Liege Lord who with one accord consenâ—ed thereunto Now let all the world be judge whether the Kings of England receive their Kingdomâ—s by contract yea or no. And if they do receive them by contract as is already undeniably proved before Then what becomes of that wicked and tyrannicall Maxime avowed by King Charles immediatly after his Answer to the Petition of Right Book Statutes fol. 1434. viz. That he did owe an account of his actions to none but GOD alone And of that erroneous Maxime mentioned in Book Declaration pag. 266. viz. That Kingdomes are Kings own and that they may do with them what they will as if Kingdomes were for them and not they for their Kingdomes But if any man shall object and say that King Henry the 8. with his own hands altered this Oath and therefore it is not the same Oath which King Charles hath taken To which I aâ—swâ—r and say The Parliament in their Declaration gâ—aâ—â—s that King Hen. the 8. c. aâ—tered it but they also say pag. 712. They do conceive that neither he nor any other had power to alter it without an Act of Parliament And in pag. 708. 709. They say They well know what Kings have dâ—ne in this point But we know also say â—â—ey that what they have done is no good rule alwayes to interpret what they â—â—ght to have done for that they are bound to the observation of Lawes by their Oath is out of question and yet the contrary practised by them will appear in all ages as often But to put this out of doubt whosoever reades the Oath taken by this King which he himself sets down in his Declaration Book Declar. pag. 290 291. will find no materiall difference betwixt that which hee took and that which he ought to have taken saving in that clause of passing New Lawes But there is enough in that he tooke to prove my assertion viz. That he received his Crown by a Contract which further to prove I alledge the Petition of Right which whosoever seriously readeth with his Answer to it shall finde it to be a large and absolute Declaration of a contracted duty betwixt him and his people viz. That it was his duty to govern them by Law and not by his Prerogative Will And when his first answer to their Petition did not please the Parliament they pressed him again out of Right to give a satisfactory one Which he out of Duty doth saying Let right bâ— done as is desired So that this is a clear demonstration and enough to prove that there is not only a bare Contract betwixt the King and the People but also that he is bound by duty to grant such Lawes as they shall rationally choose although there were no such Statute as the 25. of Edward the 3. which they mention in pag. 268 nor no such clauses as they speak
first time hee came before them Iune 11. 1646. After he was come into the House some of his friends and some strangers stept in as by Law and Justice they might But the Earl of Manchester as Speaker of that House commanded them all to withdraw which they were forced to doe And this I averre not by hear-say but out of knowledge And the second time he came before them which was 23 Iune 1646. It was little otherwise his friends being turned out of doores though some of his enemies scoffers and deriders were permitted to stay And the third time which was upon the 11. Iuly 1646 as I understand he had much adoe with the dore-keepers to get his wife to be admitted in though a great many of the Sheriffes Sharks and Caterpillars that accompany the Hang-man to Tyburn the day he doth execution were freely admitted Hounscot the tyrannicall Prelates old-cruell Catchpole and now the Lords speciall Darling and Favourite a man transcendent in basenesse and wickednesse and therefore more fit sor their Lordships with some others of their own creatures were admitted in as parties fit to bear false witnesse against him and make false reports of his and his honesty And Lieutenant-Colonel Lilburns friends were so far from being admitted into the Lords House to see and behold the justnesse of their proceedings that the doore of the Painted-Chamber was locked and strongly guarded against them and if any of them in the croud got in there they had a second barre at their Lordships doore and if by great chance they at the opening thereof crowded in the Officers that stood at the inner doore took special care to hinder them from admittance there Oh the height of injustice and basenesse at the doing of which or hearing of it the Lords may justly blush for shame if they had either any honesty or ingenuity left in them and thus much for the first Position I come now to the second which is That if the Lords were aâ— Iudicature yâ—t they have no jurisdiction over Commoners But this is so fully proved in Mrs Lilburns Petition that I shall need to say no more to it but referred the judicious Reader thereunto and to a Printed Letter written by Mr. R. OVERTON a prisoner in Newgate committed thither by the Lords to Colonell HENRY MARTIN a Member of the Honourable House of Commons which Letter is a most notable rationall peece worth the reading I passe now to the third which is to give you some reasons to manifest that the LORDS are no Judicature tâ—all But â—eâ—r I shall crave leave to informe the Reader that the foregoing diseourse was made and finished above two moneths agoe and hearing that there was an Order from the Committee appointed by the House of Commons to consider of the priviledges of the Commons of England to bring Lieutenant Collonel Lilburne up before them I conceived he would then be aâ—liberty to write himselfe aâ—d his discourse I thought might adde much to strengthen the things I drive at and desire to declare and prove and therefore I â—avâ— sate still without makeing any pâ—â—gâ—â—sse to finish this discourse till this present conclusiâ—n of this present mâ—neth of November 1646. And my expectation I have not failed for he hath published two notable discourses of his own and some freind of his a third and therefore I shall earnestly desire the studious and inquisitive Reader for the further illustration and proofe of the first and second positions lavd down in pag. 6. and already handled in pag. 63. 64. 65. 78. c. seriously to read over the 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. pages of his first book called Londons Liberty in Chaines discovered printed Octob. 1646 And the 5. 6 7 8 9. 11. 14. 22. pages of his speech to the aforesaid Committâ—e Nov. 6. 1646. and since by him published in print and called An Anatoamy of the Lords Tyranny And the 23 24 37 38 29 40 41 42 43 44. 46. 47. pages of his friends booke called Vox Pâ—ebis a most notable discourse In the 26 27 28 29 31. 32. pages of which you may reade his Charge and â—entence in the House of Lords Now having premised this I returne to the third thing to be handled which is to give you some reasons to manifest that the Lords House are no â—udicatour at all And for the illustration of this I shall desire it may be considered that no jâ—dicaâ—ure can justly be erected or set up unlesse it legally derive pâ—wer from those that have a legall power to erect constituce or institute it and I thinke this will be granted of all sides And therefore let us make inquisition who according to law and right in England â—ave an originall and true power to erect judicatures aâ—d I say onely the legall Commissioners of the people commonly called the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament and not the King who is not to give a law unto his people but his people unto him as is before largely proved pages 37 38 39 40 41 42 43. And as he confesseth in his Coronaâ—â—on-Oath that he hath taken or ought to have taken which you may read before pag. 31. 32. and which is declared by the statute of provisoes of benefices made Anno. 25. Ed. 3. Annodom 1350. which you may read in the statutes at large pag. 157. about the midst of which you have these words whereupon the said Commons have prayed our said Lord the King that sith the right of the Crowne of England and the law of the said Realme is such that upon the mischiefes and damages which happen to his Realme he ought and is bound by his oath with the accord of his people in his Parliament thereof to make remedy and law and in removing the mischiefes and damages which thereof insue that it may please him thereupon to ordaine remedy and it followes in these words Our Lord the King seeing the mischiefes and damages before mentioned and having regard to the said statute made in the time of his said Grandfather and to the causes contained in the same which statute holdeth alwayes his force and was never defeated repealed nor adnulled in any point and by so much he is bounden by his Oath to cause the same to be kept as the Law of his Reaâ—me though that by sufferance and negligence it hath been sithence attempted to the contrary c. But the House of Peeres neither derive nor challenge their Iudicature not in the least either from Commons in generall or from their Commissioners Deputies Trustees or Representors in Parliament Assembled and therefore are no legall Iudicature at all And that they do not derive their power either from the people under God the absolute and alone fountaine of all true power or their Commissioner read before pag. 45. where you shall finde that the King their groundlesse creator saith they have their power by blood and themselves claime it from no truer fountaine then by
Regall Tyrannie discovered OR A DISCOURSE shewing that all lawfull approbational instituted power by GOD amongst men is by common agreement and mutual consent Which power in the hands of whomsoever ought alwayes to be exercised for the good benefit and welfare of the Trusters and never ought other wise to be administred Which whensoever it is it is justly resistable and revokeable It being against the light of Nature and Reason and the end wherefore God endowed Man with understanding for any sort or generation of men to give so much power into the hands of any man or men whatsoever as to enable them to destroy them or to suffer such a kind of power to be exercised over them by any man or men that shal assume it unto himself either by the sword or any other kind of way In which is also punctually declared The Tyrannie of the Kings of England from the dayes of William the Invader and Robber and Tyrant alias the Conqueror to this present King Charles Who is plainly proved to be worse and more tyrannicall then any of his Predecessors and deserves a more severe punishment from the hands of this present Parliament then either of the dethroned Kings Edw. 2. 01 Rich. 2. had from former Parliaments which they are bound by duty and oath without equivocation or colusion to inflict upon him He being the greatest Delinquent in the three Kingdoms and the head of all the rest Out of which is drawn a Discourse occasioned by the Tyrannie and Injustice inflicted by the Lords upon that stout-faithful-lover of his Country and constant Sufferer for the Liberties thereof Lieut. Col. John Lilburn now prisoner in the Tower In which these 4. following Positions are punctually handled 1. That if it were granted that the Lords were a legall Jurisdiction and had a judicative power over the Commons yet the manner of their dealing with Mr. Lilburn was and is illegall and unjust 2. That the Lords by right are no Judicature at all 3. That by Law and Right they are no Law-makers 4. That by Law and Right it is not in the power of the King nor in the power of the House of Commons it selfe to delegate the legislative power either to the Lords divided or conjoyned no nor to any other person or persons whatsoever Vnto which is annexed a little touch upon some palbable miscarriages of some rotten Members of the House of Commons which House is the absolute sole law-making and law-binding Interest of England Hos 8. 4. They have set up Kings but not by me They have made them Princes and I know it not LONDON Printed Anno Dom. 1647. The Printer to the Reader IF thou beest courteous Reader contribute but thy Clemency in favourable correctiting the Errata's notwithstanding much due care had in so publike a work as this is as we must acknowledge lye dispersed therin Pag. 1. line 2. for 32. read 33. p. 4. l. 11. for fifthly r. sixthly p. 7. 59. r. in the world see Hos 8. 4 p. 8. l. 17. for they r. he knowing that when he p. 10. l. 20. for Rom. r. revelation l. 29. r. Dan. 43. p. 11. l. 6. for against r. but by l. 38. for name r. hand p. 12. l. 2. r. and as he l. 16. sor 23. r. 33. l. 38. for his r. their p. 13. l. 24 sor ver 11 r chap. 8. ver 11. p. 15. l. 30. for trivial r cruel p. 16. l. 2. for rule r. cover p. 18. l. 16 for and his r. and her p. 19. l. 34. for rerforme r. performe p. 21. l. 1. blot out years of his l. 27. for this r. of this King l. 31. for most r. most base p. 23. l. 4. for 16. r. 6. p. 24. l. 10. for them r. him l. 25. for Realm granted him the ninth peny r Realm dear besides the 9. peny they granted formerly at one time for them to his Predecessor p. 26. l. 20. r have had l. 31. r. unusuall l. 35 r. after this p. 27. l. 2. r. uncounselable l. 26 r late King p. 34. l. 3. 457 r 655. l. 6 264 r 462 p. 39 l. 26 after Charles r but all his Predecessors received their Crown and Kingdom conditionally by contract agreement I doubt not but the present K. Ch his c. p. 40 l. 10. r. by but a l after KingdoÌ„ r that there shold not much more be an account of his Office due to this Kingdom it selfe p. 45 l. 23 after people r and comes lineally from no purer a fountain and well-spring then from their Predecessors l 25 blot out Dukes p 48. l. 29. that put in if after p. 56. l. 8 404 406 r. 504 506 p. 59 l. 34 1641 r. 1646. p. 60 l. 10 2 Sam 7 13 r. 1 King 12 1. p. 61 l. 17 at the end of justly r. come by and. l. 18 at the end of Prophet r. to K. Rehoboam who had assembled 18000. chosen men which were Warriers to go fight against the house of Ifrael p. 72 l. 2 in the margent for 254 r 264 l. last of the marg for 4 r. 467 p. 73 l. 15. 16 marg after 29 insert 46. after Rot. 2 insert 4 p. 75 l. 1 in marg for 5 r. 9 4 for 8. r. 18 in marg for 27. r. 2 part l. 9. for 58 r. 38. p. 76 l 19 for own r. other p. 77 l. 9. in marg 22 r. 102. p. 79 l. 1. abeas r. Habeas p. 81 l. 24 r. to deliver to l. 35 r. at which p. 84. l. 2 after his honesty r. his judges cariage l. 7 for Lordships r. Lobby p. 86 l. 26 blot out Dukes p 87 l 1 practises r. prises p. 88 l. 9. King r. Duke p 91 l. 13. r. and afterwards in England made Odo p. 92. l. 2. 3. r. of whose estate l. 36. for unindivalid r. unvalid p. 94 l. 21. r. conquirendum tenendem sibi heredibus adeo libere per gladium sicut ipse rex tenâ—it Anglia p. 95. l. 36. r. Comissioners p. 96. l 27. for incursion r. innovation p. 97. l. 23. r. But in the Knights p. 97. l. 3. in the marg for 84 r. 8 4 7. p. 98. l. 8. for nor r. for p. 101 l. 12. for 1646. r. 1645. A Table of the principall Matters contained in this ensuing Discourse A ANger of God against Israel for their choice of a King pag. 14. Abuses checkt pag. 25. Acts of the Parliament pag. 33. Appeal of Lient Col. Lilburn to the House of Commons how approved on there pag. 64. Arlet the Whore William the Conquerors Dam page 87. Arlet the Whore marryed to a Norman Gentleman of mean substance pag. 91 B. Bastardly Fountain of Englands Kings pag. 15. Bellamy pag. 1. his basenesse pag. 2 3. Bookes of L. C. Iohn Lilburn before pag. 3. and since the Parliament pag. 3 4 8 Books against L C. Lilburn p. 1. 4. Barons Wars p. 30 31. Behaviour of L. C. Lilburn
in the House of Lords p. 64. 65 69. Barons in Parliament represent but their own persons p. 97. C Challenges against the Lords p. 5. pag. 70. Clergy base inslavers of this land of old p. 89 90 93 94. Contents of this Discourse p. 6 62. Common-Councel p. 27. Charles-Stewarts jugling pag. 50 51. Charles Stewart not GOD but a meer man and must not rule by his will nor other Kings but by a Law pag. 9 10 11. Charles Stewart received his Crown and Kingdom by contract p. 33. and hath broken his contract pag. 9 14 41 42 43 50 51 52 57. Charles Stewart confuted in His vain proud words p. 32 33. Charles Stewarts Confession and Speeches against himself p. 40 41 56 57. Charles Stewart as Charles Stewart different from the King as King p. 35. Charles Stewart guilty of Treason p. 52 53 54 55 57. C. R. ought to be executed p. 57. D Dukes of Normandy first second third fourth fifth sixth and seventh p. 87. Dukes Marquesses and Viscounts not in England when the great Charter was made p. 98. Davies Sir I. Clotworthies friend his basenesse pag. 102 103 104 105 106. E Edwardus Râ—x Segnier pag. 15 16 88. His gallant Law p. 16. Edward the second p. 26 27 57 58. deposed and his eldest Son chosen p. 27 58 59. Edward the third pag. 27 28 29 30. Excommunication for infringing Magna Charta p. 28. Edward 4. and 5. p. 30 31. Earl of Manchesters and Colonel Kings basenesse p. 49 10â— Englishmen made slaves by the Normans p. 90. F False imprisonment it is to detain the prisoner longer then he ought p. 81. First Dake p. 9â— First Marquesse First Viscount First Parliament in the 1â— of H. 1. see pag. 17. G Government by Kings the worst government of any lawfull Magistracie p. 14. Greenland Company oppressors pag. 101. H Heathens more reasonable then the Lords p. 2. House of Peers illegality p. 43 45 86. and basenesse to the people pag. 44. Henry the 1. p. 17. Henry Mauds eldest son King after Stephen p. 19. Henry the 3. crowned and his basenesse p. 22 23. Henry the 4 5 7 and 8. p. 30 31. Hunscot the Prelates Catchpole now the Lords Darling p. 83. I John brother to R. the 1. chosen King p. 19. His basenesse to the Common-wealth p. 20 21 39. His end p. 22. Judges corrupt p. 23. Imprisonment of L. C. Lilburn p. 63 66. Ireland in her distressed condition cheated and couzened by Sir John Clotworthy and his friend Davies p. 102. to p. 106 K King is intrusted p. 34. Kings tyrannicall usurpation none of Gods institution pag. 7. 8. Kings subordinate to Lawes by God p. 8. and men p. 9 18 19 23 24 26 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 35 36 39 40 41 42 43 52 53 85 86. Kings must not be imposed but by the peoples consents p. 7. 20 32 41 60 61. Kings deposed p. 27 58 59 98. Knights Citizens and Burgesses represent the Lawes p. 97. King no propriety in his Kingdome p. 34. or Cities thereof or Jewels of the Crown and as King not so much as the Subjects in the Kingdoms pag. 32 38. Kings illegall Commands obeyed punished pag. 35 52 53 54. Kings are lyable to be punished pag. 41 59. K. Harrold p. 84 94. L Lawes made this Parliament pag. 33 34. Lieutenant of the Towers basenesse against L. C. Lilburn pag. 5. 48. Lords cause of loosing the Kingdome at first p. 93. Lords no legislative power by consent of the people p. 45 46. Lords may not lawfully sit in the house of Commons pag. 98 99. Lords contradict themselves p. 63. Lords power wholly cashiered p. 40 47 92. Lords overthrown by the Law see p 72. to p. 78. Lords illegality and basenesse against L. C. Lilbarn pag. 47 48. 65 66 67 84. proved so to be p. 62. 81. Lords no Judges according to Law p 69. Lawes included though not expressed Kings must not violate pag. 62. Lords no Judicature at all p. 84 85 86. M Maud p. 17 18. the Empresse taketh K. Stephen in bat tel p. 18. Massacre of the Jewes in England when pag. 19. Magna Charta what it is p. 26. Magna Charta's Liberties confirmed by Hen. the 3. p. 24. And by Edw. the 2. p. 27. And by Edw. the 3. p. 28 29. Members of the House of Commons taxed p. 100 101 102. Merchant-Adventurers p. 99. overthrown p. 42. N Normans whence they came pag. 86 87. Ninety seven thonsand one hundred ninety and five pounds which was for Ireland pursed by 4 or 5 privare men see p. 103 O Orders Arbytrary and illegall against L. C. Lilburn p. 2 47 48. 63 64 66. Odo the Bishop a Bastard seeketh to be Pope pilleth the Kingdom pag. 91 92. Oaths of Kings at their Coronation p. 19 26 28 31 32 33. Oath of K. Stephen p. 18. Oath of Justices p. 29. Objection about H. 8. alteration of the Oath of Coronation answered by the Parliament p. 32. Order of the house of Commons for L. C. Lilburn p. 84. Originall of the House of Peeres pretended power p 94. P Petition of Right confirmed p. 33. the Lords break it p. 2. Petition of L. C. Lilburns wife p. 72. to p. 78. Postscript of L. C. Lilburns p. 6. People must give Lawes to the King not the King to the people p. 85. Popes judgment refused by the people to be undergone by the King as insufferable p. 26. Power of Lords both of judicative and legislative throwne down p. 92 93. Parliament what it is p. 34. their institution p. 95. The manner of holding them p. 95. how kept p. 97. Parliaments greatnesse p. 34 36 37. Prerogative Peerage flowed from rogues p. 86 87. Proceedings of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn condemned by the Commons p. 64. Parliaments kept in old time withou t Bishops Earles or Barons Pag. 96 97. Q Questions of great consequence pag. 101 102. R Rehoboams folly pag 60 61. Richard the 1. pag. 19. Remedy against fraud p. 26. Richard the 2. p. 30. Deposed p. 30. Richard the 3. p. 30 31. Rebellion of the King 90 51. Rewards conferred by William the Conqueror upon his assistants p. 90 91. S Sir John Clatworthies basenesse p. 102. to 106. Stephen Earle of Bollaigne chosen King by free election p. 18. When hee was imprisoned by Maud p. 18 19. the people restituted him out and he was set up again p. 18. Sheriffes of London Foot and Kendrick their illegality pag. 68. Sentence of the Lords against L. C. Lilburn p. 70 71. T Ten Commandements explained p. 9 10. Tyrants Kings plagued by Gods justice p. 11 12 13 17. Tyrannie of Kings p. 13 17 19 20 21 22. Towers chargeablenesse of Fees p. 49. Tryals ought to be publike and examples for it page 81 82 83 84. Turkie Merchants pag. 99. W William the Conquerors History of him p. 14 15 16 45 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 a Bastard p. 87. His end
IN BONDS The second A PEARL IN A DVNGHILL The third A REMONSTRANCE OF MANY THOVSAND CITIZENS and other Free-born People of England to their own House of Commons c. The second of Shepheards is called The false Allarme or an Answer to an Allarme To the House of Lords The fourth Pamplet I find against L. C. Lilburn is called Plain â—nglish which last only gives him two wipes in his 4. and 12. pages Therefore in regard that the Author of the City Remonstrance Remonstrated hath put Pâ—n to Paper to answer part of Mr. Bellamies Book but hath not medled with any thing of that which doth concern Lieut. Col. Lilburn And secondly Forasmuch as none that is yet visible have medled with any of the other And thirdly In regard that the man is full of Heroicalnesse and a zealous lover of his Country to whom all the honest free-men of England are extraordinarily oblieged for his constant couragious and faithfull standing for their just liberties that both God Nature and the Law of the Land giveth them Aâ—d â—astly inregard that by a laâ—e published Book called LIBERTY VINDICATED AGAINST SLAVERY I understand of the Lieutenant of the Towers base unworthy illegall and strict dealing with him as in many other things so in keepiâ—g him from Pen and Ink by meanes of which he is unablâ— to speak pubâ—ikely for himself which is a sad barbarous base and inhumane case That a man shâ—uld be so illegally dealt with as he is and abused in print and his good name endeavoured Cum priviâ—egio to be takâ—n away by every Rascall and yet the poor man not suffered to speak a word for himself Oh! horrible and monstrous age that dare without remorse mainâ—am such horriblâ— impiety and injustice Surelâ— I may well say of them with the Propâ—â— Isa Isa 5. 20 23 24 Woe unto them that call evill good and good evill that put darkness for light and light for darknesse that put bitter for sweet and sweet for bitter which justifie the wicked for reward and take away the righteousnesse of the righteous foom him Therfore as the fire devoureth the stubble and the flame consumeth the chaffe so their root shall be rottennesse and their blossome shall go up as dust because they have cast away the Law of Jehovah of Hosts and despised the Word of the holy One of Israel For he that justifieth the wicked and he that condemneth the just even they both are an abomination to Jehovah Prov. 17. 15. In consideration of all which together with many more things I shall endeavour according to that insight I have in Mr. Lilburnes behalf to make a little more work for his enemies the Lords and their Associates But this as a faire adversary I shall advise them either to get stouter Champions that can handle their weapons better then those that have yet appeared or else their cause will utterly be lost I shall not now undertake to answer the particulars in the forementioned Bookes but leave that to another Pen and shall give a home provocation to the best and ablest Lord in England or the choicest Champion they have to produce some sound arguments to maintain their jurisdiction or else their two stooles called Vsurpation and custome upon which they sit will let them fall to the ground And the method that I shall observe shall be this First I will prove that if it were granted that the Lords were a 〈…〉 and had a judicatiue power over the Commons yet 〈…〉 of the Lords dealing with him is illegall and unjust Sâ—coâ—â—ly I will prove that 〈◊〉 the Lords were a Jvdicature yet they 〈…〉 Tâ—â—â—â— I will give some reasons to manifest that they are no Judicaâ—◠〈…〉 â—â—uâ—â—â—ly That they by Law and Right are no Law-makers Fifthly That by Law and Right it lyeth not in the power of tho King â—â—r the Hâ—use of 〈…〉 to deligate the legislative poweâ— eithâ—r to the Lords 〈◊〉 or â—â—â—â—â—yned nor to any other persons 〈…〉 Now for the proofe of these 〈◊〉 auâ—hâ—riâ—y I shall make use oâ— shâ—lâ— â—â—st be dâ—râ—vâ—d â—râ—m Scripture Sâ—coâ—dly from the 〈…〉 and strengâ—h of sound reason Tâ—irdly from he declared Stâ—tâ—te-Law of the Kingdome Fourthly â—rom tâ—is 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Declarations Fifthly aâ—â—â—astly 〈…〉 Histories of England licenced by publike Authority And that I may not raise a Pâ—bâ—iâ—k with â—ut laying a good Foundation I 〈◊〉 set down 〈◊〉 strong and undeniable position which I fiâ—â— aâ— a Pâ—st-scrip◠〈…〉 latter end of 〈…〉 â—ilburns princed Protestation against the Lords which is â—â—us GOD the absâ—luâ—e Sâ—vâ—raigâ—e Lord and King of all things in heaven and 〈◊〉 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 all causeâ— who is 〈…〉 gâ—vâ—râ—ed and lâ—mâ—itted by no rules but doth all things 〈…〉 wâ—ll and unlimitted good 〈…〉 world and all things therein for his owâ— glâ—ry and 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 own will and pleâ—suâ—e 〈◊〉 man his meer 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 undâ—r himsâ—lfe over â—l the restâ—â— his â—reaturâ—â— G 1. 1. 26 28. 29. and enâ—ued 〈…〉 with aâ—ationâ—ll â—oulâ— or 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 creatâ—d him aâ—ter his owâ— image Geâ— 1. 26. 7 â—â— 9 â—â— the first of which wâ—s Adam a malâ— or man 〈…〉 of the â—ust or â—lay out of whese side was takâ—n a â—â—b wâ—â—ch 〈…〉 Sâ—veraigâ—e 〈…〉 mighty ereaâ—â—â—g power of God was 〈…〉 or wâ—mâ—â— called â—ue which two are the earthly original â—ouâ—atin as begetter and bringerâ— forth oâ— all and every particular and individuall man and woman that ever breathed in the world since who arâ— â—nd were bâ— nature aâ—l alike in power dignity authority and mâ—jesty none of them â—aving any â—uthority dominion or magist râ—al power one over or aboue another but by instiâ—ution or â—oration that is to say by 〈◊〉 uâ—â—il agreement or consent given derivâ—d or assuâ—â—d by mutuall 〈◊〉 and agreement for the gooâ— bâ—nefit and câ—mfort each oâ— other and not for the misâ—hieâ—e hurt or iamage of aâ—y it being 〈◊〉 irrationâ—ll siâ—â—ull wicked and unjust for 〈◊〉 man oâ— men whatsoever to partâ—â—tâ—â— so much of their power a shall â—nable any of their Parliament men Commâ—ssioners Tâ—ustâ—es Dâ—puties Viceroyes Ministers Officers and servâ—nts to destroy â—nd uâ—doe them therewith And unâ—â—turall iâ—ration 〈…〉 wicked uâ—just divillish and tyraâ—nicall it is for any man whâ—â—soever piâ—iâ—uell oâ— tempâ—râ—ll Câ—ergy-men or Lâ—y-men to â—pâ—ropriaâ—e an â—assume unto himselfe a power â—uthority 〈…〉 govern or raigne over any sort oâ— men 〈◊〉 woâ—ld without their fâ—â—e consent and whosoever dâ—th it whether Clergy-mâ—n or â—â—y other whatsoever do thereby as muâ—h as in them lyes in leavâ—ur to appropriate and assume unto themâ—elves the Office and Soveraignty of GOD who alone doth and is to rule by his â—ill aâ—d pleasure and to bâ—like their Creator 〈◊〉 wâ—s 〈…〉 of the dâ—velâ— who not being content with their first stâ—tion but would be like GOD â—or which siâ— they were throwne downe into Hâ—ll reserved in everlâ—sting câ—atnes under darkenesse unto the judgement of the great day Iude vers 6. And Adams fin it was
wâ—â—ch brought the curse uâ—on him and all his Posterâ—cy that he was not content with the stâ—tion aâ—d condition that God creaâ—ed him in but did asoâ—re unto a bâ—tter and more excellent namely to belike his Creator which proved his ruine yea and indeed hâ—d been the eveâ—lâ—sting rainâ— destruction of him and all his had not GOD bâ—en the more merciâ—ull uâ—to him in the promised Messiah Gen. Chap. 3. Now for the government of England It hath been by custome principally and for the most part by the tyrannicall usurpation of a King and therefore it will be requisiâ—e to search inâ—o the Scripture and see whether ever GOD approbationally instâ—tuted it or onely permissively suffered it to be as he doâ—h all the other evils and wickednesse in the world and for the better understanding of this It is requisite to remember that we find in Scripture That GOD was not only Israels husband and did perform all the offices of a loving husband in his sweet and cordiall embracements of her and loving dispensations to her but also he was her KING himself to â—aign and rule over her and to protect and defend her and being the Lord Almighty and knowing all things past present and to come knew well that Israel would be forgetfull of all his kindnesse and though he had chosen them out of all the world in a speciall manner to be his peculiar ones yet they would forsake him and desire to be like the World And Moses declares thus much of them after they had enjoyed the good things of God in abundance But Jesurun waxed fat and kicked Thou art waxed fat tâ—ou arâ— grown thicke thou art covered with fatnesse then he forsook God which made him and lightly esteemed the Rock of his salvation Deut. 32. 15. And therefore they knowing that when he possessed the Land of Canaan they would reject him and desire a King like all the rest of â—he Heathens and Pagans to reign over them Yet they being dear unto him he would not wholly reject them but gave them a Law for the chusing of a King and his behaviour which we find in Deuâ— 17. 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 in these words When thou art â—ome into the Lanâ— wâ—â—ch Jehovah thy God giveth thee and shalt possesse it and shalt dwell therein and shalt say I will set a King over me like as all the Nations that aâ—e about me Thâ—u shâ—lt in any wise set him King over thee whom Jehovah thy God shall chuse one from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee Thou mayst not set a stranger over thee which is not thy brother But he shall not multiply horses to himsâ—lf nor cause the people to retuâ—n to Egypt that is to bondage or slavery to the end thâ—t he should multiply horses Foâ—asmuch as Jehovah hath said untâ— yâ—u Ye shall henceforth return no morâ— that way that is to say â— shall be no mâ—re slaves Neither shall he multiply â—ivâ—s to himself that his heart turn not away neither shall â—â— gâ—eâ—tly multiply to himselâ— silver and Gold And it shâ—ll be when he sitteth â—pon the â—â—hrone of his Kingâ—om that he shall write him a Copy of this Law in a Book on of that which is before the Priests the Levites And it shall be with him and he shall reade therein all the dayes of his lifâ— that he may learn to feare Jehovah his God to keepe all the words of this Law and thâ—se Statutes and do them That his heart be not listed up above his Brethren and that he turn not aside from the Commandement to the right hand or to the left to the end that he may prolong his dayes in his Kingdome he and his children in the middest of Israel So that to me it is very cleer that all Government whatsoever ought to be by mutuall consent and agreement and that no Governour Officer King or Magistrate ought to be betrusted with such a Power â—s inables him when he pleaseth to destroy those that trust him Aâ—d wickedness in the highest it is for any King c. to raign and govern by â—is Prerogative that is to say by his will and pleasure and as great wickednesse it is for any sort of men to sufâ—â—r him so to do For the proofe of this I lay down my Argumenâ— thus and we will apply it to the King of England in perticular He that is not GOD but a meer man cannot make his will a rule and law unto himself and others But Charles Stewart alias Charles Rex is not God but a meer man Ergo he cannot make his Will a rule and Law unto himselfe or to the people of England Secondly He that by contract and agreement receives a Crowne or Kingdome is bound to that contract and agreement the violating of which absolves and dâ—singages those that made it from him But King Charles received His Crowne and Kingdome by a contract and agreement and hath broken His contract and agreement Ergo. c. Now for the clearing of the first proposition it is confest by all that are not meer Athists That GOD alone rules and governs by his Will and that therefore things are legall just and good Because GOD wills them to be so And therefore all men whatsoever must and ought to be ruled by the Law of GOD which in a great part is engraven in Nature and demonstrated by Reason As for instance It is an instinct in Nature that there is a GOD Rom. 1. or a mighty incomprehensible power And therefore it is rationall that we should not make Gods unto our selves and this is the pith of the first Commandement Nature telling me There is a God And therefore secondly its rationall he only should be worshipped served and odored and that 's the marrow of the second Commandement And in the third place seeing nature tells me there is a GOD reason dâ—ctâ—â—â—s unto me that I should speak reverently and honourably of hâ—m And this is the sumâ—e of the third Commandement Fouâ—thly Nature dictating to me there is a GOD. It is rationaâ—l I should â—et some time apart to do him homage and service And seeing the inâ—â—â—â—ct of Nature causes me to look upon him as a Soveraign over me â—s but rationall haâ— he should appoint a Law unto me for the matter manner and time of his worship and service and this is the substance of the fourth Commandement Again seeing nature teacheth me to defâ—â—d my self and preserve my life Reason telleth me in th◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is but just that I should not doe that unto another which I would not have another doe to me but that in the affirmative I should do as I would be done unto And this is the marrow of the whole second Table of Gods Law from whence all Lawes amongst men ought to have their derivation And therefore because by nature no man is GOD or Soveraign one over another Reason tells me I ought not to have a law imposed
both on him and all that had a finger in furthering of his usurpation vers 23 24 45 53 54 for afterward the Tyrant thaâ— they had set up destroyed them all for their pains and in the end had his scull broke to pieces with a piece of a mill-stone thrown from the hand of a woman And after many miseries sustained by the people of Israel for their revolt from their loyalty to GOD their LORD and KING Yet in their distresse hee took compassion of them and senâ— them Samuel a just and righteous Judge who judged â—hem justly all his dayes But the people of Israel like foolish men not being content with the Government of their Soveraign by Judges who ouâ— of doubt took such a care of them that he provided the best in the world for them would reject their Liege Lord and chuse one of their own namâ—y a King that so they might be like the Pagans and Heathens who ive without God in the world which Act af theirs God plainly declares was a rejection of him thâ—t he should not reign over them 1 Sam. 87. and chap. 10. 19. Buâ— withal he descâ—â—beth vnto them the behaviour of the King vers 11 12 13 14 16. which 1 Sam. 8. 7. and 10. 9. is that he will rule and govern them by his own will just Tyrant like for saith Samuel he will take your Sons and appoint them for himselfe for his Chariots and to be his horâ—emâ—n and ome shall run before his Chari t s and he will take by his Prerogative your Fiâ—lds and your Vineyards and youâ— Oliveyards eveâ— the hest of them and give them to his Servants and he will take your men-servants and your maid-servants and your goodliest young-men and your Asses and put them to his worke c. And saith Samuel you shall cry out in that day because of your King which ye shall have chosen unto you but the Lord will not hear you in that day And Samuel in the 12. Câ—apâ—er gives them positively the reason ofiâ— which was that although GOD in all their straights had taken compassion on them and sent them deliveries and at the last had by himself set them free on every side so that they dwelt sately Yet all this would not content them but they would have a King to reigne over them when sâ—â—h Samuâ—l the â—ord your God was your King therefore chap. 1â— 19. saith Samuel ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities c. yea and in the 19. ver of the 12. chap. the People acknowledged that they had added unto all their sins this evill even to ask a King Whereb we may evidently pâ—rceive that this office of a King is not in the least of Gods institution neither is it to bâ— given to any man upon earth Because none must rule by his will but God alone And therefore the Scripture saith He gave them a King in his anger and took him away in his wrath Hosa 13. 11. In the second place for the proofe of the minor Proposition which is That Charles R. received his Crown and Kingdome by contract and agreement and hath broken his contract and agreement I thus prove And first for the first part of the position History makes it clear that WILLIAM THE CONQVEROVR OR TYRANT being a Bastard subdued this Kingdome by force of Armes Reade Speeds Chronicle folio 413. There being slain in the first Battell betwixt him and the English about sixty thousand men on the English party As Daniel records in his History fol. 25. And having gained the Country he ruled it by his sword as an absolute Conqueror professing that he was beholding to none for his Kingdome but God and his sword making his power as wide as his will just Tyrant like giving away the Lands of their Nobles to his Normans laying unwonted taxes and heavie subsidies upon the Commons insomuch that many of them to enjoy a barren liberty forsook their fruitfull inheritance and with their wâ—ves and children as out-lawes lived in woods preferring that naked name of freedome before a sufficient ☞ maintenance possest under the thraldome of a Conquerar who subvertâ—ed their Lawes disweaponed the Commons prevented their night meetings with a hâ—aviâ— penalty that every man at thâ— day closing should cover his fiâ—e and depart to his rest there by depriving them of all opportunity to consult together how to recover their liberties collating Officeâ—s all both of command and judicature on those who were his 〈◊〉 made saith Daniel page 46. his domination such as heâ— would have it For whereas the causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward Segâ—ier all matters in question should upon speciall penalty without further deferment be finally decidâ—d in the Gemote or Convâ—â—â—ions held monethly in every Hundred Now he ordained That four times in the yeare for certain dayes the same businesse should be determâ—ned in such place as he would appoint where he constituted Judges to 〈◊〉 to that purpose and others from whom as from the bosomâ— of â—he Prince all litigâ—tors should have justice And to make them â—s miserable as slavâ—s could be made He ordered that the Laws should be practised in French Aâ— Pâ—itions and businesses of Câ—urt â—n French that so the poor miserable people might be gulled and cheated undone and destroyed not onely at his will and pleasure but also at the will and pleasure of his under Tyrants and Officers For to speak in the words of Martin in his History page 4 He enacted and established strict and severe Lawes and published them in his own language by meanes whereof many who were of great estate and of much worth through ignorance did transgressâ— and their smâ—llest offences were great enough to entitle the CONQVEROR to their lands to the lands and riches which they did possesse All which ke seized on and took from them without remorse And in page 5. he declares hat he erected sundry Courts for the administraâ—iâ—nâ— his â—ew Lawes and of Justice and least his Iudges shâ—uld bear toâ— great a sway by reason of his absence he caused them all to follow his Court upon all removes Whereby he not only curbed thâ—ir dispâ—siâ—ions which iâ—cited them to be great but also tired out the English Nâ—tion with extraordinary troubles and excessive charges in the prosecution of Suites in Law From all which relations we may observe First from how wicked bloudy triviall base and tyrannicall a Fountain our gratious Soveraignes and most excellent Majesties of England have sprung namely from the Spring of a Bastard of poore condition by the Mothers side and from the pâ—rnitious springs of Robbery Pyracie violence and Murder c. Howsoever fabulous Writers strivâ— as Daniel saith to abuse the credulity of after Ages with Heroicall or mircaulous beginnings that surely if it be rightly considered there will none dote upon those kind of Monsters Kings buâ—
obtained saith Martin fol. 29. The Empresse with many honourable tryumphs and solemnities was received into the Cities of Circester Oxford Winchester and London but the Londoners desiring the restitution of King Edwards Lawes which she refused which proved her ruine and the restitution of King Stephen out of prison and to the Crown again and after some fresh bouts betwixt King Stephen and Duke Henry Mauds eldest Son a Peace was concluded betwixt them in a Parliament at Westminster and that Duke Henry should enjoy the Crown after King Stephen At the receiving of which he took the usuall oath and being like to have much work in France c. being held in thereby from all exorbitant courses he was therefore Wary to observe at first all meanes to get and retain the love and good opinion of this Kingdom by a regular and easie government and at Waldingford in Parliament saith Daniel fol. 80. made an act that both served his own turn and much eased the stomackes of his people which was the expulsion of strangers wherewith the Land was much pestered but afterwards was more with Becket the traytorly Arch-bishop of Canterbury And after him succeeds his Son Richard the first At the beginning of this mans Reigne a miserable massacre was of the Jewes in this Kingdom who went to the holy wars and was taken prisone by the Emperour as he came home of whom Daniel saith fol. 126. that he reigned 9 years and 9 moneths Wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdome then all his Predecessours from the Norman had done before him and yet lesse deserved then any His brother Duke John being then beyond Seas with his Army was by the then Archbishop of Canterburies meanes endeavoured to be made King Who undertooke for him that he should restore unto them their Rights and govern the Kingdome as he ought with moderation and was thereupon after taking three oathes which were to love holy Church and preserve it from all Oppressours The Kings Oath to govern the State in justice and abolish bad Lawes not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to rerform that he had sworn Speed 534. crowned King And because the title was doubtfull in regard of Arthur the Posthumus Son of Geffery Duke of Brittain King Iohns eldest brother Speed fol. 532 he receives the Crown and Kingdome by way of election Daniel fol. 127. the Archbishop that crowned him in his Oration professing before the whole Assembly of the State That by all reason Divine and Humane none ought to succeed in the Kingdome but who should bee for the worthinesse of his vertues universally chosen by the State as was this man And yet notwithstanding all this he assumed power by his will and prerogative to impose three shillings upon every plough-land and also exacted great Fines of Offenders in his Forrests And afterwards summons the Farles and Barons of England to be presently ready with Horse and Arms to passe the Seas with him But they holding a conference together at Lecester by a generall consent send him word That unlesse he would render them their rights and liberties they would not attend him out of the Kingdome Which put him into a mighty rage but yet he went into France and there took his Nephew Arthur prisoner and put him to death by reason of which the Nobility of Britaigne Anjou and Poictou took Armes against him and summon him to answer at the Court of Justice of the King of France to whom they appeale Which he refusing is condemnâ—d to lose the Dutchy of Normandy which his Ancestors had held 300. yeares and all other his Provinces in France which he was accordingly the next yeare deposed of And in this disastrous estate â—aith Daniel fol. 130. he returnes into England â—nd charges the Earles and Barons with the reproaches of his lâ—sses in France and fines them by his Prerogative to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing his aid And after this going over into France to wrasâ—le another fall was forced to a peace for two years and returnes into England for more supplies where by his will iust and prerogative he layes an imposition of the thirteenth part of all moveables and other goods both of the Clergie and Laitie who now saith Daniel seeing their substances consume and likely ever to be made liablâ— to the Kings desperate courses began to cast about for the recovery of their ancient immunities which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between the King his people Which saith he folio 131. cost more adoe and more Noble blood then all the warres for raigne had done since the Conquest For this contention ceased not though it often had fair intermissions till the GREAT CHARTER made to keep the Beame right betwixt SOVERAIGNTY and SVBJECTION first obtained of this King JOHN in his 15. and 16. yeares of his yeares of his reigne and after of his sonne Henry the 3. in the 3. 8. 21. 36. 42. yeares of his reigne though observed truly of neither was in the maturity of a judiciall Prince Edward the first freely ratified Anno regni 27. 28. But I am confident that whosoever seriously and impartially readeth over the lives of King John and his sonne Henry the third will judge them Monsters rather then men Roaring Lions Ravening Wolves and salvadge Boares studying how to destroy and ruine the people rather then Magistrates to govern the people with justice and equity For as for King John he made nothing to take his Oath and immediatly to break it the common practice of Kings to grant Charters and Freedomes and when his turn was Consider compare and conclude served to annihilate them again and thereby and by his tyrannicall oppressions to embroyle the Kingdoâ—e in Warres Blood and all kind of miseries In selling and basely delivering up the Kingdome that was none of his own but the peoples as was decreed in the next Parliament Speed fol. 565. by laying down his CROWN Scepter Mantle Sword and Ring the Ensignes of his Royalty at the feet of Randulphus the Popes Agent delivering up therewithall the Kingdome of England to the Pope And hearing of the death of Geffery Fitz Peter one of the Patrons of the people rejoyced much and swore by the Feet of God That now at length he was King and Lord of England having a freâ—r power to untie himselfe of those knots which his Oath had made to this great man against his will and to break all the Bonds of the late concluded peace with the people unto which he repented to have ever condescended And as Daniel folio 140. saith to shew the desperate malice this King and Tyrant who rather then not to have an absolute domination over his people to doe what he listed would be any thing himselfâ— under any other that would but support him in his violences There is recorded an
Ambassage the most and impious that â—ver was sent by any Christian Prince unto Maramumalim the Moâ—â—â— intituled The great King of Africa c. Wherein he offered to render uâ—to him his Kingdome and to hold the same by tribuâ—â— from him as his Soveraign Lord to forgoe the Christian faith which he held vaâ—â— and receive that of Mahomet But leaving him and his people together by the cares striving with him for their â—â—â—râ—es and freedomes aâ— justly they might which at last brought in the French amongst them to the almost utter ruine and destruction of the whole Kingdome and at last he was poysoned by a Monk It was this King or Tyrant that enabled the Citizens of London to make their Annuall choyce of a Mayor and two Seriffes Martaine 59. The Kingdome being all in broyles by the French who were called in to the aid of the Barons against him and having got footing plot and endevour utterly to extinguish the English Nation The States at Glâ—cester in a great Assembly caused Henry the third his sonne to be Crowned who walked in his Fathers steps in subverting the peoples Liberties and Freedomes who had so freely chosen him and expelled the French yet was hee so led and swayed by evill Councellors putting out the Natives out of all the chief places of the Kingdome and preferred strangers only in their places Which doings made many of the Nobility saith Daniel folio 154. combine themselves for the defence of the publick according to the law of Nature and Reason and boldly doe shew the King his error and ill-advised course in suffering strangers about him to the disgrace and oppression of his naturall liege people contrary to their Lawes and Liberties and that unlesse he would reforme this excesse whereby his Crown and Kingdome was in imminent danger they would withdraw themselves from his Councell Hereupon the King suddenly sends over for whole Legions of Poictonions and withall summons a Parliament at Oxford whither the Lords refuse to come And after this the Lords were summonedto a Parliament at Westminster whither likewise they refused to come unlesse the King would remove the Bishop of Winchester and the Poictonians from the Court otherwise by the common Counsell of the Kingdom they send him expresse word They would expell him and his evill Councellors out of the land and deale for the creation of a new King Fifty and six yeares this King reigned in a manner in his Fathers steps for many a bloody battell was fought betwixt him and his people for their Liberties and Freedomes and his sonne Prince Edward travelled to the warres in Africa The State after his Fathers death in his absence assembles at the New Temple and Proclaim him King And having been six yeares absent in the the third yeare of his reigne comes home and being full of action in warres occasioned many and gâ—eat Levies of money from his people yet the most of them was given by common consent in Parliament and having been three years out absent of the Kingdom he comes home in the 16. year of his reign And generall complaints being made unto him of ill administration of justice in his absence And that his Judges like so many Jewes had eaten his people to the bones ruinated them with delays in their suits and enriched themselves with wicked corruption too comon a practice amongst that generation he put all those from their Offices who were found guilty and those were almost all and punished them otherwise in a grievous manner being first in open Parliament convicted See Speed folio 635. And saith Daniel folio 189. The fines which these wicked corrupt Judges brought into the Kings Coffers were above one hundred thousand marks which at the rate as money goes now amounts to above three hundred thousand Markes by meanes of which he filled his empty coffers which was no small cause that made him fall upon them In the mean time these were true branches of so corrupt a root as they flowed from namely the Norman Tyrant And in the 25. yeare of his reigne he calles a Parliament without admission of any Church-man he requires certain of the great Lords to goe into the warres of Gascoyne but they all making their excuses every man for himselfe The King in great anger threatned that they should either goe or he would give their Lands to those that should Whereupon Humphry Bohun Earle of Hereford High Constable and Roger Bigod Earle of Norfolk Marshall of England made their Declaration That if the King went in person they would attend him otherwise not Which answer more offends And being urged again the Earle Marshall protested He would willingly go thither with the King and march before him in the Vantguard as by his right of inheritance he ought to doe But the King told him plainly he should goe with any other although himself went not in person I am not so bound said the Earle neither will I take that journey without you The King swore by God Sir Earle you shall goe or hang. And I sweare by the same oath I will neither goe nor hang said the Earle And so without leave departed Shortly after the two Earles assembled many Noblemen and others their friends to the number of thirty Baronets so that they were fifteen hundred men at Arms well appointed and stood upon their own guard The King having at that time many Irons in the fire of very great consequence judged it not fit to meddle with them but prepares to go beyond the Seas and oppose the King of France and being ready to take ship the Archbishops Bishops Earles and Barons and the Commons send him in a Roll of the generall grievances of his Subjects concerning his Taxes Subsidies and other Impositions with his seeking to force their services by unlawfull courses c. The King sends answer that he could not alter any thing without the advice of his Councell which were not now with them and therefore required them seeing they would not attend him in this journey which they absolutely refused to doe though he went in person unlesse he had gone into Fraâ—câ— or Scotland that they would yet do nothing in his absence prejudiciâ—â—l to the peace of the Kingdom And that upon his return he would set all things in good order as should be fit And although he sayled away with 500. sayle of ships and 18000. men at Armes yet he was crossed in his undertakings which forced him as Daniel saith to send over forâ—more supply of treasure and gave order for a Parliament to be held at York by the Prince and such as had the managing of the State in his absence wherein for that he would not be disappointed he condescends to all such Articles as were demanded concerning the Great Charter promising from thence-forth never to charge his Subjects otherwise then by their consents in Parliament c. which at large you may reade in the Book of Statutes for which the Commons of
the Realm granted him the ninth peny Aâ— so deer a rate were they forced to buy their own Rights at the hands of him that was their servant and had received his Crown and Dignity from them and for them But the People of England not being content with the confirmation of their Liberties by his Deputies presse him at a Paâ—l at Westminster the next year to the confirmation of their Charters he pressing hard to have the Clause Salvo Jure Coroae nostrae put in but the People would not endure it should be so Yet with much adoe he confirmes them according to their mind and â—hat neither he nor his heires shall procure or do any thing whereby the Liberties of the Great Charter contained shall be infringed or broken and if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premises iâ— shall be held of no force nor effect And this câ—st them dear as I said before So that here you have a true relation of the begetting the conception and birth of Magna Charta The English-Mans Inheritance And how much blood and money it cost our fore-fathers before they could wring it out of the hands of their tyrannicall Kings and yet alas in my judgment it falls far short of Edward the Confessors Laws for the ease good and quiet of the people which the Conqueror robbed England of for the Norman practises yet in Westminster-Hall by reason of their tediousnesse ambiguities uncertainties the entries in Latine which is not our own Tongue their forcing men to plead by Lawyers and noâ— permitting ☞ themselves to plead their own causes their compelling of persons to come from all places of the Kingdom to seek for Justice at Westminster is such an Iron Norman yoak with fangs and teeth in it as Lieutenant Colonell Lilburn in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reeves cals it That if we werefree in every particular else that our hearts can think of yet as the same Author saith were we slaves by this alone the burthen of which singly will pieâ—ce gaul our shoulders make us bow stoop even down to the ground ready to be made a prey not only by great men but even by every cunning sharking knave Oh therefore that our Honourable Parliament according to their late Declaration would for ever annihilate this Norman innovation reduce us back to that part of the antient frame of government in this Kingdome before the Conquerors dayes That we may have all cases and differences decided in the County or Hundred where they are committed or do arise without any appeale but to a Parliament And that they may monethly be judged by twelve men of free and honest condition chosen by themselves with their grave or chiefe Officer amongst them and that they may swear to judge every mans cause aright without feare favour or affection upon a severe and strict penalty of those that shall do unjustly And then farewell jangling Lawyers the wildfire-destroyers and bane of all just rationall and right-governed Common-wealths And for the facilitating of this work and the prevention of frauds I shall onely make use of Mr. John Cookes words a Lawyer in Grays-Inne in the 66. page of his late published Book called A Vindication of the Professours and Profession of the Law where he prescribes A ready remedy against Frauds which is That there might be a publike office in every Countie to register all Leases made for any Land in that County and also all conveyances whatsoever and all charges upon the Lands and all Bonds and Contracts of any value for saith he It is a hard matter to find out Recognizances Judgments Extents and other Charges and too chargable for the Subject that so for 12. d. or some such small matter every man might know in whom the Interest of Land remains and what incuâ—brances lie upon it and every estate or charge not entered there to be void in Law And that the Country have the choosing of the Registers in their respective Counties oncâ— a yeare upon a fixed day and that they have plaine rules and limitations made by authority of Parliament and severe penalties enacted for transgressing them But after this digression let us return to Mag. Charta whosoever readeth iâ— which eveâ—â— man may at large at the beginning of the book of Statuâ—es shaâ—l fiâ—d it an absolute Contract betwixt the Kings of England and the People thereof which at their Coronations ever since they take an Oath inviolable to observe And we shall find in the dayes of â—his Pâ—incâ— who is noted for one of the best that we have that English-men understood themselves so well that when the Pope endeavoured to meddle in a businesse betwixt the Scots and the Crown of England there was letters sent from Lincoln at a Parliament which did absolutely tell the Pope that the King their Lord should iâ— no sort undergo his Holinesse judgement therein Neither send his Pâ—ocurators as was required â—bout that businesse whereby it may seeme that doubâ—s were made of their Kings title to the prejâ—dice of the Crowne the Royall Dignity the Liberties Customâ—s and Lawes of England which by their oath and duty they were bound to observe and would defend with their lives Neither would they permit nor could any usuall unlawful and detrimental proceeding but that which is most observable is in the next clause viz. nor suffer their King if he would to do or any way to attempt the same Daniel fol. 199. After the warlike King succeeded his Son Edward the second who was continually at variance with his people although never any before him was received with greater love of the people then he as saith Daniel fol. 204. nor ever any that sooner leâ—t it His very first actions discovered a head-strong wilfulnesse that was unconcealable regarding no other company but the base Parasites of of the times the head of which was Gaveston which made his Nobles at Westminster when he and his Queen was to be crowned to assemble together and require him that Gaveston his darling might be removed from out of the Court and Kingdome otherwise they purposed to hinder his Coronation at that time Whereupon the King to avoid so great a disgrace promises on his saith to yeeld to what they desired in the next Parliament And at the next Parliament the whole Assembly humbly besought the King to advise and treat with his Nobles who then it seemes were abundantly honester then these are now concerning the state of the Kingdome for the avoiding of iminent mischiese likely to ensue through the neglect of Government and so far urged the matter as the King consents thereunto and not only grants them liberty to draw into Articles what was requisite for the Kingâ—ome but takes his Oath to ratifie whatsoever thâ—y should câ—nclude Whereupon they elect certain choice men both of the Clergy Nobility and Commons to compose those Articles which donâ— the Archbishop of Canterbury lately recalled from exile with
in or about the year 1214. The Prelates Lords and Commons severally and joyntly enacted That forsomuch as neither King John nor any other King could bring his Realme and People to such thraldome but by common consent of Parliament which was never done and that in so doing he did against his Oath at his Coronation besides many other causes of just exception If therefore the Pope thence forwards should attempt any thing therein the King with all his Subjects should with all their forces and powers resist the same and rather hazzard all their lives and livelihood then endure his usuâ— pationâ— But if any man should so dote upon those Pageanâ—s Tyrants Kings the supposed and pretended aâ—nointed of the Lord as yet not to think it sufficient to prove that not onely the present King Charles his own acknowledgment and confession will be of force sufficient to pull all Scales of blindnesse from their eyes and all hardnesse and unbelievingnesse of heart from their hearts His own words in his answer to the House of Commons first Remonstrance Book Declar. pag. 25. are these We have thought it very suitable to the duty of Our place and pag. 29. and We â—aith he doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to his Subjects that for Our part We are resolved duly not only to observe the Lawes Our Self but to maintain them agrinst what opposition soever though with the hazard of Our Being and a little below We acknowledge it a high crime saith he against Almighty God and inexcusabâ—â— to Our good Subjects of Our three Kingdomes if We did not to the utmost imploy all Our power and faculties to the speediest and most effectuall assistance and protection of that distressed people of Ireland And in his Message 28 April 1642. page 157. speaking of the Militia he saith We conceive it prejudiciall to Our Self or inconvenient for Our Subjects for whom We are trusted and page 167. Himself saith That if the Prerogative of the King over-whelme the Liberty of the People it will be turned to tyrannie And he himself page 284. defines tyrannie to be nothing else but to admit no rule to govern by a mans own will But above all the rest remarkable is his own confession in his answer to the Parliaments Declaration of the 19. May 1642. where in page 152. He honestly and plainly acknowledgeth that He is to give an account of his Office not only to God but also to his other Kingdoms But as the Parliament saith page 701. This is a strange Paradox that his Majesty by his own Confession owes an â—account to his other Kingdomes of his Office and Dignity of a King in this kingdome itself where he resides and hath his being and subsistence And in page 311. He acknowledgeth God hath entrusted Him with his regallity for the good of his People and if it be for their good then not for their mischief and destruction but God hath entrusted him and how is that The truth is God is no more the Author oâ— Regall then of Aristocratical power nor of Supreame then of Subordinate Command Nay that Dominion which is usurped and not just whilest it remains Dominion and till it be legally again divested refers to God as its Author and Donor as much as that which is Hereditary and permissively from God and not approbationally instituted or appointed by him And that Law which the King mentioneth is not to be understood to bee any speciall Ordinance sent from Heaven by the Ministry of Angels or Prophets as amongst the Jewes it sometimes was It can be nothing else amongst Christians but the actions and agreements of such and such politike Corporations Power is originally inherent in the People and it is nothing else but that might and vigour which such and such a Society of men contains in it self and when by such and such a Law of common consent and agreement it is derived into such and such hands God confirmes the Law And so man is the free and voluntary author the Law is the instrument and God is the establisher of both as the observator in the first page of the first part of his most excellent observations doth observe And though Kings make a huge matter of that saying of God by me Kings Raigne as though there were some superlative naturall inbred inherent deity or exellency in Kings above other men yâ—t we may say anâ— that truâ—y That by God all mankind lives moues and have their being yea and raignes and goveâ—ns as much by God in their infâ—rior orbs of Cityes hundreds waâ—entaâ—es and families as well as Kings in their Kingdoms yea though God himselfe in an extraordinary and immediate manner chose aâ—d appointed Saul David and Solomon to be Kings of Israel Yet so just was the righâ—eous God that â—e wâ—uâ—d 〈◊〉 impâ—se them uâ—oâ— the people of Israâ—l against their own â—ilâ—â— and mindâ—s 〈◊〉 heâ— did tâ—ey rule as Kâ—â—g till by tâ—e câ—mmoâ— câ—nsent of tâ—e people they châ—se â—hem and 〈◊〉 â—heâ— to raigne ovâ—r â—hem 1 Sam. 10. 20. 24. 2 Sam. 2. 24. and Châ—p 5. 1. 2. and 3. and 1 Kings 38 39 â—0 So tâ—at â—hâ—ir authâ—râ—ty did originally as inhereâ—tlâ— flow from the peâ—ple as well as their speciall â—ssigâ—ation from God aâ—d tâ—ey were to rulâ— and govern them by the Law of God â—nd not by the rule and Law of their own wilâ— unto which Law â—hey were to be as 〈◊〉 and subject as the meanest of the people yea and as â—yaâ—le to punishment and to have their traâ—sgrâ—ssiâ—ns â—ayd to tâ—â—ir charge As Lieuâ—eâ—aâ—t Collonâ—l Lilburne â—ath 〈◊〉 and fully proved in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reves pâ—g These things righâ—ly considered doth coâ—demn thosâ— two maxims for wicked ungodly and tyrannicâ—â—l wâ—ich are â—ayd downe so in the booke of Dâ—claraâ—ioâ—s pag 199. 3. 4. viz. That the King can do no wrong The second is that the King is the fountaine of justice But to returne againe to the Kings own word â—e saith pag. 313. We were unwoâ—â—hy the trust repoâ—ed in us by the Law and of our descent from so many great and famous Ancestors if wâ— could be brought to abondon that power which onely can enable us to performe what we are sworne to in protecting our people and the Lawes What can be said more plaine then this to prove him an Officer of 〈◊〉 Trust But seeing he speakes of his Ancestors Let me tell him that if he had no better title to his Crown then to claime it his by a kind of Divine Right from his Progenitors and because he is the next Heire to King James It would be by Scripture a very weak title We find in Scripture that Salomon a younger Son c. was made King principally because of his fitnesse to govern when divers of his elder brethren wenâ— without the Crown And if any in the world might have pleaded the priviledges of being next heire Davids Sons and Sons
Lordships have flowing from one and the same fountain with them namely the Kings will and pleasure commonly called The Kings Prerogative demonstrated by his Letters Pattents which in such a case is not worth a button as is clear by the Law and the very principles of Reason and that the Lordly Prerogative honour it self that they enjoy from the King which was never given them by common consent as all right and just honour and power ought to be is a meer boon and gratuity given them by the King for the helping him to inslave and envassalise the People and from theâ—r Predecessâ—rs whom William the Conqueror aâ—ias the Theefe and Tyranâ— made Dukes Earles and Barons for helping him to subdue and enslave the free Nation of England and gave them by the Law of this own will the estate of the Inhabitâ—nts the right owners thereof to maintain the Grandeur of their Tyranny and Prerogative Peerage And therfore their Creator the King doth in his Dce p. 324 ingeniously declare that their title to their legislative power is only by bloud And if so then not by common consent or choyce of the People the onely and alone Fountain of all just power on earth and therefore void null and at the best but a meer fixion and usurpation and the greatest or best stile they gave themselves in their joynt Declaration with the House of Commons page 508 is That the House of Peers are the Hereditary Councellors of the Kingdome and what right they have thereby to make the People Lawes I know not neither is it declared there by what right they came by their Hereditary Councellorship Nor yet is it there declared what it is So that I understand not what they mean by it which I desire them to explaine for sure I am it is a maxime in Nature and Reason That no man can be concluded buâ— by his own consent and that it is absolute Tyranny for any what or whom soever to impose a Law upon a People that were never chosen nor betrusted by them to make them Lawes But in that Declaration in the next line The chosen and betrusted House of Commons the only alone Law-makers of England the King and Lords consent to their Votes Lawes and Ordinances being but in truth a meer Ceremony and usurped formality and in the strength of Law which justly is nothing else then pure reason neither addes strength unto them nor detracts power from them is royally truly and majesterially stiled and called the representaive Body of the whole Commons of the Kingdome and so are in abundance of other places before cited Yea and whosoever seriously reades and considers the third Position laid down page 726. and laid down in the name of the Parliament shall see indeed and in truth the power of the Lords wholly cashiered their words are these That we did and do say that a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or any Subject hath a right in such a way as that the Kingdome may not be in danger thereby and that if the King being humbly sought unto by his Parliament shall refuse to joyn with them in such cases the Representative Body of the Kingdome that is to say the House of Commons alone the Lords representing no Body but themselves and their Ladies neither challenge they any such title but call themselves meerly Hereditary Councellours is not to sit still and see the Kingdome perish before their eyes and of this danger they are Judges and Judges superiour to all others I beseech you mark it well that legally have any power of judicature within this Kingdome Where are you my Lords And what say you to this your own ingenious confession For yours it is for any thing I know to the contrary unlesse you were all asleep when you past it Nay further My Lords If the Representative Body bee the Parliament as is here confessed and averred and that Representative Body be the House of Commons and none else as before is proved and the House of Commons or Representative Body be the Parliament as here they are called then My Lords what say you to that inference from hence drawn and naturally flowing and arising from the premises and proved by your first Pofition laid down in the fore-cited page 726. which is That the Parliament hath a power in declaring Law in particular cases in question before them and that which is so declared by the High Court of Parliament being the highest Court of Judicature ought not afterwards to be questioned by his Majesty or any of his Subjects for that there lyeth no Appeal from them to any Person or Court whatsoever so that the right and safety both of King and People shal depend upon the Law and the Law for its interpretation upon the Courts of Justice which are the competent Judges thereof and not upon the pleasure and interpretation of private persons or of Publike in a private capacity Good-night my Lords unlesse you will make a little more buzling and so make the stink a little more hot in the Nostrils of all men that have the use of their sences before your snuffe go cleer out the which if you do it will I am confident but cause it to go out with a witnesse And therefore look to it and remember the Star-Chamber the Councell-I able and High Commission Where are they all but in the grave of reproach contumely disgrace and shame And give me leave to tell you of the common Proverb now abroad of Canterbury and Strafford That if in the dayes of their prosperity which were as high and great as yours are or ever were they had thought they should have beene pulled down by the common People whom they strongly labonred to enslave and by their unwearied cryes to the eares of Englands supreame Judges for Justice were justly by them condemned to the block and lost their wicked Lordly Heads in the presence of many of those that they had tyrannized over they would have been more moderate just and righteous in their generations then they were Apply it my Lord s and remember Mr. Lilburn c. and the tyrannie you have exercised upon him for many weekes together both in Newgate and the Tower of London in locking him up close prisoner without the use of Pen Ink or Paper and not suffering his friends nor wife that singular comfort and help that the wise God provided for poor fraile man to set her foot within his Chamber door for about three Weekes together nor she nor any of his friends to deliver to his hands though in the presence of his Keeper meat drink or money and yet you never allowed himm 2. d. to live on that I could heare of and then unjustly sentence him 4000. l. and 7 years Imprisonment in the Tower c. there to be tyrannized over by one â—f your own Creatures Col. West Lieutenant thereof who hath divers weeks divorced him from his wife and
Irish Rebellion for all his many solemn protestations to the contrary and that at the very begining by his immediate warrant licensed Commanders to go over to them and hindred supplies from going to suppresse them pag. 70. 98. 116. 567. 568. 569. 622. Yea and though he were so quick against the Scots as immediately upon their declaring themselves to maintaine their rights to proclaime them traytors yet notwithstanding though the King vowed and protested that his soule abhorred the Irish Rebellion it was about three moneths before the Parliament could get him to proclaime them traytors And when he was by them forced to proclaime them traytors His Majesty gave speciall Command that but forty of them should be printed and not one of them published till farther directions given by his Majesty pag. 567. Yea and besides all this contrary to his Oath he refuseth to passe the bill for the Militia although it was often prest upon him by the Parliament as the onely way and meanes to settle and preserve the peace of the Kingdome and also with-drawes himselfe from the Parliament with a defigne to levy warre against them whereupon for the discharge of their duty and trust and the preservation of the Kingdome the 20. May 1642. book declar pag. 259. they past three votes viz. Resolved upon the Question I. That it appeares that the King seduced by wicked Councel intends to make warre against the Parliament who in all their consultations and actions have proposed no other end unto themselves but the care of his Kingdome and performance of all duty and loyalty to his person Resolved upon the Question II That whensoever the King maketh warre upon the Parliament It is a breach of the trust reposed in him by his people contrary to his Oath and tending to the dissolution of his Government Resolved upon the Question III. That whosoever shall serve or assist him in these warres are traytors by the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome and ought to suffer as tâ—aytors 11. Rich. 2. 1 2 3 4 5. anâ— 6 1 Hen. 4. 4. From the two last votes I will draw some arguments which naâ—urally flow from them And firs t for the seâ—oâ—d Vote which is that whensoever the King makeâ—h warre against the Parliament it is a breach of the trust reposed in him by his people c. But the King hath set up his Sâ—andard of defiance against thaâ— Parliament which he summoned to si a Westminster and had passed an Act of Parliamenâ— tâ—at there they should siâ— so long as they pleased yea and haâ—h actually proclamed and levyed war against them therefore he hath broke the â—rust reposed in him by his people which was to protect and defend them not to ruine and destroy them and hath violatâ—d his publick Oath and so is willfully forsworne and hath also strongly endeavoured the utter dissolution of the Government of this Kingdome Pag. 248. 503. 508. 509. 576. 580. 584. 617. 665. For in fighting against the Parliament and seekeing the utter destruction thereof as he hath done 〈…〉 fought against the whole Kingdome and people whose be â—uâ—ted legall chosen Commissioners and representation they are and who therefore have sufficient cause and ground given them both in the eyes of God and all rationall men ever hereafter to renounce and defie him c. as he hath done them Now from thâ— 3. Vote which is That whosoever shall serve or assist him in these warres are Traytors and ought to suffer as Traytors from whence by way of inference I draw this argumâ—nt That If the Minor principall that is to say the Accessarie or assistant be guilty of Treason Then much more is the Major principall that is to say the chiefe mover and beginner or originall actor and setter on guilty of treason himselfe But by this vote the Minor or principall the assister is declared and proved guilty of Treason Ergo the Major principall the King who sets all his assistants at worke is much more guilty of Treason Now let us consider of those two Statutes which the Parliament alledge for the proveing of the 3. vote That of the 11. R. 2. was the Law by which the five great Traytors as speed calles them folio 732. were â—impeached namely Robert de Vere Duâ—e of Ireland Alexander Nevile Arch-Bishop of Yorke Michaeldâ—la-Poole Earle of Suffolke Sir Robert Trisillian that false Iustitiar and Sir Nicholas Brâ—mbre that false Knight oâ— Londâ—n whose crime was for being the heads with many others to advise the King by his regall power to aâ—ihilate certaine things passed lately by act of Parliament and to destroy the chieâ—e men of both houses that had been chiefe Sâ—iâ—klers for the good of the Common Weal hâ—and by the Kings consent the Duâ—e of Irâ—land did levye forces for that â—nd But by the Lords that were for the Common Wealâ—h was soone varquished and forced to sly into France where he was sâ—â—in by a wild Boare Martine foli 1â—9 But yet notwithstanding his â—ssociates and Iudges viz. Ful hâ—op Bâ—lknap Carey Hott Burgh and Lockâ—on were the first â—â—y of the Parliament arrested of treason as they saâ—e in Iudgement on the Bench and most of them sent to the Tower for giving it under their hands that it was lawfull for the King to abrogate that which was lately done in the Parliament becauâ—â— as they wickedly saiâ— he was aboue the law Speed folio 731. Trisillian the chiefe Iustice prevented by flight his apprehension when his â—ellowes the Iudges were taken but afterwards was catcht and brought to the Parliament in the fore-noone where he had sentence to be drawne to Tyburne in the after-noone and there to have his throat cut which was done accordingly Sir Nicholas Brambres turne was next And aâ—ter him Sir Ioan Earle of Sails buâ—y and Sir James Barney Sir Iohn Bâ—uchamâ—â— of Holt Sâ—uart of the Kings Houshold Iohn Back Esquire and Simond Burley who onely as speed saith folio 733. had the worship to have his head struck off The Duke of Ireland the Arch Bishop of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke and others had their Estates confiscated to the Kings use by Act of Parliament And as Martin saith folio 149. The rest of the Judges had been served as Robert Trisillian was if upon the importunate and uncessant request of the Queene their lives had not been redâ—emed by their banishment O gallant and brave Justice It is true and so confessed by the Parliament that these Statutes of 11 R. 2. 1 2 3 4. 5 and 6. were abolished by the 21. R. 2. 12 But it is averred by them that they were revived by 1 H. 4. 3. 4. 5. 9. and still stand in force to this day which is a reall truth And in the 2. place let us consider well the Parliaments publick Declarations and we shall see they hold it out full enough We will begin with their Declaration to the States of Holland pag. 636. where they plainly affirme that the King not his evill
Councellers hath now at last resolved to set up his royall Standard and draw his sword for the destruction and ruine of his most faithfull and obedient people whom by the lawes and constitutions of this Kingdome he is bound to preserve and protect Yea and in their answer sent to his Messenger from Nottingham August 25. 1642. pag. 580 They tell him plainly that though they have used all meanes possible to prevent the distractions of this Kingdome which have been not onely without successe but there hath followed that which no ill Councell in former times hath produced or any age hath seene namely those severall Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament whereby their actions are declared Treasonable and their persons Traytors and thereupon your Majesty hath set up your Standard against them whereby you have put the two Houses of Parliament and in them this whole Kingdome out of your protection and as I may truly say have thereupon virtually ceased to be King so that untill your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earle of Essex and both Houses of Parliament and their adherents and assistants and such as have obeyed and execuâ—ed their commands and directions according to their duties are declared traytors or otherwise delinquents And unâ—ill the Standard set up in the pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken downe your Majesty hath put us into such a condition that whil'st we so remaine we cannot by the fundamentall priviledges of Parliament the publike trust reposed in us or with the generall good and safety of this Kingdome give your Majesty any other answer to this Message The same language they speake to him in their Petition pag. 584. And in their Message pag. 585. And in their Petition 587. And in their Declaration pag. 576 They say plainly that the King seduced by wicked Councell doth make warre against his Parliament and people And in their Petition sent by Sir Philip Stapleton to the Earle of Essex to be presented to His Majesty pag. 617. They say positively His Majesty warres against the Parliament and subjects of this Kingdome leading in his own person an Army against them as if he intended by conquest to establish an absolute and unlimitted power over them and by his power and the continuance of his presence have ransacked spoyled imprisoned murthered divers of his people yea and doth endeavour to bring over the Rebels of Ireland and other forces from beyond the Seas And in their Declaration and resolution after the King had proclaimed the Parliament and the Earle of Essex Traytors pag. 508. 509. They call that very Proclamation an attempt so desperate and so transcendently wicked that the Lords and Commons do unanimously publish and declare that all they who have advised contrived abâ—â—ted or countenaâ—ced or hereafter shall abett and countenance the said Proclamation to be Traytors and enemies to GOD the King Kingdome and to be guilty of the highest degree of Treason that can be comitted against the King and Kingdome that they will by the assistance of Almighty God and of all honest English Protestants and lovers of their Country do their best endeavours even to the utmost hazard of their lives and fortunes to bring all such unparalleld traytors to a speedy and exemplary punishment Be sure you be as good as your word for GOD of all villians abhors faith-breakers and take heâ—d by your actions and treatyes with the unjust and false King Charles one of the Monsters of the earth you do not give a just and visible cause of ground not onely to all rationall men in England but in the world that knowes reades and understands your often solemn sworne Oathes vowes Protestations and ingagements to judge you a forsworne false and perjured Generation and fit to be abhorred of GOD and all good men for to speake truth and right Hath not Charles Stewart committed treason against King Charles sure I am he hath done it against the KINGDOME of ENGLAND and that I prove by your own grounds thus The Proclamation that you so much cry out of comes out in his name and stile pag. 503. 404. 406. 507. And therefore his Ergo. For he ownes his own Proclamations and Declarations and jeeres you for a company of simpletons for declaring it otherwise His words pag. 248. are All our answers and Declarations have been and are owned by us and have been attested under our hands if any other had been published in our name and without our authority It would be easy for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the Authors And we wish that whosoever was trusted with the drawing and penning of that Declaration namely the Parliaments dated 19 of May 1642. had not more authority or cunning to impose upon or deceive a major part of those votes by which it passed then any man hath to prevaile with us to publish in our name any thing but the sâ—nce and resolution of our own heart And since this new device is found out in stead of answering our reasons or satisfying our just demandes to blast our Declarations and answers as if they were not our own a bold senselesse imputation we are sure that every answer and Declaration published by us is much more our own then any one of those bold threatning and reproachfull Petitions and remonstrances are the acts of either or both houses Yâ—a and as if all this were not enough to be done by a trust sufficiently for ever to declare the forfeiting of his trust and Kingly Office the King himself hath caused the Iewels of the Crown to be pawned to buy instruments of warre to butcher and murther his people who never gave him any power and authority for any other end but to protect defend and preserve them neither did he ever in his life injoy any other power either from God or man but for that end yet in his speech to the people of SALOP he declares he will melt down all his own Plate and expose all his land to sale or morgage though it be none of his but the Kingdomâ—s that so he may the faster cut the throats and shed the innocent blood of those his brethren that betrusted him with all he had or hath for their good and welfare Yet to fillup the measure of his iniquity he not his evill counsellors hath given Commission to his Commissioners of Array Sheriffes Mayors Justices Bailiffes or any other whatsoever to raise Force and to kill and slay all such as should hinder the EXECVTION of his Royall command or put the Ordinance of Militia though it were for their own preservation in Execution pag. 581. And the same bloody murdering Commissions he hath given to his Instruments in Scotland Ireland to Butcher destroy and ruinate the people there So that to sum up all the Parliament told him plainly in their late letter sent to him at Oxford That he was guilty of all the innocent blood
shed in England Scotland and Ireland since these wars which is the blood of thousands of thousands For which if all the sons of men should be so base and wicked as not to doe their duty in executing justice upon him which Legally may and ought to bee done by those especially who have Power and Authority in their hands Yet undoubtedly the righteous God will and that I am confident in an exemplary manner in despight of all his bloody add wicked protectors and defenders For GOD is a just GOD and will revenge innocent blood even upon Kings Judg. 1 6 7. 1 Kings 21. 19. 22. 38. Isa 30. 33. Ezek. 32. 29. and will repay wicked and ungodly men Isai 59. 18. Therefore I desire those that shall thinke this a harsh saying to lay down the definition of a Tyrant in the highest degree and I am confident their own Consciences will tell them it is scarce possible to commit or doe that act of Tyranny that Charles Stewart is not guilty of and therefore de jure hath absolved all his people from their Allegeance and Obedience to him and which the Parliament are bound in duty and conscience De facto to declare and not to bee unjuster to the Kingdome then their predecessors have been which in part I have already memioned and shall to conclude only cite some particulars of the Parliaments just dealing with Edward the second who was not one quarter so bad as C. R who being called to account by the Parliament for his evill government and being imprisoned at Kenelworth-Castle the Parliament sent Commissioners to acquaint him with their pleasure the Bishops of Winchesâ—â—r Hereford and Lincoln two Earls two Abbots foure Barons two Justices three Knights for every County and for London and other principall places chiefly for the five Ports a certain number chosen by the Parliament And when they came to him they told him the Common-wealth had conceived so irreconcileable dislikes of his government the particulars whereof had been opened in the generall Assembly at London that it was resolved never to endure him as King any longer That notwithstanding those dislikes had not extended so far as for his sake to exclude his issue but that with universall applause and joy the Common-wealth had in Parliament elected his eldest sonne the Lord Edward for King They finally told him that unlesse he did of himselfe renounce his Crown and Scepter the people would neither endure him nor any of his children as their Soveraigne but disclaiming all Homage and Fealty would elect some other for King not of the Blood The King seeing it would be no better amongst other things told them That he sorrowed much that the people of the Kingdom were so exasperated against him as that they should utterly abhorre his any longer rule and soveraignty and therefore he besought all there present to forgive him and gave them thanks for chusing his eldest sonne to be their King which was greatly to his good liking that he was so gracious in their sight Whereupon they proceeded to the short Ceremony of his Resignation which principally consisted in the surrender of his Diadem and Ensignes of Majesty to the use of his son the new King Whereupon Sir William Trussel on the behalfe of the whole Realm renounced all homage and allegeance to the Lord Edward of Carnarvan late King The words of the definitive Sentence were these I William Trussel in the name of all men of the Land of England and all the Parliament Procurator resigne to thee Edward the Domage that was made to thee sometime and from this time forward now following I defy thee and deprive shee of all Royall power and I shall neuer be attendant to thee as for â—ing after this time But if any object It is true Subjects and people have de facto done this unto their Kings but they cannot doe it de jure for that Kings are above their people are not punishable by any but God I answer God is the fountain or efficient cause of all punishment But as to man instrumentally he inflicts by man And though he be our supream Lord and Law-Maker hath for bodily and visible transgressions of his Law appointed a visible and bodily punishment in this world for the transgressors thereof and man for his instrumentall executioner and never ordinarily doth it immediatly by himself but when his Instrument Man failes to doe his duty and being a God of order hath appointed a Magistrate or an impowred man as his and their executioner for the doing of justice and never goeth out of this Road but in extraordinary cases as he doth when the Magistrate is extraordinarily corrupted in the executing of his duty and in such cases God hath raised up particular or extraordinary persons to be his executioners And therefore God being no respecter of persons hath by nature created all men alike in power and not any lawlesse and none to bind each other against mutuall agreement and common consent and hath exprâ—sly commanded Man his rationall creature shall not tyrannize one over another or destroy by any intrusted power each other but that the intrusted Kings as well as others shall improve the utmost of their power and strength for the good and benefit protection and preservation of every individuall Trustee And whosoever he be that shall improve his intrusted power to the destruction of his impowrers forfeits his power And GOD the fountain of Reason and Justice hath endued man with so much reason mercy humanity and compassion to himself and his own Being as by the instinct Nature to improve his utmost power for his own preservation and defence which is a Law above all lawes and compacts in the world Declar. April 17. 1641. And whosoever rejects it and doth not use it hath obliterated the principles of Nature in himselfe degenerated into a habit worse then a beast and becomes felonious to himselfe and guilty of hâ—s own blood This Israel of old the Lords peculiar people understood as well as the people of England although they had 〈◊〉 expresse posiâ—ive law no more then we in England have to rebell or withdraw their obedience subjection from those Magistrates or Kings that exercise their power and authority contrary to the nature of their trust which is plain and cleare without dispute in the case of Rehoboam who was the son of Solomon who was the sonne of David who was assigned King by GOD and chosen and made King by the common consent of the people of Juda and Israel 2 Sam. 7. 13. And who by vertve of Gods promise to him and his seed to be Kings over his people had more to say for his Title to his and their Crown I am confident of it then all the Princes in the world have to say for their claim and childrens to their Crown For Rehoboam was not onely the sonne of Solomon who was in a manner intailed by God himselfe unto the Crown
but he was also made King at Shechem by all Israel 1 King 12. â— And afterwards Jeroboam the son of Nebat Solomons servant and all the congregation of Israel went to Rehoboam to claim the making good of the GREAT CHARTER of Nature viz. to claim relaxation of oppression and protection according to justice that is to say that he should doe to them in governing them justly as he would have them to doe to him in yeelding him subjection and obedience this being the whole Law of GOD both Naturall and Morall and therefore they tell Rehoboam that the King â—his Father had broke their Charter and made their Yoak grieuous which you may read of in Chap. 4. Now therefore make thou observe they doe not say Most gracious Soveraigne nor Most excellent Majesty the grievous service of thy Father and his heavy yoak which he put upon us lighter and we will serve thee But the King rejecting the advice and counsell of his old and gâ—od Counsellors which as we may say was to govern them according to Law contained in Magna Charta and the Petition of Right c. and not to rule and governe them according to his Prerogative or perverse Will For they tell him If thou wilt be a servant unto this people this day and wilt serve them mark it well and answer them and speak good words to them then they will bee thy servants for ever But he forsook the counsell of the old men which wee may call GOOD COMMON-WEALTHS-MEN and followed the advice of his young-men which we call the Cavaliers or men for the Prerogative And saith the Text he answered the people roughly saying My Father made your yoak heavy and I will adde to your yoake My Father also chastised you with whiâ—s but I wil chastise you with Scorpions 1 Kings 12. 3 4 5 6 7 8 14. But saith the Text vers 15 when all Israel saw that the King hearkeâ—ed not unto them the people answered the King saying What portion have we in David Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse To your Tents O Israel Now see to thine own house David So Israel departed to their tents and revolted or rebelled against the House of David and called all the coÌ„gregation of the people together and with an unanimous consent made Jeroboam King over all Israel as Rehoboam was over Juda having both an assignation from GOD 1 King 11. 11 12 13 26 29 30 31 35 37 38. and a solemne legall publick Call and Election from the people 1 Kings 12. 2 3 20 21. and of his Regality and Kingship as legally and justly by God himselfe approved by sending his Prophet tobring the kingdom back to Solomons son to command him and Juda c. Observe he calls them not Rehoboams people not to goe up nor fight against their brethren the children of Israel Which command as most just they observed vers 21 22 23 24 Yea and God himselfe in the 14. chapter and 7. verse beareth witnesse that he himselfe exalted Jeroboam from among the people and made him Prince over his people Israel and rent the Kingdome from the house of David and gave it unto him And afterwards when God upbraids him it was not because he was an usurper a traytor or a â—ebeâ—l against his masters son King Rehoboam but because he had not been as his servant David was who followed him with a perfect heart but had done evill above all that was before him in making him other Gods and molten Images to provoke me saith God to anger and hast cast me behind thy back So that here is a cleare demonstratioâ— that it is lawfull in the sight of God as well as in the sight of Man for a people to with-draw their obedience from that Magistrate or King that refuseth to govern them by legall justice but oppresseth them contrary to the end of the trust reposed in him which was never for their woe but for their weale and so breakes that tacit contract that by vertue of his Induction into his Office is Naturally and Rationally implyed to be made although it never be expressed It being as the Parliament saith Book Declar. Pag. 150. irrationall to conceive that when the Militiâ— of any is comâ—itted to a Generall although it be not with any expresse condition that he shall not turne the mouthes of his Cannons against his own Souâ—diers for say they that is so naturally and necessarily implyed that its needlesse to be expressed insomuch as if he did attempt or coÌ„â—â—nd any such thing against the nature of his trust and place it did Ipso facto estate the Armie in a right of disobedience except we thinke that obedience binds men to cut their own throates or atleast their Companions Having laid this foundation I will come now to speak something of those five particulars which is before-mentioned and laid down in the sixth page of this Discourse which are thus expressed First if it were granted that the Lords were a legall Jurisdiction and had a judicative power over the Commons yet the manner of the Lords dealing with Lieut. Col. Lilburn is illegall and unjust Secondly That if the Lords were a Judicature yet they have no jurisdiction over Commoners Thirdly That they are no Judicature at all Fourthly That they by Law and Right are no Law-makers Fifthly That by Law and Right it lyeth not in the power of the King nor in the House of Commons it self to delegate the legislative power either to the Lords divided or conjoyned nor to any other persons whatsoever For the first of these viz. That the manner of the Lords proceeding with Lieu. Col. Lilburn was and is illegall is cleer and that I prove thus The Law requires that before the body of a Free-man be attached or summoned to a Bar of Justice to answer a Chage that there shall be an originall Declaration or Charge filed in the Court before so much as either the Writ Attachment or Warrant go out to seize upon or summon the party accused See Sir Edw. Cookes 2. part Institut f. 46 50 51. Read the Statuâ—e c. quoted in those Margents but there was no such matter in Mr. Lilburns case For although as he declares in his book called The Freemans freedome vindicated page 3 the Lords 10. June 1646. sue out a Warrant to summon him upon sight thereof to answer such things as he stands charged with before their Lordships concerning a Pamphlet entituled The just mans justification or A Letter by way of Plea in Barre And accordingly the 11 of June 1646. he appeared at their Bar expecting there to have received a written Charge according to Law and Justice which they both refused to shew him or let him know whether they had any such legall Charge or no against him but presse him contrary to the Petition of Right and the Law of the Land to answer to Interrogatories concerning himself a practice condemned by themselves in his own case
that so he might bee in an impossibility to understand how they intended to proceed against him Wherefore your Petitioner humbly prayeth to grant unto her husband the benefit of the law to admit him to your Bar himself to plead his own cause if you be not satisfied in the maÌ„ner of his proceedings or else according to law justice that duty and obligation that lyeth upon you forthwith to release him from his unjust imprisonment to restrain prohibit the illegal arbitrary proceedings of the Lords according to that sufficient power instated upon you for the enabling you faithfully to discharge the trust reposed in you and to vacuate this his illegall sentence and fine and to give him just and honorable reparations from the Lords and all those that have unjustly executed their unjust Commands It being a Rule in Law and a Maxime made use of by your selves in your Declaration 2. November 1642. r That the Kings illegall commands though accompanied with his presence do not excuse those col declar 723. that obey them much lesse the Lords with which the Law accordeth and so was resolved by the Judges 16. Hen. 6. s s See Cook 2 part instit f. 187. And that you will legally and judicially examine the Crimes of the Earle of Manchester and Colonell King which the Petitioners husband and others have so often complained to you of and do exemplary justice upon them according to their deserts or else according to Law and Justice punish those if any that have falsly complained of them t t 3. E. 33. 2. R. 2. 5. 37. E. 3. 18 38 E. 3. 9. 12. R. 2. 11. 17. R. 2. 6. 22. p. M. 3. 1. El. 6. And that you would without further delay give us reliefe by doing us justice v v 9. H. 3. 29. 2. E. 3. 8. 5. E. 3. 9. 14. E. 3. 14. â—1 E. 2. 10. All which she the rather earnestly desireth because his imprisonment in the Tower is extraordinary chargeable and insupportable although by right and the custome of that place his fees chamber and diet ought to be allowed him and paid out of the Treasure of the Crown he having wasted and spent himself with almost six years attendance and expectation upon your Honours for justice and raparations against his barbarous sentence c. of the Star-chamber to his extraordinary charge and dammage and yet never received a penny and also lost divers hundred pounds the year he was a prisoner in Oxford Castle for you Neither can he receive his Arrears the price of his blood for his faithfull service with the Earl of Manchester although he spent with him much of his own money And the last yeare by the unadvised meanes of some Members of this Honourable House was committed prisoner for above 3. Moneths to his extraordinary charges and expences And yet in conclusion he was releast and to this day knoweth not wherefore he was imprisoned For which according to Law and Justice hee ought to receive reparations but yet he never had a peny All which particulars considered doe render the condition of your Petitioner her husband and children to be very nigh ruine and destruction unlesse your speedy and long-expected justice prevent the same Which your Petitioner doth earnestly intreat at your hands as her right and that which in equity honour conscience cannot be denied her w w col declar 127 174 244 253 282 284 285. 312 313. 321 322 467 490 514 516 520 521 532 533 534 535 537 539 541. 543 555 560. And as in duty bound she shall ever pray that your hearts may be kept upright and thereby enabled timely and faithfully to discharge the duty you owe to the Kingdome according to the Great Trust reposed in you And so free your selves from giving cause to be judged men that seek your selves more then the publike good We will only speak two or three words to one thing more fully mentioned in her Petition and to another thing not mentioned at all in her Petition very requisite to be taken notice of in the manner of his Tryall which is That by Law it ought to have been publike Now for the first of these which is the illegallity of all their Warrants they committed him by learned and grave Sir Edward Cooke in his most execllent worthy and pretious Exposition of the 29. Chapter of Magna Charta his 2. Part. Institut fol. 52. saith thus Now seeing that no man can be taken arrested attached or imprisoned but by due processe of Law and according to the Law of the Land these conclusions hereupon do follow First that a commitment by lawfull Warrant either in deed or in law is accounted in law due processe or proceeding of Law and by the Law of the Land as well as by processe by force of the Kings Writ Secondly That he or they which do commit them have lawfull authority Thirdly that this Warrant or Mittimus be lawfull and that must be in writing under his hand and seale Fourthly the cause must be contained in the Warrant as for Treason Fellony c. or for suspition of Treason oâ— Fellony c. Otherwise if the Mittimus contain no cause at all it is illegall And if the prisoner escape it is no offence at all Whereas if the Mittimus contained the cause the escape were Treason or Fellony though he were not guilty of the offence and therefore for the Kings benefit and that the prisoner may be the more safely kept the Mittimus ought to contain the cause Fifthly the Warrant or Mittimus containing a lawfull cause ought to have a lawfull conclusion viz. and him safely to keep until he be delivered by Law c. and not untill the party committing doth further order And this doth evidently appear by the Writs of abeHas Corpus both in the Kings-Bench Common-Pleas Exchequer and Chancery See pag. 52 53. 2. part Institut REx Vicecom London Salutem Praecipimus vobis quod corpus Out of the Kings Bench A. B. in custodia vestra detent ut dicitur una cum causa detentionis suae quocunque nomine praed A. B. censeatur in eisdem habeatis coram nobis apud Westm Die Jovis prox post Octab. St. Martini ad submittend recipend ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibidem ordinari contigerit in hac parte hoc nullatenus omittatis periculo in cumbente habeatis ibi hoc breve Teste Edw. Cook 20. Novemb. Anno Regni nostri 10. THe King to the Sheriffs of Lon. greeting We command you that you have the body of A. B. now detained in your custody as is said together with the cause of this detention by what Name soever the said A. B. be called therein before Vs at Westminster upon Thursday Eight dayes after the Feast of St. Martins to submit and receive what Our Court shall then and there order concerning him Faile not hereof at
your perill and see that you haâ—e there this Writ Witnesse Edw Cook 20. Nov. and the Tenth Yeare of Our Raign This is the usuall forme of the Writ of Habeas Corpus in the Kings-Bench vide Mich. 5. Edw. 4. Rot. 143. Coram Rege Kesars Case under the Test of Sir John Markeham REX Vicecom London salutem Praecipimus vobis quod habeatis Coram Justiciariis nostris apud Westm ' Die Jovis prox post In the common pleas for any man priviledged in that Court the like in the Exchequer quinque Septiman Pasche corpus A.B. quocunque nomine censeatur in prisona vestra sub custodia vestra detent ut dicitur una cum die causa captionis detentionis ejusdam ut iidem Justiciar nostri visa causa illa ulterius fieri fac quod de jure secundum legem consâ—etudinem Regni nostri Angliae for et faciend habeatis ibi â—oc breve Test c. THE King to the Sheriffes of London greeting We command you that you have before Our Justices at Westminster upon Thursday next five weekes after Easter the Body of A. B. by what Name soever he be called being detained in your Prison under your custody togetherwith the day and cause of his Caption to the end that Our said Justices having seen the cause may further doe that which of right and according to the Law and Custome of Our Realm of England ought to have done or have there this Writ Witnesse c. The like Writ is to be granted out of the Chancery either in the time of the Term as in the Kings Dench or in the vacation for the Court of Chancery is officiâ—â— justâ—â—ia and is ever 〈◊〉 and never adjourned so as the subject being wrongfully imprisoned may have Justice for the liberty of his person as well in the Vacation-time as in the Terme By these Writs it manifestly appeareth that no man ought to be imprisoned but for some certain cause and these words Ad subjiciend reâ—ipiend c. prove that cause must be shewed for otherwise how can the Court take order therein according to Law And this is agreeable with that which is said in Holy Histdâ—y sine ratione â—ihi videtur mittere vinctum in carcerim cau as â—jus non signifit 〈◊〉 But since we wrote these things passed over too many other Acts of Parliament see now the Petition of Right Anno tertio Caroli Regis resolved in full Parliament by the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons which hath made an end of this question if any were Imprisonment doth not only extend to 〈◊〉 imprisonment and unjust but for detaining of the prisoner longer then hee ought where hee was at the first lawfully imprisoned If the Kings 〈◊〉 come to the 〈◊〉 deliver to the prisoner If he detain him this detaining is an imprisonment against the law of the land c. But look upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Warrant◠〈…〉 committed and 〈◊〉 committed 〈…〉 and you 〈◊〉 not find one legall one amongst them all Now for the second thing before spoken of in the manner of his tryall which is That it ought by Law to have bâ— publike in the presence of all that had a mind to have heard it 〈◊〉 any restraint of any This I find to be claimed by Mr. Pryn at the tryall of Colonell Nat. Fines in the 11. page of his relation thereof which he desired That they might have a publike hearing and that the doâ—e might be set open and none excluded that would come in the which he saith â—e desired the rather because the Parliament the representative Body of the Kingdome had ordered a fair and equall tryall which he conceived as he told the Councell of Warre was to be a free and open one agreeable as he saith to the proceedings of Parliament and all other Courts of Justice in the Realm which stand open to all and from whence no Auditors are or ought to be excluded To which Mr. Dorisla answered that it was against the stile conrse of a Court-Marshall to be publike and open and therefore it might not be admitted upon any tearmes Unto which Mr. Will. Pryn replyed that hee was a common-Lawyer and by his profession his late Protestation and Covenant bound to maintain the fundamental laws of the kingdome and liberty of the Subject which he told the Councell of Warr they themselves had taken vp Armes c. to defend and maintain And saith he by the Lawes and Statutes of the Realm all Courts of Justice ever have been are and ought to be held openly and publikely not close like a Cabinet-Councell Witnesse all Courts of Justice at Westminster and else-where yea all our Assizes Sessions wherein men though indicted but for a private Fellony Murder or trespasse have alwayes open tryals He goes on and in the 12. page thereof tells him that not only Courts of common-Law but the Admiralty and all other Courts proceeding by the Rules of either of the civill or canon-Law the proceedings have ever been publike and the Courts open and even in 〈◊〉 proceedings by Martiall Law before a Conncell of Warre at the Gâ—â—â—d-Hall of London at the tryall of Mr. Tompkin◠〈◊〉 and others it was publike and open in 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Parliament and the whole City no comeâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And he positively tels the Councell of Warre a little further that it was both against the laws and subjects liberty as he humbly conceived to deny any prosecutor oâ— subject an open tryall And he gives divers reasons there for it he goes on and in the 13. page saith That the Parliament when it sits as a Conncell to consult debate or deliberate of the great and weighty affaires of the Kingdome is alwayes private and none but the Members or Officers of either House admitted to their consultations and debates But saith he as the Parliament is a Court of Justice to punish Malefactors so the proceedings of both or either House are alwayes publike as appears by the late Tryall of the Earle of Strafford in Westminster-Hall and infinite other presidents of antient and present time To which I may adde the Tryall of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury And this practice is suitable to what we read in Scripture that among the Iewes the Iudges sate openly in the City Gates the most publike place of all And truly he or they that will not suffer Justice to be executed and administred openly bewrayes their own guiltinesse and do thereby acknowledge that they are ashamed of their cause For saith Christ John 3. 20 21. Every one that doth evill hateth the light neither cometh to the light least his deeds should be reproved or discovered but he that doth truth cometh to the light that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in God But so far were the Lords from this just way of permitting Lieutenant Col. Lilburn a publike tryall that the
ruled and governed by the King and his Prerogative Nobles and by lawes flowing from their wils and pleasures and not made by common consent by the peoples commissions assembled in Parliament as it is now at this day but he and his successors giving such large Charters to their Compeeres and great Lords as to one to be Lord great Chamberlain of Englands another Lord Constable of England to another Lord Admirall of England c. By meanes of which they had such vast power in the kingdome having then at their beck all the chiefe Gentlemen and Free-holders of England that used to wait upon them in blew Jackets so that they were upon any discontent able to combine against their Kings their absolute creators and hold their noses to the grind-stone and rather give a Law unto them then receive a law from them in which great streits our former Kings for curbing the greatnesse of these their meere creatures now grown insolent were forced to give new Charters Commissions and Writs unto the Commons then generally absolute vassals to choose so many Knights and Burgesles as they in their own breasts should think fit to be able by joyning with them to curb their potent and insolent Lords or trusty and well-beloved Cousins which was all the end they first called the Commons together for yet this good came out of it that by degrees the Commons came to understand in a greater measure their rights and to know their own power and strength By means of which with much struggling we in this age come to enjoy what wee have by Magna Charta the Petition of Right and the good and just Lawes made this present Parliament c. which yet is nothing nigh so much as by right we ought to enjoy For the forementioned Author of the book called The manner of holding Parliaments in England as 20 21. pages declares plainly that in times by-past there was neither Bishop Earle nor Baron and yet even then Kings kept Parliaments And though since by incursion Bishops Earles and Barons have been by the Kings prerogative Charters summoned to sit in Parliament yet notwithstanding the King may hold a Parliament with the Commonalty or Commons of the Kingdome without Bishops Earles and Barons And before the Conquest he positively declares it was a right that all things which are to be affirmed or informed granted or denied or to be done by the Parliament must be granted by the Commonalty of the Parliament who he affirmes might refuse though summoned to come to Parliament in case the King did not governe them as he ought unto whom it was lawfull in particular to point out the Articles in which he misgoverned them And suitable to this purpose is Mr. John Vowels judgment which Mr. Pryn in his above-mentioned book pag. 43. cites out of Holinsh Chro. of Ireland fol. 127 128. His words as Mr. Pryn cites them are thus Yet neverthelesse if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons and they wil not come or if they come they will not yet appear or if they come appear yet will not do or yeeld to any thing Then the King with the consent of his Commons may ordain and establish any Acts or Lawes which are as good sufficient and effectuall as if the Lords had given their consents but on the contrary if the Commons be summoned and will not come or coming will not appear or appearing will nor consent to do any thing alleadging some just weighty and great cause The King in these cases * Cromptons jurisdictioÌ„ of courts fo 84 Hen. 7. 18. H. 7 14. 1. H. 7 27. Parliament 42. 76 33â— H 6. 17. dju-lged accordingly prerogative 134. cannot with his Lords devise make or establish any Law The reasons are when Parliaments were first begun and ordained THERE WERE NO PRELATES OR BARONS OF THE PARLIAMENT AND THE TEMPORALL LORDS were very few or none and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament which authority was never hitherto abridged Again every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his owne person and speaketh in he behalf of himself alone But the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are represented in the Commons of the whole Realm and every of these giveth not consent for himself but for all those also for whom he is sent And the King with the consent of his COMMONS had ever a sufficient and full authority to make ordain and establish good wholesome Lawes for the Common-wealth of his Realm Wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned and yet refusing to come sit or consent in Parliament canâ—ot by their folly abridge the King and the Commons of their lawfull proceedings in Parliament Thus and more John Vowel alias Hooker in his order usage how to keep a Parliament which begins in the foresaid History pag. 121. and continues to pag. 130. printed Cum Privilâ—gio And Sir Edward Cook in his Institutes on Magna Charta proves That the Lords and Peers in many Charters and Acts are included under the name of the Commons or Commonalty of England And in his Exposition of the second Chapter of Magna Charâ—a 2. part Institutes fol. 5. He declares that when the Great Charter was made there was not in England either Dukes Marquesse or Viscounts So that to be sure they are all Innovators and Intruders and can claime no originall or true interest to sit in Parliament sith they are neither instituted by common consent nor yet had any being from the first beginings of Parliaments in England either before the Conquest or since the Conquest nor the first Duke saith Sir Edward Cook Ibidem that was created since the Conquest was Edw. the black Prince In the 11. year of Edw. the third and Rob. de Vere Earl of Oxford was in the 8. year of Richard the 2. created Marquesse of Dublin in Ireland And he was the first Marquesse that any of our Kings created The first Viscount that I find saith he of Record and that sate in Parliament by that name was John Beumont who in the 8. yeer of Hen. the 6. was created Viscount Beumont And therefore if Parliaments be the most high and absolute power in the Realm as undeniably they are for Holinshed in his fore-mentioned Chronicle in the Dâ—scription of England speaking of the high Court of Parliament and authority of the same saith pag. 173. thereby Kings and mighty Princes have from time to time been deposed from their Thâ—ones â—awes either enacted or abrogated offendors of all sorts punished c. Then much more may they disthrone or depose these Lordly prerogative Innovators and Intruders and for my part I shall think that the betrusted Commissioners of the Commons of England now assembled in Parliament have not faithfully discharged their duty to their Lords and Masters the people their impowerers till they have effectually and throughly done it And if the Lords would be willing to come and sit with them as one house
vertue of their being the Sons of prerogative Lords Earles Dukes or Barrons Now if you please to reade the Chronicles of this Kingdome you shall find that this thing called prerogative flowes meerly from the wills and pleasures of Robbers Rogues and Theâ—ves by vertue of which they made Dukes Earles Barrons and Lords of their fellow Robbers Rogâ—es and Theeves the lineall issue and progeny of which the present House of Peers are having no better right nor title to their present pretended judicature then meer and absolute usurpation and the will and pleasures of the potent and enslaving Tyrants alias Kings of this Kingdome for I read in Speeds Chronicle pag. 413. 416. 417. and in Daniel pag. 27. 28. That the Normans in France came antiently of a mixt people from the Norwegians Swedens Danes practising practises upon the Coasts of Belgia Frizia England Ireland and France and proceeded in their hardy and wicked courses even to the Mediterranean Seaâ— which drove the French to such extremity that King Charles the bald was forced to give unto Hasting a Norman Arch-Pirate the Earldome of Charters to aslwage his fury exercised upon his people and also King Charles the Grosse granted unto Godfrey the Norman part of Newstria with his Daughter in Mariage yet all this sufficed not but that the Normans by force of Armes seated themselves neere unto the mouth of Sâ—in taking all for their own that lay comprised betwixt that River and the River Loyre which Country afterwards took the name of Normandy from those Northern guests at which time King Charles the simple confirmed it unto Rollo their Captaine and gave unto him his Daughter Gilla in Mariage which Rollo with divers misdoers and outlawed men were forced to flye out of their own Country which Rollo of the Danishrace was the first Duke of Normandy whose Son William was the second Duke of Normandy and Richard his Sonne was the third Duke of that Country And his Sonne Richard the second was the fourth Duke thereof And Richard the third his Sonne was the fifth Duke of Normandy And Robert his brother and Sonne to Richard the second was â—he sixth Duke of Normandy who was Father to our William the Conqueror who was the seventh Duke of Normandy whom Duke Robert begat of one Arleâ— or Arletâ—ce a whore and a mean woman of Phalisiâ— in Normandy who was the Daughter of a Skinner being resolved to go visite the holy Sepulcher having no more Sonnes but William his bastard he calles his Nobility together and tells them In case I dy in my journey as he did I have a little Bastard of whose worthinesse I have great hope and I doubt not but he is of my begetting him will I invest in my Dutchie as mine heire and from thenceforth I pray you take him for your Lord which they did And this Bastard in his youth having many sharp bouts and bickerings with Roger de Tresny and William Earle of Arques brother to Duke Robert and Sonne to Richard the second c. who lay claime to the Dutchie as right and true heires to it but William the Bastard being too hard for them all and by these wars grew to great experience in feaâ—es of Armes which with his marying of Matild the Daughter of Baldwâ—n the fifth Earle of Flanders a man of great might and power provoked the French King to fall upon him to abate his greatnesse and curbe his pride but bastard William twice defeating two powerfull Armies of the Kingâ— with great overthrowes broke the heart of the King of France which gave the bastard Duke of Normondy joyfull peace in which calme the King makes a journey over into England to visite King Edward the Confessor his kinsman who had had his breeding in Normandy by Duke Richard the second the bastards Grandfather And after his returne back againe St. Edward the King of England dyeth Whereupon William the bastard busieth his thoughts how to obtaine the Crowne and Scepter of England unto which he makes certaine pretended claimes as being granted unto him by King Edward which was but a weake pretence as King Harold in his answer to him informes him Speed 404. telling him that Edward himselfe coming in by election and not by any title of inheritance his promise was of novalidity for how could he give that wherein he was not interessed And though William the bastard urgeth to Harol his Oath given him iâ— Normandy yet he answered his Embassadour that his Masters demand was unjust for that an Oath extorted in time of extremity cannot binde the maker in Conscience to performe iâ— for that were to joyne one sin to another and that this Oâ—th was taken for â—eare of death and imprisonment the Duke himselfe well knew but said he admit it was voluntary and without feare could I then a Subject without the allowance of the â—ing and the whole State give away the Crownes Successâ—â— to the prejudice of both Speed fol. 403. 404. But although the bastard Duke had no better claime but this which was worth just nothing at all Reade before pag. 20. 21. 24. 27. 28 3â— 60. 61. Yet notwithstanding William the bastard pâ—rleveres in his proud wicked and bloody intentions and calses an Assembly of the States of Normandy together and with importunate solicitations solicits them to supply him with money the very sinews of war to carry on his intended invasion of England but they unanimously refuse and decline it At length seeing this prottaction and difficulty in general he deals with his deerest and most trusty friends in particular being such as he knew affected the glory of action and would adventure their whole estates with him As William Fitz-Auber Count de Bretteville Gualtaer Gifford Earle Longueville Roger de Beaumont with others especially his own brothers by the mother whom he had made great as Odo Bishop of Baynox and Robert Earle of Mortaign and unto these he shewed his pretended right and hope of England wherein prefeâ—ment lay even to the meanest amongst them onely money was the want which they might spare neither should that be given nor lent without a plentiful increase With such faire words he drew them so on that they strove who should give most And by this policie he gathered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the warre And not onely wan he the people of his own Provinces to undertake this action but drew by his faire perswasions and large promises most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France to adventure their persons and much of their estates with him as Robert Fitz-Harrays Duke of Orleance the Earles of Brittaigne Ponthieu Botogne Poictcu Maine Nevers Hiâ—fins Aumal le Signieur de Tours and even his mortall enemy Martel Earle of Anjou became to be as forward as any Besides to amuze the Court of France and dazzle a young Prince then King he promised faithfully if he conquered this Kingdome to hold it of him as he did