of every one a peny and of every one under a year old an half-peny Also they ought an Aid once in a year to their Lord saving their Lively-Hood or Imployment in Husbandry Also they ought to go to Beltisford with their Horses Sacks and Packing Needle to carry Corn to the Granary of Spalding at their own Expences Also they ought to pay yearly for their Residence upon the Maner seven pence Also they ought to pay for every Yoaked Plough that was furnished with Horses or Oxen between Candlemass and the Feast of Saint Buttolph two shillings and four pence Also they could not sell or give their Land without Licence from the Lord Prior. Also they could not plead or maintain a Title by the Kings Writ concerning their Soccage unless by his Licence Also they cannot sell any Horse Colt which came of their own Mares without the same Licence Also they ought to compound with or give a Fine to the Lord for Liberty for their Daughters to Marry The Names of those who put their Seals to this Writing the Seal of Sir William de Albeny of Sir Geofry de Sancesmare Sir Walter de Coventre Sir John Bonet then Sheriff of Lincoln-shire Sir Alexander de Pointon and Sir William de Welle These were undoubtedly some of the twelve Knights by whom the Recognition was made of the Services of the Socmen in the County Court when they denied them and would have asserted themselves free from them Villani VIllanus and Rusticus were almost the same in old Authors so called because they lived in small places in the Country and manured the Lands there and because they were imployed by Lords of Maners in sordid and slavish Works the Word was also used for sordid and slavish People and such were most commonly meant by it See the History fol. 206. F. The Socmen Bordars and Servants the Names I mean were not so usual within a Century or two after the Conquest And instead of them were more frequently used the words Consuetudinarii and Censuarii such as paid Rent and performed Works and Services Cotarii who held poor Houses and some small parcels of Lands by small Rents and few Works but generally more Servile Sometimes by Services only without Rent and Coterelli that is small Cotars or Cotagers by the same though fewer Services and Payments in Rent Hens Eggs Fowl c. and Tofmanni very little different from the Cotars or Coterelli in Tenure and Services for a Toftman notwithstanding the common Notion of a Toft being a decayed Tenement or House was one that possessed a very small House and an Acre or half an Acre or some small parcel of Ground by the same Services with Cotars or very little different from And lastly Operarii whose Works were always uncertain and were poor miserable Labourers that wrought at all times and seasons and did all manner of Works at the command of their Lords and to their only Benefit and these undoubtedly were such as in Domesday Book are said to be Servi in respect of whom all such Customary Tenents Cotagers Villans Bondmen or Nativi that performed certain Works might be called priviledged persons or Socmen All these Men were not exactly of the same condition though of the same Denomination for many times Free-men performed Servile Works in respect of their Tenure though their Persons were Free and oft-times any of the others performed certain or uncertain Works at the Command of their Lords and according to the first Stipulation or Charge upon their Persons or Lands except those that were really Customary Tenents and I am apt to think that in Process of Time all these Names began to be Confounded and Promiscuously used one for another I have by me an old and very exact Survey or Extent of all the Maners belonging to the Bishoprick of Ely made about the middle of the Reign of King Henry the Third where in every Town all these persons are described and distinguished one from another both by the Quality and Quantity of their Works but by the Quantity most frequently By the Statute intituled Extenta Manerii in the fourth of Edward the First all these Servile People of so many different Names pass under two only that is of Customary Tenants and Cottagers in which all the others were then comprehended In the same Book the liberè Tenentes those in Military Service and Soccagers in several Towns are described under the same Title but most commonly the ordinary liberè Tenentes which were very few are clogged with Works and seem to differ not much from the Customary and Censuary Tenants when united in one Tenure consisting in part Rent part Services that were customary and certain many times Works were changed into Rent as also were some part of the Lands holden in Military Service and in this old Extent they are called Novi Feoffati and these and such as these who since the Dissolution of Monasteries which were endowed with a third part of the Lands of the Nation purchased some small parcels of Land holden in free Soccage make at this day the Bulk of the Freeholders For until by experience the conveniency of changing of Works into Rents was approved and until the Military Men had Power by Magna Charta C. 32. and Stat. 18th of Edward the First to alien their Lands leaving sufficient to perform the Service there were but few Free-holders in our now common understanding of them nor had they then by being Free in their Persons and from base Services or Works any Interest or real Power or the least share in Transacting Public Affairs or were any ways concerned in them but were Free only from Villenage and Servitude and were Sui Jurii at their own disposing so far only as like Villans and Bondmen they were not under the Power and absolute Command of other men that is their persons were free and they might dispose of what they had without let or hindrance of their Lords of whom they held their Lands ERRATA FOl. 5. lin 16. dele ae f. 14. l. penult r. Brigantes f. 18. l. ult r. Claudius f. 27. l. ult in note r. Vrbicus f. 35. l. 1. r. Ariminum f. 37. in the notes change y for u and u for y. f. 38. instead of z in the notes there ought have been * f. 42. l. 12. r. Turnacensium Ibid. in note l. 8. r. Loir f. 44. in note r. Tigrisienses f. 60. l. 5. r. Gemblacensi◠f. 70. l. 20. r. Allodium f. 71. F. l. 45. r. vivus f. 78. l. 23. r. or f. 82. in note o r. Munumitted f. 84. l. penult r. Priests f. 126. in note q r. Giraldus f. 132. l. 13. r. matter f. 134. l. 21. r. Algar f. 142. in note ◠r. Ferrariis f. 153. in note l. 1. r. Seon. Ibid. l. 5. r. Writ f. 158. in note e l. 7. r. 1. Johannis In eadem l. after Castle insert and. Ibid. l. 10. r. 7. Johannis f. 170. l. 8. r. Another f.
fuisse invenietur Qui eam tenet de Abbate Teneat recognoscat Quod si noluerit eam Abbas in Dominio habeat vide ne clamor inde amplius at me redeat Teste * He was consecrated A. D. 1081 and died 1096. Willielmo Episcopo Dunelm The King to * He was Sheriff William Cahains Greeting I Command you that you cause the Shire of Hamton to come together and by the Judgment thereof know if the Land of Isham paid Rent to the Monks of * That is of Ramsey St. Benet in my Fathers time and if it shall be found so let the Abbat have it in Demeasn or the Possession of it But if it shall be found to be Teinland he that holds it let him hold it of the Abbat and let him acknowledge to hold it so If he will not let the Abbat have it in Demeasn and see that no Complaint about this Matter returns to me again Rex Angliae [7] Ibidem Willielmo Vice-comiti Salutem Mando Praecipio Tibi ut Abbatem Ailsi facias habere Isham sicut ipse Dirationavit eam in Hamtona sicut Testimoniata jurata ad opus Sancti Benedicti T. R. Big The King of England to William the Sheriff Greeting I Require and Command thee that thou makest Abbat Ailsi to have Isham as he Recovered it by Proof in Northamptonshire and as it was Witnessed and Sworn to be to the Use of Saint Bennet Witness Roger Bigod This was the whole Proceeding after Proof by the Shire it belonged to the Abbat a Writ of Possession was directed to the Sheriff and then he had Seisin of the Land Rex Angliae [8] The Original in the Custody of Sir Tho. Hare Baronet Episcopo Eliensi Baronibus Justiciariis Vicecomiti omnibus fidelibus suis Francis Anglis de Grantebridge scira Salutem Sciatis quia Barnadus Abbas de Ramseia Dirationavit in Curia sua apud Sanctum Ivonem coram Justicia mea quam illuc miseram In the time of Hen. 1st Terram de Stowa Grettona versus Paganum Peverellum quam ipse Paganus Clamabat tenere de Ecclesia de Ramseia Et Recognitum ibi fuit quod nullum jus in Terra illa reclamare poterat sed Remansit Terra illa Ecclesiae de Ramseia Abbati solida quieta de tota calumnia Pagani Successorum suorum Et hoc Dirationamentum Warrantizo per Chartam meam Confirmo Roger Bishop of Salisbury was Elected 110â— and Consecrated 1107. and was Bishop 39 years and Justiciary of England many years in his time Et ideo volo praecipio quod Ecclesia de Ramseia Abbas eam amodo in pace quiete liberè teneat sicut Dominium Ecclesiae ejusdem Ita ne ulterius ei Respondeat nec alicui de Successoribus suis nec alteri qui per illum Clamet Teste * R. Episcopo Sarisher Pagano sil Johannis W. de Hoctuna Apud Westmonasterium The King of England to the Bishop of Ely the Barons Justiciaries Sheriff and all his Feudataries of Cambridgeshire French and English Greeting Know ye that because Barnard Abbat of Ramsey hath recovered at his Court at St. Ives before my Justice which I sent thither the Land of Stow and Gretton against Payn Peverel which he claimed to hold of the Church of Ramsey and it was there found by the Jury that he could claim no Right in that Land and that the whole belonged to the Church and Abbat of Ramsey free from any claim of Payn or his Successors And this Recovery I Warrant and by my Chart Confirm And therefore I Will and Command That the Church of Ramsey and the Abbat from henceforward shall hold them peaceably quietly and freely as the Demeasn of the said Church so as it shall not answer any more to him or any of his Successors or any Claiming by him Witness Roger Bishop of Salisbury and Payn Fitz-John and William of Hoctun at Westminster The King sent one of his own Justices to take the Assize or Verdict to prevent the partiality of the Jury which might have been before the Abbat himself or his Steward The like Confirmation almost was made by Queen Maud under her Seal in another Case in the Absence of this King 't is supposed as Regent The Inhabitants of the Hundred of Peritune now Pirton in Oxfordshire pretended the Maner or Hundred of Levechenor now Lewknor in the same County ought Suit and Service to their Hundred and was no Hundred of it self the Abbat of Abendon proved the contrary in the Kings Court in the Castle of Winchester Sed quia Rex tunc in Normannia erat Regina quae tunc praesens aderat taliter hoc sigillo suo Confirmavit Carta [9] Registrum Magnum de Abbendon in Bibloth Cotton Claudius B. 2. Reginae de Levechenora MAtildis Angliae Regina Roberto Episcopo Lincolniensi Thomae de Sancto Johanne omnibus Baronibus Francis Anglis de Oxenefordscira Salutem Sciatis quod Faritius Abbas de Abbendona in Curia Domini mei mea apud Wintoniam in * In the Exchequer or Treasury there which was then in Winchster Castle Thesauro ante Rogerum Episcopum Salesburiensem Robertum Episcopum Lincoln Richardum Episcopum Lundon Willielm de Curceio Adamum de Porto Turstinum Capellanum Walterum de Glocest Herbertum Camerarium Willielmum de Oyleio Gosfridum fil Herberti Willielmum de Enesi Radulphum Basset Goisfridum de Magna Villa Goisfridum Ridel Walterum Archidiaconum de Oxeneford per * Domesday Book kept in the Treasury of the Exchequer Librum de Thesauro Disracionavit quod Levecanora Manerium suum nichil omnino debet in Hundredo de Perituna facere sed omnia quae debet facere tantumodo in Hundredo de Levecanora facere debet in quo Hundredo habet Ecclesia de Abbendona xvii Hidas. Teste Rogero Episcopo Salesb Willielmo de Curci Adamo de Porto apud Winton Maud Queen of England to Robert Bishop of Lincoln and Thomas St. John and all the Barons of Oxfordshire French and English Greeting Know ye that â—aritius Abbat of Aberdon in the Court of my Lord and mine at Winchester in the Exchequer before Roger Bishop of Salisbury Robert Bishop of Lincoln and Richard Bishop of London William de Curcey Adam de Port Turstin our Chaplan Walter of Glocestre Herbert the Chamberlain William D'oyly Geofrey Fitz Herbert William de Enesi Ralph Basset Geofrey Magnaville Geofrey Ridel and Walter the Arch-Deacon of Oxford proved by Domesday Book or the Book which was kept in the Treasury of the Exchequer That his Maner of Levecanor ought no Suit or Service to the Hundred of Peritune but whatever it ought to do was only to be done in the Hundred of Levecnor in which the Church of Abbendon hath seventeen Hides
Grand Customer no Body that considers what [9.] Lib. 2 de Gest Reg. f. 44. b. n. 20 30 c. Malmsbury and other ancient Historians report of the Confessor that he was a weak easie man Edward the Confessor unfit to make Laws not fit for Government will ever believe he could contrive a System of Laws and so adapt them to the Genius and Humour of the Normans that they should quit their own and receive new Laws and Customs from him if it were not almost a Contradiction to call a Custom new I need not say more to satisfie any judicious Person that the Grand Customer of Normandy was the Law of that Country and not made by Edward the Confessor or carried over from hence by the Conqueror and shall therefore leave it with this farther Remark That if any men be more affected with Traditional than written Laws this Book hath that advantage likewise For [1.] Grand Custom 2d part fol. 69. before and after that Charles the Simple gave Normandy to Rollo and his Northern People unto the time of Philip [2.] Ibidem A. D. 1203. or thereabouts the August who caused them first to be put in order and written The Customs contained in it were a [3.] Epistle to the Custom of Normandy collected by George Lambert c. printed at Roven 1588. Cabal Traditional and unwritten for at least 800 years and were imposed upon his Subjects of England by William called the Conqueror But what answer would Sir Edward have made if he had been asked whether William did not also carry our Laws into old Germany for there in Normandy and England were in a great measure the same Laws only the Normans used a more formal and perhaps rigorous and strict method in the Practise and Execution of them which they brought hither From these Observations concerning the Laws in use at and presently after the Conquest I proceed to Authority Proof from Authority that our Laws were not the Norman Laws and undoubted Testimony of such as lived in or near those times for without Authority some men will not be satisfied Eadmer [4.] Hist Novor fol 6. n 10 20 30. writes that William designing to establish in England those Usages and Laws which his Ancestors and he observed in Normandy made such Persons Bishops Abbots and other Principal men through the whole Nation who could not be thought so unworthy as to be guilty of any Reluctancy or Disobedience to them knowing by whom and to what they were raised All Divine and Humane things he ordered at his pleasure and after the Historian hath recounted in what things he disallowed the Authority of the Pope and Archbishop he concludes thus But what he did in Secular Matters I forbear to write because it is not my purpose and also because any one may from what hath been delivered in Divine Matters easily guess what he did in Secular Somewhat also to this purpose Ingulphus [5.] Hist Croyland f. 512. a. b. All Earldoms Places of Honor and Profit given to the Normans informs us that by hard Usage he made the English submit that he gave the Earldoms Baronies Bishopricks and Prelacies of the whole Nation to his Normans and scarce permitted any English man to enjoy any place of Honor Dominion or Power But more express and full to this purpose is the account we have in [6.] De Necessar Scaccarii observ de Murdro in M. S. Calo-Gonvil p. 35. a.b. Gervasius Tilburiensis of the Conqueror's dealing with the Natives more valuable than the Testimony of a hundred others which he thus delivers After the Conquest of the Kingdom and just subjection of Rebels when the King himself and his great men had viewed and surveyed their new Acquests there was a strict enquiry made who there were which fighting against the King had saved themselves by flight From these and the Heirs of such as were slain in Fight all hopes of possessing either Lands or Rents were cut off for they esteemed it a great favor to have the benefit of their Lives But such as were called and urged to fight against William and did not if in process of time they could obtain the favor of their Lords and Masters by an humble obedience and obsequiousness they might possess somewhat in their own Persons without hope of Succession their Children only enjoying it afterward at the will of their Lords to whom afterwards when they became odious they were every where forced from their Possessions nor would any restore what they had taken away When a commune miserable Complaint of the Natives came to the King that they thus exposed and spoiled of all things should be compelled to pass into other Countries at length after Consultation upon these things it was Decreed that what they could by their deserts and lawful bargain obtain from their Lords Perhaps from hence might be the Original of Freeholds or Copyholds of inheritance after the Conquest they should hold by inviolable right but should not claim any thing from the time the Nation was overcome under the Title of Succession or Descent * Ibidem Upon what great Consideration this was done it is manifest when as they were obliged by a studied compliance and obedience to purchase their Lord's favor so therefore whosoever of the conquered People possessed Lands or such like obtained them not as seeming to be their right by Succession but as a reward for their Merits or by some intervening Agreement What I have here delivered upon this subject may probably meet with great prejudice from such especially who have or may read Sir Edward Coke's Prefaces to his third sixth eighth and ninth parts of his Reports his reading upon the Statute of Fines or other parts of his Works Sir John Davis his Preface to his Irish Reports Mr. Nathan Bacon 's Semper Idem The late Learned Lord Chancellors Survey of Hobbs his Leviathan p. 109 110. And many other works of eminent Persons of the long Robe or indeed any of our English Historians and therefore I am necessitated to dwell the longer upon it That I may give all just satisfaction to such as desire to inquire into the validity of their Arguments and Authorities by which they would perswade The Arguments used to prove the Common Law of England was not the Norman Law nay convince the World that the Common Law and Customs in use and practice in their times were the same that were in the Saxon times and never altered or changed by the Conqueror And beyond them all [7.] Epistle to the sixth part of his Reports Sir Edward Coke concurs in opinion with Sir John Fortescue that this Nation in the time of the Romans Saxons Danes and Normans was ruled by the same Laws and Customs and that they were not changed by any of these People which he [8.] In Preface to the eighth part of the Reports affirms he hath proved by many
Normandy And not long after the King of France died Ibidem D. King Henry dies Leaves his Son to the care of Baldwin Earl of Flanders and Philip his Son a Child succeeded him between whom and the Duke there was always a firm Peace he being left by his Father under the Tuition and Protection of his Uncle Baldwin Earl of Flanders who was a great Assistant to William and whose Daughter [1.] Ibidem 183. D. Whose Daughter William had Married Matild he Married in the midst of these Tumults Insurrections and Troubles About the same time Galfrid * Ib. 188. D. Martell also died These Enemies dead he is at leisure to pursue his Design upon [2.] Ibidem 189. B. He claims Anjou Anjou to which besides the Gift of the King of France upon the conclusion of Peace between them after the Battle of Mortimer in Caux he had likewise a Title from Herbert Son of Earl Hugh whom Martel had Expelled He dying without Issue left William his Heir and willed his People they should seek for no other Lord but they set up Walter Earl of Mayn who had Married the Sister of Hugh [3.] Ibid. D. The Anjovins submit yet not long after being wearied with the Incursions of William they joyfully received him as their Lord. [4.] Gul. Pict 196. C. These Successes and the Fame of his Piety by founding endowing and advancing Churches and Monasteries spreading through France and the adjacent Countries brought a great frequency of Foreign Nobility to his Court as well Ecclesiastick as Secular some esteeming it a favour to be allowed to remain there others to observe and take Advice and some to enter into the Service of the Duke And it added much to his Glory that being at this time in an universal quiet [5.] Ibidem none daring to Arm against him that he provided for the security of Church and State [6.] Ib. 193. B. C. D. and 194. A. B. discouraging the Loose Luxurious and Prophane Ecclesiasticks encouraging the Sober Learned and Pious taking care also of the Cause of the Widow Poor and Fatherless by quickening the Execution of the Laws and where they were not sufficient for that purpose ordaining new ones In this Recess from War and Business He goes over into England See the Reign of Edward the Confessor and of Harold he went over into England as is related in the Reign of Edward the Confessor whither the course of this History is to be referred until the end of his Reign and also unto the end of the Reign of Harold This mighty Fame he acquired by these Actions and the opportunity he had given him [7.] Here in Ed. Confessor Of the easie Conquest of England The Clergy Ignorant and Debauch and Nobility Loose and Prophane c. of viewing and observing the chief Fortresses Cities and Castles when he was in England were no small Advantages towards the Conquest of it But that which made it easie and the Possession more peaceable were the irreconcilable Feud between Harold and his Brother Tobi the [8.] Malmsb vit Gul. 57. a. n. 54. ibid. b. n. 10. Mat. Par. vit Fred. Abb. 46. n. 30. Loosness Debauchery and Ignorance of the English Clergy and Nobility [9.] In the Manusc Book of Additaments fol. 79. b. citâ—d by Dr. Watts his Notes upon Mat. Paris fol. 3. the large Possessions of Religious Houses which if they had been in the hands of Temporal Lords would have enabled them to have made Resistance but being in their hands (m) William answered the Abbat of St. Albans giving him this reason of the easiness of the Conquest and quiet possession of England That if this were the cause the Conquest of England might be as easie to the Danes or any other that should make War upon him Ibidem and he should not know how to defend his Kingdom and thefore began with him and took away some of his large Possessions to maintain Soldiers for the defence of the Nation almost all his Lands and Lordships as 't is said there between Barnet and London Stone they neither would or ought to oppose him who they thought had right to the Kingdom And lastly The different and jarring Saxon Danish and Norman Interests which inclined them several ways See the Reigns of Etheldred Harold the 1st Harde-Cnute and Edward the Confessor the Saxon Nobility and People would have had Edgar Atheling the right Heir of that Line their King The Danish would have brought in Swain King of Denmark who claimed from Harde-Cnute and both perhaps against the Norman Interest as being lately introduced in the Reign of Etheldred by the Marriage of Emme except such as by the example of Edward the Confessor were inclined to and trained up in the Norman Modes and Customs Norman Bishops and Great Men before the Conquest who preferred many of that Nation to great Dignities so that in this time there was [1.] Scriptor Norman 1023. Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury William Bishop of London * In Append n. 9. al. Wulsus who obtained the Charter of the Liberties of that City from the Conqueror Vrsus Bishop of Dorchester in Oxfordshire the greatest Diocess in England all Normans Randulph Peverell in Essex Fitz-Scrobi in Salop Ralph Earl of East-Angles Danbin de Bear Hugolin his Chancellor and Steward Swein of Essex Alfrid the Yeoman of his Stirrop and many other Laicks Men of great Power and Reputation with the People who had several Employments here especially those placed to defend the Marches against the Welsh and called in for that purpose by Edward The Conqueror after the Battle of Hastings fatal to the English [2.] Pictav 204. C. D. The Conquerors March after his Victory at Hastings to Romney having buried his dead and appointed a stout Governor in that Fortress marched to Romney where having revenged himself of the Cruel Inhabitants so they are there called for the Slaughter of some of his Men by a mistake landing at that place he thence advanced to Dover whither though an innumerable Multitude of People had betaken themselves as to a place by reason of the Castle inexpugnable yet dismayed with the Conquerors approach the place with all readiness submitted to him Dover yields who after eight days Fortification of it marching from thence and leaving his sick Men there not far from Dover the Kentish Men of their own accord came in to him sware Fealty and gave Hostages for the performance of it The Kentish Men of their own accords come into William [3.] Ib. 205 A. B. c. Canterbury sends hâ—r submission Canterbury also sends her Submission and the next day he came to the Broken (b) In Latin Fracta Turris this place is somewhere in Kent and not far from Canterbury but where I know not Tower proceeding forward and understanding where Stigand the Arch-Bishop with the Earls Edwin and Morcar and others of the Nobility
up his Army The King of France sent to the King of England the Arch-Bishop 〈◊〉 Sens Earl Henry and Earl Theobald unto him to let him know next day which was the peremptory day he would have Conference with him but he neither came nor sent and so he by a trick gained the Burgh The great Burgh gained by a trick The King of France his Army flies King Henry the elder Relieves Verneul When he had it the King of France dare not keep it but entred the Town plundered it burnt the Burgh and slying carried the Burghers Prisoners with him into France So soon as the King of England knew it he pursued them killed many and took very many and returned that Evening to Vernol Lodged there that Night and Commanded the Walls that were battered down to be repaired up This Action was on the 9 th of August Next day he went from [9.] Ibidem n. 30 40. Takes Damvile Vernol or Verneuil and took Damvile the Castle of Gilbert de Tileres and in it Multos Milites Servientes many Knights and Esquires or Servants from thence he came to Roven and sent his Brabanters in which he most conâ—ided Sends his Brabanters into Britany into Britany against Hugh Earl of Chester and Ralph de Foâ—geres he was Lord of a Castle of that name in the Conâ—ines of Normandy and Britany who had seized upon almost all that Country The Earl and Ralph came to meet them and in a pitch't Field and plain Battle the Britans were vanquished The Britans vanquished in a pitch't Field Seventeen of their stoutest Knights taken those two and the most Potent of the Britans fled to the Castle of Dole In the Battle were taken seventeen of the stoutest Knights Hasculf of St. Hilary William Patricius or Patric Haimer de Falcilia Patric de Landa Geofry Farsi William de Rulent Ralph de Sennes John Pincerna or Butler the * He was the deputy-Deputy-Lord Casteliaâ— or Governor of Dole 1500 Britans slain Viguier or Vicar of Dole William de Leges William de Mota Robertus de Treham Paganus Cornutus Reginald Pinzun Reginald de Campo Lamberti Eudo Bâ—stardus besides many others Horse and Foot and there were slain above 1500 Britans in the Battle which was fought on the Twentieth day of August The next day [1.] Ibidem n. 50. b. lin 1 c. The Brabanters besiege Doâ—e in Britany The King of England goes to them The Tower of Dole rendred after this Battle the King of England had news of it and forthwith marched towards Dole which the Brabanters presently after their Victory had invested and gave order for his Peâ—rars Machins to cast great Stones into Towns or against the Walls to be fitted and prepared with other Warlike Engines but the Earl of Chester and such as were with him in the Tower not being able to defend it rendred themselves on the Twenty sixth day of August and in like manner all Britany with its Fortresses and Places of Strength was delivered to him [2.] Ibidem b. n. 10 20. The Earl of Chester taken Prisoner and all Britany reduced The Historian names fourscore Earls Barons and Great Men that were taken in this Tower or Castle besides as he says many others he did not name After these [3.] Ibidem n. 30. A Treaty between the King and his Sons Victories the King of France and his Adherents began to despair and endeavoured by all means to make Peace between King Henry and his Sons The place appointed for the meeting and Treaty was between Gisors and Trie Thither came Lewis King of France with the [4.] Ibidem Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls and Barons of his Kingdom and brought with him Henry Richard and Geofry Sons of King Henry who came also with the Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls and Barons of his Dominions on the Twenty fifth of September [5.] Ibidem In hoc Colloquio In this Conference and Treaty the King the Father offered the King his Son His great Offers to them half the Rents of his Demesns of England and four Castles there or if his Son had rather Reside in Normandy he offered him half of the Revenue of that Dukedom and all the Revenue of Anjou three Castles in Normandy one in Main one in Anjou one in Turain [6.] Ibidem To Richard he offered half the Revenue of Aquitan and four Castles there and to his little Son Geofry he offered all the Hereditary Estate of Earl Conan if by the consent of the Pope he could Marry his Daughter Constance [7.] Ibidem n. 40. And further he referred himself to the Judgment of the Arch-Bishop of Moustierâ—en Tarantais and the Popes Legats to add to their Revenues what they should think just and equal reserving to himself Royal Justice Dignity and Power But it was not the mind of the King of France such a Peace should be made for presently after the Treaty he and the young King [8.] Ben. Ab. p. 52. b. Hoved. ut sup n. 50. The Earl of Leicester comes into England with an Army of Flemmings Hageneth Castle taken sent Robert Earl of Leicester with an Army of Flemmings into England who with his Countess and Army landed upon the Coast of of Suffolk about the Feast of St. Luke and were received by Earl Hugh Bigod into his Castle of Framingham where he furnished them with Necessaries The Earl besieged Hagenet a Castle whereof Ranulph de Broc had the keeping and within four days took it and proceeding from thence to Leicester it was told him there was a great Force got together about St. Edmunds-Bury and being surprized at the News he returned At this time Richard de Lucy [9.] Ibidem Ben. Ab. p 53. a. â—oved f. 307. a n 10 20. Richard Lucy and Humfrid de Bohun make Truce with the King of Scots Justiciary of England and Hâ—mphry de Bâ—hun the Kings Constable were gone forth with a great Army to waste the Dominions of the Kings of Scotland they had burnt Bâ—rwick and spoiled the Country round about it but receiving the News of the Earl of Leicester they made Truce with the King of Scots until the Feast of St. Hillary and gave and took Hostages on either side for the performance of it This done Humphry de Bohun marcheth as fast as he could toward St. Edmunds-Bury expecting the coming of the Earl of Leicester There came into his assistance Reginald Earl of Cornwall * This should rather be William for Robert was then Son to William Earl of Gloucester They with the assistance of other Earls rout the Earl of Leicesters Army And kill Ten thousand Flemmings The Earl of Leicester and his Countess taken Prisoners Robert Earl of Gloucester and William Earl of Arundel about the Feast of All-Saints came from Framingham with his Army near to St. Edmunds-Bury in a place called Fornham in a Marsh or Meadow not far from the Church of St.
fought with the Brabanters and overcame them and by the assistance of his Brother King Henry he took many Towns and Castles and forced the Submission of many Viscounts or Sheriffs of Towns with small Territories and Castles in Poictou and the Places adjoyning unto him And in the same year not long after [7.] Ib. f. 316. b. n. 10 20. The King demolishes several Castles in England and Normandy the King caused the Walls and Castle of Leicester to be demolished as also the Castles of Groby Treske Malesart and the new Castle at Alverton the Castles of Framingham and Bungey and almost all the Castles of England and Normandy that were fortified against him The Castle of Pasci or Pacey in Normandy he retained in his own hands and placed a Garison in it as likewise the Castle of Montsorrel which was Sworn to be his own Propriety by Recognition of Lawful Men of the Vicenage About the beginning of October [8.] Ibidem f. 317. a. n. 50. The King of Scot and brings Fergus Prince of Galway to the King of England this year William King of Scotland came into England to the King and brought with him Gilbert Son of Fergus Prince of Galway who killed his Brother Vctred who did Homage to King Henry the Father and sware Fealty to him against all Men and gave to the King to be restored to favour or for his Peace One thousand Marks of Silver and his Son Duncan an Hostage or Pledge for his Peaceable and Loyal Behaviour In a General Council at [9.] Ib. f. 320. a. n. 30. The King restores several Noblemen to their Lands and Dâ—gnities Northampton soon after St. Hillary or the Thirteenth of January the King restored Robert Earl of Leicester to all his Lands in England and beyond Sea which he had fifteen days before the War except Pacey and Montsorrel Castles And also to Hugh Earl of Chester all the Lands he was possessed of at the same time and to William de Albeny Son of William Earl of Arundel the Earldom of Sussex Alfonsus [1.] Ibid. b. n. 30 40 50. An. Do. 1177. The Kings of Castile and Navarre refer their differences to be determined by the King of England King of Castile and Sanctius King of Navarre after many Debates and much Wrangling referred all their Claims and Controversies to be determined by the King of England and there were sent several Bishops and Great Men and choice and able Persons Proctors and Advocates to Alledge and Answer for either of them and to receive the Judgment of the Court of England With these came two Knights and Champions of wonderful Courage and Audacity bravely accoutred with Horse and Arms and fitted for Duel if Judgment had been that way given in the Kings Court These Messengers came into England between Christmass and Lent and the King summoned all the Bishops Abbats Priors Earls and Barons to meet at London on the first Sunday in Lent when they were come together the King ordered the Proctors and Advocates on both sides to bring in their Claims and Allegations within three days in Writing and so interpreted as he and his Barons might understand them which when they had heard read and also heard the Allegations on both sides the King ordered [2.] Ben. Ab. p. 89. a. the Messengers before his Bishops Earls and Barons to be there again all Excuses laid aside upon Sunday following to receive his Judgment So that this great Affair was determined in eight days The Demands Allegations and Pretences on both sides and the whole Process with King Henry's Award are to be found in Hoveden fol. 320. b. n. 40 c. See also the Judgment it self by the Bishops Earls and Barons which is very short though the Kings Exemplification of it under his is very much longer Bromt. Col. 1124. n. 20. The King [3.] Ibidem p. 86. b. The King Summons his Noblemen and Knights in Capite to follow him into Normandy Commanded this year all the Earls Barons and Knights of the Kingdom which held of him in Capite to be at London well prepared with Horse and Arms fifteen days after Easter to follow him from thence into Normandy and stay with him a whole year beyond Sea in his Service at their own Charges At Easter the [4.] Ibidem p. 96. b. Anno Dom. 1177. The King with his Earls and Barons go in Pilgrimage to St. Edmunds-Bury to Ely and Gaidington King with his Earls and Barons kept his Court at Wy in Kent and after the Solemnity went to London and from thence in Pilgrimage in perigrinatione to St. Edmund the King and Martyr to the Monastery at St. Edmunds-Bury where he was the Sunday after Easter The next day he went to Ely in Pilgrimage to St. Audry and from thence he went to * Perhaps Gayton in Cheshire or Gaiton in Northamptonshire as Gervase of Canterbury says Col. 1522 l. 3. Gaidington or Gaitintune where many Welsh flocked about him and sware Fealty to him [5.] Ibidem Hither by his Command came to him Roger Arch-Bishop of York Reginald Bishop of Bath John Bishop of Norwich and Adam Bishop of St. Asaph and many Earls and Barons of the Kingdom to Treat of the Peace and Settlement thereof [6.] Ibidem p. 97. a. The Lords and Knights of the Kingdom come to Windsor to go where the King should Command The King removes several Constables of Castles and places others in their room and when they had Treated some time there the King removed to Windsor and the Arch-Bishop and other Bishops with him where came to him almost all the Earls Barons and Knights of England provided with Horse and Arms to go whether the King should Command And when they had Treated further there about the Peace and Establishment of the Kingdom by Advice of his Bishops Earls and Barons he removed the Constables of several Castles in the North of England and made Knights which were of his own private Family Constables William Stutevill he made Keeper of the Castle of Rokesburgh and Roger Stutevill of the Castle of Edinburgh and William Nevill of the Castle of Norham and Roger Arch-Bishop of York of the Castle of Scarburgh and Geofry Nevill of the Castle of Berwick and Roger Comers of the Tower of Durham which the King took from [7.] Ibidem Hoved f. 323. b. n. 20. Hugh Bishop of Durham because he served him falsely in the time of War and for that reason and that it might stand and not be demolished and for the Kings Peace and that his Son Henry de Puteaco or Pudsey might enjoy the Maner of Wicton with its Appurtenances the Bishop gave the King 2000 Marks From Windsor [8.] Ben. Abb. p. 97. b. The King Commands the Welsh Kings to meet him at Oxford Who with many other Noblemen did Homage to him the King went to Oxford where he had Commanded the Welsh Kings and the most Potent Men of
been abused and ill treated and told them what a stripling the King's Son was and how he was accompanied and governed by very young men in whom was no Gravity or Sobriety no Stanchness or Prudence by which they or their Country might be safe and secure These three Princes [8] Ibid. f. 808. l. 1. c. Those three Princes were prepared to come to John and acknowledge their subjection to him But were diverted by the ill usage of the Irish were then prepared to come and wait upon Earl John to acknowledge their subjection and pay their Duty to him But hearing this news and suspecting what might be the end of such beginning concluded to joyn together against the English and enter into a League of Defence of their Liberties and Country and now became Friends who before were Enemies Upon these Misdemeanors [9] Ibid. n. 50. King Henry removed the young men from the Affairs of Ireland and puts in experienc'd men John de Curcy made Governor of Ireland King Henry removed these young People that understood not the Affairs of the Nation and put in experienced men who had been employed in the Conquest of it to manage them and made John de Curcy Chief Governour of Ireland who with the Army scowred the Countries of Cork Limeric and Connaught and made them quiet At the time of committing these Extravagancies [1] Ibid. f. 809 n. 30 40. Three different Interests in Ireland there were in Ireland three different Interests and three such as then they called Armies one of the Normans another of English and a third of Welsh The first were in great Favour the second in less and the third in none at all The Normans were Luxurious drinking much Wine they refused to be placed in the Marches or Borders against the Enemy or in Castles far from the Sea they were always with and not to be separated from the Kings Son They were great Talkers Giraldus Cambrensis his Character of the Normans in Ireland The first Subduers of Ireland discontented John the Kings Son did nothing considerable in that Nation Boasters and Swearers very Proud and Contemners of all others greedy of Places of Honour and Profit but backward in undertaking any hazardous or dangerous Action or performing any Service that might deserve them and for these reasons the old Militia that first invaded the Island seeing themselves neglected and slighted and the new men only caressed sate still and acted not so as Earl John made small progress in the further subduing of that Country After this Giraldus Cambrensis tells us how Ireland was to be compleatly conquered and how to be governed and then shuts up his History in these words Finem igitur hic Historiae [2] Ibid. f. 811 n. 10. ponentes Dum ea quae scimus loquimur quae vidimus fideliter testati sumus novis de caetero Historicis tam indolis egregiae gesta futura digno coaequanda explicandaque stilo nunc relinquamus In his Topography of Ireland he is frequently Fabulous and Romantick relying upon Tradition common Story and Relations of the People The greatest part of his History is undoubtedly a true Narrative of things done though it is tedious to read being written in long Tropical Sentences and as it were Quibling Convertible and Gingling Latin which was the Eloquence of those times I have as it were Epitomized him in this Relation of the Conquest or Acquest of Ireland not having heard of or found any other that hath given so good an Account of it He tells many times of strange Victories obtained by very few men against great Numbers which Stories may have some allowance if we consider how fearful the Irish were of Bows and Arrows which killed and wounded at distance The * The Irish Arms were only a short Lance two Darts and a sharp Hatchet which they used with one hand and they threw Stones when their Arms failed such as they could grasp in one hand which they had always ready Cambren Topograph Hibern Distinct 3. c. 10. f. 738. n. 50. use whereof they seemed not to know before they had been taught it by frequent Fighting with the English and how they were confounded and amazed at the Arms charging and management of the Horse-men until for some time they had been used to them and began to understand it Hoveden [3] F. 359. a. n. 50. b. n. 40. A. D. 1185. John the Kings Son returns out of Ireland The Pope by his Bull gave King Henry leave to make which Son he pleased King of Ireland And sent a Crown of Peacocks Feathers interwoven with Gold says that King Henry after the return of his Son John out of Ireland without doing any thing considerable there hearing Vrban was chosen Pope sent to him and obtained many things which his Predecessor Lucius would not grant amongst his Favours one was That he had leave confirmed by his Bull to make which Son he would King of Ireland and as an Argument and token of this Concession and Confirmation he sent him a Crown of Peacocks Feathers interwoven with Gold There is nothing more to be found of this Hugh de Lacy but his [4] Annal. â—ibeâ—n A. D 1186. Hugh de Lacy his strange Death Death which the Annals of Ireland tell us happened in this manner when he was very busie and intent about building the Castle of Dervath and finding the Irish he employed in preparing the Ground and doing other things toward the erecting of it very unskilful at the use of the Tools and Instruments they wrought with he himself undertook to shew them how they were to work with them and while he took a Pick-Axe out of the hand of one of them to shew him the use of it and striking with it held it in both his hands His Head was cut off by an Irish Laborer and stooped inclining his head the man chopt it off with an Hatchet or Irish Axe Cambrensis that I know of hath not the full Relation of this Story but in his Recapitulation of things done in Ireland this is [5] Lib. 2. Hibeâ—n Expugn c. 34. f. 807. n. 20. one among the rest where he saith thus De Hugonis de Lacy à securibus male securi Dolo Hibernensium suorum apud Dervath Decapitatione Not long after Roger Poer who under this [6] Ibid. c. 20. Roger Poer treacherously slain by the Irish Hugh commanded the Forces at Lethlin in Ossory was treacherously slain and amongst others is by Cambrensis reckoned as one that lost his Life [7] Ibid. f. 810 n. 50. c. 37. by the Treachery of the Irish In the year 1187. after Christmass [8] Hoveden f. 361. b n. 40. Two Cardinals sent by the Pope to Crown John King of Ireland His Coronation deferred by his Father He was only Lord of Ireland Pope Vrban sent into England Octavian Sub-Deacon Cardinal and Hugh de Nunant afterward Bishop of Coventry
his Legats with power to pass into Ireland and Crown John the Kings Son But his Father deferred the Coronation and carried the Legats into Normandy to a Conference between him and Philip King of France So that not being Crowned John contented himself with the Title of Lord of Ireland ever after Besides the Title of Conquest King Henry's [9] Girald Cambr. lib. 2. c. 32. f. 806. n. 20. Henry the Second his Title to Ireland Title of meer Right was That Richard Earl Strongbow who married Eva the Daughter and Heir of Dermot Mac Murchard King of Leinster granted all his Right and Title to him and the rest of the Princes in a short time after voluntarily subjected themselves to him and gave him an irrefragable Title A Catalogue of many of the Chief Adventurers in the Conquest of Ireland made out of Giraldus Cambrensis as it is to be found in Camdens Description of that Kingdom and in Dr. Hanmer f. 136. Corrected in many places Half Brothers by the Mother Ann. Dom. 1170. RObert Fitz-Stephan Maurice Fitz-Gerald David Barry Hervy de Monte Marisco Married Nesta Daughter to Maurice Fitz-Girald William Nott. Maurice de Prendregast Meyler Son of Henry Fitz-Henry who was Son of King Henry 1st by Nesta Mother to Robert Fitz-Stephan and Maurice Fitz-Girald Reymond le Gosse Nephew to Robert Fitz-Stephan Married Basilia the Sister of Earl Strongbowe William Ferrand Richard Strongbowe Earl of Stiguil alias Chepstow Brethren and Nephews to Robert Fitz-Stephan and Maurice Fitz-Girald Miles Cogan alias Cogham Richard Cogan alias Cogham Henry Second King of England Ann. Dom 117â— Hugh de Lacy. William Fitz-Adelm Ralph Abbat of Buldewas in Normandy Ralph Arch-Deacon of Landaf Nicholas the Kings Chaplain Humphry de Bohun Robert Fitz-Bernard Hugh de Gundevilla Philip de Breusa alias Braosa William de Breusa alias Braosa Philip Hastings Silverster Giraldus Barry Cambrensis Director or Tutor to John the Kings Son John Redensford William Fitz-Maurice Eldest Son to Maurice Fitz-Girald he Married Alnia the Daughter of Earl Strongbow Cambren lib. 2. c. 5. Two other Sons of Maurice Fitz-Girald Girald Alexander Griffin the Son of William Fitz-Maurice Brethren Adam Hereford Hereford Purcell Nicholas Wallingford a Prior afterward Abbat of Malmsbury David Welsh Nephew to Reymond le Grosse Geofry Judas Reymond Kantitunensis Reymond Fitz-Hugh Miles of St. Davids Osbert of Herford alias Haverford West William Bendeuges Roger Poer alias Puyer Adam of Gernemie alias Gernemne Hugh Tirell John de Courcy Almeric alias Amoric de Sancto Laurâ—ntio though not found in Cambrensis Hugh Cantwell Redmond Cantimore Church Affairs in this Kings Reign whereof the chief and greatest are conteined in the Brief but Clear Account of the Life and Death of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury IN the Second year of his Reign Ann. Dom. 1155. King Henry to the Honor of God and Holy Church and for the Emendation of his whole Kingdom Granted and confirmed to God [1] Append. N. 40. King Henry's Grant to Holy Church and to the Earls Barons c. and Holy Church and to all Earls and Barons and all his men omnibus hominibus meis All the Customes omnes Consuetudines which his Grandfather King Henry Gave and Granted to them by his Charter and abolished all ill Customes and therefore Willed and firmly Commanded That Holy Church and all Earls and Barons and all his men or feudataries should have and hold all those Customes Donations Liberties and free Customes freely quietly wholly and in peace of him and his heirs to them and their heirs so freely quietly and fully in all things as King Henry his Grandfather gave and granted and by his Charter confirmed unto them About the Year 1162. certain 2 Gul. Neubr lib. 2. c. 13. A. D. 1162. A Sect called Publicans came out of Germany into England Wandring people called Publicans came out of Germany into England which had infested many parts of France Spain Germany and Italy with their Doctrines They were in number about thirty men and women who dissembling their Design came peaceably into the Nation under the Conduct of one Gerard who they respected as their Master and Leader He was somewhat Learned but the others were unlettered ignorant meer Rusticks who spake the Teutonie Language and were of that Nation They had been some time in England yet Converted one Woman only Being discovered they were put in Prison The King not willing to Dismisse or Punish them without Examination They were Convented before the Bishops Their Opinions Convened a Council of Bishops at Oxford before whom they were Convented touching their Religion where Gerard undertaking the Cause and speaking for them all Answered they were Christians and had a veneration for the Apostolic Doctrine and being interrogated concerning the Articles of Faith they answered rightly as to the Substance of them concerning God * De Divinis Sacramentis perversa dixerunt Sacrum Baptisma Eucharistiam Conjugium detestantes but as to the Divine Sacraments they spake perverse things Abhorring and Detesting Baptism the Eucharist and Marriage and Derogating from the Vnity of the Church When they were urged with the Testimonies of holy Scripture they Answered they Believed as they had been Taught and would not dispute concerning their Faith Being admonished to return to the Vnity of the Church they despised all advice And being Threatned they Laughed that for Fear they should be brought to Repent saying Blessed are they that suffer Persecution for Righteousness sake for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven Then [ ] Ibidem The Bishops pronounce them Heretics They are delivered to the secular power They are Burnt in the Foreheads and Whipâ— They rejoyce at their punishment the Bishops publickly pronounced them Heretics and Delivered them over to the Temporal Power to be Corporally punished The King Commanded they should be Burnt in the Forehead with the Mark of Heretics and be Whipt out of the City in the Sight of the people strictly forbidding every person to give them Lodging or any other Comfort They Rejoyced at the Execution of the Sentence and made hast through the City their Leader singing before them Blessed shall ye be when men hate you who was doubly Cauterized in the Forehead and Chin. It was in the Depth of Winter and they miserably perished none affording them succour The Life Actions and Behaviour c. of Thomas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbury THomas [4] Gul. Fitz-Steph p. 1. Col. 1. Becket was the Son of Gilbert sometime Sheriff of London [5] Ibidem Tho. Becket Educated at Paris Clerc to the Sheriffs of London In his Childhood he was taught in his Fathers House and the City Schools in his Youth he Studied at Paris Upon his return he was in part received into the care of the Government of the City of London and was made Clerc to the Sheriffs and their Procurator Accountant or Manager of that Office in which he behaved himself
Emperor for a Summe of Money It was observed [7] Ibid. Earl John well pleased with his Brothers imprisonment His contrivance to secure the Crown for himself That Earl Iohn was very Brisk when he heard his Brother was made Prisoner and conceived great hopes of being King and therefore he wheadled in many through the whole Kingdom with great promises and with great Diligence fortifyed his places of Strength and went over into France and entred into a Confederacie with that King that he might secure his Nephew Arthur from injoying the Crown and it is no hard matter to believe this from his precedent actions In the Absence of the King there happened great [8] f. 398. b. n. 20. A. D. 119â— A discord between him and the Chancellor discord between Earl Iohn and the Chancellor about Lincoln Castle which was in the Custody of Gerard de Camvill Sheriff of Lincolnshire who was turned out of his * Expulso Girardo de Camvil a à Baliva Vicecomitatus Lincolniae Composed by the mediation of the Bishops Office by the Chancellor and William de Stutevill put into it but would not part with the Castle and while he Besieged it the Castle of Nottingham and the Kings Castle of Tikehill were delivered to Earl Iohn who sent to the Chancellor that unless he quitted the Siege he would force him to do it He affrighted at the Earls Message raised the Siege and by the Mediation of the Bishops and other friends an agreement was made between them which the Reader may find in the [9] Append. n 75. Appendix with the Translation of it Not long after this Agreement Geofrey the Elect of York was consecrated by the Arch-Bishop of Tours by the Popes Command who not regarding the [1] Hoved. ut supra f. 399. a n. 30. Geofry Elect of York comes into England before the three years were expired Oath he had made to his Brother the King That he would not come into England in three years after the King should leave it came to Witsan perhaps at this Day Calais and was there ready for his passage over The Chancellor sorbad him to come into England contrary to his Oath he made to the King He regarded not the Chancellors Prohibition and Landed at Dover in the month of September where the Chancellor had appointed Officers to apprehend him But having notice of it he changed his Cloaths and mounted a Swift Horse and got to the Monasterie of St. Martins belonging to that Town and put himself into the Church [2] Ibidem n. â—0 50. He is taken by the Chancellors Officers and delivered Prisoner to the Constable of Dover Castle The Chancellors Officers Guarded the Church so as he could not go out and after Mass took him while he was standing at the Altar in his Sacerdotal vestments and carried him out of the Church through the Dirty Streets and Delivered him to Mathew Clere the Constable of Dover Castle [3] Ibidem b. n. 10. But is released by Earl Johns Order The Chancellor is summoned to appear in the Kings Court but refuses Earl Iohn hearing of this ordered the Chancellor to release him And then coming to London he complained to Earl Iohn and to the Bishops and great men of the injury he had received from the Chancellor The Earl commanded he should stand to the Law in the Kings Court for that and also for the Injury he had done to Hugh Bishop of Durham The Chancellor deferred his appearance the Earl the Arch-Bishop of Roven the Bishops and chief men of the Kingdom appointed him a Peremptory day at Reading whither Earl Iohn and almost all the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Kingdom came in expectation of him but he neither came nor sent any one to appear for him Then the Earl and the Bishops that were with him went toward London A Skirmiâ—h between the Earls and Chancellors retinue One of the Earls Knights Slain That they might consult before a great Audience of the Citizens what they should do with that Chancellor That had so troubled the Kingdom and would not stand to Law He hearing of it left Windsor and went to London and by the way his and the Earls retinue their Milites or Knights met and fought in which Skirmish one of the Earls Knights Roger de Planis was Killed yet he had the better and the Chancellor fled to London and he and his Retinue got into the Tower On the 10 th of [4] Ibidem n. 20. The Chancellor accused of high Misdemeanors October Earl Iohn the Arch-Bishop of Roven the Bishop Earls Barons and Citizens of London met in Pauls Church-Yard and accused the Chancellor in many things but especially for the injuries he had done to the Arch-Bishop of York and Bishop of Durham Those also the King had associated with him in the Government accused him saying That he Depised their advice and managed all the Business of the Kingdom by violence and according to his own Will And then the Arch-Bishop of Roven and William Marshall Earl of Striguil first shew before the People their Letters under the Kings Seal from Messina by which they were associated with the Chancellor and others in the Government of the Kingdom and that he was to do nothing without their advice and if he did and it was to the detriment of the Kingdom he was to be [5] No such thing in the Letters See Append. n. He is deposed deposed and the Arch-Bishop of Roven put in his place And it pleased the Earl and all the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Kingdom and the Citizens of London that it should be so for that the Arch-Bishop of Roven would do nothing without the Advice of his associates and the Barons of the Exchequer And the same Day the Earl of Moreton [6] Ibidem n. 40. and the Archbishop of Roven and the other Justices That is the Commissioners in the Government of the King Granted to the Citizens of London to have their Comunity Et eodem die Comes Moretonii Archiepiscopus Rhoâ—amagensis alii Regis Justiciarii Concesserunt Civibus Londoniarum habere Comunam suam And the same year the Earl and Arch-Bishop and almost all the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Kingdom did Swear firmly and resolutely to uphold that Comunity The Citizens of London Swear fealty to King Richard and Earl John as his heir The Tower and Windsor Castle delivered up to him by the Chancellor so long as it pleased the King Et eodem Anno Comes Moretonii Archiepiscopus Rothomagensis fere omnes Episcopi Comites Barones Regni Juraverunt Comunam illam firmiter inconcusse servaturos quamdiu Domino Regi placuit And the Citizens of London did Swear faithful service to King Richard and his Heir haeredi suo And if he should Dye without Issue That they would receive Earl Iohn his Brother for their King and Lord and they
Earl John refuses to treat with the Norman Nobility about the Kings release Iohn soon after Christmass passed into Normandy where the Seneschal and other great men met him and desired he would go to Alencon to treat with them about the Kings affairs and the freeing him from Imprisonment [3] Ibid. n. 40 Unless they would accept him for their Lord which they refuse he told them if they would receive him as their Lord and Swear Fealty to him he would go with them and undertake their Defence against the King of France but otherwise not The Noblemen of Normandy refused his proposals hoping to see their King again From thence [4] Ibid. He does Homage to the King of France for Normandy c. the Earl went to the King of France and did Homage to him for Normandy and the other Dominions of his Brother beyond Sea and as it was reported for England and Swore he would take to Wife his Sister Alice and then quiet Claymed or Released to the King of France Gisors and whole Veuxin Norman And he gave him with his Sister That part of Flanders he had in his possession and Swore he would do his utmost to help him to Gain England and his Brothers other Dominion Then he [5] Ibid. n. 50. He returns into England and demands the Kingdom alledging the King was dead returned into England carrying many strangers with him and had the Castles of Windsor and Wallingford delivered to him from whence he came to London and demanded the Kingdom from the Archbâ—shop of Roven and the other Justices that is the Commissioners for the Government of England and the Fealties of the Military Tenants Vassals or Feudataries of the Kingdom Affirming his Brother the King was Dead Deinde ipse Comes venit Lundonias à Roâ—homagensi Archiepiscopo caeteris Justiciariis Angliae petiit sibi Regnum fidelitates hominum Regni affirmans Qâ—od Rex Angliae frater suus mortuus Erat. But they believed him not And when he saw he was [6] Ibidem b. lin 1. c. The Justiciaries reject him and secure all the Ports rejected by the Justiciaries and great men he swelled with fury Portifyed his places of Strength and Invaded his Brothers Lands in an Hostile manner The Justiciaries had so well secured the Ports as neither French or Flemmings that had promised him assistance dare attempt to Land in England They Besieged Windsor Castle [7] Ibid. n. 20. They raise an Army to oppose him The Archbishop of York Hugh Bardolfe one of the Kings Justiciaries and Sheriff of Yorkshire and William de Stutevill raise an Army in that Country and marched to Doncaster which they fortifyed [8] Ibid. n. 30. The Archbishop would have gone on and Besieged Tikehill a Castle belonging to Earl Iohn but the other two would not Consent to it because they were his men or Feudataries quia erant homines Comitis Iohanis After Easter the [9] Ibid. n. 10 Abbats of Boxley and Roberts-Bridge that had been sent by the Justiciaries to the King came Back and reported the Agreement made between him and the Emperor But the King not returning all men wondered at his stay in Germany and doubted what was become of him and whether he would return or not Whereupon the Aâ—chbishop of Roven and the other Justiciaries although they had forced Earl Iohn to a Complyance A truce made with Earl John and even taken the Castle of Windsor yet they made a Truce with him until the Feast of All Saints [1] Ibid. f. 413. a. lin 1. c. The Castles of Notingham and Tikehill remaining in his Custody as they were before and the Castles of Windsor Walingford and Pec were Delivered to the Queen Mother and were to be Redelivered to the Earl if the King returned not the mean While Soon after this [2] Ibid. n. 10. The King writes to his Subjects to send money for his Release Truce the King sent to the Archbishops all the Bishops Abbats Earls Barons Clercs and Free-tenants Francos tenentes or Tenents in Capite and desired all the Clergy and Laity would give him such an aid to redeem him as he might thank them for it The Emperor wrote to the same purpose and the Pope who Threatned the Kingdom with an Interdict unless the King were speedily freed from Prison and wrote to the King of France that he would anathematize his Kingdom unless he forbear to trouble the King of England while he was Prisoner [3] Ibid. n 30. The great instrument of reconciliation between the Emperor and King Richard was the Chancellor The price of his Redemption was 140000 marks Charissimus Cancellarius noster Willielmus Eliensis Episcopus as the King Stiles him in his Letter And the price of his Redemption was Seven score thousand Marks of Silver The Emperor and Kings [4] Ibid. b. n. 20. Append n. 76. A. D. 1193. Letters both bear Date the 19th of April at Hagenou By Authority of the [5] Ibid. f. 413. b. n. 10. How and upon whom this Sum was levied and raised Kings letters the Queen Mother and the Justices determined That all Clercs and Laics should pay a fourth part of their Revenues that year for the Redemption of the King and that they should add so much of their Moveables or upon their Moveables for which the King should Con or Ken them thanks and upon every Knights Fee they charged 20 s. and ordered the Abby's and Houses of the Cistertians and the order of Semplingham should contribute all their Wooll that year and That all the Gold and Silver the Churches were possessed of should be brought forth and delivered for the same purpose Autoritate Literarum istarum these words follow immediately after the Date of the Kings Letters Mater Regis Justiciarii Angliae statuerunt quod universi tam Clerici quam Laici quâ—rtam partem redditus sui de hoc anno darent ad redemptionem Domini Regis tantum superadderent de Mobilibus suis unde rex debet eis gratias Scire de unoquoque feodo Militis viginti Solidos de Abbatiis ordinis Cistrensis de Domibus Ordinis Semplingham totam lanam suam de hoc Anno Vniversum Aurum Argentum Ecclesiarum sicut Rex in Mandato suo praeceperat [6] f. 413. a. n. 40. The Gold and Silver taken out of the Churches to be restored The Gold and Silver that belonged to the Churches the King only Borrowed and his Justiciaires and Barons made Oath he should fully restore it again About this [7] Ibid. b. n. 40. The Chancellor returns into England to manage the Kings business Matter the Chancellor came into England and in great humility went to St. Albans where the Queen Mother the Archbishop of Roven and the other Justiciaires alii Justiciarii Domini Regis met him and there produced a [8] Ibid. n. 30. Golden
Marks to the Emperor and from the Earl 30000 upon condition he might be kept prisoner until Michaelmass following or if the Emperor had rather they would give him a thousand Pounds a Month so long as he should keep him Prisoner or if it pleased him better the King of France would give him 100000 Marks and Earl Iohn 50000 to deliver him Prisoner into their hands or at least that he would keep him one year The Emperor prevailed upon to differ his Release upon these Offers the Emperor put off the Day of his Liberty and ordered it to be upon the Purification of St. Mary at Ments At that Day and place [5] Ibid. b. n. 30.40 Henry Emperor of the Romans with the Great Men of his Empire and Richard King of England with his Mother Queen Alienor and Walter Archbishop of Roven William Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and Savaric Bishop of Bath met and held a Council about the Liberty of the King of England The Emperor out of Covetousness tempted with the money the King of France and Earl Iohn offered would have gone from his Agreement and calling for theis Messengers amongst which The King of France and Earl Johns letters given to King Richard to read was Robert Nunant Brother to Hugh Bishop of Coventry he gave the King of France and Earl Iohns Letters which they wrote against his Liberty to the King of England to read at which he was much troubled and confounded dispairing of his Freedom He by his Friend and Counsellor Sollicites the Archbishops of Ments Colon and Saxeburgh who this Archbishop was I find not unless Treves or Trier had ever that name the Bishops of Worms Spire and Liege The Dukes of Suavia the Emperors Brother of Austria and Lovain The Earl Palatin of the Rhene and other Great Men of the Empire who were â—idejussors or undertakers for the Emperor upon the Agreement between him and the King of England The Emperors Fidejussors rebuke him for his Covetousness who boldly went to him and rebuked him for his Covetousness and for that he would so impudently run back from his Bargain Qui ita impudenter à pacto suo resilire volebat and wrought so effectually with him as he Freed the King from his imprisonment [6] Ibid. n. 50. He thereupon consents to King Richards release he giving Walter Archbishop of Roven Savaric Bishop of Bath and Baldwin Waâ— and many other sons of his Earls and Barons hostages or Pleges for the Residue of his Ransom Money unpaid and that he should keep peace to the Emperor his Empire and all his Dominions and the Archbishops of Menâ—s and Colon Delivered him free into the Hands of his Mother Alienor A. D. 1194. Robert Nunant refuses to be plege for the King on the fourth of February The King asked Robert Nunant to be a Plege for him he answered he was Earl Iohns Man or Vassal and therefore would not be Plege for him Respondet [7] Ibid. f. 418. a. lin 4. Quod esset homo Comitis Iohannis ideo noluit pro ipso obses Esse for which answer the King caused him to be taken and imprisoned The same Day the [8] Ibid. n. 10. The Emperor writes to Earl John to restore King Richard all his rights and possession Emperor the Archbishops Bishops Dukes and Earls of the Empire by their common Writing to which they put their Seals sent to the King of France and Earl Iohn that presently upon sight thereof they should deliver to the King of England the Castles City's Fortresses Towns Lands and whatsoever they had taken from him while he was the Emperors Prisoner and if they did not to let them know they would help him to recover what he had lost [9] Ibid. n. 20.30 King Richards generosity to the German Bishops and Nobility Hereupon King Richard by his Charts granted to several Archbishops Bishops Dukes Earls and Barons and others of the Empire annual Rents or stipends for their Homages Fealty's and aids or assistance against the French King and received the Homage of the Archbishops of Ments and Colon of the Bishop of Liege the Dukes of Austria and Lovain the Marquess of Montferrat the Duke of Lemburgh and the Duke of Swavia the Emperors Brother of the Earl Palatin of the Rhene the Son of the Earl of Haynault of the Earl of Holland and many others saving their Fealty to the Emperor He is conducted to Antwerp and from thence came to Sandwich who gave the King a safe conduct or Pass-port to Antwerp where he was under the protection of the Duke of Lovain from thence he came to England and landed at Sandwich on the 13th of March. Not long before the Kings [1] Ibid. n. 40.50 Arrival one Adam of St. Edmund a Clerc and servant to Earl Iohn was sent by him into England with Letters and Directions That his Castles should be fortified against his Brother He came to London and went to the Palace of Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury and dined with him where he Boasted much of the prosperity of his Master The Insolence of one of Earl Johns Servants and the intimacy he had with the King of France telling that he had given him the Castles of Driencurt and Arches which should have been given to the Archbishop of Rhemes and talked at a great Rate what his Lord could do if he had but Faithful Men. His Bragging discourse much exasperated the Archbishop and all that heard him He is apprehended and Earl Johns designs are discovered but for the Deference to the Table he was not apprehended But after Dinner in his Inn the Major of London took him and all his Briefs or Commissions which conteined all Earls Iohns design and delivered them to the Archbishop of Canturbury [2] Ibid. b. lin 4.5.6.7 who on the Morrow called before him the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Kingdom and shewed them those Letters and declared the Tenor of them and presently it was Determined by the Common Council of the Kingdom Earl John disseized of all his Tenements in England That Earl Iohn should be disseized of all his Tenements in England and that his Castles should be besieged statim per Commune Consilium Regni Definitum est Quod Comes Iohannes Dissaisiretur de omnibus Tenementis suis in Anglia ut Castella sua obsiderentur factum est ita and so it was done The same Day [3] Ib. b. n. 10. He his Advisers and Abettors Excommunicated Archbishop Hubert the Bishops of Lincoln London Rochester Winchester Worcester and Hereford and the Elect of Excester and many Abbats and Clercs of the Province of Canturbury came together and Anathematized Earl Iohn and all his Abetters and Advisers which had or should Disturb the Peace of King and Kingdom unless they laid down Arms and gave satisfaction All to whom the [4] Ibid. n. 20 30 40 c. His
investing them in their Earldoms girt William Marshal with the Sword of the Earldom of Striguil and Geofry Fitz-Peter with the Sword of the Earldom of Essex who though before they were called Earls and had the Administration of their Counties or Earldoms yet were not Girt with the Sword of their Earldoms The same day also he made [2] Ibidem Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury his Chancellor The King of Scots [3] Ibid. n. 50. The King of Scots reneweth his Demands by three Priors of his own Nation Reneweth his Demand of Northumberland and Tumberland and made the same promises King Iohn Answered them That when their Lord the King of Scots his Dear Cousin came to him he would do what was just concerning that and all his other Demands [4] Ibid. b. lin 5. And sent Philip Bishop of Durham to meet him hoping he would come having sent Roger Bishop of St. Andrews and Hugh Malevise for him and went himself to Nottingham at Whitsunday and staid in those parts in Expectation of him but he would not come he only sent back the two Messengers to him with demand of the two Counties and to let him Know if he denyed his demands he would endeavor to acquire them by force and expected his Answer within Forty Days In the mean time King Iohn committed Northumberland and Tumberland with their Castles to the keeping and defence of William Stutevil And having dispatched his Affairs in England passed into Normandy and landed at Diepe King John passeth into Normandy and was at Roven on [5] Ibid. n. 30 40. And makes a Truce with the King of France Midsummer Day where came to him a Multitude of Soldiers Horse and Foot and presently there was a Truce made between him and the King of France until the Morrow after the Assumption of St. Mary that is the 16th of August and here Philip Earl of Flanders did Homage to King Iohn six days before that Feast Philippus comes Flandriae devenit homo Regis Iohannis apud Rothomagum c. Henry [6] Ibid. f. 452. a.n. 10. France and Normandy interdicted Earl of Namur brother to Philip Earl of Flanders Peter of Donay a Famous Soldier and his Brother the Elect of Cambray were taken by some of the French Kings Soldiers and delivered to him Peter of Capua a Cardinal and the Pope's Legat interdicted France for the taking of the Elect of Cambray as also Normandy for the Detention of Philip Bishop of Beavais and before he would release the Sentence the King of France was forced to Release the Elect and King Iohn the Bishop of Bravais But because he was taken in Arms he gave King Iohn 2000 Marks Paris [7] f. 198. n. 50. says 6000 and took an Oath never to bear Arms again against Christians Philip King of France [8] Hoved. f 452. a. n. 10.20 The King of France Knighted Arthur Duke of Britany and received his Homage Knighted Arthur Duke of Britany and Received his Homage for Anjou Poictou Tourain Main Britany and Normandy In the Morrow after the Assumption of St. Mary August 16th the two Kings treated two Days by their Commissioners between Buravant and Gaâ—llon and the third Day they spake by themselves but the King of France shew no Kindness to the King of England and the reason was because he had possessed himself of Normandy and other Countries without his Licence whereas he ought first to have come to him and demanded his Right and done him Homage In this Treaty [9] Ibid. n. 30. His Demands of King John the King of France Demanded all Veuxin That is all between the Forest of Lions the Seyn the Isle of Andeli and the River Ept. Affirming that Geofry Earl of Anjou the Father of Henry Son of Maud the Empress had given it to Lewis the Gross King of France for his assistance in gaining Normandy from King Stephan of England And Demanded that Poictou Anjou Tourain and Main might be rendred to Arthur Duke of Britany and made other Demands the King of England could not Grant King Richards riches adhered to King John and so they Departed The Earls and Barons of France that had adhered to King Richard became the men of King Iohn and Sware to him they would not make Terms with the King of France unless with his Consent and he Swore to them he would not make Peace with him unless they were comprehended in it In October the King of France [1] Ib. b. l. 1. took the Castle of Balun which was taken ill by William de Rupibus or Roche General of Duke Arthurs Forces was sent to him that there was no such Agreement between his Lord Arthur and him The King replyed he should not omit to do his pleasure notwithstanding his Lord Arthur and then went and besieged Lavardin [2] Ibid. l. 7. but hearing the King of England was coming with his Army left the Siege and marched to Mans King Iohn followed him and he left that place In the mean time William de Roche had craftily gotten Arthur out of the [3] Ib. n. 10. Arthur reconciled to King John and made Governor of Mans. custody of the King of France and reconciled him to his Uncle King John and delivered to him the City of Mans of which he was made Governor by them both and the very same day it was told Duke Arthur that King Iohn would put him in prison whereupon he and his Mother that night made their escape to Anger 's Paris [4] f. 198. n. 30. says he went privately to the King of France William * Hoved. f. 453. a. n. 30. A. D. 1199. William King of Scots admonished by a Revelation not to invade England King of Scots in pursuance of his Claim to the Counties of Northumberland and Cumberland raised an Army with intention to invade England but coming to the Shrine of St. Margaret sometime Queen of Scotland which was at Dunfermlin where he stays all night he was admonished by a Revelation in his Sleep That he should not invade England with his Army and so he permitted it to depart home or discharged it Permisit exercitum suum Domum redire After Christmass the two [5] Hoved. f. 454. b. n. 10.20 A. D. 1200. A Treaty between King John and King Philip. Kings met at a Treaty between Andeli and Gaillon in which Treaty they agreed That Lewis Son to the King of France should take to wife Blanch the Daughter of Alfonso the Eighth King of Castile King Iohns Niece with whom he was to give and quiet claim the City of Eureux and the whole Earldom and all the Fortresses and Castles which the King of France had in Normandy at the time of the death of King Richard and besides give her 30000 Marks of Silver and did Swear That he would not give any assistance to his Nephew Otho in Men or Money whereby he might obtain the Roman Empire to which
King John or did homage to him as it was his right or for his right Willielmus Rex Scotorum devenit homo Regis Iohanis de jure suo and Swore Fealty to him upon the Cross of Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury to preserve his Life Limbs and Terrene honor against all men and keep Peace toward him and his Kingdom saving his own right These being Witnesses Hubert of Canturbury Iohn of Dublin Bernard of Raguse Archbishops Philip of Durham William of London Gilbert of Rochester Eustacius of Ely Savaric of Bath Herbert of Salisbury Godfry of Winchester Giles of Hereford Iohn of Norwich Roger of St. Andrews Henry of Landaf and Roger of Bangor Bishops Geofry Fitz-Peter Justiciary of England Earl of Essex Roger Bâ—got Earl of Norfolk Hamlin Earl of Warren Baldwin de Behun Earl of Albemarle William Earl of Salisbury Henry de Bohun Earl of Hereford Richard Earl of Clare William Earl Ferrers David Earl of Huntington Rolland or Rowland Son of Huctred Son of Fergus Prince of Galway Patrick Earl of Lonaâ—s Griffin Son of Rese King of Southwales and many others of the Kingdom of Scotland And before these Barons of England and Normandy Roger Constable of Chester Eustachius de Vesci Robert de Ros William de Stutevill Ralph Chamberlan of Tanquervit Warin Fitz-Gerold Stephan de Turnham * Seneschal of Anjou Robert his Brother Gilbert Basset Thomas and Alan his Brothers Roger of Hutingfield Sayer of Quinci William of Hastings Iolan de Nevill Simon de Chanci Girard de Camvil and many other Barons of England and Normandy After King [1] Ibid. n. 40. His demands of King John William had done his Homage he Demanded of King Iohn his Lord Northumberland Cumberland and Westmerland as his right and inheritance and when they had long Discoursed the matter and could not agree the King of England desired time to consider of it until Whitsunday following A. D. 1200. and early on the morrow Morning Novemb. 23d the King of Scots returned toward his own Country under the Conduct of the same persons that brought him into England King Iohn kept his Christmass at Guilford where he distributed many fine Cloaths to his Knights or Military men [2] Mat. Paris f. 205. n. 50. Hoved. f. 464. b. n. 10. The Arch-Bishop did the same at Canturbury as it were vying and contending with him in the magnificence of that Solemnity which not a little moved the Kings Indignation [3] Ibid. 20.30 A. D. 1201. King John and his Queen made a progress through most of England After Christmass the King with his Queen went into the North as far as Northumberland and made a Progress through much of England and fined many men for wasting his Forests The Historian names several particular places and days and nights where the King was and lodged in this progress or perambulation which takes off the incredibility of the Journey to have been undertaken at that time of the year At Easter [4] Ibid. f. 465. b. lin 1. which happened that year on our Lady Day the King and Queen Isabell were at Canturbury and there Crowned by Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury in the Cathedral in the presence of Iohn Arch B. of Dublin William Bishop of London Gilbert Bishop of Rochester Eustachius Bish of Ely and Iohn Bish of Norwich [5] Ibidem lin 6. He Summoned his Earls and Barons to be ready with Horse and Arms to go with him over Sea And presently after Easter he Commanded the Earls and Barons of England should be ready with their Horse and Arms at Whitsunday at Portsmouth to pass with him beyond Sea The Poictovins had prevailed against their Governors and Besieged their Castles Warin de Glapion Seneschal of Normandy by order of King Iohn Besieged the Castle of Dancourt which King Richard had given to Ralph de Isondon Earl of Ou Brother of Hugh le Brun. But Philip King of France hearing of the King of Englands preparations raised the Sieges before he came into Normandy [6] Ibidem n. 10. They refuse unless their Rights be first restored In the mean while the Earls of England met at Leicester and by Common Agreement sent to the King They would not go with him beyond Sea unless he would Restore to them their Right [7] f. 206. lin 8. Mat. Paris says they came at the appointed time and many for leave to stay at home gave the King two Marks in Silver for every Knights Fee At Whitsunday [8] Ibid. Hoved f. 466. a. lin 5. or some time before King Iohn sent Geofry Bishop of Chester Richard Malevisse and Henry de Putearo Pudsey to the King of Scots That the time of Giving his Answer about Northumberland c. might be put off until Michaelmass [9] Ibid. n. 10 He passes over into Normandy and treats with King Philip. In Whitsun week he and his Queen Sayled from Portsmouth and landed in Normandy and presently there was a Treaty between him and the King of France near the Isle of Andeli and they agreed well between themselves no man knowing the subject of their Discourse and within three days King Iohn was invited by the King of France to his Palace at Paris where he was splendidly and honorably entertained from whence he went to Chinon [5] Ibid. n. 20. where came to him Queen Berengara the Relict of King Richard to whom upon the Testimony of Philip Bishop of Durham and others that were present at her Marriage he gave her during Life the City of [2] Ibid. f. 467. b. n. 30. He gave Berengara King Richards Relick a large Dower Bayeux with its Appurtenences two Castles in Anjou and a 1000 Marks Sterling every year 500 to be paid at the Exchequer in England and 500 at the City Caen in Normandy for her Dower King Iohn had a Design to * Ibid. f. 468 a. n. 30.40 His Design to Appeal the Barons of Poictou of Treason Appeal the Barons of Poictou for Treason against his Brother Richard and himself and had hired many men who had been taught the Art of Duelling who without doubt he intended should Appeal them or at least be his Champions Sed Barones Pictaviae inde praemoniti ad Curiam illius venire Noluerunt Dicentes Quod nemini Responderent nisi pari suo But the Barons being forewarned would not come to his Court saying they would answer to no man that is fight with no man but their Peers or aequals and so his Design came to nothing and the Poictovins by that project were made more his Enemies than before and to Repress their Violence he appointed Robert de Turnham his Seneschal or Lieutenant of that Country This Year Hugh Bardolf and [3] Ibid. n. 20. other the Kings Iustices went to Boston Fair intending to Seize to the Kings use all Woollen Cloaths that were not two Ells within the Lists according to King Richards Assise or Statute The Merchants
so prevailed with the Justices that their Cloaths were not Seized nor the Assise of King Richard to be kept concerning the Breadth of Cloath or the Measure of Grain King Richardâ— Assise for the Measure of Cloath and Grain made void by the Justices so as for the future they might make their Cloaths as Broad and Narrow as they pleased from whence to the Damage of many the Justices procured a great Summe of Money to the Kings use This Year the [4] Ibid. f. 466. a. n. 20. The Pope wrote to the Clergy to Contribute to the Relief of the Holy Land Pope wrote a pressing Epistle to the Archbishops and Bishops to contribute a fortieth part of their Ecclesiastical Revenues to the Relief of the Holy Land and to take care that the Clercs in every Diocess did the same [5] Ibid. f. 470. a. n. 40. He sent to the same purpose to the King of England and France The Master of the Hospital of Ierusalem wrote another lamentable Epistle to the Prior and Brethren of the same Hospital in England moving them very earnestly for Relief and that they would induce the King and great men to assist them The Pope reflecting seriously upon the Contents of these Letters sent a Cardinal to the Kings of England and France requiring them to make a Subsidy or Tax in their Dominions for the Relief of the Land of Ierusalem [6] Ibid. f. 471. a. lin 3. King John granteth a fortieth part of his Revenue for one year upon which Message and Request the two Kings consented to give the fortieth part of all their Revenues for one Year And the King of England would have it Levied of all his Revenue and of the Ward Lands and Escheats in his hands and Commanded that all Lay-men of his Dominions praecepit quod omnes Laici c. should give a fortieth part of all their Rents as an Alms for the Relief of the Land of Ierusalem Whereupon Geofry Fitz-Peter then Chief Jâ—sticiary of England wrote [7] Append. n. 80. to the Sheriffs of England to admonish and induce the Earls and Barons in every of their Sherifwicks and others to give a fortieth part as aforesaid and to Collect it In Lent the Year following the two Kings [8] Mat. Paris f. 207. lin 2. King Philips Demands refused by King John Parleyed near the Castle of Goleton where the King of France armed with mortal hatred against the King of England in Scorn commanded him forthwith to Deliver to Arthur Earl of Britany Normandy Tourain Anjou and Poictou and Exacted of him many other things which King Iohn refused to do The day following the King of France attacqued the Castle of Butavant took and Demolished it from whence he went to Ou and took that Town He besieged took and demolished many of King Johns Towns and Castles with the Castle of Limâ—s and many other Castles Ratepont Castle seated upon the River Andell in Veuxin he Besieged Eight Days and hearing the King of England was coming toward him he left it but within few days after took the Town of Gournay and then returned to Paris [9] Ibid. n. 10 20. and sent Arthur and the Governors he placed over him with two hundred French Knights into Poictou to subdue that Country or by hostile incursions to make it submit to him in their March they were told Queen Alienor Mother to King Iohn was in the Castle of Mirebeau with a small Company they besieged and took it but the Tower in which the Queen was they could not obtein those few that were in the Castle having retreated thither Here came into Arthur all the chief men and more noble Knights or Military men of Poictou especially Hugh le Brun Earl of March who was a public Enemy to King Iohn in Respect of Isabel his Queen Queen Alienor reduced to great streights by Arthur to whom he had been contracted before he married her They made up together a great Army and made sharp assaults upon the Tower The Queen in this streight [1] Ibid. n. 30. She sends to her Son for speedy relief The French and Poictovins put to flight Arthur and all the Nobility of Anjou and Poictou taken Prisoners sent to her Son passionately pressing him to come to her Relief He marched night and day and came sooner then it was believed he could be there The French and Poictovins went to meet and give him Battel the King put them to flight and pressed so hard upon them as he entred the Castle with them where was a sharp Conflict that was soon ended by the Courage of the English In this Fight were taken 200 French Knights and Duke Arthur with all the Nobles of Poictou and Anjou who were fettered and manacled with Iron and part of them sent into Normandy and part into England Arthur was sent to Falais to be kept safe there The King of France had Besieged the [2] Ibid. n. 40. Castle of Arches and Battered it fifteen days but hearing of Arthurs misfortune he raised the Siege and went to Paris and did nothing more that Year After a short time King Iohn went to [3] Ibid. n. 50 Arthur Demands the Kingdom of England of King John his Uncle Falais and caused his Nephew Arthur to be brought before him Many fair words he gave him and promised him many Honors to quit the King of France and stick to him as his Lord and Vncle but he answered him with Disdain and with threats Demanded the Kingdom of England and all the Dominions King Richard died possessed of as his right of Inheritance and Swore he should never injoy Peace unless he Restored them King Iohn very much troubled at his Demands He is sent Prisoner to Roven and never heard of more sent him to Roven to be made close Prisoner in the new Tower where he suddenly vanished [4] Ibid. f. 208. n. 10. And it presently began to be the Opinion of France and the suspicion of all Transmarine Countries That King Iohn Killed him with his own hands whence many were averted from him and persued him with an irreconcileable Hatred This Year the King caused to be proclaimed [5] Ibid. n. 20. A. D. 1202. A legal Assize of Bread to be observed a legal Assise of Bread to be inviolably observed under pain of Pilloty as it was tryed and approved by the Baker of Geofry Fitz-Peter Justiciary of England and it was to be so as the Bakers might gain in every Quarter three pence Besides the Bran and two Loaves at the Oven and four Half-peny's for four Servants and for two Boys one Farthing and an Allowance for Salt an half-peny and for Yest or Beer-good an Half-peny for Candel a Farthing for Fagots three pence and for Bulter and Sieve an Half-peny And according to this gain and allowance The weight of Bread proportioned to the price of Corn. when Wheat was at six Shillings the
Quarter a Farthing White-Loafe well Baked was to weigh sixteen shillings and a Farthing Loaf of the whole grain as it came from the Mill was to weigh twenty four shillings when Wheat was at Eighteen pence the Quarter then a Farthing White-loafe was to weigh sixty four shillings and a Farthing loafe of the whole Grist as it came from the Mill was to weigh ninety six shillings This is the highest and lowest price of Wheat mentioned in the Historian and the intermediate weight of Bread was proportionate to the intermediate price of Wheat and the Assise did rise and fall as the price of Wheat did rise and fall according to six pence in every Quarter and this Assise was Proclaimed through the whole Kingdom The King kept his [6] Ibid. n. 40 50. A. D. 1203. King Johns Luxury and Negligence Christmass at Caen in Normandy where laying aside the Thoughts of Warlike attempts he Feasted splendidly every day with his Queen and lay in Bed till Noon ubi postpositis incursionibus Bellicis cum Regina Epulabatur quotidie splendidè somnosque matutinales usque at prandendi Horam protraxit After Easter the King of France raised a great Army and took many of his Castles The places of strength he kept up the others he levelled with the ground King Iohn was told what the King of France had done he only Replyed let him alone whatever he now takes I will one day have again The English Nobility obtein leave to go home The English Earls Barons and other Noblemen hearing what he said and observing his irremediable Sloth obtained [7] f. 209. lin 2. leave to go home and left him but with few Knights or Military men in Normandy Hugh de Gournay yeilded to the King of France the Castle of Montfort with the whole Honor which King Iohn had given unto him who remained all this time secure at Roven so as people said he was bewitched ita quod ab omnibus diceretur ipsâ—m fore sortilegiis maleficiis infatuatum For he was as brisk and merry as if he had lost nothing King Philip Besieges and takes his Castles and Towns nor no ill had happened to him The King of France proceeds and invests Le Chasteau du Vau de Ruil within the Jurisdiction of Roven with a mighty Force Robert Fitz-Walter and Saber de Quincy in whose keeping it was delivered that Noble Castle so soon as he appeared before it Normandy being defenceless [8] Ibid. 10.20 Normandy and his other Transmarine Dominions left without Defence and his other Transmarine Dominions the King of France went where he would without Contradiction and received many Castles under his power and protection At the same time he Besieged the Excellent Castle upon the Rock in Andeli which King Richard Built But by the incomparable Courage and Fidelity of Roger de Lasci to whose Defence the Castle was Committed he prevailed little against it Sed probitate Rogeri de Lascâ— fidelitate incomparabili in illa obsidione parum profecit In this Juncture some Normans revolted from the King of England and others dissembled and staid with him King Iohn [9] Ibid. He came into England and accused his Nobility for deserting him He severely Taxed both them and the Religious seeing his Condition and that he had no force to support him Shipped himself and Landed at Portsmouth in die Sancti Nicholai on the 6th of December and then accusing the Earls and Barons that they had left him amongst his Enemies beyond Sea and that through their neglect he lost his Castles and Territories there He took of them the seventh part of all their moveables Neither did he in this Taxe spare Conventual or Parochial Churches For he had saith the Monk [1] Ibid. n. 30. Hubert and Fitz-Peter were the instruments of his Rapine those who Executed this Rapin upon the Ecclesiastics Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury and upon the Laics Geofry Fitz-Peter Iusticiary of England who spared no man in this Execution Qui in Executione dicta Nulli pepercerunt The King of France taking his [2] Ibid. n. 30 40. King Philips attempt to bring his transmarine Dominions under his obedience advantage when King Iohn was absent came with great Force before the several Citys and Castles of his Dominions declared to the Citisens and Castellans their King had left them and that he was chief Lord of their Countries and seeing the King of England had deserted them he must preserve the principal Dominion that was his own from injury and therefore friendly desired them to receive him as their Lord when they had no other Upon what Conditions they consented to yeild And if they would not submit to his Proposition he Swore if they fought against him and were subdued he would hang or flay them alive At length after many disputes they unanimously consented they would give Hostages for one years Truce and if the King of England Relieved them not in that time they would recognize him their Lord and render their Citys and Castles to him On the Morrow after [3] Ibid. â— 50 A. D. 1204. A Parliament called at Oxford and an Ayd granted Epiphany or the 2d of January the King and great men of England Convened in Parliament at Oxford in Crastino Circumcisionis Rex Magnates Angliae convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Oxonium where was granted to the King a Military Ayd of two Marks and half of every Knights Fee nor did the Bishops or Abbats or Ecclesiastic persons depart without promise of the same The Knights that were in the City of [4] Scriptor Norm f. 1057. B The Knights and Burgesses of Roven capitulate with King Philip. Roven and Burgesses entred into Covenants with the King of France Dated June 1. and gave 40 Hostages for the performance of them That if the King of England did not make Peace with the King of France according to his liking or remove him from the place where he was before Roven within 30 days they would deliver the City The Covenants are long and contein many things stipulated between the King of France and the Knights and Burgesses which were to be performed upon Rendition of the City [5] Paris f. 211. n. 40. Roven yeilded to him which for want of assistance came under the King of France his power The Castle upon the Rock in Andeli [6] Ibid. Andeli Castle Surrendred after a years Seige after almost a years Siege a great part of the Walls falling down the Foundation having been underdigged and the Defendants wanting Victuals fell into the King of France his hands But before the Delivery Roger Constable of Chester choosing rather to Dye with his Sword in his hand then be starved with several other of his stout Companions when they had not meat for one Meal left The great Courage and Bravery of Roger de Lasci mounted their Horses and Sallyed out and Killed many of
Fourscore Cogs which Eustace the Monk had gathered together They Shipped themselves with all speed and Landed in the Isle of Thanet upon the 21st of May. King John [3] Ibid. lin 3. King John dare not hinder his Landing at this time was at Dover with his Army which Consisted of Strangers and therefore he dare not attempt to hinder the Landing of the French least his men should leave him and go off to Lewis From hence he marched leaving Hubert de Burgh Governor of the Castle to Guilford and from thence to Winchester Lewis finding none [4] Ibid. n. 10. Lewis subdues Kent that resisted presently subdued all Kent but Dover Castle in his March he took in Rochester Castle and coming to London he was received by the Barons with all imaginable Demonstrations of Joy is Joyfully received at London The Barons do Homage and Fealty to him And there he received the Homages and Fealty of all the Barons and Citisens that were in Expectation of his coming and he Swore to them upon the Holy Gospells that he would give every one good Laws and restore their lost Estates When the [5] Append. n. 134. Peace was made between the King and Barons at Runemead the Barons promised they would give the King any security he should desire for the Observation of it Except their Castles and Pleges or Hostages The King not long after Demanded of them Charts by which they were to acknowlege The Barons break their promises with the King they were bound by Oath and Homage to keep Faith to him for the preservation of his life and Limbs and Terrene Honour against all men and to preserve and Defend the Rights of him and his heirs to the Kingdom and they Refused to do it When as Most of the same men without Summons and others at the first notice came flocking in to Swear the same things to Lewis For by the 14th of [6] Mat. Paris ut supra Lewis sends to the King of Scots to come and do him Homage June he had got Possession of so much of the Kingdom as he had the Confidence to Summon the King of Scots and all the Great Men of England to come and do him Homage or forthwith to Depart the Nation and with great speed upon his [7] Ibid. n. 20 And to the Barons Several of them Desert King John Edict There came into him William Earl Waren William Earl of Arundel William Earl of Salisbury William Marshal the Younger and many others who Deserted King Iohn with full assurance that Lewis would obtein the Kingdom of England Who made [8] Ibid. Simon Langton is made Chancellor He preaches against the Interdict Simon Langton his Chancellor by whose Preaching the Citisens of London and all the Excommunicated Barons caused Divine Service to be Celebrated and Drew in Lewis himself to consent to it Gualo the Legat [9] Ibid. n. 30. Gualo the Popes Legat comes into England He Excommunicates Lewis by name c. And Simon Langton followed Lewis into England with all speed and got safe to King Iohn who was then at Glocester and there calling together as many Bishops Abbats and Clercs as he could excommunicated by Name Lewis with all his accomplices and Favorers and especially Simon de Langton commanding all the Bishops and others to Publish the Sentence against them every Lords Day and Festival But Simon de Langton and Master Gervase de Hobrugge Praecentor of St. Pauls London said they had Appealed for the Right and Title of Lewis and therefore the Sentence was null and void At this Time [1] Ibidem The Flemings c. leave King John all the Knights and Ordinary Soldiers of Flanders and other Transmarine Countries left King Iohn except the Poictovins some whereof went over to Lewis and others returned home In the mean time [2] Ibid. n. 40. Lewis marcheth through Kent into Sussex Lewis with a Great Army Marched through Kent into Sussex and Reduced that Country with its Towns and Fortresses and City of Winchester with the Castle only one Brave Young Man [3] Ibid. And subdues that Country The Bravery of William de Colingeham William de Colingeham defied Lewis and refused to Swear Fealty to him who with a Thousand Archers all the time of Hostility kept himself in the Woods and Fastnesses of that Country and Killed several Thousands of the French Hugh de Nevill [4] Ibid. n. 50. Hugh Nevill Delivers Marleborough Castle to Lewis and did Homage to him came to Lewis at Winchester Delivered him the Castle of Malborough and did Homage to him so that he was possessed of all the South Parts of the Nation except the Castles of Dover and Windsor which were well Manned and fortified and prepared to receive him [5] Ibid. f. 283. lid 1. Robert Fitz-Walter c. by force subdue Essex and Suffolk William de Mandevil Robert Fitz-Walter and William de Huntingfield by Armed force brought under his Obedience the Counties of Essex and Suffolk In the [6] Ibid. lin 3. King John fortifies and strengthens his Castles in the West mean time King Iohn took care to Furnish and Strengthen as well as might be with Men Victuals and Armes several Castles in the West Walingford Corf Warham Bristoll the Devises and others In the Midst of these Successes Lewis received an Account from the [7] Ibid. n. 10. The Popes Answer to Lewis his Messengers Messengers he had sent to the Pope that upon their Application to him and presenting his Salutation or Complement he told them he was not worthy the return of his Salutation They replied when his Holiness had heard his Reasons and Apology they doubted not but he would find him a Catholic Christian and much Devoted to him and the Roman Church and at length after many addresses [8] Append. 135. He is wavering in his Thoughts and favors between King John and Lewis found him wavering Pendulous and Fluctuating in his stability and affection between himself and King Iohn having on both sides considered his Interest The Reasons and Arguments presented to the Pope in behalf of Lewis by his Messengers were these First The [9] Mat. Paris fol. 283. n. 30.40 The weak Arguments and answers mutually propounded and given between the Pope and Lewis his Envoyes for and against him Murther of Duke Arthur his Nephew as before and King Iohns being adjuged to Death by his Peers for that fact To which the Pope Answered the Barons of France could not Judge him because he was an anointed King and their Superior and that it was against the Canons to Judge an absent Person and not heard to make his Defence not Convicted or that had Confessed his Crime To which the Envoyes of Lewis answered It was a Custom in the Kingdom of France that the King had all Jurisdiction whatsoever omnimodam Jurisdictionem over his Liege Men. That the King of England was his Liege Man as
an Earl and Duke Therefore though he was a King anointed yet as he was an Earl or Duke he was under the Iurisdiction of his Lord the King of Fâ—ance But if an Earl or Duke Committed a Crime in the Kingdom of France he might and ought to be Judged by his Peers [1] Ibid. n. 40. and if he were neither Duke or Earl or Liege Man of the King of France and had Committed a Crime in the Kingdom of France yet by Reason the Crime was Committed in France the Barons might Judge him to Death otherwise if the King of England because he was an anointed King who was then a Peer of France could not be Judged to Death might safely enter the Kingdom of France and Kill the Barons of that Kingdom as he had Killed his Nephew Arthur The Monk [2] Ibid. n. 50. Quere Why the Monk said this tells us the truth of the Matter was thus That King John was not justly adjudged from the Dukedom of Normandy because he was not Judicially but Violently thrust out of it For that he sent Eustace Bishop of Ely and Hubert de Burgh to let the King of France know The Mutual Objections Answers and Replys c. That he would Willingly appear in his Court and was ready to stand to the Law in all things if he might have a safe Conduct The King of France answered he should come safely The Bishop then asked him And shall he return safely [3] Ibid. fol. 284. lin 1. Of the King of France and the Envoys of the King of England To which the King returned If his Peers would permit him And when the King of England's Envoys pressed that he might safely come into and return out of France King Philip sware by the Saints of his own Country he should not depart without Iudgment or Tryal [4] Ibid. lin 4. Concerning his Answering in the Court of France The Bishop urged the Dangers that might happen by his coming without Safe-Conduct and that he could not come to his Court as Duke of Normandy but he must come as King of England when as the same person was both King and Duke which the Baronage of England would no ways permit though the King would submit to it For he must either run the Hazard of Imprisonment or Death as a Peer of that Kingdom To which the King of France Rebutted And what is this my Lord Bishop 'T is well known the Duke of Normandy my Tenant hath violently acquired England and if he suddenly hath acquired any greater Honor shall this prejudice his Capital Lord shall He lose by it Certainly not [5] Ibid. n. 10. To which saith the Monk the King of England's Messengers could Surrebutt or answer nothing and so returned home But adds [6] Ibid. Mat. Paris his Opinion about the Condemnation of King John in the Court of France The Monk notwithstanding what the King of England's Envoys said the Great Men of France proceeded to Judgment which justly they ought not to have done because he that was judged was absent and would have appeared if he could And therefore King John being condemned by his Adversaries was not justly condemned [7] Ibid. n. 20. The Popes Opinion about the Death of Duke Arthur The Pope says Duke Arthur was taken by his Vncle at the Castle of Mirebel after he had done Homage and Ligeance to him and therefore might be put to Death without Judgment Secondly [8] Ibid. n. 30.40 The second Objection against King John and the Popes answer The Replies of Lewis his Envoys to the Pope 'T was Objected against King John That he was often Cited to appear in the Court of the King of France and neither appeared personally nor sent any one to appear for him The Pope answered This was only Contumacy and not a Mortal Crime and was otherwise to be punished and therefore the Barons could not judge him to Death Lewis his Messengers replyed That it was the Custom of France That if any one was accused of Murther and appeared not but sent his excuse he was judged as Convicted in all things and the Issue of him barred from Inheriting To which the Pope answered again That suppose King John had been Judged to Death and his Issue barred which could only be for his Territories in France His Answers to them again yet Blanch the Wife of Lewis ought not to succeed but either the Sister of Arthur or Otho Son of Henry Duke of Saxony by her Eldest Sister Maud or the King of Castile her Brother or the Queen of Leon her Eldest Sister [9] Ibid. f. 285. lin 1. To which Lewis his Envoys again Replyed That she had a Title which was good while others appeared and if any nearer to it afterwards claimed Lewis might do what he thought fit or what he ought to do 3. To these things the [1] Ibid. l. 5. The Pope asserts his own Title Pope said the Kingdom of England was his property and that Lewis ought not to spoil him of his Kingdom by War To this Lewis his Commissioners Answered The War was begun before the Pope could pretend to it [2] Ibid. n. 10. Lewis his Envoys indeavour to invalidate it For William Longe-spee and many with him came and invaded Lewis his Territories Therefore his War was just against the King of England that sent him [3] Ibid. The Popes Answer to their Argument for War against King John The Pope answered Lewis ought not to make War upon him for what his Vassal had done but to make his complaint to him as his Lord. To this the Commissioners Replyed [4] Ibidem The Reply of Lewis his Envoys There was a Custome in France That when any Vassal made War upon any one by Authority of his Lord he might make War upon him again without complaining to his Lord. [5] Ibid. n. 30. The Pâ—pes Argument against the War The Reply of Lewis his Commissioners The Pope urged further That the Barons were Excommunicated and all their Favorers by which means Lewis would incur the pain of Excommunication To this his Commissioners replyed he did not favor or Cherish the Barons of England but prosecuted his own right And that he believed neither the Pope nor so great a Council would Excommunicate any man injustly for that at the time of declaring the Sentence they knew not what right he had to the Kingdom of England [6] Ibid. n. 40 The Popes Resolution And after all the Pope said he would determine nothing until that he heard from his Legat Walo This was the Discourse between the Pope and Lewis his Envoyes their mutual Objections Answers Replyes c. Lewis [7] Ibid. n. â—0 Lewis waâ—â—s Essex Norfolk and Suffolk and returns with the Spoils to London He makes Gilbert de Gant Earl of Lincoln and sends him to Block up Nottiâ—gham and Newark Castles made a great Cavalcade into the East of England the