and the Fall but they are kept to strickt Discipline You will I doubt not take care to make you and me easie in this matter of the Sheriff Shew no body this Letter but you may the other I am Your affectionate Servant J. H. For Mr. Thomas Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Mary Abby in Dublin Numb 26. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster June 1690. Great Sir We your Majesties loyal Subjects out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the Peace of these Kingdoms We owe all imaginable Thanks to God and Acknowledgment to your Majesty for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church and crown your Majesties Arms with such Success and Victory that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion and our Peace and with lasting Honors to your Majesty May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertakings give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs that all your Enemies may flee before you that your Subjects may rejoice in your easie Victory and that all the World may admire and honour you Give us leave great Sir after the most humble and gratefull manner to offer our selves to your Majesty and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power and that we will always with the most hearty Importunity pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories And that after a long and peacefull Reign here God may change your Lawrels into a Crown of Glory FINIS THE INDEX Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author First for his Principles They are hard to be Collected because they are not clearly asserted nor set down in any Method His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles which he indeavours to conceal Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King c. Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects Page 9. This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People Ibid. II. A part of his People Page 11. III. Invading their Property Page 12. IV. To disarm them Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered Page 14. V. Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance Page 16. VI. The Question Who shall be judge Page 19. Apply'd to Parliaments and States Page 20. Compared with Kings Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears Page 21. Instances in the French League Page 22. Prince of Wales Page 24. Earl of Essex Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud. Page 27. Moses Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable Page 28. Of Evils not Universal Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Faulkner and misapplies Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compar'd Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compar'd Page 33. Our Authors Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion Page 45. VII A King designing to destroy our Religion Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority From Scriptures Page 52. Disproved from Scripture 1. The Jews in Egypt Page 53. 2. In Babylon 3. Under the Romans Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus 5. The Gibeonites 6. Our Saviour Christ Primitive Christians Page 55. From Jovian Page 58. From Homilies Page 63. From Grotius Page 65. From Hammond Page 66. From Hicks Page 68. From Faulkner Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author The principal Matter of Fact Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland 1688. shewn in many notorious and undeniable Instances Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's Page 99. Character of K. J. from This Author Page 99. Character of K. J. from Lord Danby Ibid. 99. K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour Page 108. The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Protestant Clergy in praying for K. J. and the P. of W. Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning of this Revolution Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II. Page 118. And 5 Nov. 78. before the House of Commons Page 123. The behavour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy Page 124. Roman Catholick Loyalty Particularly of the Irish Page 126. Of the Roman Catholicks of England Page 127. Non-Jurors of the Church of England Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced Page 129. Church of England vindicated Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random Page 132. By Inuendo's wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell. Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact Especially with Relation to King James whom he does not treat with common Decency giving him the Lye c. Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe with others of his Clan Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore refuted Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus and of Drogheda Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay with the Author's Recantation considered Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament 17 Novemb. 88. Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution and gives Reasons why they were not so Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People and inclines them to a Common-wealth Page 187. The Authors Conclusion and Protestation of his Sincerity Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King Page 194. Or the Great Turk and according to the Dublin Address than Pharaoh or the Devil APPENDIX Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland 10 May 1689. with their Address to his Majesty Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his long Letter Apr. or May 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland Numb 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen 9. Mar. 88. Numb 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland 26 Sept. 90. Numb 5. Proclamation 7 March 88. of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council Numb 6. King VVilliam's Declaration in Ireland 7th of July 90 and Proclamation 31 July 90. Numb 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90. Numb 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath one to King James the other to King VVilliam Numb 9. The Sea-mens Address to King James Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James Numb 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy Numb 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nov. 1691. Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Souldiers from these Garrisons into the Field Numb 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel Numb 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89. Numb 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales with Mr. Ashton's Paper Numb 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators of August 1682. Numb 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange Numb 19. A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce and others of his Clan in Scotland the 13th of Feb. 1692. Numb 20. K. James's Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceedings thereupon Numb 21. King James's Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne July 2. 1690. Numb 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor c. of Dublin to K W. 9 July 1690 Numb 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast 3 June 1689. Numb 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast 9 July 1689. Numb 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Numb 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland June 1690. The End of the INDEX
Christians under the Slavery of the Turk suffer Who would not expect from this Representation to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices Drown'd Tore in Pieces Flead Alive Staking upon the High-Way Mutes and Bowstrings And to take GOD to Witness That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting The Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen c. of Dublin to King William Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annex'd in the Appendix n. 21. Saith that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James Did infinitely surpass an Aegyptian servitude This is as far as words can go This is making King James worse than the Devil himself for the Devil does not Infinitly exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness They were resolved to out-do the Clergy-Addess of their own City spoke by the Bishop of Meath For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted speaks out and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gentilely Minc'd The King King James is much avers says the Doctor to all Severity to the Protestants yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them Notwithstanding as the same Letter tells us He often gave Command to his Officers That in their Engagements with the English they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects and not as obstinate Rebels Yet these were his bitterest Enemies as you have seen And themselves are forc'd to Confess that he used them with less Severity than he might or than they deserved at his hands And after all this to hear them complain of Aegyptian Servitude and cry out upon him as a Tyrant infinitely surpassing Pharaoh the Turk or the French King whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three is Ridiculous and Wicked it is supposing us all to be Naturals to think to pass such Stuff upon us and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend This is Bending a Bow till it breaks to heap up Calumnys and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors But if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution And whatever is Written by Protestants It is indeed a discredit to Mankind to all History and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it whether Protestant or Papist How has the Legends broken and Ruin'd the Veracity of the Roman Church No Cause is long serv'd by deceit It will one time or other be Discovered Down-right Honesty is the best Policy Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemys Humanum est Errare And no doubt there are Errors on both sides But to persist in our Error and to defend it is the Devils part Therefore in the Name of GOD let Truth prevail And let all the People say Amen An Appendix Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland Published by his Majesty's Order May 10. 1689. My Lords and Gentlemen THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation exprest to Me at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me or so basely betrayed Me and your seconding my Deputy as you did in his bold and resolute asserting my Right and preserving this Kingdom for Me and putting it in a posture of Defence made Me resolve to come to you and to venture my Life with you in the Defence of your Liberty and my Right and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me but that your Courage has equal'd your Zeal I have always been for Liberty of Conscience and against Invading any Man's Property having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ Doe as you would be done by for that is the Law and the Prophets It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions and made them set themselves up against Me though for different Reasons seeing that if I had once settled it my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy and I in the Opinion of the other too Great This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind as to that And wheresoever I am Master I design God willing to establish it by Law and to have no other Test or Distinction but that of Loyalty I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of my People And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies and to make this Nation flourish And to encourage you the more to it you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen my Son and my Self when we were forced out of England and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions how he embraced my Interest and gave such Supplies of all forts as enabled Me to come to you which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with and you see still continues to do I shall conclude as I began and assure you I am as sensible as you can desire Me of the signal Loyalty you have exprest to Me and shall make it my chief Study as it always has been to make you and all my Subjects happy The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King Most Gracious Sovereign WE Your Majesty's most dutifull and loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled being highly sensible of the great Honor and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us do most humbly and heartily thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament and for Your Majesty's Tender and
Princely Affection expressed to all your loving Subjects in your Majesty's gracious Speech at the opening of this Session which we most humbly beseech your Majesty may be forthwith printed and published And we farther crave leave humbly to represent to your Majesty our Abhorrence and Detestation of the late Treasons and Defections of many of Your Majesty's Subjects in this and Your other Kingdoms and the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange against the Laws of God and Man professing with our Voice Tongue and Heart That we will ever be ready to assert and vindicate Your Majesty's Rights to Your Imperial Crown with our Lives and Fortunes against the said Vsurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traitors whatsoever Ordered the 10th of May 1689. by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled that this Address be printed B. Polewheele Dep. Cl. Parl. Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his Letter dated April or May 1690. to Collonel James Hamilton in London to be communicated to the Lady Viscountess Ranelagh the Lord Massereen and others Honoured Sir THe Fire saith the Royal Prophet kindled in my Breast and I spake with my Tongue Perhaps some Sparks of that Fire so enflamed my Zeal to the publick Good of this Countrey that I have not onely spoke with my Tongue but wrote with my Pen those Truths which I know have redounded more to my particular Prejudice than to the publick Service He that follows Truth too near saith a wise man may lose his Teeth and a wiser than he tells us that he who professeth some Truths may thereby lose his Life yet in the same Period tells us that he shall be no loser thereby the Satisfaction and Contentment which constantly attends Integrity being much sweeter than the Advantage of Temporal Security Liberavi Animam meam and if this make me vile I am content to be more vile I know God hath put Enmity between the Seed of the Woman and the Seed of the Serpent and I as well know that it is as vain for Man's Prudence to attempt to unite what God hath divided as it is sinfull to divide what he hath united I speak not a little to my satisfaction what you know to be true That our Adversaries who are more God's than ours want neither Power nor Malice to crush us such is the Goodness of God that they dare not own their Hatred but are content not only to make me fall from my present Station soft and easie but are willing to make my Remove an Advantage to me little thinking that taking me off from being Secretary to the General and making me Secretary of State necessitates one of my Principles to be the more prejudicial to theirs You know that notwithstanding all their publick and private Opposition They are come up to many of our Principles and we still continue our Distance to theirs which for the better memory I shall enumerate in the following Method the better to obtain your Belief in other particulars which I shall here subjoin You know that I ever asserted that those Principles and Practices which God blessed with Success in the former Irish War were most like to have the same success in this which I told you were as followeth 1. Though the Irish Papists had then as appears by the excellent Preface to the Act of Settlement made that Rebellion the most horrid and universal as ever befell this Kingdom and that nothing but the final Extirpation of the British Persons Laws Religion and Government was designed and endeavoured by that War Yet the then English Government thought not fit to tread in their Steps but still declined making the War either National or Religious and did declare and as you know made their Declaration good at the end of the War That those of the Irish Papists as could prove their constant good Affection to the English Interest as many then did were as secure in their Properties as any of the British Nation or Religion and by this means so divided their Interest that Sir Ch. Coote's Northern Army was most of it composed of Irish Papists who fought faithfully and successfully against their Countreymen and many yet living know faithfully the White Knight of Kerry and others as Eminent as he served General Cromwell 2. By publick Proclamation in those times they protected Papists and well as Protestants who would live peaceably under their Government from any violence to be done them by the Soldiers two private Soldiers being publickly executed in the face of the whole Army for stealing two Hens from an Irish-man not worth six pence for violating the Proclamation the first day General Cromwell made his advance from Dublin towards Droghedagh 3. They forbid under the like penalty of death without mercy any contempt or violation of the Lord General 's publick Orders and Proclamations 4. They prohibited all free quartering on the Countrey or any Soldiers quartering without Billets from the Constable and would not suffer any Soldier to quarter himself 5. They likewise under severe penalties forbid private Soldiers stragling from their Colours without Passes and ordered both Civil and Military Magistrates to apprehend such straglers to send them to their Colours then to be punished according to their respective merits 6. They gave great Encouragement to Papists as well as Protestants who would give Hostages for their fidelity and joyn with them 7. They severely punished all open Debauchery and Impiety and would frequently affirm that good Conduct was more usually bless'd with success than courage of Armies 8. Though they protected as aforesaid Papists as well as Protestants from the Soldiers violence yet they left both to be Fin'd Imprison'd or Sequester'd by the Civil Magistrates according to their respective merits 9. Both Officers and Soldiers were required to be aiding and assisting to put in execution all Orders or Directions of the Civil Magistrate especially such as referred to the well management of the publick Revenue 10. They laboured all they could to lessen the Charge of England and to encrease the publick Revenue of Ireland 11. On assurance of punctual performance they contented themselves with four days pay in a week and placed the other three days to be paid out of forfeited Lands Lastly By this Abatement of their Pay and leaving Rebels Goods Stock and Lands and the publick Revenue to be improved by the Civil Magistrate and making the Soldiers duly pay for their quarters they soon raised in this Kingdom a Revenue which bore a moity of the charge of the War I might enumerate many other particulars which having been the subject matter of my Discourse with your self and some late Letters I have wrote to Major Wildman I intentionally decline You know how often and how early we pressed the necessity of restoring a Civil Government in this Province and how often and openly we declared that the ruine of the Countrey must be the prejudice and endanger
227 Alben Howell 17 Dec. 88 Back Isle of Wight Cast away 5 Lively Prize 250 W. Tichburne Oct. 89 at Sea Retaken by the French  Fire-Ships Charles and Henry 120 W. Stone 29 Nov. 89 Plymouth Cast away  Alexander 150 Tho. Jennings 21 June 89 at Sea Burnt by accident  Eliz. and Sarah 100 28 Oct. 90 Sherenesse Sunk for securing the graving place  Hopewell 253 Tho. Warren 3 June 90 Downes Burnt  Emanuel 170 25 Feb. 89 Portsmouth Delivered to the Prize-Officers to be sold  John of Dublin 90 Portsmouth   Sampson 240 27 Oct. 89 Sherenesse Sunk for the graving pl.  Bomb-vessel Fire-Drake 202 John Votear 12 Nov. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Dragon Sloop 57 Fred. Weyman 12 Jan. 89 Isle of Thanet Cast away 6 Drake 151 Thomas Spragg 90 Jamaica Cast on Survey 6 Blade of Wheat 150 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 6 Supply Geo. Cross Delivered to her Owners 6 Dumbarton 191 Simon Row 90 Virginia Cast on Survey 6 Deptford Ketch 79 Tho. Berry 26 Aug. 89 Virginia Cast away 6 King's-Fisher Ketch 61 Rob. Audley 23 Mar. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Talbot 91 Ch. Staggens 19 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French  Hulk Stadthouse 440 28 Oct. 90 Shereness Sunk for securing the graving place  Stephen 716 Woolwich Broke up SHIPS that have been Damaged by running on Shoar Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time and Place 2 Vanguard 1397 Richard Carter the 10th of September 1691. on the Goodwin Sands 3 Northumberland 1048 Andrew Cotton  Royal Oak 1107 George Byng  Elizabeth 1097 Henry Priestman  Warspight 892 Stafford Fairborne 3d of Septemb. 1691. at the Hamose at Plymouth  Hope 1048 Peter Pritchard  Eagle 1065 John Leake  Sterling Castle 1059 Benj. Watters Note That this List extends onely to the 13th of November 1691. There is a large List of Men of War lost since that time besides above Two Thousand Merchant-men Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some other Garrisons by the Officers when King James drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field YOU shall Swear that from this Day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King James and his Heirs and Truth and Faith shall bear of Life and Member and Terrene Honour and you shall neither know nor hear of any Ill or Damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God 7 E. 2. tit Avowric 211. 4 E. 3. fol. 42. 13 E. 3. and in Britton 5 E. 1. c. 29. Numb 14. A Letter written to my Lord Russel in Newgate July 20. 1683. My Lord I Was heartily glad to see your Lordship this Morning in that calm and devout Temper at the Receiving of the Blessed Sacrament but Peace of Mind unless it be well-grounded will avail little And because transient Discourse many times hath little effect for want of time to weigh and consider it therefore in tender compassion of your Lordships case and from all the good Will that one Man can bear to another I do humbly offer to your Lordships deliberate thoughts these following Considerations concerning the points of Resistance if our Religion and Rights should be invaded as your Lordship puts the Case concerning which I understand by Dr. B. that your Lordship had once received satisfaction and am sorry to find a Change First That the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority Secondly That though our Religion be establish'd by Law which your Lordship urges as a Difference between our Case and that of the Primitive Christians yet in the same Law which establishes our Religion it is declared That it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take up Arms c. Besides that there is a particular Law declaring the Power of the Militia to be solely in the King And that ties the Hands of Subjects though the Law of Nature and the General Rules of Scripture had left us at liberty which I be-believe they do not because the Government and Peace of Humane Society could not well subsist upon these Terms Thirdly Your Lordships Opinion is contrary to the declared Doctrine of all Protestant Churches and though some particular Persons have taught otherwise yet they have been contradicted herein and condemned for it by the generality of Protestants And I beg your Lordship to consider how it will agree with an avowed asserting of the Protestant Religion to go contrary to the General Doctrine of Protestants My end in this is to convince your Lordship that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake and being so convinced that which before was a Sin of Ignorance will appear of much more heinous Nature as in Truth it is and call for a very particular and deep repentance which if your Lorship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your Error by a penitent acknowledgement of it to God and Men you will not only obtain forgiveness of God but prevent a mighty Scandal to the Reformed Religion I am very loath to give your Lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in which I commiserate from my Heart but am much more concerned that you do not leave the World in a delusion and false Peace to the hindrance of your Eternal Happiness I heartily pray for you and beseech your Ldship to believe that I am with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the World My Lord Your Lordship 's most faithful and afflicted Servant J. Tillotson Printed for R. Baldwin 1683. Numb 15. The Earl of Sunderland's LETTER to a Friend in London Plainly discovering the Designs of the Romish Party and others for the subverting of the Protestant Religion and the Laws of the Kingdom Licensed and Entred March 23. 1689. TO comply with what you desire I will explain some things which we talked of before I left England I have been in a Station of great Noise without Power or Advantage whilst I was in it and to my Ruine now I am out of it I know I cannot justifie my self by saying though it is true that I thought to have prevented much mischief for when I found that I could not I ought to have quitted the service Neither is it an Excuse that I have got none of those things which usually engage men in publick Affairs my Quality is still the same it ever was and my Estate much worse even ruined though I was born to a very considerable one which I am ashamed to have spoiled though not so much as if I had encreased it by indirect means But to go on to what you expect The pretence to a Dispensing Power being not onely the first thing which was much disliked since the Death of the late King but the foundation of all the rest I ought to begin with that which I had so little to doe with that I never heard it spoken of till the
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
How the Empire was to be Divided betwixt the Turk and the German Princes and the Dauphin to be King of the Romans Savoy was to be brought under Pupillage the Princes of Italy to be Frighted Bought or Wheedled Genoa to be Bomb'd England Bought and Holland Drown'd alass Poor Holland The Queen of Spain designedly made Barren and the Prince of Wales a Cheat. There 's a Plot for you And p. 10. he asks K. James What business had he with an Army But leaving his Politicks let us come with him a little to the Argument He has Established it before That Jealousies and Fears are not to pass for Arguments against the certain and plain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors But that what is brought against them ought to be so Plain and Evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of its Truth And yet he brings here against K. James such Trash as Grub-street would be asham'd to own and if the Sermon were not so common I should be afraid to Quote least it should be thought an Imposition upon this Author But he has set his Name to it and Dedicated it to the Lords Justices of Ireland before whom he Preach'd it Of all the Instances above-nam'd we are more immediately concern'd in that of the Prince of Wales Pr. of Wales against whom he gives no other proof but p. 5 of his Sermon where he says We are satisfied i.e. of his being a Cheat. If these Gentlemen for whom and in whose Name this Author here speaks had been so Good or this Author for them to have told us what Evidence they had to satisfie themselves in a Point so Important as this Now when all the sensible Men of England are fully satisfied to the contrary viz. That the Prince of Wales was truly born of the Queen When it is no longer made a doubt of nor endur'd to be mention'd at Court or Parliament The but Questioning of it is a stob at the heart of this Prince says the History of the Desert p. 107. you need not ask which Prince it is who does not love to hear of it And who they are who press it to be heard and examin'd For which I refer you to n. 16. Append. It is likewise well known that this was but the tail of an old Plot to say the same of any Son the Duke of York should ever have of which n. 17. Appendix contains a Proof sufficient And shews the indefatigable Pains of that Phanatick Republican Hogan Mogan Party to render the Bill of Exclusion effectually servicable to the End for which it was intended This was thought to have been handsomly cover'd when Zuylestein was sent over to congratulate the Birth of the P. of Wales Nay he was publickly Prayed for as P. of Wales in her Royal Highness Chappel at the Hague where Dr. Burnet himself did often Officiate To say that they did not believe him to be P. of Wales at that time is to accuse them of such Atheistical Hypocrisy making a mock of God in his solemn Worship as would render them an abhorring to all Flesh To avoid this terrible Charge you will be forced to acknowledge That their Highnesses and Dr. Burnet too did not then believe the Reports of the Queens False-Belly for they were spread abroad long before And what Evidence they have got since besides these same Reports is what the Nation wants to know but are not like to be satisfied Nihil Dicit is confessing of Judgment Yet our Author says that he and the Irish Protestants of his Party are all satisfied for those I suppose he means by the We all are satisfied of the Imposture of the P. of Wales And by his Principles here laid down their Proofs must exceed Jealousies and Fears and be so plain and evident as the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinced of their Truth And then why should not he Produce them If he says as I suppose he must that he once thought it was Evident So it was for some time thought by the Generality of the People of England that the 3500 Irish who were disbanded by K. James before he went away were about to Massacre all England and had actually begun the Work and the whole Nation was terribly allarm'd There is nothing so Ridiculous may not be put upon some People as Plain and Evident in some Junctures Earl of Essex That the Earl of Essex was assassinated went down greedily with some sort of People for a while though People of sense did not then believe it nor his Lady as she declared to many noble Relations of his Lordship and her own But now the Trick is all come out and how that whole matter was managed Mr. Hook then Chaplain to the Duke of Monmouth and who came over with him from Holland wrote a Narrative of it at Amsterdam as himself declared for a Preparatory to their Undertaking Another was wrote by Col. Danvers and another at Amsterdam and was taken in Col. Danvers's House in London And they bragg'd how much Service it did in the West and stirr'd up the People against K. James and to join with the Duke of Monmouth A Committee of Lords was appointed since this Revolution to Rake into that matter again but after long Sitting and Examinations could make nothing of it and were forced to let it fall I suppose now for ever Sir Richard Haddock at present first Commissioner of the Navy declared before the said Committee That he saw the Earl of Essex lying in his Blood and having considered the narrowness of the Place where he lay and all other Circumstances he could not have been so Murther'd by any but himself Braddon's Tryal it self is enough to Detect it to any unprejudiced Reader But that this Author may not be accus'd for proving of nothing that he says he has undertaken to make out the Grand League before told in the aforesaid Sermon from a Letter of Bishop Maloony's to Bishop Tyrrel which our Author has printed in the Appendix of his Book There Page 363. Bishop Maloony is inveighing against K. James's Politicks in trusting too much to the English and seeking to please them while he rejected the assistance which the French King offered him If the King of France says that Bishop had not been too Generous and too Christian a Prince were it not a sufficient Motive for him to Reject the King in his Disgrace that upon those rotten Principles Rejected his Alliance This is that Alliance with France says our Author in his abovesaid Sermon p. 5. which Maloony the Popish Bishop of Killa loo in a Letter of his to Bishop Tyrrel is so very angry that some Trimmers as he calleth them oblig'd King James to disown These Trimmers were the abovesaid rotten Principles as that Bishop calls them of trusting to the English And these oblig'd King James to disown such an Alliance with France which he Rejected and yet found that his
which was carried to the Earl of M. discovering the said Massacre intended The foolish but artificial Alarm of the few Disbanded Irish cutting all our Throats in England did not fly more Incredibly to be in all Parts of England on the self same Night than this of the Letter found at Cumber flew through Ireland and wrought Prodigious Effects upon a People fitted for such an Impression When this News arrived in Dublin as the faithful History before quoted tells us pag. 8. It so alarm'd the City that above 5000 Protestants appeared in Arms that same night and many Hundred Families embarqued from all Parts in such confusion that they left every thing but their Lives behind them and yet all this as this Historian says he is very well assured was only a contrivance devised as the readiest means to engage the E. of M. who till then was deaf to all arguments for entring into their Association and to animate a dejected People who of themselves were backward to all Arguments of that nature Thus the Historian and that Letter did attain its desired end for not only the said E. of M. did heartily engage and after took upon him to be General of the Association in the North but the generality of the People as if all set on fire at one How to their Arms as readily as they could be commanded so that the whole North of Ireland appeared on the sudden all in one Blaze all in Arms all Marching up and down and all in confusion as themselves give the Account It was this made Derry shut their Gates and was the occasion of all the confusion that followed The Man they first pitcht upon for their General was the E. of Granard who was upon all accompts more competent for that Imployment than any amongst the Associators Pursuant to this Resolution Mr. Hamilton of Tollimore went to Dublin to Represent to his Lordship the number and posture of the Protestants in the North and to invite his Lordship to put himself upon the Head of their Troops But that Noble Lord would not suffer himself to be perswaded by the seeming Advantages of appearing so early and in so considerable a Post for the P. of O. wherein he might by all humane reckoning have turn'd the Ballance of that Kingdom For he wisely considered that tho the Protestants in the North were numerous and arm'd and of Resolution and Courage to excess yet they were Undiciplin'd all Voluntiers and consequently not Party for a form'd Army he told Mr. Hamilton that he did not know what it was to command a Rabble But besides that he had lived Loyal all his Life and would not depart from it in his old age and he was resolved That no Man should write Rebell upon his Gravestone this was his very expression and he pursu'd it for he not only refused to Command the Associators in the North but persuaded them to leave off their mad Enterprise told them they would be ruin'd as it came to pass and Sign'd several Proclamations declaring them Rebels and summoning them to lay down their Arms. Now this Alarme of the intended Massacre and Mr Hamilton's Invitation to the E of Granard to Command the Army of the Northern Association was in the beginning of December 88. about the 6th or 7th and therefore before K. James left England and before the shutting up of Derry against the E. of Antrims Regiment and before Eneskillen refused to quarter the two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy which was the 16th of December 88. as you will see in Hamiltons actions of the Eneskillen Men p. 3. So much has the Authors Information fail'd him when he avers without any hesitation That the shutting up of Derry Gates and this of Eneskillen as avovesaid was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till King James deserted England Though as I have shown before it would not have served much to the use for which our Author brought it if it had been done after the King went away or any time before the Convention declared his Recess to be an Abdication c. But now here is a more material Thing coming and that is The Descent of King James's Army into the North of Ireland in March 1688. Our Author would make us believe That it was wholly Causeless as to any Provocation given by the Protestants but that it was only a Design of my Lord Tyrconnel's to involve the Kingdom in Blood and that therefore he made all the haste he could to send down that Army and that no Perswasions would prevail upon him to defer fending it till the King should come lest there should be any Terms proposed or accepted by the People in the North and so that Country escape being Plundered and Undone This is in his num 10. § 8. of ch 3. p. 106 which has this Title in the Heads of his Discoure viz. Lord Tyrconnel hastned to run them into Blood before King James's Coming In the num before p. 104 105. he tells us there was no Provocation or not Sufficient given for the Descent of that Army and here p. 106. what was the true Cause of it We will Examine both For the first he asserts p. 105. They the Protestants were not so much as summoned by him the Lord Deputy This shows the unreasonable haste and precipitancy of the Lord Deputy To send an Army and enter into Blood without so much as summoning the offending Party But our Author goes on Nor did they the Protestants enter into any act of Hostility or Association or offend any till assaulted But finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy had intrusted with Arms and Employments The Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin entered into Associations to defend themselves from these Robbers their Associations did really reach no farther than this nor did they Attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers except in their own Defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed wherein they were not on the Defensive This was all the Reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels and to charge them in their Proclamation dated March the 7th 1688 with actual Rebellion and with Killing and Murthering several of his Majesties Subjects and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country whereas it was notorious they never kill'd any whom they did not find actually Robbing And for Plundering it is no less notorious that they Preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged when all the rest of Ireland was Destroyed And their great Care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy and made him except from pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North when he sent down Lieut. General Hamilton with an Army which he tells us in the same Proclamation would
Protestants had been educated and particularly he says Lord Mountjoy laboured to prevent this Plot as if he himself had been to perish in it That was for his Pains he needed not to have been so fierce But though their not agreeing among themselves and their being yet tender and unacquainted with Rebellion and therefore started at the first Sin like fearful Sinners tho they had not got rid of the Slavish Non-Resistance Doctrine I believe our Author himself was not quite got off it then yet they had made such Progress at that very Beginning that none discovered this Plot and it may be we should not have known it at this distance if our Author had not oblig'd us with the Discovery for I never heard of it before and he tells us that this was long before K. James deserted England It was when he sent Commissioners to treat with the Prince of Orange But I think under favour that our Author did not do well to make this publick because it does justifie the Suspicion which the Government had of the Protestants there from the beginning But this Author has sometimes a strange faculty of Forgetfulness for in the very next Words after telling of this Plot of the Protestants in Dublin and how prevented p. 98. he says The truth is it was an unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants in the Kingdom that they would not be the Aggressors and they held stedfastly to their Resolution as you have heard The matter is in every Paragraph he is too intent to carry the Point he is upon to the utmost lest it should lose by his telling therefore sometimes he may slip as to the exactness of Truth This is the reason he so often seems to contradict himself and builds that up in one place which he throws down in another Who would not think he had been in earnest p. 226. where telling how Julian the Apostate put off the Primitive Christians Petitions for Justice by telling them their Master advised them to be patient and pronounced them blessed when persecuted And we says this Author did exactly follow this Advice though given in raillery and did not make the least step to right our selves by Force till God's Providence appeared signally for these Kingdoms in raising them up a Deliverer and putting the Crown on their Majesties Heads Thus our Author This was to let People think if they pleased that the Protestants in Ireland did not make the least step to right themselves by Force against King James till the Coronation of K. W. and Q. M. But if that will not pass then our Author saves himself by saying he did not mean that but till God raised them up a Deliverer And when was that I suppose as soon as they knew of the P. of Orange's Design to come and help them and that was as soon as King James himself does charge them with it This Author means they would not take Arms till they thought to do some good with them But why did he joyn these two Terms of the Prince's first Design and his Coronation so close together with the Copulative And as if he had been speaking of the self same Action It was to give you leave to take it for the same it you did not mind it But all this while where is this suffering Persecution which this Author says they did so exactly follow He means they suffered while they could not help it But let us go on to some more of his Matters of Fact Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood The next Paragraph c. 3. § 8. n. 10. p. 106. he says That the War was wholy imputable to my Lord Tyrconnel who could not be prevailed with to defer sending the Army to the North till King James should come who was then soon expected but that he hasted to make the Parties irreconcileable by engaging them in Blood and by letting loose the Army to Spoil and Plunder That my Lord Tyrconnel stood in fear of the North instead of provoking it I have shewn and is to be more at large seen in the above Quoted Narratives But in the next place as to letting loose his Army to Spoil and Plunder The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. William's Army than by K. James's I am sorry we have it to say that they treated the Protestants in the North after all the above said Provocations with much greater Humanity whether then put on or natural I will not dispute than their Fellow-Protestants used them when Scomberg went over about the end of August 1689. who as I am informed by undeniable Vonchers committed ten times more Devastations and Barbarities upon the Protestants in a Month than the Irish did from March to August when all the North except the Towns of Derry and Enneskillen were absolutely in their Power I suppose you will admit Dr. Gorge as a good Evidence in this Case who was at that time Secretary to the General Schâ—mberg and therefore had best reason to know Besides in 〈◊〉 Letter directed to Colonel Hamilton which I have inserted 〈◊〉 2. Appendix he appeals to him whose Estate lies in that Country and it was notorious to all the Protestants there In this Letter the Dr. tells how it was Resolved to treat the Irish Protestants of Ulster rather as Enemies than Friends that the Goods and Stocks of the Protestant Inhabitants once seized by the Enemy were Forfeited and ought not to be Restor'd but given as encouragement to the Soldiers that their the Protestants Oaths and Complaints were neither to be Believed nor Redress'd that so an easier and safer approach might be made to invade the little left them by the Irish That free Quartering was the least Retaliation that Protestants could give for being Restored to their former Estates If you add to these the Pressing of Horses at pleasure Quartering at pleasure Robbing and Plundering at pleasure Denying the People Bread or Seed of their own Corn though the General by his publick Proclamation requires both and some Openly and Publickly contemning and scorning the said Proclamation whereby Multitudes of Families are already reduced for want of Bread and left only to Beg and Steal or Starve These being the Practices and these the Principles and both as well known to you as to me it cannot be wondered that the oppress'd Protestants here should report us worse than the Irish May be you may think that these poor Protestants had provok'd the Army some way No says the Dr. To me it seems most strange but yet it is true that notwithstanding all the Violence Oppression and Wrong done by these the Enneskillen and Derry Forces and other of our Army on the Impoverished Oppressed and Plundered Protestant Inhabitants of this Province Ulster and the little Encouragement and great Discouragements they have had from us yet you know what I esteem as a great Presage of future Good they continue and remain as Firm and Faithful to us as
the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
he has not put it in his Appendix Therefore I have annexed it to this No. 15. I will give you a farther Proof of K. James's Zeal to preserve the Acts of Settlement It is well known that the Address of the Lord Chief Justice Keating in behalf of the Purchasers under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation and the Lord Bishop of Meath's Speech set down at large in this Author's Appendix were subsequent to several Conferences K. J. had with several of the Members of the House of Commons and with a Committee of that House in Presence of the Lord Chief Justice Nugent Lord Chief Baron Rice Judge Daily and Attorney-General Neagle and others of the Privy Council where K J. plainly laid before them the Unreasonableness of their Proceedings That it was not proper to enter upon so great a matter as the destroying the said Acts in time of War when all Parties could not be heard and some of the Roman Catholick Judges declared not only to the King but to the said Committee and to several of both Houses of Parliament and of the Privy Council That it was unjust to break the Acts and destroy Purchasers Widows Orphans Merchants and all Traders on pretence to relieve Widows and Orphans And one of the Roman Catholick Judges did reduce this into Writing and shewed it to the Lord Chief Justice Keating who had a Copy of it as appears under his hand and that the Lord Bishop of Meath had the Perusal of it and as I am credibly informed had a Copy of it All which was before the said Address and Speech and though shotter is as full for the Preservation of the Settlement as the said Address and Speech And it appears plainly by what Duke Powis said from the King to the Earl of Granard c. that K. J. did encourage the Protestant Lords of Parliament to oppose the Repeal of the Acts of Sertlement and therefore their appearing in this matter ought by no means to be made an Objection against K. J. but in truth is an Argument of the pains he took to oppose the Repeal and it would be a Scandal to doubt but that these Protestant Lords meant it at that time sincerely for King James's Service which is farther demonstrable from the Loyal zeal which carried the Lord Bishop of Meath so far as to desire leave from K. J. to attend upon his Majesty to the Boyne to assist him against his Enemies But Achish excused David with Commendations of his Fidelity 1 Sam. 29. His Lordship was likewise one of the Lords Spiritual mentioned in the Address of the Parliament of Ireland to K. J. on the 10th of May 89. which was Printed with K. James's Speech and is here annexed No. 1. In this Address they abhor the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange and the Treason of those who joyned with him in England and Ireland and profess to K. J. with Tongue and Heart That they will ever assert his Rights to his Crown with their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever These are the Words of the Address as you may see in the Appendix Now whether the Trotestant Bishops for no other sat in that Parliament did enter their Protestation against this Address which was made in their Names or whether they did not give their Votes to it themselves know best If they say that they durst not shew their dissent to it for fear of the Irish who would have called it Treason in them I will not argue now how just an Argument Fear is to justifie publick Lying Pâ—rjury and Treachery But if Fear had so great an impression upon themselves how could they at the same time have so little consideration for K. James's Circumstances as to lay such a load upon him for passing the Acts of Attainder and repeal of the Acts of Settlement when they saw him struggle with all his might against it and that the Irish had so little compassion for him not to name Loyalty that they threatned to lay down their Arms and leave him to his Enemies if he did not then immediately pass these Acts and yet they knew that it was highly prejudicial to his Service and consequently if they had thought aright to their own Interest But they were violent found the King was in their Power and made their Advantage of it to the best of their Understandings It is a Melancholy Story if true which Sir Theobald Butler Solicitor General to K. J. in Ireland tells of the D. of Tyrconnel's sending him to K. J. with a Letter about passing some Lands for the said Duke he imploying Sir Theob in his Business gave him the Letter open to read which Sir Theob says he found worded in terms so Insolent and Imposing as would be unbecoming for one Gentleman to offer to another Sir Theob says he could not but represent to the Duke the strange surprise he was in at his treating the King at such a rate and desired to be excused from being the Messenger to give such a Letter into the King's Hands The Duke smiled upon him and told him he knew how to deal with the King at that time that he must have his Business done and for Theobald's scruple he sealed the Letter and told him now the King cannot suppose you know the Contents only carry it to him as from me Sir Theob did so and says he observed the King narrowly as he read it and that His Majesty did shew great Commotion that he changed Colours and Sighed often yet ordered Tyrconnel's Request or Demand rather to be granted Thus says Sir Theobald Many particulars of the like Insolence of these Irish to K. James might be shewn but I would not detain the Reader what I have said is abundantly sufficient to shew how far it was from his own Inclinations either to suffer or do such things as were thus violently put upon him by the Irish in his Extremity Yet nothing of all this it seems has weighed any thing with these Irish Protestants at least with this Author to have any milder Thoughts of K. J. or to confess to the World what they very well know viz. That King James opposed the Passing of the Act of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement all that he could and made use of the Protestants who now accuse him to help him in it And this Truth is so apparent that it forces it self sometimes out of their Mouths who endeavour to conceal it This Author c 3. s 9. n. 12 p. 150. says That K. J. made use of them the Protestant Bishops to moderate by way of Counterpoise the madness of his own Party and yet at another time all the madness of that Party must be charged upon the King And K. J. as this Author in the Heads of his Discourse c 3. s 12. n. 20. division 2. undertakes to prove would not hear the Protestants at the Bar
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
Power which God hath put in our Sovereign's hands This Doctrine we justly glory in and if any that had their Educations in our Church have turned Renegadoes from this they prove no less Enemies to the Church her self than to the Civil Authority So that this Apostacy leaves no Blame on our Church If you think the Titles of Renegado and Apostate to be too plain Dealing I cannot help it they are the Doctors own Words and no dout proceeded from a godly Zâ—al and Indignation against such base Deserters of these Principles of Loialty which are taught by the Church of England in her Homilies Canons Articles and Authentick Records As did likewise that pious Ejaculation of our Author c. 2. s 7. n. 2. p. 29. That he is a very dishonest man that dissembles or alters his Opinion without any other visible motive besides Gain or Preferment And that their living so long in the profession of the Protestant Religion he is speaking of Converts to Popery and you may apply it to the Converts from Passive Obedience to the Doctrine of Resistance and Common-wealth Principles if they did not believe it was to all honest men an Argument of so great Hypocrisie that the person guilty of it one would think should not have been trusted by any that valued either Truth or Honesty but if this Declaration viz of their new Opinion was only feigned as I am apt to believe it was in many then their Conversion was on Effect of Covetousness or Ambition and an Act of Hypocrisie to be ababhorred by all good men However to persuade the World that they were real they were very mischievous to Protestants in general to those whose Principles they had forsaken especeally to those that had been kind to them whil'st in an inferiour condition And it was observable of these Converts That they immediately on their Reconcilement made themselves signal by some eminently wicked Act. Thus our Author And he says p. 31. The truth is they were people that made no distinction between Right and Wrong but as they served their Interest It would perhaps be thought malicious if I should retort every word of this upon our Author in relation to his present Conversion from his former Principles of Loyalty and Passive Obedience And if his present Principles be not true he has hansel'd his Conversion by an Act much more eminently wicked beyond all Comparison by the writing of this Book than what he observes of Converts to Popery in Ireland What Proportion is ' there twixt tossing a Butcher in a Blanket which he tells p. 29. or two or three small Murders in the heat of Blood and breaking a Cryer's head which is set out p. 30 as the first Fruits of these Papists Conversion what Proportion do these bear to a Bishop's deliberate giving up of half the Nation at a time to the Slaughter and Hallowing it in all past and to all suture Generations This I have enlarged upon already Again if his Matters of Fact be false or but in the least aggravated or misrepresented how eminently wicked will this first remarkable Act of our Author's Conversion appear when he takes God to Witness and protests before him p. 239 that he has neither aggravated nor misrepresented But before I take leave of this Author with the rest of his Brethren the Dublin Clergy who remained there and complemented as it proved K. J. with full assurance of their adhering unalterably to their Church of England Loyalty who durst doubt it even with Relation to K. J. after he was declared Abdicate and a new King even K. W. himself set upon the Throne and claiming the Allegiance of his Subjects in Dublin and the rest of Ireland even then did the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Meath at the Head and in the Name of their Dublin Clergy with some others as many as could get thither out of the Country again affirm their Allegiance to K. J. in most express Terms and all the Rhetorick he could invent to perswade K. James into an entire Confidence of their adhering to him as their Rightful King and that it was pursuant to the Principles of the Church of England so to do Which Speech we had here printed two Years agoe together with another of the same Bishop to K. W. when he came to Ireland in the Name of the same Clergy and I have annexed them to this with the Answers of both Kings No. 8. Appendix Now before we part with these Gentlemen I would earnestly desire them to answer me with the same Sincerity with which they addressed to one or both of these Kings Whether it King James had suceeded at the Boyne and been then re-established in England they would have put that Comment upon their Speech to him which they did afterwards in their Speech to K. W And whether if any Man should have charged them for meaning it with that Reserve they would not have called it a base Calumny and sworn to the contrary if K J. had required it at least if an Act of Parliament had been made to have Deprived them if they did not I ask again Whether they would have confest as now they do that they did not mean sincerely in what they Prayed for K. James viz. That God would give him strength to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies Nay farther Whether they would not have boasted of their Loyalty and sincere Intentions towards King James and reproached those of Disaffection to Him who had forsaken Him and of quitting the true Principles of the Church of England and that they were ready to suffer not only much more than they did but even Death it self without Threatning or Reviling much less Resisting the Lord 's Anointed according to the Command of Scripture the Practice of Christ and his Apostles and the Primitive Christians and the express Doctrine of our Homilies c. All these good Words we should have had from themâ— no doubt these only had been the Men of Principles Firmness Courage nay even of Christianity But they are detected God would not suffer such masked Hypocrisie to deceive the World It is told Luke 2.35 as one of the Effects of Christ's coming into the World That the Thoughts of many hearts should be revealed The Behaviour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths This has been remarkably fulfilled in this Revolution but especially in the Clergy There never was so sudden and so shameful a Turn of Men professing Religion and the manner of doing it so impolitick as to make it evident they took the Oaths with at least a doubting and scrupalous Conscience the Sentence of which they may read Rom. 14.23 for they did not take them freely but haggled and kept off some to the last day roaring against them all the while and then coming about all at once with new coyn'd Distinctions and Declarations point blank contrary to the declared Sense of the Imposers They differed among themselves every one had a
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
in Ireland while King James was there will attest the Truth of what I have said I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq who was then Sovereign of Belfast the grearest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland whether upon his Application to King James his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James's Officers and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections they were not severely punished upon the first Application to the King or those commanding under him This is likewise attested by Colonel John Hill present Governor of Fort-William at Innerlochy in Scotland but living at that time in Belfast in his Letter from Belfast to the Sovereign of Belfast then in Dublin inserted No. 25. Appendix and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to shew to none and therefore spoke his mind in it and not to flatter the Government There he tells how well Grievances were redressed and King James's Army kept to strict Discipline I demand further Whether the said Mr. Pottinger did not upon his application to King James obtain leave for the Merchants of Belfast and of the Country about to return from Scotland and other places whither they had fled even after the time limitted by His Majesties Proclamation for their Return And whether upon a second application to His Majesty and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side King James did not grant them time to return without stinting them to any day while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their delay And whether he the said Mr. Pottinger did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Merchants and others then in Scotland And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August 89 yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that time by King James's Order still expecting their Return And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return Nay ever when Schomberg landed and King James was obliged to remove from that Country and leave it to the Enemy Whether he did not give special Directions to Major-General Maxwell then Commanding in Belfast not to suffer any of the Goods of the Protestants to be plundered nor any of the Country to be burnt upon their leaving it And whether these Commands of His Majesty were not punctually observed not only at Belfast but at Lisburn Hillsborough and all that Country and even at Dundalk it self which King James left in good Order for Schomberg to encamp in and make his Frontier his first Campagne Neither will Mr. Pottinger deny That Mr. Thomas Crocker Merchant of Yoghall in the Province of Munster in Ireland and several other Merchants of Yoghall Cork and other places of that Province did complain to him That their Friends which stay'd behind in Ireland while King James was there did make no application in their behalf to King James whether out of negligence or stubbornness which if it had been done they did not doubt but they would have had their Goods preserved for them as they had at Belfast and other places in the North of Ireland indeed in all places which desired it And I likewise desire Mr. Pottinger to tell whether the several Protections he obtained for these parts of the Country about Belfast were not given gratis without any Fees And whether there was any Conditions so much as an Oath required of those who returned and took the benefit of His Majesties Grace And though their taking the Oath of Fidelity to King James was named in one of the Protections granted to Belfast and the Country about here inserted n. 23. Appendix yet whether upon Mr. Pottinger's representing to my Lord Melfort That the Oath might perhaps startle some and hinder their Return his Lordship did not allow Mr. Pottinger and the other Magistrates not to require the said Oaths And whether accordingly the Retinning Protestants and others were not received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them King James had tried the Security of Oaths before They are certain Snares and a very uncertain Security Mr. Pottinger can likewise give Attestation to the Truth of what Secretary Gorge has told in his Letter of King James's not only keeping his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but of the extraordinary kindness he upon all Occasions expressed to the English How several English Ships which came into Belfast some from the Indies who knew not of the War others by stress of Weather or other Causes and were seized by the Irish were always Released by King James were suffered to unload and to load again and pursue their Voyage to England Mr. Pottinger can tell the Ships their Burthen aad their Masters Names Nay King James did not only release particular Ships upon their application but gave general Orders to Major-General Maxwell and others Commanding on the Sea-Coasts in the North and we suppose the like in other places That no English Ship should be disturb'd which came thither Many more Instances might be given but these are sufficient to demonstrate that King James did not only freely grant and inviolably keep his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but extended it likewise to as many of the English as came under his Power though against their Will The French Fleet which carried King James into Ireland took some English Merchant-men while His Majesty was on board and some of the Masters were brought before King James who expecting nothing but Death fell down upon their knees begging their Lives which brought Tears into the King's Eyes and he not only restored them their Ships with all their Effects but ordered two Frigats to attend them and see them safe through all the French Fleet. Dr. Gorge has told you of some severe Examples made in Dublin to shew King James's positive Resolution to protect the Protestants and Mr. Pottinger whom I have quoted as to the North can tell how Lieutenant-General Hamilton when he marched into Lisburn after the Break of Drommore was so far from taking the Plunder of the Country that he caused a Soldier to be shot in the Streets of Lisburn for taking a Silver Spoon from one Mrs. Ellis thâ—â—â—â— Mrs. Ellis and many more of the Protestant Inhabitants did beg his Life The 15th of March 88. the day before the Break of Drommore when the Protestants were generally fled and the Irish thought the Plunder was their own the Lieutenant-General upon Mr. Pottinger's Representation sent immediately his Protection to Belfast which preserved it from 400 Men of the Garison of Carrickfergus which is but 8 miles distance who were on their march to have Plunder'd Belfast but they obeyed the Protection The 23d the Lieutenant-General gave Mr. Pottinger another Protection for Town and Country The 3d of June following Mr. Pottinger had that Protection from King
expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
make a Return of near a Hundred Voices These this Author leaves out Was it for the length do you think No it would have quite Ruined his Plot of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James's holding a Parliament in England 17. Nov. 88. and in Ireland May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom which is indeed no reason and none of the Reason the King gave But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament in all its Circumstances Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland not one but of two Burroughs that is Derry and Enneskillen all the other Burroughs and all the Countys in the Kingdom were in the Kings Hands Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel and of his Ingenuity in Misquoting the King's Answer For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material is a False-witness He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives because they were in the Enemies Hands And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Forreign Enemy being in the Country and the Insurrection of the Subjects A Subject that Rebels and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament is a different Case from his being under a Forreign Power that will not let him come In the first Case he has forfeited his Right to Sit in Parliament and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament because he will not come But in the other Case it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament where so many Members are under a Forreign Power But our Author has protested before GOD That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing and therefore we must suppose That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing or his Reader of viewing these eight words which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius of which I made mention before Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sence of the Words our Author quotes against that Interpretation which he would put upon them And therefore it must be confest that they were very Materially and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author to Misrepresent the Sence of both these Quotations and for an Aggravation against K. James But for the present I shall only say this That where this Author seems most Exact and sets his Quotations as you would think Verbatim in the Mangent that you might suspect nothing as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James's Answer to the Lords there you are chiefly to suspect and you must stand upon your Guard C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius de Jure c. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to shew That Tho' Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully even in the extreamest necessity it would not follow from thence that others might not take Arms in their behalf I know no No-body that sayes it would follow from thence But as to his Quotation Grotius sayes in the very same place That this pretence of Helping others has in all Ages been made use of to colour their Designs who intend to Invade their Neighbors Right Scimus quidem ex Veterib Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur Navigant Piretae ferro utuntur Latrones and that meer Possession does not give Right for that there are Pirats and Robbers who get things by Force All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it But I cannot imagin to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book Lib. 2. c. 20. § 40. Where he tells us That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another than our selves by how much there is less Danger that the sense of anothers Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge than of our own or Byass our judgment By this Rule he that Avenges the Injuries done to another must have no By-Ends of his own no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge else it may Byass his Judgment and make him Exceed in his Revenge viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason to Seize upon all he has for himself How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produc'd it I leave to himself to consider But I will make an end of this unsavory Subject raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Mans Malice does betray him I will give but one Instance more upon this Head You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government but only defending themselves against Robbers nor Acted against these Robbers till actually Assaulted by them c. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. § 13. p. 178. as it is printed for it is wrong pag'd it ought to be p. 186. n. 4. He forgets this and gives several Reasons why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors as That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty from the Odium and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had That the Protestants were extreamly Cautious not to give the least offence That it would hurt K. James's Interest in England c. The Matter is he was here Answering the Objection That very few Protestants lâ—st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true and it was a severe Objection For to represent a Man as the most Bigotted and Merciless Tyrant that design'd no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book and then when he has Subdu'd these Subjects of his and Redâ—c'd them by Arms after what to be sure he thought Rebellion in them and their Proclaiming another for their King and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him and those under his Power Betraying him all they could aâ—d deserting him every day which gave him just Grounds to believe that they wou'd all as they did joyn with the P. of Orange when he Landed These were the Greatest Provocations can be suppos'd and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he design'd to Destroy And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster to find that he Kills none
And therefore to be Lov'd by the People and kept Great and Inviolable as their Greatest Security and Glory The Author's Conclusion Protestation of his Sincerity It is now time to come to a Conclusion If I have not tyred you I am sure I have my self I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Authors Conclusion p. 239. Wherein he protests before God That he has not Aggravated or Mis-represented the Proceedings against us out of Favour or Affection to a Party c. By this he would seem as equal to the Irish as to the English to the Papist as to the Protestant For which I must Refer you to what has been already said But if this had been his Principle why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King for choosing to trust Papists in his Army and even to prefer them to the Protestants Is it not the same reason as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army And if in such a Case you could not sind persons so Qualify'd as you desire would you not take the best you could get and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves This Author knows very well this was King James's Case with the Irish That there was not a Gentleman among them but was employ'd My Lord Chief Justice Keating in his Letter to Sir John Temple 29. Decemb. 88. sayes The Roman Catholick Nobâ—â—â—â—y and Gentry of the Kingdom are Vniversally concerned in the present Army and in that which is to be rais'd p. 351. of this Authors Book But he King James was forc'd to take in the Scum likewise to make up an Army Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employ'd by King James And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James's Government and above all of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration which the most of any one thing brought on the Misfortunes of his Master But when by what means soever things were brought to that pass that K. James was deserted by England and the Protestants in Ireland no Man in his Senses can blame him for making use of the Irish nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming Inlisting Arraying them c. In doing whereof considering the great Trust reposed in him no man of Honour or Moral Honesty can truly blame him Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating as inserted by this Author p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating was a firm Protestant and a Man of Sense And this Author does Confess p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88. Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost He says p. 166. That without any Necessity at all he K. James threw himself upon these People he Encourag'd them he Armed them gave Commissions even to those that had been Torys c. Some such perhaps he might Employ I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time and no Notice taken of it but it was because he could get no better as is said above But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men cannot have common Sence in it unless this Author thinks that at that time the Protestants of Ireland would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange and so that he had no need of the Irish If that be our Authors meaning I hope he will Explain himself And likewise whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case which he protest before GOD he does not when he assures us p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions Why Was there any Dragooning in Ireland such as we have heard of in France Yes Our Author tells us C. 3. § 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants Terrible Dragooning Pray what was this It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader some Exquisit Torture Protestant Bridles or some-thing like Amboina Parturiunt Montes The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24. Feb. 88. But what Occasion was there for this Disarming What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants All the Protestants Generally in Vlster Connoght and Munster in all Ireland except Dublin and other Parts of Linster whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe with what Forces he had were then actually in Armes in Opposition to the Government and had enter'd into Associations to carry on their War But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that But this Author tells us in the same Section p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself and the Castle of Dublin with the Stores Ammunition c. But when was this It was says the Author when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange This was very early And what if the â—râ—nce had Aâ—cepâ—â—d of a Treaty How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed But they were resolv'd to Anticipate all this And not to wait even the Princes Commands They were for Supererogation and to shew Zeal Extraordinary But after all if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the Kings Army or if they were not well Arm'd the Government might have over look'd their Rashness and let them alone In Answer to this our Author tells in the same Place That they K. Jame's Army were but a Handful to the Protestants there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone to have dealt with them And p. 111. That they the Protestants had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid and to beat them too if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason Is there a Man in his Senses that had to do with these People in the Circumstances they and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood but would have Disarm'd them if he could And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning is betraying of his Cause It is rendring the whole Suspected To Aggravate things beyond the Truth does not make them more but nothing at all What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against